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The Electricity Crisis in Zambia: blackouts and …...coal or diesel generated power such as solar...
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1 The Electricity Crisis in Zambia: blackouts and social stratification in new mining towns by Rita Kesselring, Social Anthropology, University of Basel accepted version, author manuscript, published in Energy Research & Social Science, no. 30: 94-102 available online at https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214629617301858 Abstract In Zambia, privately-owned copper mines consume more than half of the electrical energy produced. By contrast, only 22% of private households are connected to the national grid. Against this background, the paper analyses energy distribution in Zambia's Northwestern Province, where new copper mines have opened following the hike in copper prices during the 2000's. Unlike rural families, residents in the three new urban centres in theory have access to electricity. Since 2015, however, the country suffers from an electricity crisis partly as a result of poor rainfalls in the 2014/2015 season. In a situation of undersupply, the mine keeps unlimited access to electricity which privileges its operations and the housing areas. Daily blackouts for the rest of the town entrench existing inequalities and produce new ones. Based on long-term ethnographic research, the paper examines how electrical infrastructure and the possibility for forms of sociality relate both in the everyday and in the political discourse. I show how unequal electrical infrastructure contributes to the structuring of people into new social classes, and how, consequently, infrastructure is political from the start. By reflecting on the political and social consequences of unequal electricity supply, I provide preliminary thoughts on an energy distribution ethic. Introduction In the Republic of Zambia, 78% of households are champions in using “green” substitutes to nuclear, coal or diesel generated power such as solar panels, wood and charcoal (Central Statistical Office Zambia 2013, 25). And unlike many of its neighbouring countries and countries in the global North, Zambia relies on hydropower for 94% of its electrical energy. However, this still raises critical questions about the ethics of energy systems. The problem is not so much environmental sustainability of production as justice of distribution: Mining companies use half of the country’s electrical energy for their operations, while only 22% of households have access to electrical power. Zambia usually has sufficient rainfall to fill its dams and sell surplus power to neighbouring countries. Until recently, electricity supply has never been considered as a problem in official discourse. This changed in 2015 when for the first time there was insufficient electricity to supply all customers. Cuts started to be inflicted onto domestic customers, so that today, in Gupta’s words for India, “being connected to the grid and having electricity are two different issues” (2015, 559). As a result of poor rainfall in the 2014/2015 rainy season, electricity shortages, so-called “load shedding”, now happen across the country and affect all actors – albeit unequally. Households which are not connected to the national grid are also indirectly affected by the power crisis, which, among other things let’s prices for staple foods (such as maize and oil) rise and makes public services even less reliable. In
Transcript of The Electricity Crisis in Zambia: blackouts and …...coal or diesel generated power such as solar...
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TheElectricityCrisisinZambia:blackoutsandsocialstratificationinnewminingtowns
byRitaKesselring,SocialAnthropology,UniversityofBasel
acceptedversion,authormanuscript,publishedinEnergyResearch&SocialScience,no.30:94-102availableonlineathttps://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214629617301858Abstract
InZambia,privately-ownedcopperminesconsumemorethanhalfoftheelectricalenergyproduced.Bycontrast,only22%ofprivatehouseholdsareconnectedtothenationalgrid.Againstthisbackground,thepaperanalysesenergydistributioninZambia'sNorthwesternProvince,wherenewcoppermineshaveopenedfollowingthehikeincopperpricesduringthe2000's.Unlikeruralfamilies,residentsinthethreenewurbancentresintheoryhaveaccesstoelectricity.Since2015,however,thecountrysuffersfromanelectricitycrisispartlyasaresultofpoorrainfallsinthe2014/2015season.Inasituationofundersupply,theminekeepsunlimitedaccesstoelectricitywhichprivilegesitsoperationsandthehousingareas.Dailyblackoutsfortherestofthetownentrenchexistinginequalitiesandproducenewones.Basedonlong-termethnographicresearch,thepaperexamineshowelectricalinfrastructureandthepossibilityforformsofsocialityrelatebothintheeverydayandinthepoliticaldiscourse.Ishowhowunequalelectricalinfrastructurecontributestothestructuringofpeopleintonewsocialclasses,andhow,consequently,infrastructureispoliticalfromthestart.Byreflectingonthepoliticalandsocialconsequencesofunequalelectricitysupply,Iprovidepreliminarythoughtsonanenergydistributionethic.
Introduction
IntheRepublicofZambia,78%ofhouseholdsarechampionsinusing“green”substitutestonuclear,
coalordieselgeneratedpowersuchassolarpanels,woodandcharcoal(CentralStatisticalOffice
Zambia2013,25).AndunlikemanyofitsneighbouringcountriesandcountriesintheglobalNorth,
Zambiareliesonhydropowerfor94%ofitselectricalenergy.However,thisstillraisescritical
questionsabouttheethicsofenergysystems.Theproblemisnotsomuchenvironmental
sustainabilityofproductionasjusticeofdistribution:Miningcompaniesusehalfofthecountry’s
electricalenergyfortheiroperations,whileonly22%ofhouseholdshaveaccesstoelectricalpower.
Zambiausuallyhassufficientrainfalltofillitsdamsandsellsurpluspowertoneighbouringcountries.
Untilrecently,electricitysupplyhasneverbeenconsideredasaprobleminofficialdiscourse.This
changedin2015whenforthefirsttimetherewasinsufficientelectricitytosupplyallcustomers.Cuts
startedtobeinflictedontodomesticcustomers,sothattoday,inGupta’swordsforIndia,“being
connectedtothegridandhavingelectricityaretwodifferentissues”(2015,559).Asaresultofpoor
rainfallinthe2014/2015rainyseason,electricityshortages,so-called“loadshedding”,nowhappen
acrossthecountryandaffectallactors–albeitunequally.Householdswhicharenotconnectedto
thenationalgridarealsoindirectlyaffectedbythepowercrisis,which,amongotherthingslet’s
pricesforstaplefoods(suchasmaizeandoil)riseandmakespublicservicesevenlessreliable.In
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additiontothat,thecommoditypriceboomwhichstartedintheearly2000sturnedintoabustin
2015again.Currently,thepricesaredowntoabouthalfofwhattheywereattheirpeakin2011.In
combinationwithlowglobalcopperprices,energyshortageshaveaffectedZambia’sexportsandthe
Kwacha’sexchangerates.Ithasbecomeclearthatalthoughhydro-electricpowerisarenewable
sourceofenergy,itisnotnecessarilyareliablesourceofenergy(forasimilarsituationinAccra,
Ghana,seeSilver2015).Thissituationdoesnotaffectallpeopleequally;whenelectricitybecame
scarcer,italsobecameevenmoreunevenlydistributed.
AlthoughZambiahasacentury-longhistoryofextraction,thecasesIconsiderinthisarticlearenew
sitesofmineralextraction.TheempiricalfieldofenquiryistheSolweziregionintheNorthwestern
ProvinceofZambia.Intheregion,threelarge-scalemineshavebeenopenedsince2003inreaction
totherecoveryofglobalcopperprices.Threenewurbancentreshavedevelopedaroundthethree
mines;therestoftheregionconsistsofsomeperi-urbanandmainlyrurallocalities.Powerlinesand
electricalpowerhaveonlyrecentlybeenintroducedasaninfrastructuretoalargepartofthearea.
Studyingelectricalpowerinthisregionisparticularlyinterestingbecausewecanwitnesstheparallel
developmentofruralelectrification,anordinaryalbeitslowprocessacrossthecountry,andmassive
electro-infrastructuraldevelopment,thatis“selectivelyterritorializedinvestment”(Ferguson2005)
throughprivateminingcompaniestryingtosecureunhinderedextractioninselectedonshore
“enclaves”(Appel2012a).
Iconductedethnographicresearchintheregionfor14monthsbetween2013and2016,which
includedinterviewsandconversationswithlocalstateofficialsandmineemployees,butmostofall
participantobservationinthedailylifeofordinarytowndwellersinarapidlyurbanizingregion.This
researchenablesmetoshowhowunevenaccesstoelectricitycontributestosocialstratification.I
examineprocessesthatresultintheorderingofpeopleintodifferentiated,hierarchicallylayered
groups(socialdifferentiation)whosemembersareawareofthediscrepancybetweenthemand
membersofanothergroup(socialstratification).Whilesocialdifferentiationisnotnecessarilya
problemfortheactorsandgroupsinvolved,forittobecalledsocialstratification,itrequirestheir
judgment.Infrastructure,asIwillshow,hasconstitutivepower.Studyingthewaysinwhichlackof
electricpoweraffectssocialrelationsgivesuscluesaboutwhatmighthappenintheglobalNorth
whenethicaldilemmasofdistributionriseintimesofcrisis,naturaldisaster,shortageorextreme
increaseofprices.Tobesure,myaimhereisnottoreducetheglobalSouthtoatestinggroundfor
possiblefuturescenariosintheglobalNorth.Rather,thefocusonelectricityasthekeyfactorfora
productiveprivatizedextractiveindustrypointstotherelianceoftheglobalNorthonthenatural
resourcesfromtheSouth(suchascopper,cobaltandgoldfromZambia),andtheneedtoaddress
questionsof(re)distributionandsustainabilitywithaglobaloutlook.Inotherwords,thepoliticsof
energydistributiononthisextractivefrontieroftheglobaleconomyareaffectednotonlybylocal
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andnationalforces,butbyglobalforcesaswell.Inthisarticle,Ithusproposetoexpandthefocusof
whatweshouldbetalkingaboutwhenwethinkabouttheethicalimplicationsofgrowinghuman
relianceonelectricity.Iwillproposesomepreliminarythoughtsonanenergydistributionethics.
Afterabriefoverviewofstudiesonelectricityinthesocialsciences(1),Ilookattheenergyand
miningsectorinZambia(2)andinanewminingregion(theSolweziregion)morespecifically(3).I
explorehowplanningprocessesofanew“companytown”,Kalumbila,andtheexpansionofthe
nationalgridcontributetosocialstratification(4).Ithenpresentethnographicdataonhowurban
residentsdealwithdailypoweroutagesinSolwezitown,anoldadministrativeandsincerecently
boomingminetown(5).Unequalenergydistributionandthepowercrisisprovideeveryday
experiencesofin-andexclusion.Assuch,itisapoliticalandincreasinglypoliticisedtopic,whichturns
intoasourceforordinarytownresidentstocriticizethelocalelite(6).Intheconclusion(7),Iprovide
somepreliminarythoughtsonaglobalenergydistributionethics.
1ElectricityandSociality
Electricalinfrastructurehasbeenstudiedfromavarietyofscholarlyperspectives,beitDeleuzeian,
Foucauldianorwithanontologicalapproach(Bennett2005;Boyer2015).1Whilealargepartofthe
literatureonenergyisbasedontheexperienceoftheomnipresenceofelectricalenergyinWestern
countries(Sovacool2014,22),manyscholarshavealsocriticizedtheunderlyingassumptionthat
electricityisallpervasive,connectsallspheresofeverydaylife,andthat“weconvenientlyignore
wholeelectroscapesuntilsomethinggoeswrong”(Boyer2015).Bystudyingelectricityin“imperfect”
contexts,scholarspointouttheunevengeographiesofurbanenergynetworks(e.g.Luque-Ayalaand
Silver2016a)andshowparallelsbetweenunevenenergydistributionandinequalityintheglobal
South(eg.LoveandGarwood2016;Gupta2015;Winther2016).Someresearchersfocusontheways
theideaofelectricityasapublicgoodtriggersprotestactionsamongthosewhodonothaveaccess
toit(AlexandriandChatzi2016;Kirsch2005,2016;Schnitzler2016);othersfocusontherelation
betweenelectricityandurbanpolitics(Luque-AyalaandSilver2016).Mycontributiondrawsonthis
criticalcorpusofstudiesofelectricitynetworksthatcentresoninequalityandpowerinrelationto
energyinfrastructure.
Unsurprisingly,thereisanumberofstudiesexaminingakeycharacteristicof“imperfect”electrical
powerhead-on:blackouts(cf.Silver2015).InherarticleCircuitsandCurrents:Dynamicsofdisruption
inNewYorkCityBlackouts,Rupp(2016)examineswhathappenedduringfourblackoutsinNewYork
Citybetween1965and2012.Sheshowsthatblackoutsproducesomekindofliminalitywhere
1Foranoverviewoftheethnographic,anthropologicalandsociologicalliteratureonenergy,seetheintroductiontothisspecialissue(HighandSmith,thisissue),andforsomechallengesfacingsocialscientificresearchonenergy,seeStirling(2014).
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peoplestartrelatingtooneanotherdifferently.Fromthisinsight,shederiveselectricity’sthreemain
characteristics:itisinvisible,indispensableandomnipresent.Shethenprojectsthisemergent
liminalityduringblackoutstobygonetimes.Beforewewerecompletelydefinedbythepowerof
electricity,sheargues,peoplelivedasMitmenschen(peoplelivingwithoneanother).Today,welive
asNebenmenschen,thatisalongsideoneanother(Schütz1967).2
ItakethedistinctionbetweenMitmenschenandNebenmenschensocialityasananalyticaltoolfor
livedrelatedness,andexaminehowgroupsofpeopleshiftbetweenMitmenschenand
Nebenmenschenrelationshipsinlightofthegoverningeffectsofelectricalinfrastructure.InZambia,
andinthebroaderSouthernAfricanregionforthatmatter,whereelectricityisanemerging
infrastructure(cf.WintherandWilhite2015),electricenergyisvisible,dispensableandfaulty.Inthe
contemporaryZambiancontextoffaultyenergysupply,humanrelationsaremostlikelynotas
unproblematicassuggestedforbygonetimesbeforecompleteelectrification(cf.Platt1991).Inthis
article,IthusseektotracktheroleofelectricitytohelpcreateformsofMitmenschenand
Nebenmenschensociality.
Infrastructureisamanifestationofinequalities,dominationandcontrol,butitalsohelpstocreate
formsofgovernanceandsocialdifferentiation.Electricityplayacrucialroleinthisprocess.Iagree
withBoyer’ssuggestiontoexpandFoucault’sbiopowerwith“energopower”(2014).Toexplorethe
effectsofafaulty,unreliableandvisibleinfrastructureanditsrelationshiptogoverningattempts,I
hencealsodrawonLatour(2007).WithLatour,Iunderstandenergyasasocio-politicalandeconomic
field“whereanythingthatdoesmodifyastateofaffairsbymakingadifference”(2007,71)mustbe
considered.Electricalinfrastructureplaysaroleinhumaninteraction.Agency,asLatoursuggests,
springsfromourinteractionwithhumanandnon-humanentities;anotionBaradconfirmedas
“intra-action”(2003).Itakethisinsightintomaterialefficacyasastartingpointtofocusonthe
creationofsocialgroupsthroughinfrastructuralgovernanceprocesses,ontheonehand,andthe
possibilitiesofrelatingtooneanotheracrossthesegroups,ontheother.
2Zambia’sEnergyandMiningSector
Eversincecopperwasfirstminedcommerciallyinthelate1920sundertheBritishSouthAfrica
Company,theminingsectorhasconstitutedthebackboneoftheeconomyinwhattodayisZambia.
Inthecourseofninetyyearsofindustrializationandurbanization,poorandruralcommunitieshave
oftenbeenremovedfromtheirhomestomakespaceforlargeinfrastructureprojects.Themost
prominentexampleinZambianhistoryistheresettlementofapproximately57.000peopleforthe
2Gupta(2015)makesasimilarargumentforNorthIndianvillagesbeforeelectrificationinthemid-1980s.
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constructionofKaribaDaminthe1950s,thethenbiggestman-madedambuilttoservetheminesin
theCopperbelt(Colson1971;McGregor2009;Tischler2013).
Today,theprivatelarge-scalecopperminesarestillthebiggestconsumersofelectricity.Zambiahas
twomainsourcesofelectricity:thehydroelectricpowerplantsattheKafueGorgeandtheKariba
Dam(KaribaNorthandKaribaNorthBankExtension).Together,theyproduceabout94%ofZambia’s
electricitysupply(EnergyRegulationBoard2016,3);therestcomesfromdiesel,heavyfueloiland
solargenerationplants.Poorrainfallduringthe2014/2015rainyseasonresultedinlowdamwater
levelsandconsequentlyaconsiderableshortfallofsupplyofelectricity.Anotherreasonforlower
energyproductionispoorgenerationcapacityoftheKaribapowerplant.Firstly,statecriticssaythat
newChineseturbinesworkedinefficiently,and,secondly,anincreasinglyunsoundwallthreatensthe
dam’sstabilityandwouldurgentlynecessitaterehabilitationwork.Thiscameontopofeconomic
challengeslinkedtoaslumpincopperprices,mainlyduetosinkingdemandfromChina,which
purchasesabout40percentofcopperproducedglobally.
Themainelectricityprovider,ZambiaElectricitySupplyCorporationLimited(ZESCO),wasestablished
in1970andtheGovernmentisthesoleshareholder.ZESCOengagesincross-bordertradingof
electricitythroughtheSouthernAfricanPowerPoolandbilateralmarkets.Typically,Zambiaexports
fivetimesmoreelectricitythanitimports,butin2014/2015,itspowerimportsincreasedbymore
than6000percent(EnergyRegulationBoard2016,8).Amidstcomplaintsaboutbadperformance
andinefficiencyofstate-runZESCO,callsforprivatizationareontherise.3TheZambiangovernment
attemptstoinvestinnewelectricalinfrastructure.Duetolackoffunds,ittriestoengageinpublic-
privatepartnershipsorlooksfordonorfunding.Thestatetriestoattractinvestorstosetupsolar
projectsforaffordableelectricityinruralareas(BMWi2016).Atthe2016AnnualMeetingofthe
AfricanDevelopmentBankinLusaka(23–27May2016)underthethemeofEnergyandClimate
Change,thedelegateforZambia,ZESCO’sManagingDirector,arguedthat“LightingupandPowering
Africa”–oneoftheADB’sfivepriorityareas–couldonlybecomerealitythroughpublic-private
partnerships.4Mostrecently,theMinistryofEnergystartednegotiationswithChinaandRussiain
relationtoplanstosetupnuclearenergyinfrastructure.5Also,theEuropeanUnionsigneda
€65milliongrant–co-financedwiththeEuropeanInvestmentBank–torehabilitatethelowvoltage
distributionnetworkandinstallnewconnectionsintheLusakaCityarea.6Upto2017,however,
3Latein2016,thegovernmentannounceditsintentiontoprivatiseStateOwnedEnterprisesincludingZESCO,whichwasfiercelyopposedbytheunions.https://www.lusakatimes.com/2016/11/29/zesco-workers-oppose-pending-privatisation/4http://www.afdb.org/en/annual-meetings-2016/5https://diggers.news/local/2017/05/17/zambia-moves-closer-to-nuclear-energy-production/(ZambiamovesclosertoNuclearenergyproduction,17May2017,NewsDiggers,online.6https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/18954/european-union-signs-eu65-million-grant-zambia-improve-access-energy_en
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thesepartnershipshaveonlyproduceddeclarationsofintentandcouldnotrevertthepowercrisis.
Loadsheddinghastheeffectofaviciouscircle,asitdecreasesproductioncapacitywhichinturn
leadstomoreloadshedding.
In2015and2016,plannedandunplannedloadsheddingbecamethenorm.Tariffsfordomestic
consumersincreased(EnergyRegulationBoard2016,23),adecisionwhichwasfirstreversedby
PresidentLunguinJanuary2016whenhiselectioncampaignforre-electioninAugust2016started
togainmomentum,butwasapprovedbytheEnergyRegulationBoardandimplementedinMay
2017.7FortheperiodbetweenSeptembertoDecember2015,forinstance,therewasapowerdeficit
ofaround560to1.000MW(peakdemandwouldbe2.616MW)(EnergyRegulationBoard2016,1).
Asaresult,ZESCOincreasedthefrequencyanddurationofloadshedding.In2015and2016,the
majorityofhouseholds,butalsocommercialandindustrialconsumersacrossthecountry,often
experiencedeightormorehoursofpowercutsperday.Theminesare,however,largelyexempt
fromcuts.
MiningconstitutesthebackboneoftheZambianeconomy.Thecountry’seconomichistorycanbe
explainedalongfluctuationsofglobalcopperprices.Fiveyearsafterindependencein1964,the
mineswerenationalized.UndertheregimeofthenationalizedZambiaConsolidatedCopperMines
(ZCCM),electricitywasoftenfreeforworkersandtheirfamilies,togetherwithwater,education,
healthprovision,transportation,andhousing.Inthe1970s,globalcopperpricesdroppedasaresult
oftheoilcrisis,andtheZambianstatehassincestruggledtoprovideandmaintainpublic
infrastructureacrossthecountry.Between1997and2002,aspartoftheWorldBankStructural
AdjustmentProgram,thestate’sZCCMwasunbundledintounitsandsoldofftointernational
investorsinaccordancewiththenewMinesandMineralsActof1995(FraserandLungu2007;Fraser
andLarmer2010).Whentheminesweresoldtoforeigninvestors,special‘developmentagreements’
weresignedbetweenthestateandtheinvestors,containingprovisionswhichlaterproveda
hindrancetocollectrevenue(Lungu2008).Theprovisionsallowedminestooutsourcesomeofthe
operationstocontractorswhichdirectlyledtocasualizationofworkers.Thecompanieswerealso
exemptfrompaymentoftaxesonelectricityforacertainperiodoftime.Shortlyafterre-
privatizationoftheminesintheearly2000s,thecompaniesprofitedfromChina’sgrowthandthe
ensuinghighglobalcopperprices.Theminesmainlyneedelectricityforprovidingundergroundmine
ventilation,forhaulingoreoutoftheground,forcrushingoreandextractingcopperbyelectrolysis.
7https://www.lusakatimes.com/2016/01/03/president-lungu-u-turns-on-new-electricity-tariffs/InMay2017,theEnergyRegulationBoardapprovedZESCO’sapplicationtoincreaseelectricitytariffsby50%effectiveMay1,2017,and25%bySeptember1,2017.TheERB’spressstatementcanbeaccessedhere:http://www.erb.org.zm/press/statements/tariffDecisionSpeech10.05.2017.pdfandtherevisedelectricitytariffseffectiveonMay15here:http://www.erb.org.zm/downloads/eregulation/erbApprovedTariffScheduleMay2017.pdf(lastaccessedMay17,2017)
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Theexpansionofminingactivitiesintheearly2000spossiblycontributedtothepowercrisis.Most
minespurchaseenergyfromtheCopperbeltEnergyCorporation(CEC),whichhasabulksupply
agreementwithZESCO.8CECgrewoutofZCCMin1997andisanindependentcompanylistedonthe
LusakaStockExchange,whichtransmitsenergypurchasedfromZESCOanddistributesittothe
miningindustryontheCopperbeltandintheNorthwesternProvinceathighvoltage.
Eveniftheywereconnectedtothegrid,manyZambianscannotaffordtopayforelectricity,excluded
fromwhatMcDonald(2008b)callselectriccapitalism.AcrossZambia,inruralandurbanhouseholds,
themainsourceusedforlightingisthecandle(27.7%in2010),followedbyelectricityfromthepublic
grid(22%),paraffin(20.3%)andsolarpower(2.9%)(CentralStatisticalOfficeZambia2013,25ff.).In
ruralhouseholds,electricityasasourceoflightingisusedby3.1%ofhouseholdsonly,contraryto
49.8%inurbanareas.AcrosstheNorthwesternProvince,only8.1%ofhouseholdsuseelectricityfor
lighting.Forcooking,woodisthemainsourceofenergy,usedby53.4%ofhouseholdsacross
Zambia,followedbycharcoal(29.1%)andelectricity(16.9%).Inruralareas,cookingwithwood(85%)
orcharcoal(12.2%)isevenmorewidespread,whileonly2.1%ofruralhouseholdsuseelectricityfor
preparingmeals.Inurbanareas,electricityisusedby38.6%aftercharcoal(53.9%)andbeforewood
(7%).Again,theNorthwesternProvinceisbelowaverageintermsofitsaccesstoelectricity;only
5.3%ofhouseholdsuseelectricpowertocooktheirmeals.Thesenumbersshowthatfarmersinthe
ruralpartsoftheSolweziregionaregenerallygrapplingwiththelackofaccesstoelectricity.For
them,nothavingelectricpowertolightorcookisrathernormal.
Whileallhouseholdswhohaveaccesstoelectricityweresubjecttoloadshedding,theminingsector
furtherincreasedthedifferentiationbetweenhouseholdsandtheminingsector.Thisfavoured
treatmentisanexpressionofthesector’seconomicpowerandunequalaccesstodecisionmakers.
Theminingsectorisinfactoneofthefewsectorsthatincreaseditspowerconsumptionfrom2014
to2015by6.4%.Itconsumed54,5,%ofthetotalelectricityin2015,followedbythedomesticsector
with30,4%(EnergyRegulationBoard2016,9).
3TheSolweziRegion:anewminingarea
AcrossZambia,themainurbanareasaresuppliedwithelectricitythroughthenationalgrid,whilein
someruralareas,electricityismainlysuppliedbydieselgeneratorsrunbyZESCO.Thedieselpower
generationplantsproduceathighoperativecosts,donothavesufficientcapacityforallthe
residents,areunreliable,andproducehighgaseousemissions.Zambiathusnotonlyfacesa“severe
powercrisis”(BMWi2016)inrelationtocurrentdemand,but,accordingtotheGermanFederal
MinistryforEconomicAffairsandEnergy(BMWi2016),shouldfurtherexpanditsnationalgridto
8http://www.energyafrica.de/fileadmin/user_upload/Energy_Africa_15/Presentation_9th_German_African_Energy_Forum_2015_Copperbelt_Energy_Corporation_Zambia.pdf
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replacecostlyandenvironmentallyunfriendlydieselpowergenerationplants.TheNorthwestern
Provinceisattheinterfaceoftwoparallel,somewhatuncoordinatedprocesses:ruralelectrification
andtheminingcompanies’ownanxietytosecuresufficientsupplyforitsoperations.
TheNorthwesternProvinceisonlypartlyconnectedtothenationalgrid.Therearethreesubstations
intheprovince:inSolwezi,KasempaandLumwana(seetable1).In2012,theZambiaEnvironmental
ManagementAgency(ZEMA)approvedtheconnectionoffivemoredistrictstothenationalgridat
132kilovolts(kV).ThepowersupplywilloriginatefromthetwosubstationsKasempa(toMufumbwe,
Kabompo,ZambeziandChavuma)andLumwana(toMwinilunga).9Ofthefivedistricts,only
Mwinilungahadbeenconnectedtothegridatthetimeofwriting.10
TheNorthwesternProvince,borderingonAngolatothewestandontheDRCtothenorth,isanew
miningprovinceandhosttothreenewlarge-scalemineswhichopenedafter2003,followingtherise
inglobalcopperprices.TheNorthwesternProvinceofZambiahasbeenanotoriouslyneglected
regionofeverypost-independencegovernment(Peša2014a,2014b).Theprovincehasalwaysbeen
seenasanoppositionregionandwasneverapriorityforthestatehouse–neitherunderKenneth
Kaunda’sone-partyregimefrom1973to1991norunderanygovernmentorpartysince1991.The
openingofthemineshappenedagainstthebackdropofnewtechnologiesenablingtheextractionof
oreinthisparticularenvironment.Thethreenewminesspreadacrossanareaof140km;andeachof
themineshasspurredthegrowthofatown.11
9EIADecisionLetter:ProposedConnectionofNorth-westernProvincetotheNationalGridat132kVbyZESCOLimited,4January2012.10Inaddition,anewdistrict,whichwasformedbythestatutoryinstrumentin2016,MushindamoDistrict,isalsoconnected.11Uptolastyear,allofthemwereinonedistrict,SolweziDistrict.Butinlate2015,thelargedistrictwasdividedintothree,thewesternofwhich,calledKalumbilaDistrict,nowhostsLumwanaandKalumbilamine.ThesecondnewdistrictiscalledMushindamoDistrict,eastofSolwezi.
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Table1:http://www.eiz.org.zm/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/2013-10th-July-North-CPD-Presentatation-ZESCO.pdf
Inthisarticle,Ilookattwooftheprovince’sthreetowns,SolweziandKalumbila.Solwezitownwas
setupasacentreforthecolonialadministrationin1901“toadminister,serviceandsupportthe
miningfunction”(Maimbolwa1980,177)andtodayistheprovincialcapitaloftheNorthwestern
Province.TenkilometresnorthofthecentreofthetownisKansanshiMine,anopen-pitminewhich
laiddormantforalmostacentury.KansanshiMiningPlc(KMP),80%ownedbyCanada-basedFirst
QuantumMinerals(FQM),iscurrentlythebiggestcopperminebyoutputinAfrica.
Withinthepastfewyears,Solwezitownhasbecomeabustling,denselypopulatedandrapidly
expandingtown(Negi2009,2010,2011,2014).ForZambians,economicliberalizationbrought
insecurity,increasedcasualizationofemployment,reducedwages,andfiercecompetitionforthe
fewjobsleftinwhatisgrowingintoahighlymechanizedindustry(FraserandLarmer2010;Fraser
andLungu2007;Mususa2010,2012).Asaresultofthis,FQM’sarrivalinSolwezispurredmassivein-
migrationfromother,olderminingtownsandfromtheruralareas.Solwezitownhasgrownfroma
50’000toestimated266’000inhabitantswithinthepasttenyearsonly(PreussandSchmidt-
Eisenlohr2016,61).Thetownhasattractedbusiness-mindedpersonsandsuppliersfromthe
neighbouringprovinceCopperbeltandotherregions,andtheopeningoftheminealsobrought
publicandprivateinfrastructuretothetown:thetarringofsomemainpublicroadsandthefirst
Shoprite,aSouthAfrican-ownedsupermarket(Negi2009,57).
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ThenationalgridtodayextendstoLumwanaminefurtherwestbutdoesnotreachKalumbilayet,the
secondtowninwhichIconductedresearch.Kalumbilahasaverydifferenthistoryandoutlookfrom
Solwezi.Thetownisaplannedcompanytownnexttoanewmine,theSentinelcopperminewhich
formspartofthelargerTridentProject.Themineopenedinathinlypopulatedareaofsmall-scale
cash-cropfarming.Today,duetotheinfluxofworkseekers,itisabustlingcentreintheregion.In
termsofelectricity,themineandthetownstillrelyonitsowndiesel-drivenplantthatsupplies
roughly200MWofelectricity.Atthetimeofwriting,Kalumbilawaitstobeconnectedtothenational
gridthroughZESCO.
Thecentralstateis,intheory,keentodevelopthispreviously–andinlargepartsstill–rural
province,whichisearmarkedforeconomicgrowthinthemining,manufacturing,agriculturaland
eventourismsectors.Ontheonehand,however,itstrugglestofundtheregion’sdevelopmentdue
tofinancialshortfallsandgovernanceissues.Ontheotherhand,weseeapatternofstate-company
relationatworkinmanycountrieswithextractiveindustries(e.g.Welker2014):thestateholdsback
inputtingmoneyintotheprovincearguingthatthemineshaveaneconomicandsocialresponsibility
totakecareoftheresidentswheretheyoperate.Thecompaniesarguethattheypaytaxesaspartof
theirdutytohelpdevelopthecountry.IntheSolweziregion,theresultofZambia’slopsided
economy,alsooftenuncriticallyreferredtoas‘resourcecurse’(Wengraf2017),isthefactthatthe
private,corporateinvestmentsaremuchmoreconsequentialforresidentsthanthe(local)state’s.
TheSolweziregionrepresentsatypicalexampleofthis,butitalsopresentstheprobleminamore
accentuatedmannerduetorapidurbanizationandastrongplayerintown:theminingcompany.
Tolayouttheshiftfromsocialdifferentiationtosocialstratificationfacilitatedandproducedby
electricalinfrastructure,InowturntoabriefdescriptionofwhathappenedintheKalumbilaarea
withthemine’sarrivalandtheconstructionofacompanytown.IntheKalumbilaarea,oneeither
haselectricityornot,dependingonwhereonelives.Themineandthecompanytownhave
unlimitedaccesstoelectricity;andthereisnoloadshedding.
4ElectricityintheCompanyTownKalumbila
InKalumbilatownanditssurroundingarea,theminingcompanyhasthebiggestimpactintermsof
infrastructuraldevelopmentingeneralandelectrificationinparticular.Thefactthatmodern,
mechanisedminesneedelectricitytoruntheiroperationspositionsthecompanyasanimportant
governingactorinthearea.Themineshaveastronginterestinthesolutionofthepowercrisis(only)
tothedegreethattheycanruntheirbusinessuninterrupted.Eventhoughtheminingmanagement
11
mainlytriestomakeitscompanymoreefficient,theiractions,likethebuildingofatownforits
workers,havetheunintendedconsequenceofincreasingthestratificationofcommunities.12
ApproachingKalumbilatown,onepassesbybillboardsandsmallpaperboardstackedattrees
remindingvillagerstorefrainfromcuttingdowntreesfortheproductionofcharcoal.Withtheseand
othermeasures,theminefrequentlypresentsitselfas“green”.Atthesametime,however,ithas
ripsopenthegroundfortheextractionofcopperforprofit;damswaterandpollutesgroundwater;
resettleshundredsofhouseholds;andgenerallyintroducesmassivesocio-economicchangeinan
areawhichwaspreviouslyruralandremote.
InKalumbila,theformalizationofthemine’slicenseareaisapendingissue(andanongoingbattle
betweenvariousministries).Despitethis,theminestartedwiththeconstructionofalarge-scale
open-pitSentinelminein2012andhassincerunitwithcostlydieselpowerplants.Itwouldneed,it
says,30%moreelectricitytooperateatfullcapacity.AsZESCOhadnotacteduponthecompany’s
pressuretoconnectittothenationalgrid,FQMtookthingsintoitsownhand(asitoftendoeswith
infrastructureindispensableforresourceextraction)andbuilta330kV,600kilometreslineacrossthe
countryfromtheSouthernProvincethroughCentralProvinceonitsowncosts(withtheprospectof
receivingfavourableratesonceZESCOconnectsthepowerlines;seetable1).Asof2017,thelines
areinplace,onlywaitingforZESCO’scommissioning.Onecouldjudgethisasthepositiveeffectofa
newminingarea:theminebringsdevelopmenttoruralareaspreviouslycutofffromelectrical
power.Instead,whatweseeistheexacerbationoftheinequalitiesthatwerealreadylingeringasa
resultofthemine’sarrival.
Basedonmyethnographicresearch,Isuggestthatpeoplelivingintheareacanbespatially
categorizedintoroughlyfourtypesoflivingconditions.Firstly,thereisastate-of-the-artgolfestate
forthe(mostlywhite)expatriateworkersandtheseniorandjuniormanagement.Iwilldescribelife
onasimilargolfestateintheothertownSolwezibelow.TheKalumbilagolfestatesharesitsmain
featureswhereresidentsliveashelteredandprivilegedlifewithunlimitedaccesstoelectricity,
water,garbagecollection,cleaningservices,high-endprivateschools,sportsandrecreationareas
andaclubhouseatanartificiallake.
Secondly,themine,throughitsKalumbilaTownDevelopmentCompany(KTDC)startedbuilding
Kalumbilatown,designedbytheDanishfirmGehlArchitectsfor10.000housesofwhichaquarter
havebeenbuilt.Workers,bothcontractedandsubcontractedandmostlymenfromtheCopperbelt
towns,liveinhouseswhichtheyrentfromKTDC.Sometimestheirfamiliesmovewiththem;
increasinglymenarecomingontheirown,though,withnointentiontopermanentlysettleinthe
12Ofcourse,thedifferentdepartmentsrepresentedinthemanagementhavedifferentobjectives(Welker2014).
12
town.KDTC’saimistosellthehousestoworkers,butthereisnobankinZambiayetwhichwould
offeraffordablemortgage.Residentsenjoyaccesstoelectricityandwaterbuthavetopayforthese
services.
Thirdly,farmers,mostlyKaonde,LundaorLuvalespeaking,wholivedinthemine’slicenseandthe
townareawereresettledintotwosmallresettlementareas.Theycouldchoosewhethertobecloser
tothemainroadandthustobusinessopportunities,orfurthersouthandthusclosertotheiroriginal
fields.Theinitialarrangementofthevillages–looselyscattered,oftenshiftingandalongsmall
pathways–hasdramaticallychanged,especiallyinthenorthernresettlementarea.Thehousesare
denselyarrangedwithinatrapeze-formedzone.Thereis,likebefore,norunningwaterorelectricity.
Butunlikebefore,theareasaremuchmoredenselypopulated,boreholestoaccesswatershould
caterformanymorehundredsofpeople,andin-fluxfromoftenbettereducatedworkseekersfrom
theCopperbelttownslimitsspaceandeconomicopportunitiesfortheoriginalresidentsinthearea.
Finally,aninitiallysmallsettlement,Chisasa,atajunctionofthemainroadandthepathtochief
Musele’spalace,hasexpandedinthepastfewyearsequallyduetoin-migrationfromtheCopperbelt
andotherareasinthecountry.Thousandsofworkseekers,butalsoemployeesattheminewhodo
notwanttospendtheirsalariesonhighrentsinthecompanytown,sharethelittleinfrastructureon
landstillundercustomarytenure.Hygieneisapressingproblemasthereisneitherrunningwater
norelectricity.
Thesefourspatialentitiesaresituatedacrossaspaceofeightkilometreradius.Thisstark
differentiationbetweenlivingconditions,accesstoservices,andchanceforemploymentwas
introducedbythemine.Insomeinstances,peoplewereresettledand(albeitminimally)
compensated;inmostcases,peoplemovedtherebychoice.However,thequestionofwheretolive
andthuswhichservicestoaccessisnotreallyachoiceformostpeople.Itdependsonemployment,
andemploymentdependsoneducation,whichinturnisdependentonsocialstatus.
Cynically,themore“local”apersonwas,theworseoffs/heisnow,exceptmaybeforthechiefly
family.Onecouldalsosaythatthemine’sarrivalspatiallyandsociallysegregatedpersonsalongtheir
placeintheproductionprocess.Theownersofthemeansofproductionliveoutsidethecountry(in
CanadaandAustralia);themanagersliveonthegolfestateandthecapital;theworkersliveina
relativelymodernandwellservicedtown;andtheunemployed,thepoorandmostwomenand
childrenliveintheresettlementareasorincrampedinformalcompounds.Toamelioratesomeof
theworsteffectsofthemine’sdoings,theminerollsoutcorporatesocialresponsibility(CSR)
programswhichremainselectivebutpowerfullycreatenewformsofdependencies(DolanandRajak
2016;Rajak2011).
13
Theresidentsofthesefourspaceshaveanopinionaboutresidentsintheotherspaces.Insuch
articulations,electricityisoftenusedtopointoutthedifferencebetween“them”and“us”.For
instance,anemployeeofoneofthecompaniessubcontractedbythemine,providedwithalittle
houseinKalumbilatown,oncecomplainedtome:“Peoplelivinginthegolfestate,theyhavemany
privileges.Theygetacar,airtime,theygettheirlaundrydoneandtheroomsarecleaned.Yes,lifeis
hardhereinKalumbilatown.Andiftheyareofffromwork,theygetonaplane.”Incontrast,a
barberwithalittleshopinChisasacomplainedthatpeoplelivinginKalumbilatownreceivepower
forfree.Hehastoloadthebatteriesoftheshaverswithsolarenergy.Duringtheloading,hecan’t
takecustomers.AnotherexampleisagroupofpeoplefromtheresettlementareatotheCSRoffice,
whichisresponsibleforallcompany-communityrelations,complainingaboutthelackofelectricity.
TheCSRstafferwasdismissiveandchallengedthemtolookatwheretheywerebeforethemine
came.Didtheyhaveelectricity?No.Hence,therewasnoreasonforthecompanytocompensate
themforsomethingtheydidnothavebefore.Although,fromitsperspective,theydonotfallwithin
CSR’sresponsibility,peoplelivingintheovercrowded,informaltownofChisasaalsocomplainedto
theCSRofficeaboutmissingelectrificationofthetown.Again,theCSRofficeisdismissivesayingthat
ifthestate’sZESCOfinallyexpandsthenationalgridtothemineandtoChisasa,theywouldalso
profit.Buttheywillsee,CSRstaffpredictedpatronisingly,thatrentalpriceswillgoup,andmost
residentswillnotbeabletobuypre-paidelectricityanyway.
Forpeopleintheresettlementarea,recognizingtheother’sprivilegeisaboutmorethanthequest
forelectrification.Havingaccesstoelectricityistheconditionforthepossibilitytogetashareofthe
profits.Manythousandswereforcedtogiveuptheir(communallyadministered)land,waterand
accesstofields,givinguptheirlifestylesforsomemeagrecompensation.Theminecausedan
increaseofmigrantlabourintheareawhichconstitutesathreattotheoriginalresidents’chancesto
profitfromthenewdevelopmentinthearea.Havingelectricityhasrealconsequences.Itmeans
accesstoemployment,knowledge,andmobility.
Ingeneral,commentslikethoseaboveabouttheotherare,Iwouldargue,asign–bothsymbolicand
real–ofestrangement.Havingelectricityornotdividespeopleandpreventssolidaritybetweenthe
groupscreatedthroughinfrastructuraldevelopmentinthearea.Throughitsacquisitionoflandand
thedefactomonopolyoverpaidworkandelectricalinfrastructure,theminehasconsiderablepower
toshapethespatialandeconomicoutlookoftheregionbutalsosocialitybetweenresidential
groups.Themine’sexclusiveprovisioningofelectricalpowertoitsworkersandthemanagement
structurates–alongagenderedandracializedlogic–residentsoftheareafurther.Hence,to
complementRupp’sargumentwithacasestudyofanenergysystemwhichisalmostantitheticto
hersofNewYorkcitythatlackofelectricitymighttriggeraMitmenschensociality,Iwouldsaythat
14
unequalaccesstoelectricalinfrastructurehasestrangedpeople–acrossgroups–fromeachother
ratherthanbringingthemtogether,totheextentofstratifyingpeopleintonewsocialgroups.
5....AndOff.LoadSheddinginSolweziTown
InKalumbila,thelocalstateishardlyvisibletosoftenthestarkcontrastbetweenlivingconditions
(eventhoughamasterplanforamunicipalareaclosetoKalumbilatownexists).Themineismoreor
lessthesolegovernorintheregionwithintermittentconflictswiththelocalauthorities,whichare
oftenresolvedthroughtheminemanagement’sdirectlinetovariousministriesinthecapitalLusaka.
Thecurrentscarcityofelectricityinthecountry,coupledwiththemine’sdefactoplanningauthority
makesprocessesofdistributionprecariousandcementssocialstratificationpossiblyforyearsto
come.
InSolwezitown,theelectricitysituationisdifferentfortworeasons.Firstly,thelocalstateisandhas
beenmorepresentinshapingtheinfrastructuralset-upofthetown,and,secondly,residentsacross
thesuburbsarevictimsofloadshedding.UnlikefarmersintheKalumbilaarea,urbanresidentsin
Solwezi,particularlylabourmigrantswhocomefromtheoldCopperbelttownsfurthereast,areused
toelectricityanditsconveniences.Theybemoanthelackofelectricityandotherinfrastructurein
somesuburbsasproofsforthebackwardnessofthenew,dustyminingtownSolwezi.Countless
times,Iheardthephrase:“Solweziisabush”.
Thisfeelingofgoingbackwardinsteadofforwardisgreatlyexacerbatedbytheenergycrisisandload
shedding.Asaresultoflackofaccesstoelectricalpowerandloadshedding,urbanresidentsrevert
toanumberofalternativesourcesofenergyintheirdailylives.Asmentionedabove,cookingwith
woodorcharcoalisextremelywide-spread(e.g.Mavhunga2013);followedbysolarpanels,car
batteries,andgas.Peoplechargetheircellphonesatstalls;theylistentotheradiowiththehelpofa
solarpanelboughtattheChineseshop;andtheygenerallyusedifferentsourcesofenergy.Certainly,
theabilitytoexploitdifferentsourcesaccordingtotheneedandavailabilityisnottobe
romanticized.Ithasmanyconsequences,themostimportantofwhichistheentrenchmentof
unequalgenderrelationswithinandbeyondhouseholds.Manyhouseholdsdonotbuyelectrical
energybutratherhaveayoungwomandoingadditionalwork,suchaswashingclothes.Load
sheddingalsoproducesmoreworkforaides,suchasfetchingwateratawaterkioskwhenwater
pressureatthetaphasrecededduetolackofpower.Forone,thisentrenchesthepatternofgender
relationswherewomendothehouseholdwork.Itisnotonlyagenderissuebutalsoaquestionof
class,though.Theyoung–oftenrelated-womenaremostlyfromfamilieswhichcannotaffordto
sendtheirchildrentoschool.
Whilemanyurbanresidentsaresomehowcopingwiththelackofelectricpowerandconstantload
shedding,agreatmanyareseverelylimitedinpursuingtheirincomestrategiesandreceivingpublic
15
services.Anumberofindividuals,businessesandinstitutionsaredependentonelectricityand
cannoteasilyreverttoothersourcesofpower.Smallandmidsizebusinesseswhichrelyonelectric
powersufferthemostfrompowercuts.Meatorfishrotsearlier;computersorprintersneed
expensivebackupsystems;watersupplybecomespatchywhenpumpsstopworking.Asaresult,
pricesforbasicgoodsincrease.Individualswhorunabusinessmustadjusttheirworkingrhythmto
thepowercuts,too.Professionals’laptopsstoprunningoncethebatteryisflat.Atailorwouldgetup
inthenightwhenthebrightlightofthebulbsheleftonwokeherandtoldherthatpowerwasback–
andstartworkingonthesewingmachinefortherestofthenight.Pupilsandstudentsdotheir
homeworkincandlelightwhichmakesthemsleepyearlier.
Powercutsalsohavemassiveeffectsonthequalityofpublicservicesasprovidedbythemunicipal
counciltotheresidentsofthetown.TheciviccentreinSolwezidoeshaveageneratorbutusuallyno
cashfordieseltorunit.WhenworkingatthePlanningDepartmentforacoupleofmonthsin2015as
anintern,Irealizedthatthecouncilisorganizedalongtheassumptionofconstantflowofelectricity.
Theofficesarealwayspackedwith“clients”,councillorsorfriendsandrelativescheckingonthe
progressoftheiraffairs.Thecouncilissimplynotsufficientlystaffedtodealwith,say,theland
disputesarisingfromtheinfluxofmigrantsandtheexpansionofthemine’slicensearea.Thereis
alsolittlebureaucraticcontinuityofhowtofileandarchivetheseprocesses.Morerecently,software
wasintroducedtohelpthedecentralizedunitsmanagingdataandmakingitaccessibleacross
departments.Powercutsarethusjeopardizinganalreadyramshacklesystemofdataorganisation
andstorage.Fortownresidents,loadsheddinghasimmediateeffects.Whenpowergoesoff,officers
usuallysitidle.Thismeansthatresidents’dossiersarenotworkedonandtheyareputofffor
anotherday.
Whenthereisnoelectricityforawhile,waterrecedes,too,asthepumpsneedelectricity.Formany,
lackofwaterisworsethanlackofelectricity(cf.Björkman2015).13ThemajorityofSolweziresidents
arenotconnectedtowaterpipesbutinsteadbuywaterfromwaterkiosksrunbytheNorthwestern
WaterandSewerageCompany,orgetitfromstreams,hand-dugwellsorcommunityboreholes
(PreussandSchmidt-Eisenlohr2016,76–79).Thelatterarealsodryingupearlierintheyearthan
usuallybecauseoflowrainfallandthemine’sextensiveuseofwatertoseparatethecopperfromthe
ore.Indirectconsequencesofpowercuts,norunningwaterandfurtherdistancestofetchwater,
affecthouseholdsandcementgenderrelationswithinfamiliesandcommunities.
Asitewheresocialdifferencesareclearlyvisibleisthegolfcoursearea.Theprivilegeofthemining
companiesforalmostunlimitedaccesstoelectricityexpandsbeyonditsoperationsinthepitto
whereitsseniorandjuniormanagementandexpatworkerslive.Althoughthereissome
13In2015,afewcasesofcholerawerereportedinLusaka.
16
differentiationamongthemanagementofthemine,too,theirfamiliesliveinawell-protectedand
guardedareasituatedliterarilyinthemidstofatownstrugglingtoprovideservicestoitsresidents.
About200people,includingchildren,liveonthisso-calledgolfestate(othersintheminevillage
withinthelicensearea),somewherebetweentheoldcentreofSolweziTownandtheminingarea
furthernorth.Thegolfestateliterallyprovidesgreenerpasturesandformssomekindofenclave
(Appel2012b,2012a,241;butseealsoWelker2014,79ff.).Ariverisdammedforpleasureandfor
watersupply;thegrassisgreenthroughoutthedryseason;thehousesarebuiltwithburnt,high-
qualitybricks;andtheprivateprimaryandsecondaryschoolsarestrivingtobethebestinthe
countryandinSouthernAfrica.ManyresidentsareprofessionalsfromSouthAfrica,Zimbabwe,
Australia,NewZealandandothercountrieswithatraditionandexpertiseinmining.
Onwhichsideoftheguarded,electricfenceonelivesdetermineswhetheronehaspowercutsand
runningwater,ornot.Tolevelthisstarkexpressionofinequality,theestate’smanagementatsome
stagein2016introducedwhattheycalla“solidaritycut”.Threeshort,scheduledpowercutsacross
theweekweremeanttoshowsolidaritywiththeordinaryresidentsoutsidethegolfestate.Thiswas
apurelyartificialexercisenotbasedonnecessity;anditprovedratherfutileasitwasincidentally
introducedatatimewhenordinaryresidentsinSolwezididnotexperienceanycutsatallduetothe
pre-electionphase(seebelow).Needlesstosaythatsuchsolidaritycutsdonotcontributetore-
distributionofresourcesbetweentheprivilegedandothers.Infact,thelatterdidnotevenknow
aboutthisdemonstrationofgoodwill.
Residentsatthegolfestatenotonlyliveinan“extractiveenclave”asAppel(2012)describesitfor
on-andoffshoresitesinEquatorialGuinea,butinan“energyenclave”thatdoesnottrigger
Mitmenschensocialitybetweentwosocialclassesseparatedbyanelectricfence.Ironically,the
solidaritycutsbroughtmoreguestsintotheestate’ssocialvenue,theClub,whichhassufferedfrom
poorattendancebytheestate’sresidents.Thisunintendedconsequenceofincreasedengagement
amongoftenquarrellingfamiliesseemsreminiscentofRupp’sdescriptionofNewYork
neighbourhoodsocialityduringblackouts.
Insum,residentsofSolwezitownadjusttheirdailyroutinesandworkdistributionwithinhouseholds
totherecentlyintroducedloadshedding.Somearebetterpositionedtodosothanothers.Overall,
loadsheddingreinforcessocialdifferentiationintheeverydaylivesinacontextwherepeopleare
usedtoanddependentonelectricalpoweranditsbenefits.Whenpowergoesoffinthetown
planner’soffice,thereisabriefmomentofsharedsmirkingatthesupposedlyincompetentpolitical
partyinpower,thePatrioticFront(PF).Aminutelater,however,powercutshavetheirimmediate
effectsoneachofthem–differently.MomentsofMitmenschensocialityareshort;therealityofa
differentiatedsocietykicksinquickly.Electricityhasthepotentialtofurtherstratifysociety:itmakes
17
peoplenoticethedifferencebetweenthemselvesandtheother.Thisaspectofanenergy
distributionethicsbecomesparticularlyvisiblewhenlookingathowtheenergycrisisandenergy
distributionplayoutinthepoliticalrealm,whereIturntonow.
6ThePoliticsofEnergyDistribution
Whileintheoryloadsheddingseemstohiteverybodyexceptforthemineanditshousing
complexes,forpeople,thisdoesnottranslateintoanexperiencethateverybodyisthesame.Only
certainactorscanmakedecisionsaboutenergydistribution,andthefactthatloadsheddingand
energyaredistributedunequallyisfodderforrumoursandthebasisforpoliticalmoves.Inwhat
follows,Ilookatthewaysinwhichenergyprovisionisusedasatoolbypoliticiansandcivilservants.
Theminingcompaniesareusuallyprotectedfromcutsortariffhikes.When,in2015,thestate
announcedthatmineswouldalsosee30%cutsinpowersupply,14atatimewhencopperprices
lingeredneartheirsix-yearlow,theminesthreatenedwiththeretrenchmentof30%oftheirlabour
force.Thishappenedseveraltimesbetween2015and2016.Usually,thestatebacktracked;inone
instance,however,thereweresomecutsofthesupplyforthemines,andsomehundredworkers
wereindeedretrenchedbythemines.15Powercutshaverealconsequences,andtheworkersand
theirdependentsbearthebruntofit.
Unsurprisingly,peoplepointatinequalitieswithreferencetopowercutsanditsconsequences.In
mostcases,theenergydiscourseisanentrypointforthepoliticaloppositiontocriticizetheruling
partyPF.TheenergycrisisinZambiaisnotaclear-cutissueformanyZambians.Whilethestatehas
reiteratedcontinuouslythattheloadsheddingisduetoclimatechangeandlowwaterlevelsinthe
reservoirs,peoplearenotentirelysureaboutthat.16Manyattributeittomismanagementinthe
ZESCOboard,suggestingthattheenergycompanyshouldbetakenoverbyprivateinvestors.The
factthatCECdoesnotcutpowertotheminesisseenasproofthatprivateownershipwouldwork
betterandmoreefficiently.FororiginalresidentsoftheSolweziregion,traditionallyanopposition
region,loadsheddingisaclearsignoftherulingparty’sfailuretodevelopthecountryandinstead
robbingitscitizensofpublicresourcesforpersonalgain.ButeveninSolwezi,therearemany
supportersoftherulingPF,someofwhichareworkingforthelocalstate.
ThereisonesuburbinSolwezi,theStadiumArea,wheremanycivilservantsliveforreasonsof
accessibilitytoservicesandthesizeofplotsandhouses.Residentsscepticalofthestate’stheoryof
14http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-08-11/zambia-to-cut-copper-mines-power-supply-by-30-amid-shortage15http://mgafrica.com/article/2016-01-07-starved-of-electricity-first-quantum-to-cut-730-jobs-at-zambia-copper-mine16Theofficialversionisclear:powerproductionisrestrictedduetolowwaterlevels.Stateofficialshaverepeatedthisthroughout2015and2016,seeforinstancehttps://www.lusakatimes.com/2016/10/27/zesco-resumes-8-hour-load-shedding/Asananthropologist,itisdifficultformetosayanythingmeaningfulonthetopicexceptforpointingatwhatpeoplesay.Iamnotinapositiontocommentonwhatisessentiallyatechnicalquestion.
18
lowwaterlevelswouldoftenpointatthissuburb.“Duringthenight,StadiumAreahaspower,you
canseeit!”.Thefactthatpoweriscutoffalongfeedersisthususedtoreadthetownthroughthe
lensofpoliticalfavouritism.
Manyinstancesfeedpeople’ssuspicionthattheissueisnotthelackofwaterinthereservoirs.The
timefromlate2014,whenPresidentMichaelSatapassedawayinoffice,toearly2015when
PresidentEdgarLunguwaselectedashissuccessorinafiercelycontestedelectionbothwithinand
outsidethePF,rightuntilAugust2016whenregularelectionstookplace,canbedescribedasan
uninterruptedphaseofcampaigning.BothLunguandhismainchallenger,HakaindeHichilemafrom
theUnitedPartyforSocialDevelopment(UPND),visitedSolwezifrequentlyasitgrewintoan
importantpowerbaseforeitherparty.Wheneveroneofthemwasintown,loadsheddingstopped
acrosstown.Peoplewonderedhowthiswaspossible.Whycansuddenlysomethingbedoneagainst
loadshedding?AndhasthePresidentadirectlinetotheZESCOboardtorequestforuninterrupted
powersupply?Surely,corruptionmustbeatplayhere,oppositionsupporterstriedtoconvinceme.
Feedingsuspicionevenmorewasthefactthatabouteightweeksbeforetheregular,general
electionsonAugust11,2016,thewholecountryexperiencedalmostuninterruptedpowersupply.
Therainyseason2015/2016wascertainlynotcapableofalleviatingpowershortages.Where,then,is
powercomingfrom?Pre-electionrumourscirculatingamongoppositionsupporterspredicteda
massiveelectricitytariffhikeincasethePFwouldwinagain.Thisdidnothappenimmediately,afact
whichmightberelatedtoatightandcontestedelectionoutcome(Fraser2016).InMay2017,
however,theEnergyRegulationBoardapprovedZESCO’sapplicationofa75%tariffadjustmenttobe
effectedintwophases(50%effectiveonMay15and25%onSeptember1,2017).Thetariff
adjustmentappliesacrossallcustomerscategoriesexceptforthemines.17
Facedwithcriticismoftheirperformance,notsurprisingly,thecentralstateandlocalauthoritiestry
tosolvethepowercrisis.Likeinmanyotherplacesintheworld,electricityisasignifierof
development(cf.Winther2016)andruralandperi-urbancommunitiesaspiretobeconnectedtothe
nationalgrid.AsLoveandGarwoodshowforAltoPeru:“Tohaveelectricityistobeengagedwiththe
broaderworld”(2016,157).IntheSolweziregion,thelocalauthorities’aimistwofold:toproduce
moreenergyandtoimproveaccesstoelectricityforurbanandruralhouseholds.Workingtowardsa
solutionoftheenergycrisisbringsitsownproblems,though.Itisatechnicaltask,butwhilepursuing
it,morethanmeretechnicalimplementationhappens.
Thelocalauthorities,togetherwithcivilservantsfromZESCO,havetomakedecisionsastowho
shouldprofitfirstfromtheextensionofthepowerlines.InSolwezi,aconsiderablenumberofnew
17http://www.erb.org.zm/press/statements/tariffDecisionSpeech10.05.2017.pdf
19
suburbs–orcompounds–wheremostmigrantssettlearenotconnectedtothegridatall,even
thoughahigh-voltagelineconnectingthesubstationwiththeminesoarsabovethem(cf.Loveand
Garwood2016,159).ThisissimilartohowtheGwembeTongapeoplemusthavefeltwhenKariba
DamwasbuiltinSouthernZambiainthe1950stofeedtheminesintheCopperbeltwithenergy.The
resettledfarmerssawthepowerlinerunningacrosstheirvillagesandfieldswithouttheprospectof
beingintegratedinto“modernisation”(Tischler2014).Manyofthenewlyemergingcompoundsin
Solweziarenotevenontownland,butinareasundercustomarylandtenure.
Ratherthanabroadrolloutofbasicservicesacrossthetown,thecounciltypicallyfocusesonsome
identifiedkeystakeholdersinthegovernanceoftheregion.Thisprocessisoftendrivenbythe
electedcouncillorswhoarevotedintocouncilbytheirwardandtaskedwithbringingdevelopment
intooftenremoteareas.Incommitteemeetingsorininformalchatswithcivilservants,elected
councillorscampaignforattentionoftheirownward,andoftenclashwithcivilservants’rather
exclusiveattentionontheurbanareas.Electedcouncillorsandofficersshare,however,theinterest
tohaveagoodworkingrelationshipwithchiefsandheadmen,themainrepresentativesofthe
traditionalauthoritiesinchargeoftheruralareas.
Solwezitownnestlesinthemiddleofthreechieftaincies(underchiefKapijimpanga,chiefMumena
andseniorchiefMujimanzovu),andtherapidexpansionofthetownintocustomarylandmakes
themkeystakeholdersinthearea.Achieflivesandcallsformeetingsathispalace.Palacesare
usuallyinveryremoteareas.Largeeffortsarethusmadetobringelectricityandotherinfrastructure
topalaces.Thisofcoursereflectsalonghistoryofrelationbetweenadministrationandtraditional
authorities:achiefismollifiedthroughgifts(Negi2010).Potentially,though,anenergizedpalace
benefitsthecommunitieslivingaroundthepalace.Thelines,however,alsopassbyhundredsof
homesteadsandvillageswhichdonotbenefitfromruralelectrification.
Insum,thedistributionofaccesstoelectricityisapoliticalissuenotonlyfromananalytical
perspectivebutalsoforresidents.Giventhevisibilityofelectricalinfrastructure(litsuburbs,street
lamps,powerlinesaboveone’shead,etc.),theenergydiscoursebecomestangible.Electricitythus
makesdifferencesvisible,exacerbatesthem,andoffersanentrypointforcriticismoftheelite.
7AnEnergyDistributionEthics
OverthetwoyearsofenergycrisisinZambia,energyethicshavebeenincreasinglyformulatedasa
socialclasscritique.Criticismofcurrentdistributionamonggroups,acrosssuburbs,betweenthe
townandthemine,expatsandZambians,etc.,popuphereandthereinsubtlewaysnotalwayseasy
toberecognizedasacriticismofthestatusquo.Mostcriticalvoicesarearticulatedalongparty
politicallines.Someofthecriticalvoicesextendbeyondbetterserviceprovisiontoredistribution.
Whenpeoplecommentonagroupsociallyperceivedasdifferentbypointingouttheirprivileges,this
20
isalreadyasignofstratification,preventingMitmenschensociality.Itriedtoshowthatthese
processesofseparatingpeoplefromoneanotheraretoaconsiderableextentproducedthrough
infrastructuralthings.Fencesareobvious,electricityissubtler.Forbothitistruethatthingsare
morethansymbolsofprivilegeorneglect(Larkin2013);theychangestatusandenableordisable
certainformsofsociality,whichinturnmaybetheseedforpoliticalaction.
Thissocio-materialenergyassemblage–madeupofpractices,discourseandinstitutions;and
humansandthings–asIdescribeitinthearticleisbothlocalizedandboundtoageopoliticallocale
butalsoadirectproductoftheglobaleconomyandhistoricallygrowntransnationalpowerrelations.
Althoughmyinterlocutorsarefullyawareofthepoliticaleconomyofextractivism,toacertain
extent,theminingsectormanagestoappropriatepublicdiscoursesondevelopmentandtosilence
criticismagainstitsextractivistanddetachedmodeofbusiness.
Addedtoitsdependencyontheglobalcommoditymarkets,Zambia,likemostcountriesinSouthern
Africa,facesdroughtandwaterscarcity,bothoutcomesofglobalwarmingthatdramaticallyreduce
electricitysupplywithinZambiaandintheregion.Sovacool’sfirstofthreemoralquestions–“Arewe
beingfairtothepresentgenerationsingivingsomepeopledisproportionateaccesstothebenefitsof
energywhilegivingothersitsburdens?”(Sovacool2013,2)–isthusimmanentlyimportanthere.The
currentelectricitycrisisinZambiaservesasawarningsignbeyondZambiaofwhatmighthappen
whenenergysupplyisshortandwhenquestionsofdistributionsareleftoutfortoolong:power
relationsarecementedandsocialstratificationofsocietyincreases.
Anenergyethicsmustfromtheverybeginningincludethequestionofdistribution.Wecannotcome
upwithadistributionkeyonanationallevelalone,though–justassustainabilitycannotbesolved
ononecontinentonly,andjustasextractivismhasalwaysbeenaglobalendeavour.
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