Post on 27-Oct-2014
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 1
Ideal Reciprocity: From Social Exchange to Social Change
Jessica R. Dreistadt
BUSA 770: Advancement, Fundraising, and Philanthropy for the Nonprofit
Eastern University
August 10, 2012
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 2
Ideal Reciprocity: From Social Exchange to Social Change
Introduction
Reciprocity is most often conceptualized as a natural and effective means to
maintain social equilibrium. This paper will explore the political, economic, neurological,
emotional, normative, deontological, and contextual aspects of reciprocity and related
implications for fundraising practice. This will lead to the introduction of a new construct,
ideal reciprocity, and its two branches: existential and communal. The paradigm of ideal
reciprocity will be promoted as a means to advance individual organizations and the
nonprofit sector, leading to positive social change.
Reciprocity: A Multidisciplinary Understanding
The literature on reciprocity is rich and diverse. Scholars in political science,
economics, neurology, psychology, sociology, and anthropology have made significant
contributions to our understanding of this phenomenon. Reciprocity is typically
understood as a means of social exchange that uses economic and/or symbolic
currency to maintain social equilibrium. Development professionals can glean great
insights from the literature to improve fundraising practice. Yet, the literature also points
to the possibilities of viewing reciprocity in terms of the generative potential of
egalitarian relationships.
Political Economy of Reciprocity
Reciprocity is an exchange of economic, social, or symbolic value (Lebra, 1975;
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 3
Schieffelin, 1980; Shuman, 2000). At any given moment in time, there is an imbalance
of exchange and reciprocal action seeks to restore equilibrium (Leifer, 1988). While
reciprocity is usually understood as an exchange between two or among three people, it
can also transpire between individuals and organizations or between organizations.
When donors make charitable contributions, it is much more than a financial transaction
from donor to recipient. Such giving holds great symbolic power, often rooted in
emotion, and with it comes the expectation that some benefit will accrue to the donor,
the community, or the cause. The purpose of much charitable giving is to alleviate
discrepancies between those who are doing well, and have the means to give, and
those who need assistance, and benefit from a service provided by the organization to
which funds are entrusted.
Social exchanges are influenced, in part, by the value brought by each participant
and the expected beneficial outcomes to both (DiDomenico, Tracey, & Hough, 2009).
Reciprocity is influenced by the perceived equity of redistributive transactions (Mau,
2004). Reciprocity typically connotes an expectation of beneficial return to the initiator
and people choose to give to others when they expect the recipient will have the ability
to return the favor (DiDomenico, Tracey, & Hough, 2009; Komter, 2010). Expected
return can be immediate or over the long-term (Emerson, 1976; Engelsen, 2008).
Reciprocity involves taking a risk that what is given will not be returned (Glanville &
Bienenstock, 2009). Reciprocity can be conditional; such exchanges are often not
initiated unless there is an expectation that others will behave cooperatively (Dubreuil,
2008). When donors give, there is often an expectation placed upon to recipient
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 4
organization. These expectations may include accountability, recognition, participation,
or tangible outcomes according to the motivation of each individual donor.
Game theory can be used to understand how reciprocity is experienced in dyadic
and triadic relationships. This utilitarian theory exposes the predictable ways that people
cooperate and compete in various situations in order to maximize outcomes; it does not
reveal underlying intentions or motivation (Binmore, 2004). People both share with
others who are cooperative and sanction those who do not comply with social norms --
even when it is personally costly to them (Engelsen, 2008). There are both costs and
benefits involved in charitable giving. Donors may carefully weigh the direct and
opportunity costs of making a contribution in comparison with the expected benefit to
them, the organization, the community, and/or the cause. Because there is likely a
limited pool of funds to be contributed, which may or may not be predetermined by the
donor before interaction with organizations seeking funds, donors must carefully
evaluate how those funds can best be used to attain the desired outcomes.
Propensity to engage in reciprocity can be influenced both by the potential
contribution of the receiver and the costs she or he imposes on society (Segall, 2005).
Giving leads to more consistent and generous reciprocity than taking away, which leads
to negative forms of reciprocity that may quickly escalate (Keysar, Converse, Wang, &
Epley, 2008). Negative reciprocity may include withholding rewards or coercion (Befu,
1977); this can come from the other person or from a third party (Binmore, 2004). In
most societies, people are punished – formally or informally – when they are not in
compliance with social norms; this often happens through the removal of rewards or
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 5
expectancies for normal social interaction with others (Binmore, 2004). Punishments
differ according to the social distance and understood motivation of the person who
violates social norms (Dubreuil, 2008). Bicchieri, Xiao, and Muldoon (2011) found that
most people expect punishment when people do not comply with the expectation that
trust would be reciprocated. A lack of reciprocation can lead to a suspension of future
gifts; reciprocation is positive reinforcement for the giving behavior (Emerson, 1976).
When organizations do not fulfill the expected reciprocal arrangement with donors, the
donor may sanction the organization by withdrawing support and sharing negative
information within their social network. There are expected courtesies for organizations
that receive gifts such as appropriate acknowledgement and using funds for the
purpose intended by the donor. In addition, individual donors may have unique needs
that that they seek to satisfy through their involvement with the organization. Through
both adherence to ethical fundraising practice and intentional relationship building with
donors, organizations can avoid transforming a positive reciprocal relationship into one
that becomes negative.
Relationships are a particularly important form of social capital for charitable
giving (Brown & Ferris, 2007). Reciprocity and trust are both antecedents and outcomes
of social capital; trust and reciprocity also influence each other (Glanville & Bienenstock,
2009). Trust can be interpersonal or communal (Glanville & Bienenstock, 2009). Access
to social capital leads to increased individual involvement in charitable organizations
through volunteering and financial contributions; in fact, charitable giving increases
social capital in communities (Brown & Ferris, 2007).Nonprofit organizations increase
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 6
and create social capital both directly through the programs that are delivered and
indirectly through the relationships that are developed throughout the community. By
initiating and maintaining positive reciprocal relationships with donors, volunteers,
program participants, and the community-at-large, nonprofit organizations can develop
both community trust and social capital.
Benefits are sometimes distributed to a third party rather than directly back to the
initiator; this is called serial reciprocity and can last into perpetuity (Moody, 2006). An
initiator can also directly provide a benefit to a third party on behalf of another person
with the hope of personal return from that person – this can lead to a sense of
indebtedness and promote cooperation (Goldstein, Griskevicius, & Cialdini, 2011).
While donors have a direct reciprocal relationship with the organization to whom funds
are entrusted, there may also an indirect reciprocal relationship with the people that the
organization is serving. Funds are given to the organization with the hope that those
who participate in its programs will be better equipped to contribute to society. Many
donors give to organizations as a way to express their gratitude for the resources that
have been entrusted to them.
Reciprocity can be asymmetrical (Segall, 2005) as is the case with much
charitable giving. In charitable transactions, the benefits of the giver and receiver may
differ or be inequivalent (Eckstein, 2001; Engelsen, 2008; Shuman, 2000). Givers do not
necessarily expect an equivalent economic return for their contributions; instead, they
may expect a direct symbolic or indirect communal benefit. Reciprocity often represents
conditional generosity that determines the level of distribution based on merit (Leon,
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 7
2012). Organizations that portray their program participants as deserving in some way,
and those that demonstrate program effectiveness, may be able to raise more funds
than those who do not convey these messages. People who are not able to give – those
with limited financial resources -- may find that they receive very little from others
(Komter, 2010). Nonprofit organizations serve as a conduit to equalize opportunity and
resources for those who may otherwise not have access, thus restoring a sense of
community equilibrium.
Charitable giving can maintain the social order by suppressing revolt or by
reinforcing hierarchical power structures and legitimizing inequality; thus, giving is often
politically motivated and benefits both the giver and recipient (Bowie, 1998; Lebra,
1975). Reciprocity reinforces political legitimacy and is the basis of shared meaning
(Bianchin, 2003). Two types of power influence exchange – personal and institutional
(Befu, 1977). In fundraising practice, greater power is held by organizations than by
individual people. Reciprocity may be based on social or economic interdependence
(Lebra, 1975). The prevailing paradigm in fundraising tends to be more utilitarian than
egalitarian; it is often viewed in terms of a zero sum game or redistributive justice (Befu,
1977). In contrast, philanthropy can be thought of as a positive sum game where both
giver and recipient benefit from the relationship both immediately and over time, with
ripples of reciprocity extending from each initial gift.
While self-interest does motivate some people, most are driven to reciprocate as
an expression of altruism and cooperation (Engelsen, 2008). Reciprocity, and reasons
for giving, can vary according to orientations toward the conditions placed on recipients
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 8
and the comprehensiveness of provisions leading to four ideal types: generalized based
on mutuality; dispositional based on human rights and egalitarianism; obligating based
on helping those who are needy; and balanced based on social insurance (Mau, 2004).
Donor motivations may cross these categories but will likely fall within one type within
the context of a particular organization. Such knowledge about donors can help
fundraisers identify prospective donors that are a good fit for the organization, develop
relationships with those who want to be involved, and develop a reciprocation strategy
that meets the needs of each individual donor.
People may do something to help another person, even incurring a personal cost,
if they expect a return at some point in the future or to enhance their reputation; people
who tend to be more altruistic than egoistic are less concerned with reputation and
opportunities for public recognition (Simpson & Willer, 2008). Nonprofit organizations
often work to address very complicated community challenges, serve people with
multiple difficulties, and/or influence public policy against great opposition; the return on
donations is often not immediate but rather occurs and accrues over time. While many
donors demand interim reports exhibiting progress toward organizational and
community goals, organizations should also improve donor sensitivity to the difficult
nature of the work and personal or community changes that are being pursued.
Reciprocity promotes cooperation and the achievement of communal goals
(Engelen, 2008). Synthesis maximizes economic and community benefits and can be
achieved by resolving the differences between the two and promoting mutually
beneficial exchanges (DiDomenico, Tracey, & Hough, 2009). Organizations can
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 9
promote reciprocity through fundraising as a means to help communities better
cooperate so that its economic resources are used to create the most community
benefit.
Neurological Bases of Reciprocity
There is a strong mind-body connection; our physical experiences and
interactions are understood through cognitive classification and such schemas are
influenced by both our innate tendencies and the environment in which we live
(Adenzato & Garbarini, 2006). When we observe others’ emotions and physical
experiences, our brain responds as though we ourselves were experiencing the same
phenomenon; this can lead to a sense of resonance (Adenzato & Garbarini, 2006).
Mirror neurons are activated by our own performance or by observation of others
performing (Casile, Caggiano, & Ferrari, 2011). Observers cognitively experience the
experiences, emotions, and sensations of others through the mirror neuron system; this
process is unconscious and automatic but can lead to intentional, deliberative thought
(Gallesse, Eagle, & Migone, 2007). Through the mirror neuron system, we can attune to
the actions and emotions of others and identify with them (Gallesse, 2006). This system
can help us to predict the outcomes of our behavior as well as that of others (Gallesse,
2006; Shmuelof & Zohary, 2007). The mirror neuron system promotes intersubjective
understanding by mapping the experience of others within our own brains which can
improve cognizance of others’ intentions and emotions; this may lead to the
development of empathy. (Gallesse, 2006).
The mirror neuron system extends our visual and auditory senses by replicating
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 10
the mental process of others; however, it does not lead to reproducing the behavior or
to social contagion (Gallesse, Eagle, & Migone, 2007). Many neurology scholars (i.e.
Decety, 2010) believe that the impact of mirror neurons is limited to the physical domain
and therefore has no connection to shared emotions such as empathy while others (i.e.
Vivona, 2009) question the availability of empirical data to link neuroscience findings
with psychology overall. Others question the existence of mirror neurons altogether (i.e.
Hollan, 2012). Thus, applicability of mirror neuron studies to reciprocity in fundraising
may be limited; however, understanding how donors may react and respond to
interactions with organizations, their collateral, and the people and communities they
serve can help fundraisers intentionally craft compelling communications that lead to
donor resonance.
Specifically, there are several ideas from the neurological literature that can
inform fundraising practice. Observation of others’ facial display emotions leads to a
similar response, or mimicry, in the observer (Decety, 2010). Mirror neurons are
influenced by social distance, personal interpretation of the action, and the type of
action performed (Casile, Caggiano, & Ferrari, 2011). When we observe other human
beings taking action, our neurological response is different from interaction with material
objects (Stueber, 2012; Wheatley, Milleville, & Martin, 2007). Fundraising activities take
many forms such as letters, reports, events, individual meetings. Given the findings of
these neurological studies, it would seem that fundraising activities that involve
interpersonal interaction would be most effective. Reciprocity is enhanced by frequent
interaction and remembrance of past interactions (Dubreuil, 2008).
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In addition, neurological composition influences economic decision making and
behavior through interactive cognitive and emotional processes that are both automatic
and deliberative (Camerer, Loewenstein, & Prelec, 2005). Social awareness, altruism,
and cooperation are rooted in our brain structure and have evolved over time to
promote group survival (Neiworth, 2009). Further research in the neurology of reciprocal
giving may yield important information for the fundraising profession.
Emotion: Empathy and Altruism
The decision making process can be rational and predictable, but it can also be
based on emotion or habit (Emerson, 1976; Engelsen, 2008). While many donors may
prioritize the economic domain, others give as an expression of their emotional
connection with an organization, community, cause, or individual people.
Empathy can be felt both for people who are known and for strangers (Singer &
Fehr, 2005). When others feel pain, we can experience empathy through both an
evaluative cognitive and an automatic emotional response (Shamay-Tsoory, 2010).
People are able to both empathize with others and mentally understand their feelings,
intentions, motivations, and experiences (Singer & Fehr, 2005; Stueber, 2012). Because
the people who benefit from the work of nonprofit organizations are often unknown -- or
are only peripherally known -- to donors, it is important to create a meaningful
connection so that donors can truly empathize with the circumstances and goals of
those whom their contributions will benefit. This will create a positive reciprocal
agreement, possibly increasing ongoing involvement and support. Empathy and
prosocial behavior, such as reciprocal initiation, are positively related (Piliavan &
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 12
Charng, 1990).
Increasingly, researchers are finding that people are naturally inclined to be
altruistic; reciprocal relationships are not necessarily motivated by self-interest (Piliavan
& Charng, 1990). Empathy also emerges and develops from the interaction of cognitive
and emotive processes influenced by the social and environmental context (Shamay-
Tsoory, 2010). Emotions help people make sense of their circumstances (Gallesse,
2006). Interactions with nonprofit organizations can help donors cultivate a stronger
sense of empathy, leading to the development of social capital and positive community
reciprocity.
Emotions may motivate donors in other ways. Empathy can promote self-
preservation as it can help to stabilize interactions and relationships with others (Singer
& Fehr, 2005). Positive and negative emotions mediate the relationship between social
norms and reciprocity; for example, the anticipated shame of noncompliance may
influence reciprocity behavior (Engelsen, 2008). Donors who are inclined to give to
maintain or enhance their reputations among their circle of friends or in the community
may be influenced by these ideas.
While our emotions may influence behavior, our actions are also shaped by the
opportunities and choices that are available to us (Binmore, 2004). Providing donors
with multiple means of involvement and reaching out to them on a regular, but not
overwhelming, basis will create additional opportunities for them to initiate or continue a
reciprocal relationship.
Values
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Reciprocity can be an expression of social norms (Engelsen, 2008). Our
decisions and actions are influenced by history, institutions, relationships, culture, and
social norms (Engelsen, 2008; Ghezzi & Mingione, 2007). Norms reflect collective
beliefs about intentions, expectations, and outcomes of actions (Bicchieri, Xiao, &
Muldoon, 2011). These norms, and the behaviors they promote, lead to a sense of
cooperative equilibrium within communities (Binmore, 2004). When people act, there is
an expectation that others will react in a certain way; there is a mutual understanding of
each others’ intentions that can be formalized through institutions (Bianchin, 2003) and
these institutions can be changed when they no longer reflect those who are governed
by their laws and practices (Binmore, 2004). As mentioned earlier, there are certain
basic expectations that donors may have of recipient organizations, or beneficiaries of
their work. The norms of the donor organization, recipient organization, or community
may further stipulate expectations for intentions and actions in reciprocal giving
relationships.
Social norms may also be influenced by the means available to enforce them
(Andreoni, Harbaugh, & Vesterlund, 2003). Institutions can maintain the social contract
by regulating and punishing deviance (Dubreuil, 2008). When others do not comply with
social norms, including those of being compassionate, they are sometimes punished to
maintain those norms; in addition, those who do comply may be rewarded (Andreoni,
Harbaugh, & Vesterlund, 2003). While contributions to nonprofit organizations are
voluntary, recipient organizations do have latitude to use those resources in a way that
solidifies the norms, or expectations, of donors. In addition, donors can wield their
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 14
power over recipient organizations by threatening to withhold support if norms are
violated or by providing additional funds to organization that uphold social norms.
Institutional norms of reciprocity influence individual attitudes toward giving and
sharing (Mau, 2004). Within each organization, norms of reciprocity will develop and
govern interactions with donors. Behavior is influenced by both social norms and by
individual values (Bicchieri, Xiao, & Muldoon, 2011). Development staff and volunteers
may integrate institutional norms with their own ideas about how to best interact with
donors; this may lead to the development of new institutional norms or to punishment of
the violator.
Reciprocity can be spurred by either courtesy, which is ritualistic and promotes
self-esteem, or intimacy, which is a long-term and intense way to express positive
feelings for another person (Lebra, 1975). This is similar to the previous discussion of
giving being influenced by economic or symbolic exchange as well as that regarding
egoistic and altruistic motives. Perhaps relationships that begin as transactional can be
developed into relationships that are collaborative and transformational. Reciprocal
exchanges lead to the development of trust over time (Bichierei, Xiao, & Muldoon, 2011;
Eckstein, 2001).
When a giver does not expect the receiver to reciprocate, rules are created to
govern the conditions for the transaction; such exchanges are based on low trust and
weak connections (Phan, Blumer, & Demaiter, 2009). In development work, this is often
experienced as major donors making contributions with strings attached. These donors
call for accountability and impose their goals and vision, which may not have been as
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 15
closely informed by the community served, on the organization. Some (i.e. Veit-Wilson,
2009) feel that charitable organizations are morally required to comply with the
demands of donors as they are not able to enter an equitable reciprocal relationship.
Many people reciprocate out of a sense of duty, particularly when those helped
are not able to care for themselves (Engelsen, 2008; Quong, 2007). A sense of duty
derives from the social contract (Binmore, 2004). Reciprocity can intentionally equalize
social inequalities when those who have more share with those who have less; this may
be a social expectation (Gregory, 1975). Some (i.e. Renwick Monroe, Martin, & Ghosh)
believe that morality is innate and is not culturally relative but is influenced by the
environment; this morality creates a desire to help others. Some donors give for this
reason; they feel a moral obligation to support charitable organizations because it is
expected of them. This feeling may derive from innate personal characteristics, social
exchanges, or the interaction of both.
Reciprocal initiation is based on the past and predicted behaviors of others
(Sobel, 2005). When donors make a contribution, they also make a prediction, or have
an expectation, about how that donation will be reciprocated. This may be based upon
previous interactions with that particular organization or even with other charitable
organizations. Opening up conversations between organization development staff and
potential donors can promote the beginning of new reciprocal relationships.
Prosocial people are inclined to cooperate; however, their willingness to do so
may decline if there is a lack of reciprocity and immediate reciprocity will result in more
frequent cooperation (Parks & Rumble. 2001). Reciprocity can be disrupted by
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 16
mismatches in timing expectations and levels of exchange according to social norms
(Leifer, 1988). If others are uncooperative, people who are prosocial may become
defensive and uncooperative (Parks & Rumble, 2001). Donors, who express a
commitment to the work of an organization by making a contribution, are acting
prosocially. Timely reciprocity, which may take the form of a thank you note or phone
call, can improve donor cooperation and lead to future and further involvement.
Context
While the mirror neuron system may provide preliminary information about
others, our interpretation of their motivation, intention, and feelings is situated within our
prior knowledge of that person as well as the cultural, political, economic, and social
context (Hollan, 2012). Our self-concept and understanding of the world in which we live
is based on our interactions with others and our collective culture (Adenzato &
Garbarini, 2006). The social context includes normative, distributive, symbolic, and
organizational components with influence opportunities for interaction (Michalski, 2003).
Generosity is more frequent among people who are related or connected in some
other way (Komter, 2010). Reciprocity increases with intimacy (Michalski, 2003).
Neighborhood factors such as proximity, cohesiveness, and availability of resources
may influence expectations for, and ability to participate in, reciprocity (Phan, Blumer, &
Demaiter, 2009; Segall, 2005). Perhaps if donors view themselves as part of the same
group as those served by the organization, such as members of the same community,
they will be more inclined to reciprocate. This can be promoted through intentional
messaging by the organization and it staff or volunteers.
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 17
Expectations for reciprocity, including why, when, and how to reciprocate, are
also culturally embedded (Befu, 1977; Schieffelin, 1980). It is not always socially
acceptable for gift givers to expect a return (Emerson, 1976). Understanding the cultural
traditions of donors, organizations, communities, and people served can promote
understanding and cooperation leading to increased engagement.
Givers may act differently in private and public situations (Simpson & Willer,
2008). The situation we are in can lead us to act with self-interest or with altruism;
however, people are generally inclined to reciprocate (Leon, 2012). Understanding the
motivations and desires of donors, and the circumstances under which they have
chosen to make a gift, can help organizations better serve their needs.
Social approval is typically sought from others whom the seeker socially
approves; social approval may be influenced by the incentives that are offered and can
be symbolic (Ellingsen & Johannesson, 2008). Organizations that are perceived to be
conventional tend to receive more resources (Michalski, 2003). Thus, alignment of
donors with organizations that reflect their values and represent their social networks
will lead to enhanced reciprocity. This knowledge can influence communication with
donors to enhance their confidence in the organization to appropriately reciprocate.
Ideal Reciprocity
While most of the literature explains that reciprocity is a means of restoring social
equilibrium, it can also disrupt the social order (Shuman, 2000). Such disruption can be
positive, leading to generative social change rather than social maintenance. This
section will introduce the concept of ideal reciprocity, based on the philosophy of
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 18
idealism, and its two iterations: existential and communal. Existential ideal reciprocity is
based on an intersubjective understanding of self and has the ultimate goal of becoming
whereas communal ideal reciprocity is based on an understanding of the self rooted in
the collective and/or the cosmos and has the ultimate goal of transcendence. Through
both types of ideal reciprocity, individuals actively live their true life purpose which
contributes to social harmony (Befu, 1977; Goldfarb, 2011; Sen, 2012). These types are
not necessarily mutually exclusive but can be interactive; an individual could also move
between them according to the context. These ideal types may not fully capture the
complete range or the nuances of reciprocity practice.
Throughout this paper, several dichotomies have been introduced in relation to
reciprocity. Ideal reciprocity is based on intimate relationships, symbolic meaning,
altruistic motivations, cooperation, egalitarian relationships, and the accrual of
complementary individual and communal rewards – a positive sum relationship.
Individuals may understand themselves as individuals through interactions and in
contrast with others (Bianchin, 2003). Alternatively, self-understanding may be rooted in
belonging to a group or in relation to spirituality. In either case, self-awareness is
cultivated through external relationships, contexts, and environments. In the former,
representing existential ideal reciprocity, social norms and social intentional are co-
created through communication by autonomous and equal individuals (Bianchin, 2003)
whereas in the latter, representing communal ideal reciprocity, these constructs are
externally defined and regulated a political or religious entity. Thus, both forms of ideal
reciprocity have the outcome of generative social change; however, the individual
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 19
motivation and goals differentiate the two types.
Ideal Reciprocity in Fundraising Practice
There are many factors that influence charitable giving. These factors include
personal experiences, altruism, empathy, sympathy, guilt, peer pressure, psychological
rewards, tax benefits, being asked, becoming aware of needs, ability to give,
opportunities to socialize, maintaining or enhancing reputation, being able to make a
difference, career advancement, identification with a group, enhancement of self-image,
a feeling of obligation, or a sense of feeling good; these motivations are not necessarily
mutually exclusive but may interact to create unique individual reasons for making a
contribution (Andreoni, 1990; Bekkers & Wiepking, 2011; Michalski, 2003; Piliavan &
Charng, 1990; Sobel, 2005; Van Slyke & Brooks, 2005). Reciprocity balances self-
interest and altruism through justice (Quong, 2007); thus, donors with a range of
motivations can enter into reciprocal relationships through philanthropy. Adding ideal
reciprocity to the repertoire of practice will expand the ability of fundraisers and
philanthropists to partner for meaningful community and social change.
Charitable organizations serve as a social network (Michalski, 2003) linking those
with resources with those in need; they may also connect people with common needs
and desires. Economic inequities need not result in unequal relationships when people
are united by a common vision. Each individual and every organization has the ability to
influence the realization of that vision and the contributions of each enhance and
expand those of others.
In practice, ideal reciprocity is performed with love of self, others, and/or G-d and
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 20
in the context of mutual support and common goals. Each altruistic act encourages
others to respond accordingly by aligning their intention and action with their true
purpose and sharing that gift with others. This contributes to ever more ambitious
manifestations of human and community potential. By developing equitable, respectful,
understanding, and responsive relationships with donors, fundraisers can encourage
them to enthusiastically engage others thereby increasing the social and economic
capital of the organization and the community served.
Ideal reciprocity will not work for every person or in every situation. Because
decisions are often based on habit, and the nonprofit sector has overwhelmingly
pursued zero-sum or even negative-sum reciprocal relationships, ideal reciprocity
represents a shift in both practice and understanding. There may always be people who
prefer economic transactions to symbolic – and real -- transformations. Yet, this concept
has the potential to transform the nonprofit sector from one that sincerely attempts to
solve problems to one that creates vibrant communities.
Conclusion
. By understanding how reciprocity is framed and experienced according to
multiple disciplines and perspectives, fundraising professionals can effectively respond
to the needs of, and build meaning relationships with, donors. Much of the literature
limits reciprocity to practices to maintain the status quo. Ideal reciprocity, within the
context of development in nonprofit organizations, is an alternative understanding of
reciprocity as it promotes social advancement rather than social stagnation. While it is
not widely understood or practiced, and may be resisted by some, ideal reciprocity does
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 21
have potential to enhance some relationships between organizations and donors.
IDEAL RECIPROCITY: FROM SOCIAL EXCHANGE TO SOCIAL CHANGE 22
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