June 2010 Volume 11 Number 2

Electronic Newsletter of the ECPR-SG on Extremism and Democracy

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Managing editor Nigel Copsey Teesside University, United Kingdom Email: n.copsey@tees.ac.uk

Co-editors Sarah de Lange University of Amsterdam, Netherlands Email: s.l.delange@uva.nl

Matthew Goodwin University of Manchester, United Kingdom Email: Matthew.Goodwin@manchester.ac.uk The e-Extreme is the newsletter of the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy and is published quarterly in March, June, September, and December. For any enquiries about the newsletter, please contact the managing editor, Nigel Copsey. For inquiries regarding book reviews please contact editor Sarah de Lange. Copyright © 2010 by the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, in any form or by any means, electronic, photocopying, or otherwise, without permission in writing from the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy

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Table of Contents

Standing Group Announcement…………………………………………………………….….4 Conference Reports……………………………………………………………………………….4 Book Reviews.………………………………………………………………………………………5 Publications Alerts…………………………………………………………………….............13

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Standing Group Announcement We have now set up a database which will enable members to browse and search for other members by research interests as well as by name. Please update your personal details by completing the update form, and then emailing it to:

info@extremism-and-democracy.com Please make sure to visit our website http://www.extremism-and-democracy.com/ for details of forthcoming conferences.

Conference Reports All Standing Group members are invited to contact Matthew Goodwin (Matthew.Goodwin@manchester.ac.uk) if they wish to include a report on a conference/workshop that they have organized. Two events involving members of our Standing Group were recently held at the University of Manchester. The first, a workshop entitled ‘Religion and Right-Wing Extremism’ was held in November 2009 and jointly organized by Nigel Copsey and Matthew Goodwin. Financial support was provided by the Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence (JMCE). Speakers at the workshop included Kai Arzheimer (Mainz), Elisabeth Carter (Keele), David Cutts, Robert Ford, Matthew Goodwin, David Voas, Ingrid Storm (all Manchester) Jonathan Githens-Mazer (Exeter), and comments were offered by Rachel Gibson (Manchester) and Michael Lewis-Beck (Iowa). Reflecting the core theme of the workshop – the interplay between religion and right-wing extremism – papers examined Christian religiosity and radical right voting, the attitudinal drivers of support for the extreme right in Britain, policy responses to violent radicalization, British ‘Christian national identity and social attitudes, as well as a plenary session. The second event was a more general conference organized by Matthew Goodwin and held at the University of Manchester in March 2010. Tailored around the case of Britain, the annual ‘Challenges to Cohesion’ Conference brought together more than 100 academics, policy-makers from local and national government, practitioners and members of the security services to discuss the wider evidence base and implications for policy. Speakers included Roger Eatwell (Bath), Harris Beider (Institute for Community Cohesion), the polling organization Ipsos-MORI, Jeffrey Stevenson Murer (St Andrews) and Gareth Harris (Birkbeck). The speakers discussed a range of issues and themes, but mainly extremism and public opinion, the drivers of far right support, the evidence on processes of radicalization, far right voting in London and future research avenues.

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Book Reviews

The radical Right in Switzerland. Continuity and Change 1945-2000 Damir Skenderovic (Oxford and New York: Berghahn Books, 2009), 480 pp., ISBN 978-1845455804

Reviewed by Daniele Albertazzi University of Birmingham

To my knowledge, this is the first book in English providing a comprehensive description of the Swiss radical right in the second half of the twentieth century. As such, it will undoubtedly be useful to scholars interested in contemporary Swiss politics and history as well as comparativists, given that Switzerland has been ignored for too long by non-Swiss academia and has rarely been studied in comparative perspective. It is now widely accepted that in recent years politics in the country has become more confrontational and less consensus-seeking than in the past. Damir Skenderovic’s volume shows that the seeds of these developments (determined, to a large extent, by the growth and current strategies of the ‘radical right’, as the author chooses to define it) were, to some degree, sown several decades ago. He also convincingly argues that Switzerland contains many of the structural conditions that foster the emergence and consolidation of the radical right elsewhere in Western Europe. An important contribution of this volume is thus to show us that Switzerland should no longer be seen as an ‘exceptional case’ as far as the radical right is concerned.

In chapter 1, the author defines the ‘radical’ and the ‘extreme’ right (the latter, he says, should be seen as a subcategory of the former), arguing that ‘the term <<extreme right>> is [here] exclusively applied for [sic] organisations, individuals and activities characterised by the threat or use of violence, the rejection of democratic rules and/or extreme versions of an exclusionist ideology’ (p. 16). It is, of course, very difficult to draw a clear line between violent actions on the one hand and ‘propagandistic and ideologically-oriented activity’ (p. 304) on the other. The author is aware of this and highlights the extent to which individuals and groups belonging to the ‘extreme right’ have in fact collaborated with non violent and more ‘respectable’ organisations, at times even eventually joining them. Alongside the ‘extreme right’, two other family members of the radical right are covered in the volume: radical right populists and ‘New Right’ organisations. Having discussed the conditions facilitating the success of the radical right in chapter 2, in chapters 3 and 4 the author talks about the movement against ‘overforeignization’ of the 1960s and 1970s and a series of ‘fringe’ radical parties, such as the Swiss Democrats and the Lega dei Ticinesi. These chapters show that the contemporary heated debates on Swiss identity and migration that have been pushed to the very top of the political agenda in the country in recent years are anything but new. However, the long descriptions of groups, individuals and political initiatives, the impact of which has often been negligible both nationally and internationally, not to mention the lists of names of representatives of this or that organisation, could have been much reduced in favour of more analysis. Indeed, some of the information provided in these chapters (and the following ones) would have been more suited to an appendix, and I suspect that the international reader would have preferred a stronger focus on the role that these groups and intellectuals assumed in Swiss society. The same criticism can be voiced of chapters 6-8, which provide an account of ‘New Right’ and ‘Extreme Right’ thinkers, movements and groups which seems far too detailed, especially since these were sometimes made up of only a handful of people. However, the author’s

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explanations of the ideological and organisational similarities between these and radical right groups in other major European countries are useful; equally welcome is the illustration with examples of a claim that is made in chapter 1, i.e. that the organisational variants of the radical right are in Switzerland, like elsewhere, ‘bound together, not only by shared ideological features and common intellectual-historical references, but also by networks, interactions and instances of mobilisation’ (p. 28).

This book was never meant to focus exclusively on the most successful ‘radical right’ party in Western Europe, the Schweizerische Volkspartei (SVP – Swiss People’s Party). However, there are several reasons why the international reader might have hoped to learn something new about this party here, given its importance for comparativists (and perhaps at the expense of some of the descriptive parts mentioned above): firstly, if Swiss politics has become much more confrontational, this is precisely in large part because of the behaviour of the SVP, which has acted like an opposition ‘within government’, exploiting the opportunities for mobilisation offered by direct democracy and questioning the principle of ‘concordance’; secondly, the party has managed to grow to the point that it has become the largest in its country by a significant margin by tripling its support in twenty years, not a feat many Western European radical right parties have been able to accomplish; thirdly, and uniquely, the SVP has managed to grow consistently in every single area of its country, showing a striking ability to reinvent itself in order to appeal to new voters well beyond its traditional core constituencies. Despite this being a fairly recent book, no analysis is offered of the most interesting period in the life of the SVP, the years since 2003. It is true that we know this from the very title of the book and that historians have every right to focus on the second half of the twentieth century in their analyses; however, here the author is forced to make detours into the last decade (there is no getting away from it, as this is the most interesting decade for the radical right in the country since the end of the war) – without ever being able to address the very many questions that the international reader would inevitably wish to see answered. It is only in the last decade that the SVP’s most prominent (and outspoken) leader, Christoph Blocher, was first elected and subsequently ejected from government after only one term (a very rare occurrence in Switzerland).

Even leaving these most recent developments aside, unfortunately the reader also learns little that has not been said before about the SVP up to the year 2000, including the factors that may help explain its success. What we find in the sole chapter dedicated to the party (chapter 5) we have heard before (at times from Skenderovic himself). To sum up, this book tells us too much about organisations and individuals that had little impact (and what it tells us about them is too often descriptive rather than analytic), while saying too little about the one Swiss party which now has a unique and prominent place in the history of the European radical right.

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Politics on the Edges of Liberalism: Difference, Populism, Revolution, Agitation Benjamin Arditi (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2009), 176 pp., ISBN 978-0748636372

Reviewed by Rik Jan Brinkman University of Amsterdam

How to explain the crisis that many Western democracies face? It is a difficult question to tackle, since many expected these democracies to blossom after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the disintegration of the Soviet-Union. However, many new democracies are fighting corruption, dealing with economic instability and incurring substantial public debts, while many old democracies are starting to resemble the new ones. Both types of democracies are trying to cope with structural economic problems, as well as the political consequences of these problems. Benjamin Arditi examines these problems, including the challenges posed by globalization, immigration, and the rise of populist movements, in five well-reasoned and well-written essays. He contends that the problems are interrelated and should be studied as a whole. His essays have much in common: Arditi skilfully examines the theoretical work of other political scientists and reflects on their ideas using empirical examples. Through this approach, he pays respect to the work of many of his fellow political scientists and offers a detailed overview of contemporary debates about the state of liberal democracy. Hence, the book provides readers, especially those who want to familiarize themselves with these debates, with a number of interesting insights about the challenges Western democracies face.

In his five essays, Arditi focuses on the weaknesses of the liberal democracies, discussing the work of important postdemocratic or postliberal thinkers like Jacques Ranciere and Slavoj Zizek. These thinkers have never celebrated the end of history and the ‘victory’ of liberalism, but have instead tried to elaborate on Marxist and postmodernist theories to show that the liberal idea of political freedom is illusionary. They argue that it denies voters a real choice, since the claim that the liberal order is a natural order is void. However, Arditi’s theoretical claims are not solely postdemocratic. He also speaks about the loss of revolution. Many (should) mourn the loss of the revolutionary idea, since it invoked a great passion for the political. The revolution has not only died because of the terrible situations in the former Soviet Union: revolution and liberalism suffer from the same disease, with an ever more complex world, where political power cannot be found in one center but rather is divided, much like ‘an archipelago’. It is more difficult to claim that society can be transformed from the center; both a problem for revolutionaries as for politicians in the liberal nation-state. Again, Arditi speaks out for a revival of the revolutionary passions. In his two essays on populism, he shows the two faces of the populist movements. Politics is balancing between redemption and pragmatism, as Arditi quotes Canovan, and the specter of populism can grow between the two. Therefore, the populist movements are a great reminder for the other democratic parties that democracy will always suffer from some kind of trauma, since the perfect equilibrium between redemption and pragmatism cannot be found. Thus, populism has a democratic side, even though its style may be undemocratic, or even anti democratic.

The essays on populism and revolutionary politics remind the reader of the influential work of Chantal Mouffe, an author who is only mentioned in passing. In her last book, On the Political, which was published shortly before some of Arditi’s essays in 2005, she developed a theory on postdemocratic thought. According to Mouffe, the pragmatic and rational liberal system should give more space to the ‘politics of the heart’. She points out that it is of great importance that a political system contains at least one party to the left of

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the social-democrats, which make a clear friend or foe divide possible between the Left and the Right. This divide should ignite the heart, but at the time should be retained by parliamentary procedures. Parliament is the battle field, the voting procedure the fight. The ideas of Mouffe were heavily criticized by a lot of postdemocratic thinkers. Laclau, with whom she previously authored a book, did not accept her new ideas. Slavoj Zizek even called her ‘eine liberale Schlampe’ (a liberal whore), since the idea that liberal parliamentarism can be resurrected with a new friend/ foe divide does not fit the radical findings of postdemocratic thought.

Arditi’s ideas resemble those of Mouffe in many ways. His analysis of the problems Western democracies face follows that of Mouffe closely, since he emphasizes the importance of the difference between the politics of pragmatism and the politics of redemption. Moreover, he displays an enthusiasm for the ‘impossible’ or the revolution, which could be seen as an expression of the politics of the heart. Therefore, it would be interesting to see where Arditi would position himself in the postdemocratic debate between Mouffe and her opponents. His essays, written with great skill, are a good read, but do not clearly position the author in this debate. A more elaborate book by Arditi on the state of Western democracies could contain great insights for the debate on postdemocracy and postliberalism.

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Extreme Right-Wing Parties and Democracy: The Effects of Extreme Right-Wing Parties on the Politics of Consolidated Democracies Ödül Celep (Köln: Lambert Academic Publishing, 2009), 313 pp., ISBN 978-3838302225 The Resurgence of the Far-Right in European Politics: Analysis of the French, Italian, Austrian, and Belgian Cases Nathan Price (Saarbrücken: VDM Verlag, 2008), 52 pp., ISBN 978-3639054361

Reviewed by Sarah L. de Lange University of Amsterdam

The academic landscape is slowly changing now that the opportunities for scholars to publish their work are expanding rapidly. Scholars can choose between an increasing number of (academic) publishers. Moreover, they have the possibility to disseminate their work via so-called on-demand publishers. One of the more popular publishers offering this service to scholars is VDM Publishing House, a publishing conglomerate that also includes Lambert Academic Publishing (LAP) and Südwestdeutscher Verlag für Hochschulschriften (SVH). Of course, the books published by these companies have not been subject to an extensive peer-review process and therefore do not meet some of the basic academic quality criteria. However, on-demand publishers do offer Phd students an interesting opportunity to make their thesis know to a larger audience. For this reason the editorial team of the e-Extreme accepted the request to review two books, one from LAP and one from VDM, which might be of interest to the members of the Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy. In Extreme Right-Wing Parties and Democracy Ödül Celep analyses the rise of extreme right parties and examines the ways in which this has affected politics in Western democracies. Combining a philosophical approach with an empirical approach, Celep investigates the potential challenges extreme right parties pose to Western democracies, as well as the actual changes their success has brought about. By taking a big tent approach and contrasting Western countries with successful extreme right-wing parties (Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, and Switzerland) with Western countries without successful extreme right-wing parties (Australia, Germany, Greece, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom), Celep places himself firmly in the American tradition of studying the extreme right, of which Pippa Norris is the most well-known exponent. In the book Celep devotes considerable attention to the strategies mainstream parties can employ to counter the success of the extreme right, distinguishing between accommodation, moving to the right-authoritarian quadrant of the political space in reaction to the success of the extreme right, and preemption, moving to this quadrant in anticipation of the success of the extreme right. He concludes that accommodation is a less popular and effective strategy than preemption. He also examines whether the adoption of accommodative and preemptive strategies has caused a systematic move to the right of Western mainstream parties, focusing in particular on this movement on a newly developed authoritarian scale. He concludes that this is indeed the case and observes three types of movement: abrupt movement, gradual movement and flash deviance. His conclusions are in line with those of other scholars who have assessed the impact of the extreme right on the policy positions of mainstream parties, such as Bonnie Meguid, Joost van Spanje, or Tim Bale, and therefore support the widespread idea that the success of the extreme right does affect politics in Western democracies.

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In The Resurgence of the Far-Right in European Politics Nathan Price examines the attitudes of voters for the far right in Austria, Belgium, France, and Italy. Although the theoretical framework developed by Price is not particularly innovative, focusing on the impact of attitudes towards the European Union and immigrants, as well as political cynicism, interest and trust, and his analyses lack methodological and statistical sophistication, the book contains some interesting observations. Most importantly, Price demonstrates that there exists considerable attitudinal variation between voters for the far right. This conclusion supports previous claims that the far right voter does not exist and that it might be more fruitful to think about the groups of far right voters.

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The New Extremism in 21st Century Britain Roger Eatwell and Matthew J. Goodwin (eds.) (London: Routledge, 2010), 248 pp. ISBN: 978-0415494359

Timothy Peace European University Institute

This edited volume by Standing Group founder Roger Eatwell and e-Extreme co-editor Matthew Goodwin is sure to interest many members reading this newsletter as well as many more besides both within academia and public policy circles. The premise behind the volume is to study the current ‘extremist challenge’ facing Britain in the form of Islamist extremism and the far-right (incarnated by the BNP). Unlike many volumes which are the product of conferences or workshops that often lead to rather disparate chapters with only vague connections, Eatwell and Goodwin have gathered contributions which link well together and look at both the causes and consequences of these different forms of extremism. As they pertinently acknowledge in their introduction, these forms of extremism are often studied in isolation. It is the view of the editors that a more holistic approach is required and that the different literatures actually have a lot to learn from each other. What is more, the threat of ‘cumulative extremism’ (which Eatwell defined in an earlier article that appeared in The Political Quarterly) means that there is also a more pressing issue for policy and practice. Indeed, the editors are keen to stress that their work also attempts to address the gap between academic theory and research on extremism and the work of local or national government and other agencies such as the police who deal with it on a more practical level. In this sense, the book attempts to initiate a bold new agenda for further research, not only in Britain, but also in Europe and beyond. Part I focuses on Islamist extremism, or to be more precise, ‘radical violent takfiri jihadism’ (RVTJ) and what attempts are being made to counteract this phenomenon among British Muslims. Many of the chapters examine the UK government’s CONTEST counter-terrorism strategy and in particular the ‘Prevent’ strand of this policy which aims to reduce the threat of international terrorism by focusing on the radicalization of individuals. Three chapters in particular stand out. Firstly, Jonathan Githens-Mazer offers a bottom up perspective of radicalization through interviews of those who have experience of recruitment into RVTJ activities or who potentially participated in such activities in the past. This offers a fascinating insight into the radicalization process which in many ways seems to parallel gang recruitment and warfare. Githens-Mazer also reflects on the impact of technology in this process. The chapter by Frank Gregory addresses the issue of how the police are dealing with the ‘new extremism’ (Al-Qaida influenced terrorism) and the inevitable tensions that are created by employing both ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ policing of ‘suspect communities’. Importantly, he concludes that although police action is important in preventing violent extremism (and of course foiling actual terrorist plots), it is not their job to challenge extremist interpretations of a religious faith. The last chapter in the section by Vivien Lowndes and Leila Thorpe in fact looks at the government’s Preventing Violent Extremism (PVE) agenda which seeks to work with Muslim communities to isolate, prevent and defeat such extremist ideas. They provide a case study of a regional PVE Pathfinder project in three (anonymous) cities and explore the role of policymakers and Muslim communities. They show how distinctive approaches to PVE emerge in different places reflecting the importance of past policies and practices at the local level that engage these minority communities. As argued by others in the volume, they warn that the desire of government for performance indicators could potentially undermine some of the good work that is being done.

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Part II looks at the recent rise of the BNP and in particular who might be voting for them, both now and in the future. Robert Ford’s chapter shows that the party has significant electoral potential and that voting levels ‘could be 10 or 20 times higher’. In another chapter co-authored with Goodwin, Bobby Duffy and Rea Robley, the social bases of support for the BNP are explored over time and compared to public support for the National Front in the 1970s. Again, the conclusion is potentially worrying, showing that the electoral extreme right is enjoying increased support. Nevertheless, the authors of all the chapters on the BNP are quick to point out that this potential is far from sure of being converted into success. The upcoming general election in the UK will of course demonstrate whether the BNP has made any real progress in the last few years after polling only 0.7% of the vote in 2005. Goodwin provides the reader in his chapter with a short history of the BNP over the last 10 years since the leadership was taken over by Nick Griffin. This offers a taster for his forthcoming monograph on the BNP New British Fascism. The final chapter in the volume by Roger Eatwell looks at responses to the BNP by government, mainstream political parties, the media and civil society. He shows how various actors in Britain have helped to delegitimize the BNP - a useful lesson for some of her European neighbours. Eatwell also argues that in order to reinvigorate Britain’s liberal democratic culture, politicians will need to engage with views of the general populace concerning issues such as immigration that the BNP is attempting to manipulate. Most of the authors are in fact quite forthcoming about their policy recommendations regarding extremism in Britain which is a welcome development.

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Publications Alert

Aly, A., and L. Green. "Fear, Anxiety and the State of Terror." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 3 (2010): 268-81.

Asad, T. "Thinking About Terrorism and Just War." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 23, no. 1 (2010): 3-24.

Azam, J. P., and V. Thelen. "Foreign Aid Versus Military Intervention in the War on Terror." Journal of Conflict Resolution 54, no. 2 (2010): 237-61.

Bale, T., C. Green-Pedersen, A. Krouwel, K. R. Luther, and N. Sitter. "If You Can't Beat Them, Join Them? Explaining Social Democratic Responses to the Challenge from the Populist Radical Right in Western Europe." Political Studies 58, no. 3 (2010): 410-26.

Benmelech, E., C. Berrebi, and E. F. Klor. "The Economic Cost of Harboring Terrorism." Journal of Conflict Resolution 54, no. 2 (2010): 331-53.

Blomberg, S. B., R. C. Engel, and R. Sawyer. "On the Duration and Sustainability of Transnational Terrorist Organizations." Journal of Conflict Resolution 54, no. 2 (2010): 303-30.

Brandt, P. T., and T. Sandler. "What Do Transnational Terrorists Target? Has It Changed? Are We Safer?" Journal of Conflict Resolution 54, no. 2 (2010): 214-36.

Briggs, R. "Hearts and Minds and Votes: The Role of Democratic Participation in Countering Terrorism." Democratization 17, no. 2 (2010): 272-85.

Cheles, L. "Back to the Future. The Visual Propaganda of Alleanza Nazionale (1994-2009)." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 15, no. 2 (2010): 232-311.

Chenoweth, E. "Democratic Competition and Terrorist Activity." Journal of Politics 72, no. 1 (2010): 16-30.

Chowdhury, A., and R. R. Krebs. "Talking About Terror: Counterterrorist Campaigns and the Logic of Representation." European Journal of International Relations 16, no. 1 (2010): 125-50.

Corner, P. "Italian Fascism: Organization, Enthusiasm, Opinion." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 15, no. 3 (2010): 378-89.

Dawson, L. L. "The Study of New Religious Movements and the Radicalization of Home-Grown Terrorists: Opening a Dialogue." Terrorism and Political Violence 22, no. 1 (2010): 1-21.

Evans, J., and G. Ivaldi. "Comparing Forecast Models of Radical Right Voting in Four European Countries (1973-2008)." International Journal of Forecasting 26, no. 1 (2010): 82-97.

Feinstein, J. S., and E. H. Kaplan. "Analysis of a Strategic Terror Organization." Journal of Conflict Resolution 54, no. 2 (2010): 281-302.

Fratta, A. "Post-9/11 Responses to Mass Casualty Bombings in Europe: Lessons, Trends and Implications for the United States." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 4 (2010): 364-85.

Gadarian, S. K. "The Politics of Threat: How Terrorism News Shapes Foreign Policy Attitudes." Journal of Politics 72, no. 2 (2010): 469-83.

Gil-Alana, L. A., and C. P. Barros. "A Note on the Effectiveness of National Anti-Terrorist Policies: Evidence from Eta." Conflict Management and Peace Science 27, no. 1 (2010): 28-46.

Hametz, M. "Naming Italians in the Borderland, 1926-1943." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 15, no. 3 (2010): 410-30.

Hellstrom, A., and T. Nilsson. "'We Are the Good Guys' Ideological Positioning of the Nationalist Party Sverigedemokraterna in Contemporary Swedish Politics." Ethnicities 10, no. 1 (2010): 55-76.

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Horowitz, M. C. "Nonstate Actors and the Diffusion of Innovations: The Case of Suicide Terrorism." International Organization 64, no. 1 (2010): 33-64.

Jones, D. M., and M. L. R. Smith. "Whose Hearts and Whose Minds? The Curious Case of Global Counter-Insurgency." Journal of Strategic Studies 33, no. 1 (2010): 81-121.

Kaunert, C. "The External Dimension of Eu Counter-Terrorism Relations: Competences, Interests, and Institutions." Terrorism and Political Violence 22, no. 1 (2010): 41-61.

Klinkhammer, L. "Was There a Fascist Revolution? The Function of Penal Law in Fascist Italy and in Nazi Germany." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 15, no. 3 (2010): 390-409.

Markovits, A and Rensmann, L. (2010) Gaming the World: How Sports are Reshaping Global Politics and Culture, Princeton University Press.

Merari, A., I. Diamant, A. Bibi, Y. Broshi, and G. Zakin. "Personality Characteristics Of "Self Martyrs''/"Suicide Bombers'' and Organizers of Suicide Attacks." Terrorism and Political Violence 22, no. 1 (2010): 87-101.

Merari, A., J. Fighel, B. Ganor, E. Lavie, Y. Tzoreff, and A. Livne. "Making Palestinian "Martyrdom Operations''/"Suicide Attacks'': Interviews with Would-Be Perpetrators and Organizers." Terrorism and Political Violence 22, no. 1 (2010): 102-19.

Michael, G. "Blueprints and Fantasies: A Review and Analysis of Extremist Fiction." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 2 (2010): 149-70.

Mozes, T., and G. Weimann. "The E-Marketing Strategy of Hamas." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 3 (2010): 211-25.

Mustafa, M., and A. Ghanem. "The Empowering of the Israeli Extreme Right in the 18th Knesset Elections." Mediterranean Politics 15, no. 1 (2010): 25-44.

Pantucci, R. "A Contest to Democracy? How the Uk Has Responded to the Current Terrorist Threat." Democratization 17, no. 2 (2010): 251-71.

Pauwels, T. "Reassessing Conceptualization, Data and Causality: A Critique of Boomgaarden and Vliegenthart's Study on the Relationship between Media and the Rise of Anti-Immigrant Parties." Electoral Studies 29, no. 2 (2010): 269-75.

Piazza, J. A. "Terrorism and Party Systems in the States of India." Security Studies 19, no. 1 (2010): 99-123.

Pickering, S., and J. McCulloch. "The Haneef Case and Counter-Terrorism Policing in Australia." Policing & Society 20, no. 1 (2010): 21-38.

Plumper, T., and E. Neumayer. "The Friend of My Enemy Is My Enemy: International Alliances and International Terrorism." European Journal of Political Research 49, no. 1 (2010): 75-96.

Ramsay, M. "Liberal Democratic Politics as a Form of Violence." Democratization 17, no. 2 (2010): 235-50.

Reinares, F. "The Madrid Bombings and Global Jihadism." Survival 52, no. 2 (2010): 83-104. Robison, K. K. "Terror's True Nightmare? Reevaluating the Consequences of Terrorism on

Democratic Governance." Terrorism and Political Violence 22, no. 1 (2010): 62-86. Sandler, T. "Terrorism and Policy: Introduction." Journal of Conflict Resolution 54, no. 2

(2010): 203-13. Sedita, G. "Vittorio Mussolini, Hollywood and Neorealism." Journal of Modern Italian Studies

15, no. 3 (2010): 431-57. Selb, P., and S. Pituctin. "Methodological Issues in the Study of New Parties' Entry and

Electoral Success." Party Politics 16, no. 2 (2010): 147-70. Shoup, B. "The Separatist Conflict in Sri Lanka: Terrorism, Ethnicity, Political Economy."

Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 1 (2010): 371-73. Siqueira, K., and T. Sandler. "Terrorist Networks, Support, and Delegation." Public Choice

142, no. 1-2 (2010): 237-53. Spadaro, B. "Intrepid Housewives. Gender, Imperialism and Totalitarianism in Women's

Colonial Training under Fascism (1937-1943)." Contemporanea 13, no. 1 (2010): 27-

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+. Sperber, N. "Three Million Trotskyists? Explaining Extreme Left Voting in France in the 2002

Presidential Election." European Journal of Political Research 49, no. 3 (2010): 359-92.

Stewart-Steinberg, S. "Politics of Culture in Liberal Italy: From Unification to Fascism." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 15, no. 1 (2010): 159-62.

Sum, P. E. "The Radical Right in Romania: Political Party Evolution and the Distancing of Romania from Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43, no. 1 (2010): 19-29.

Thorpe, J. "Austrofascism: Revisiting the 'Authoritarian State' 40 Years On." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 2 (2010): 315-43.

Vogt, S. "Strange Encounters: Social Democracy and Radical Nationalism in Weimar Germany." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 2 (2010): 253-81.

Walsh, J. I., and J. A. Piazza. "Why Respecting Physical Integrity Rights Reduces Terrorism." Comparative Political Studies 43, no. 5 (2010): 551-77.

Zuev, D. "The Movement against Illegal Immigration: Analysis of the Central Node in the Russian Extreme-Right Movement." Nations and Nationalism 16, no. 2 (2010): 261-84.

ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy

Convenors:

David Art (David.Art@tufts.edu); Elisabeth Carter (e.carter@pol.keele.ac.uk)