THE SOCIAL PRODUCTION OF SPACE:
OCCUPATION, APPROPRIATION AND BOUNDARIES OF THE DWELLING
IN THE CASE OF ÜRGÜP
BY
20802249
DEPARTMENT OF URBAN DESIGN AND LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE
L A UD 404 SE NI O R D ESI G N R ESE A R C H
INST RU C T O R: S. egül TOKOL
MARCH 2013
1
T A B L E O F C O N T E N TS
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1. Scope and Aim of the Research
2. BACKGROUND
Production of Space
2.1.1 Lefebvrian Approach to Space
2.1.1.1 Physical Space
2.1.1.2 Mental Space
2.1.1.3 Sociological Space
2.1.2 Conceptual and Spatial Triads
2.1.2.1 Spatial Practice
2.1.2.2 Representation of Space
2.1.2.3 Representational Space
2.1.3 Transformation of Spaces
2.2 Social Space and Social Product Relationship
2.2.1 Social Relations in the Production of Space
2.2.2 The Relations of Production
2.2.2.1 State and Space
2.2.2.2 Property Relations
3. ÜRGÜP, , THE PLACE AND ITS HISTORY
3.1 Research Methodology of the
3.2 The Case of Ürgüp
3.2.1 The History of Ürgüp
3.2.2 Ürgüp in the Collective Memory
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4. READING ÜRGÜP IN TERMS OF LEFEBVRE
4.1 Ürgüp as a Social Production
4.1.1 Social Relations in Ürgüp
4.1.1.1 District as a Semi-Private Unit
4.1.1.2 Cave Houses and Social Life (Living, Storage and Stable Spaces)
4.1.2 Production Types in Ürgüp
4.1.2.1 The Economical Basis of Ürgüp
4.1.2.2 Property Relations in Ürgüp
4.2 State and Space in Ürgüp
5. CONCLUSION
6. REFERENCES
3
TO MY FAMILY
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Scope and A im of the Research
Day by day, with the developments in the world, some relationships (economic, social or
physical) are getting more complicated. Nowadays, the space which we live in is also product
of the present space. In accordance with this, this kind of space must be analayzed within
has been getting a part of in all
communities in history. Lefebvre explained this interaction as;
and hence every mode of production with its subvariants create their
In doing so, Ürgüp district in N
strong relations of social production. In these meetings the present case of natural
demolishing will be criticized and some parameters and alternatives will be discussed in this
thesis.
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CHAPTER II
BACKGROUND
In the study of considering everyday life, space is not only a production of material, but also a
production of space which is affected by many parameters such as place, material, culture,
space and so on. The theoretical background of the research is constructed of French
(1974) analysis on space production. In this context, the city of
Ürgüp will be analyzed.
The inception of the problem was the spaces that can be seen on streets, our houses, forest and
so on. Lefebvre has approached this problem .
According to Lefevbre (1971), the notion of everyday life was described as;
The study of everyday life affords a meeting place for specialized sciences and
something more besides; it exposes the possibilities of conflict between the rational and
irrational in our society and in our time, thus permitting the formulation of concrete
problems of production (in its widest sense): how the social existence of human beings
is produced, its transition from want to affluence and from
(p. 23)
2.1
rather than a technical object.
Henri Lefebvre (1991) classified the fields into three parts;
physical- nature, the Cosmos; secondly,
the mental, including logical and formal abstractions; and, thirdly, the social. In other
words, we are concerned with logico-epis- p. 11 ).
6
Lefebvre analyzed the space production with notions that he created such as; physical space,
mental space and sociological space.
2.1.1 L efebvrian Approach to Space
As mentioned above, the space can be classified with three parts which are physical, mental
and social. Lefebvre described that the mental space and the real space are placed on the
opposite sides of an abyss, which are explained as mental space on the one side and physical,
social spaces on the other side.
2.1.1.1 Physical Space
Physical Space
which is occurred by nature. Lefebvre (1991) emphasized this notion as;
does not produce; it provides resources for a creative and productive activity on the part of
social humanity; but it supplies only use value, and every use value that is to say, any
product in as much as it is not exchangeable either returns to nature or serves as a natural
p.70 ).
At this point, a tree, a flower, or a frui
creates the uniqueness, in contrast with human beings.
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2.1.1.2 Mental Space
Mental space is placed on the opposite side of the real space. It was explained as logical and
formal abstractions by Henri Lefebvre. In accordance with the branch of philosophy,
theoretical practice produces mental space. The notion of mental space takes its roots from
knowledge La Sapienza.
2.1.1.3 Sociological Space
This research is going to focus on this space type, sociological space. Sociological space is the
- by Henri Lefebvre.
In other words, it can be defined as lived space. According to Canadian geographer Edward
Relph (1987), existential space is described as an active space to be experienced and created
by these experiences and furthermore recreated by the activities.
2.1.2. Conceptual and Spatial T riads
It is n are
reproduced and that dialectical contradictions are spatial rather than temporal (p. 17-19).
According to him, social space should be analyzed in two parts; conceptual and spatial. Also,
he sees these parts of societal production are dialectically interacted by three factors, which
are; Spatial practice, Representation of space and Representational spaces (Figure 2.1)
8
F igure 2.1 The triangle of the produced Social Space
To summarize, all these factors interact in social spatialization which is always in progress but
with structuring effects and also multi scaled (bodies fitted to built environment, landscape
and nature created). Moreover, it is physical but also conceptual and imagined.
2.1.2.1 Spatial Practice
ace is constituted by spatial space which is produced in
everyday life with particular locations and spatial sets of every individual in society. He
observed this factor empirically since this type of space is alive and dynamic; also Lefebvre
(1991) define
presupposes it, in a dialectical interaction; it produces it slowly and surely as it masters and
Thus, as well as representing the space of real life, spatial practice is a result of spatial
production directly affected and dominated by everydayness market with appropriate places.
Also, spatial practice with all its contradictions in everyday life, space perceived in the
commonsensical mode, ignored one minute the next.
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2.1.2.2 Representation of Space
Another factor introduced by Lefebvre is representation of space, which is defined as the
space developed by cognition. The core idea of the factor is knowledge since this factor is
also seen as a concrete abstraction which encircles the core. Lefebvre (1991) stated that;
technocratic sub dividers and social engineers, as a certain type of artist with a scientific bent-
According to the definition, it can be deduced that the space is first planned then produced by
some authorities who are competent. Similarly, these authorities can built this space in two
dimensions; the first dimension is ideologies while the second one is potentials for repression.
In other words, space reflects some masculine characteristics with repressive behaviors; for
instance, as Lefebvre (1991) exempli
Thus, representations of space (discourses on space) are the discursive regimes of theories,
spatial and planning professions and expert knowledge which conceive of space.
2.1.2.3 Representational Space
The last factor stated by Lefebvre is the representational spaces which mean complex
symbolizations and ideational spaces. He (1991) defined
symbolisms, sometimes coded, sometimes not, linked to the clandestine of underground side
10
these spaces as well as experience is shared passively as a result of these relations (Lefebvre,
1991, p. 38 39). What is more, these relations are grasped tightly by the historical
accumulations; thus, Lefebvre (1991) stated this space according to these historical relations
Thus, representational space (Discourse of Space; spaces of representation) is space with
memory as it might be, fully lived space
shocks people into a new conception of the spatialization of social life.
2.1.3 T ransformation of Spaces
Transformation of spaces was classified as three different spaces which are absolute space,
abstract space and differentiated space.
The origin of absolute space was defined in accordance with users by Henri Lefebvre (1991);
its origin, if we are to use that term is a fragment of agro-
pastoral space, a set of places named and exploited by peasants, or by nomadic or semi-
nomadic pastoralists (p. 234). Absolute space has the potentiality of being close to nature and
organic structure. It also belongs to space of death with the dominance of the living creatures,
such as, graves and funerary monuments. It is little-bit hard to distinguish from abstract and
differentiated spaces; however, Lefebvre (1991) has a description about this problem;
11
absolute space is located nowhere. It has no place because it embodies
all places, and has a strictly symbolic existence. This is what makes it similar to the
fictitious/real space of language, and of that mental space, magically (imaginarily) cut
-
Absolute space is also a matter consisting two major mechanisms that are imitation and
identification. In accordance with that religious and political spaces can be defined as absolute
space. These spaces can be exemplified as sacred or cursed locations, such as, palaces,
funerary monuments, commemorative monuments and temples.
Secondly, abstract space does not indicate what it c
It
can be easily said that, abstract space can be a mediator for power. About this symbol,
Lefebvre (1991) described as;
ing classes seize hold of abstract space as it comes into being (their political
action occasions the establishment of abstract space, but it is synonymous with it), and
they then use that space as a tool of power, without for all that forgetting its other uses:
the organization of production and of the means of production in a word, the
generation of profit
can be discussed with by the notion of abstract space. In the abstract space, homogeneity of
space is important, Lefebvre explained that (1991);
elf it is
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2.1.3.3 Differential Space
Differential space does not differ from the abstract space, but it is occurred from the abstract
space. It is created by counter culture or alternative culture.The notion of differential space
(counter space) is;
-space can insert itself into spatial reality: against the Eye
and the Gaze, against quantity and homogeneity, against power and the arrogance of
profitability; and
p. 381-382).
For differential space (counter space), the importance is given to the serve of architecture,
instead of the power of capital. According to Henri Lefebvre, abstract spaces transform into
differential spaces.
2.2 Social Space and Social Product Relationship
The spatial turn is well established through the work of Lefebvre in which he describes space
produced also serves as a tool of thought and action; that in addition to being a means of
production it is also a means of control, and hence of domination, of power; yet that, as such,
it escapes in part from those who wo
Focusing on the first phrase, Lefebvre (1991) meant
collection of things, an aggregate of (sensory) data or by a void packet like parcel with
variou 7) which stated construction of space included more complex
dialectics. In other words, physical spaces are built within a complex dialectic relationship
13
with the societies that inhabit them. He argues with the first phrase that no one can reduce the
social space to only a basic form. To put it more simply, Lefebvre considered space as a
complex social product but a form and opposes the classical approach to space concept.
In classical approach, the analytic concepts of space are;
sis composition,
Function construction,
Structure
Form, function and structure concepts are interrelated; in addition, they can be reanalyzed as
new concepts such as identity, reciprocity, recurrence, repetition (iteration), and difference
(Lefebvre, 1991, p. 149) . In addition to these enlarged concepts, space has attributes in itself
as follows;
Product and producer,
Stake,
The locus of projects and actions,
Deployed as a part of scientific strategies,
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Moreover, space is used as an apparatus of thoughts and activities (Lefebvre, 1991, p. 26).
Rather, power uses space as a controller or repression device in some value. This value of
space is classified in two groups;
Social relations of production of space (Body space relations, identity)
The realm of production relations (State and space, property relations)
As it can be derived from the statement above, social relation of production deals with realms
of body space relations and identity. In the following chapters (chapter 2.2.1. and chapter
2.2.2.), however they are interrelated so closely, they will be classified into two different
groups and analyzed as social relations in the production of space and the relations of
production.
2.2.1. Social Relations in the Production of Space
Social relations do not produce space only, but also reproduce social space. Society can be the
inception when social space is dealt with. According to points of Marxist theories, society can
be specified as three basic materials, which are:
1. Economical basis: Producing material objects, wealth, labor and organization of
labor.
2. Social Structure: Social relations are, of course, structured and structural and they
are determined by the basis and determining relations of ownership.
3. Superstructure: Acts/Laws, institutions and ideologies (Lefebvre 1971, 31).
These three bases have influences on the production of space. On the other hand, production
of society is combined with production of space.
15
In accordance with the development of social spaces, the new ones generally do not
preponderate against the others. However, it changes them. Lefebvre described this surpassing
as;
another. They are not things, which have mutually limiting boundaries and which
collide because of their contours or as a result of
Because of this, we can easily say that, social space keeps on reproducing itself by the present
interactions. In accordance with this, the interaction can be associated by social locus.
Last of all, the relationship of body and space, social group and space or identity can be also
dependant on time. The relations of body and space or the notion of identity will be wxamined
as a social production of space.
2.2.2. The Relations of Production
As mentioned earlier, forces of production do not effect production of space only, but also
reproduction of space.
These production of properties must be described as the productive forces and can not be
separated.
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2.2.2.1. State and Space
There are an important relationship between state and the relations of productions, and also
contradictions between classes. As a result, state c
State can be described as power for Lefebvre. He explained the concept as;
The state was constituted as an imaginary and real, abstract and concrete based on force (its relations with its own internal components, and those with its congeners - invariably rivals and virtual adversarie
introduces its own particular way of partitioning space, its own particular administrative
classification of discourses about space and a
reproduction is occurred in order to reproduce social relationships. In addition, Lefebvre
points out that;
dependence between ideology and political power which earth, labor and capital are under the control of the state. Moreover, it can be emphasized that, with this power, the ideology of this power can be applied spatial, social and economical formation of space
2.2.2.2. Property Relations
Production relations generally influence on the production of space. In this realm the
formation of space can be examined in terms of property relations.
The importance of real property has changed with the capitalism. Moreover, neo-capitalism
also creates its own spaces. In classical forms of production, real property has a small role,
however, with the capitalist ideology, it has exchange value. Private property is an important
17
component of the hegemony in the capitalist system (Lefebvre 1991), as it is used for
investment object. Prof. Dr. Güven Arif -capitalism as;
-capitalism, city is becoming a commodity which is used in
Additionally, producing a thing, money making is done with increasing the value of property.
And as the value of properties increase with minimum costs, more money can be made.
The influences of property relations in relation to space can be analyzed via the differences
between dominated space and appropriated space.
a. Dominated Space
and mediated by technology, by
architecture, fortifications and ramparts, dams and irrigation systems can be examples.
Lefebvre explained the relationships of outside and inside of the house or public space as; the
outside is dominated space and inside is appropriated space (Lefebvre 1991, 166).
b. Appropriated Space
Appropriated space look
according to needs of the group who appropriates that place. Although appropriation has the
meaning of excluding the others.
appropriation;
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the period that it is being possessed (even by the same person). On the other hand, This difference presents us that; appropriaton space has social, individual may be psychological characteristics of owning a place.
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CHAPTER III
ÜRGÜP, THE PLACE AND ITS HISTORY
In chapter 3, the research methodology of the study is described in accordance with
conceptual and the spatial limitations. Furthermore, the historical and memorial information
about Ürgüp is tried to be given.
3.1
The affo
as a production which belongs to many parameters. The analysis is going to be covered with
consideration of these factors by understanding the social production of space. The
importance of conserving the cultural and natural diversity with several identities in the Ürgüp
must be underlined which is linked with newly developing residential areas, which are
products just for accomodation and commercial.
The theoretical backgro
analyze space as a value for the experience urban life. The main argument is that the space
space
In the underlined study of theoretical background, Ürgüp is going to be analysed as a case of
the social production of space. The framework of the study is limited to the discussion of
space as a social product with by the keywords of
within the Ürgüp city. A social space Ürgüp and its districts, such as, Temenni, EskiÜrgüp
20
and so on has an important value which contains the spatialization of inner anatolian culture
within an exceptional, attractive and unlimited geographic environment.
3.2 The Case of Ürgüp
within
were included in the UNESCO World Heritage List.
During
the summer period, this population reac
.
This population density shows us that Ürgüp and Cappadocia district also have touristic value.
Urban sprawl (Figure 3.1) in Ürgüp city firstly started on the surface of natural forms.
an important source of social production because
of being integrated with natural forms. As a result of these developments (urban sprawl,
population, etc.), with half-ruined buildings and natural elements, the present Ürgüp
neighborhood, has become a mysterious texture.
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F igure 3.1 Ürgüp Urban Texture from Yandex Satelite System
3.2.1 The H istory of Ürgüp
Ürgüp is one of the most important tourism centers of Cappadocia regions. It has magnificent
historical texture with greater, more central Anatolian region. Ürgüp has drawn on its
prehistory and constantly developing culture as means through which to define present
identity.
Archeological excavations in Ürgüp and the surrounding area have uncovered walls and
floors to houses, investigations that have exposed an ancient culture in the region with a
relatively large population that used advanced tools and possessed much architectural
acumen.
After Assyrians, Persians and Hittites, the Byzantine empire would come, see, and conquer
next, infusing the region with Iconoclastic Christian worship. The predominant faith until
22
Seljuk and Ottoman people entered, bringing with them the Islamic religion and roots that
characterize Urgüp to this day. The district governorship of Ürgüp (2009) describes
duing the Ottoman period as;
The Neighbourhood took the architectural form of today in the 18th and 19th Centuries
the Ottoman Empire. During this period, Kayakap
Neighbourhood" in Ürgüp, was adorned by large mansions of the five Aghas (Landowners)
who prospered thanks to iltizam (privilege of collecting taxes on behalf of the Emperor) and
their families.
F igure 3.2 neighborhood from an old-Greek Source
Although being a Muslim and Christian neighborhood (Figure 3.2), the area hosts elements,
which have great value for the Orthodox population in the then cosmopolitan city of Ürgüp.
lude the rock churches which give rise to thought that there
may have been Christian life in the area much earlier periods, plus the structure whose original
Gre (The Governorship of Ürgüp, 2009).
Temenni, EskiÜrgüp, , and House of Saint John the Russian, is today one of the
stops of the Ecumenical Patriarch of Istanbul at his annual visit to Cappadocia.
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3.2.2 Ürgüp in the Collective M emory
Ürgüp which has been established at the outskirts of the hill named as hill of whishness
Cappadocia region.
As mentioned before, Ürgüp has well-known texture with its culture, form and its history.
51 neighborhoods such
as Sofular, Bahçelievler, 370Evler, Temenni and Yenicami etc.
Until the first year of the republic was called Ürgüp, Ürgüp was the patriarchate centre of the
Church in Ortahisar which was one of the villages of Ürgüp are the oldest rock churches from
the region (The governorship of Ürgüp 2011). Furthermore, Church of Saint Basileious and
integrated with natural rocky forms, special wines and hand-made carpets. It is the most
important tourism center of the Cappadocia Region. The old cave houses have been restoring
as a touristic cave hotel without damaging their historic texture and structure. Among the cave
hotels some of the caves have been restores as a distraction place as discos, bars, restaurants
and entertainment places.
24
F igure 3.3
Generally, neighborhoods which consist of religious centered squares or a fountain reflect the
unique feature of settlements (Figure 3.3). Streets accord with topographical forms and proper
for mounts and people together with. These organic shaped streets sometimes carry wooden
or stone shores (Figure 3.4). Also, we can see garden fences and courtyards little bit.
After 1950s (The governorship of Ürgüp) city centre and some commercial zones spread on
spatial reservoir which is occurred by natural hills like Temenni Hill.
25
F igure 3.4 Stone buttress on Ürgüp traditional house
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CHAPTER IV
READING ÜRGÜP IN TERMS OF LEFEBVRE
This chapter contains the concentrated analysis that are done on account of the thesis. In
general the chapter will be divided in two topics. The first topic consists of the social
production of Ürgüp. The second topic discuss with the relationship between Ürgüp and the
State.
4.1 Ürgüp as a Social Production
The acknowledgment of this research is that Ürgüp is an important instance of a social
production. In consideration of analyze the social production of Ürgüp, the formation of this
process is going to be analyzed with strongly connected parts. In accordance with that, the
main seperation will be the different layers of the social interactions, the relationships of
social production and the state relationships in Ürgüp.
4.1.1 Social Relations in Ürgüp
In accordance with the information of Ürgüp is given above, Ürgüp is a living place.
Moreover, it is the physical appearance dependants on this. First of all the integral part that
the social space of Ürgüp is formed in centuries with pass through social spaces that is named
anonymous space. Most of the accomodations have been living there for a long time.
According to some community dwellers approximately %90 of the residents has born in
Ürgüp. Moreover, some of dwellers in old neighborhoods are relatives.
27
Dwellers from Ürgüp also have remarkable social features which separate the people from
other Anatolian people. By the gestures, accent, mimics and body movements Ürgüp has been
forming with the interactions and actions that are coding as organizational.
Additionally, the social production can be differing with the dimensions of houses, the houses
integrated with rocky nature, usage of the streets, age of buildings, and even colors of the
houses.
Bahçelievler, etc can be explained with the Henri Le
in accordance with the memories, stories and experiences of dwelling. In other words, some
of Ürgüp neighborhoods consist of many tales of its dwellings for hundreds of years.
For instance, the following figure (Figure 4.1) was taken in Temenni neighborhood, Ürgüp. It
is not hard to define this view from Ürgüp, with the culture of anatolia, inhabitants realize
social production on terrace of a typical Ürgüp house by cheating, making common works and
so on. With these traces and symbols, Ürgüp has been formed in collective memory as a
mental space.
F igure 4.1 Ürgüp dwellers while talking and sharing works on terrace
28
Unfortunately, there is an important problem that the dwellers must deal with. According to
the renewal
, Temenni, Eski Ürgüp Neighbourhoods were also subject to the disaster area announcement, which was a general policy adopted by the Turkish Government at that times. As a result of the policy evacuation process followed and was completed in 1984, the majority of the population in the neighbourhood were settled in the "Disaster Houses", founded on the east bank of Damsa Creek, passing through the city. As a result of these developments, with half-ruine Neighbourhood, has become a mysterious texture in the memory of the city on one hand and on the other hand it has entered into the process of gradually becoming extinct. Premium Caves, 2009) Although some problems that they must deal with, they have been managing to live and
survive with their social formations until today. We can be easily observe their cultures and
social habits during the wedding or funeral ceremonies. Surely, it shows that social space
must be differed in related with changing conditions or interwinning with other social spaces
like the social spaces o ) that settled down in Ürgüp. As cited
before the traces of their communal life can be seen in the housing units, street and urban
memory. These can be analyzed in three scales which are district scale, living-storage-space
scale and cave houses scale. With by district scale the dwellers use the district as semi-private
unit. The other scales consist of small living organisms metaphorically surrounded a court. All
scales will be analayzed with the terms of social production of space.
29
4.1.1.1 District as a Semi-Private Unit
In general, public space can be described as dominated space and private space can be
described as an appropriated space. In Ürgüp there are some varietes about this sample. Sharp
boundaries between outside and inside do not exist because of alterations of natural forms.
F igure 4.2 A view of semi-private space among the Ürgüp houses
District can be defined as semi-private space in Ürgüp. The district must be a social space for
economical interdependence and security. Streets and rock houses that are the main
components of the texture of Ürgüp have their own pattern and character (Figure 4.2). On the
terrace of houses and at the streets children who play each other and people who talk each
other or do some works like repairs. In addition to that with some furniture in front of the
doors, we can comprehend that people talking during the day. All of these show us that,
dwellers have a strong representing place of their identity.
30
4.1.1.2 Cave Houses and Social L ife (L iving, Storage and Stable Spaces)
As mentioned above, belonging to its district texture, Ürgüp has own neighborhood
life.
F igure 4.3 A view from entrance hall in a cave house
Generally, plan of an Ürgüp house occurs an entrance hall and some minimalistic rooms
(Figure 4.3) which surround to this hall. Plan and type of the house is specified by entrance
hall, because entrance hall is dominantly variable, but room dimensions and typologies are not
variable in Ürgüp traditional houses. Urban crowded and lands increasing in value have
necessitated withdrawn planning. In traditional rock houses desiring of more comfortable life
style and beware of cold and dusty conditions are important social reasons to choose this
entrance-hall-centered typology. This symmetrical plan type gives place to more amount of
room and it realizes spatial economy.
31
F igure4.4 An outside view of a traditional cave house in Temenni neighborhood
The interior plan of traditional cave houses is withdrawn. However, It can be seen that,
outside of traditional Ürgüp houses depend on social relations, pigeon culture, stable and
storage places and working areas which are for m
2013). Garden of houses consists of a courtyard and usually courtyard consists of pigeon
holes, stable and storage (Figure 4.4). Pigeon holes are made to produce fertilizer by
u, 2012). Except working areas and stables, courtyards
are totally used for social production (Figure 4.5). Practical, functional and environment-
friendly courtyards connect to mini-squares and streets.
32
F igure 4.5 A view from a courtyard with its usage spaces
Eventually, the courtyard is applicable to collective use such as working, sharing social
products or maintaining traditions like pigeon fertilizing. The rooms are opening to entrance
hall and entrance hall is opening to courtyards. In accordance with this, courtyards are living
rooms of a traditional Ürgüp house. It can be seen that the inhabitants occupy their spaces
with their living way. These kinds of spaces can be analyzed within the terms of appropriation
and spatial practice as forming in accordance with usage rather than creating a life according
to formation of space.
4.1.2 Production Types in Ürgüp
As reported by Marxist ideology social relations are the integral part while forming the social
space.
production types.
33
Also in the sample of Ürgüp same concepts can be analyzed. The dwellers created their own
spaces with the economy of occupation, moreover they used to do that in a collective way.
However, there are also lots of stores in districts like rug store, tool shop, grocery and even
tailor. It is easy to realize that crafitng and agriculture are the main sector in the economy of
Ürgüp. So, the disappearance of traditional Ürgüp houses has started with the demolition of
these spaces.
4.1.2.1 The E conomical Basis of Ürgüp
As mentioned above until the early history, Ürgüp inhabitants have been laboring with
agricul
structure of the labor of these houses has been formed by the families. For instance, a person
can carry the responsibility of a craft such as pottery or making rug since she/he is young.
It can be seen that agriculture is an integral part of Ürgüp economy. Mustafa Kaya explained
the importance of agriculture in his book as;
zone co . This earth type
The vineyards of Ürgüp city (Figure 4.6) also provides a huge wine sector. According to data
of governorship, 90% of these grapes are collected by wine factories. One of these wine
factories belongs to TEKEL, three of them belong to private sector. Moreover there is also a
molasse factory which is located on Aksalur Vilage. (The governorship, 2010).
34
F igure 4.6 A vineyard among the natural forms of Ürgüp
Additionally there are some fruit and cereal productions. (Figure 4.7). For example, potato
exportation, and apricot and apple cultivation are other parts of Ürgüp agriculture sector.
F igure 4.7 Table of agricultural products in Ürgüp
inhabitants in Ürgüp can deal with a craft. Incontestable one of these necessary crafts is
pottery which is integrated with tourism (touristic trips to pottery workshops) and even
35
Rug stores and workplaces (Figure 4.8) are also
important structure elements of Ürgüp city. Making rug is the oldest craft in Ürgüp because of
Anatolian and Seljuk artisan culture. (Bilgiç, 2013)
F igure 4.8 Women artisans making traditional rug in an atelier
formation as an important district. In accordance with this, the property relations can have
definitive part to analyze the space within social end economical relations.
4.1.2.2 Property Relations in Ürgüp
Property relations are generally described as the consequences of social relationships and
production relationships. Ürgüp carries an important value of a unique texture character. As
mentioned before, in district layer and housing layer, there are different stages of
appropriation in the city of Ürgüp.
36
As mentioned earlier in district scale, Ürgüp can be read as an appropriated space. The
dwellers have important and old roots in there. The relativity between inhabitants can be seen
in all around the district. In accordance with this, It can be said that people of Ürgüp have
strong and structural connections with their products, some animals and even plants. They live
in one storey houses and they used other floors as a storage place or stables. Some of them
keep animals like chickens, cats, dogs or even horses as a pet. They nurture horses and
donkeys to make easy some carrying works. Some of them have strong relations and they are
relatives and live together. Such a social structure can not be separated from its pattern which
is context of culture, place and people triangle.
F igure 4.9 Children playing with a dog on the street
Initially, according to some inhabitants of Temenni neighborhood, the records of land
registers are in mixed situation like one house belongs to multi shareholders. Also one of
fore law of family names,
because of that they can not prove that land register had inherited to the dwellers
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(Anonymous, 2013). Moreover, lots of dwellers are tenants in EskiÜrgüp, Temenni and
many street, courtyard or mini-square.
It can be seen that, the appropriation relations can be also interfering to each other as building
subdivisions are done according to portion that refers to its usage. In accordance with this, It
can be seen that some problems exist about appropriation in the adaptation process during the
demolishing traditional houses.
4.2 State and Space in Ürgüp
Space is reproduced by the new political power and this situation contains its ideologies in
As exemplified before,
some neighborhoods of Ürgüp city are in dangerous about demolishing with by natural ways.
(Figure 4.10) Surely, Temenni neighborhood is not in good condition, many people are living
in there under the poverty situations. However with the moving to new neighborhoods or in
ents can not be changed. They have to move peripheries of
their own neighborhoods. The district which belongs to dwellers is very important place. It is
located at the historical hill. Unfortunately, these migrations and carrying the houses can be
used by upper income families. The physical features will be changed, the conditions of
dwellers will not be better.
38
F igure 4.10 An Ürgüp house which is about demolish
neighborhoods. In accordance with this, being on the historical-hill and geologically eligible
this situation brings negativity with it. Appropriately, the case of these neighborhoods fit the
term of strategic location, explained by Lefebvre as;
Strategic space makes it possible simultaneously to force worrisome groups, the
workers among others, out towards the periphery; to make available spaces near the
centres scarcer, so increasing their value; to organize the centre as locus of decision,
wealth power and information; to find allies for the hegemonic class within the
point of vi
In accordance with this definition the existing situation can be observed in historical
neighborhoods as an upset situation.
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CHAPTER V
CONCLUSION
All around the research paper, social production of space is discussed and examined with case
study of Ürgüp and its historical neighborhoods, by focusing on the notions of
potentially of Ürgüp to explain in detail the spatial formations of cultural, economic and
social relations.
producing space can be analyzed by inspecting its components which are described as
cultural, social and economical (depending on production relationships). The structure and
Therefore, depending on the analyses, it is important to show that Ürgüp and its
neighborhoods are unique for sample for social and physical formation, which has a different
production and social relations that were analyzed.
As mentioned above, unfortunately important districts of Ürgüp such as Temenni,
Bahçelievler and Eski Ürgüp are in case of demolishing due to changing natural form. These
changes push the dwellers to move other dwellings which are not applicable for social
production.
2013) and they do not carry any risk like demolishing. However, these neighborhoods do not
have courtyards, stable places or any spaces in front of their doors to talking neighbors. They
40
are four or five storey and they are opening to wide avenues or big streets which are full of
cars, trucks and many vehicles. Moreover, state or governorship does not push the button for
the dwellers which carry valuable potential of social production.
F igure 5.1 ion
In 2002, a urban restoration project has been started with a high amount of budget. This
dangerous houses, storage places and stables have been bought from their owners. Then, these
structures have been restored, expand and design with expensive decorations (Figure 5.1).
ion projects of a historical value or natural
integration of traditional skyline of Ürgüp. However, it is important to point that, this project
does not carry features of social production. (Figure 5.2) Traditional cave houses of Temenni,
Eski Ürgüp or Kay
Moreover, they are not upper-class inhabitants. So, dwellers will not look for luxury cave
houses after natural demolishing.
41
F igure 5.2 is restored with high budget
There is a better urban design proposal which was generated by me. This project aimed
Temenni neighborhood, its cave houses, historical and social heritages and sustaining of the
social production. It involves mini-square, social centre and fountain elements integrated with
traditional cave houses and social production areas. (Figure 5.3) It contains many elements to
sustain social production of space in accordance with occupation and appropriation values of
dwellers.
42
F igure 5.3
43
Thus, from start to end, the point of view of the thesis, Ürgüp is a social product and there are
many dynamics and parameters waiting to use in that space, which creates that space. These
dynamics can be analyzed from district scale to building scale. The study can prove that for
places like Ürügp, where the cultural, economic and social relations have interwoven a place
as a social product.
44
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