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The Mythology of Mahabali &
The Economy of Flow
P.Madhu
I
Economy of Stock and Flow
Accumulation versus flow is a philosophical debate the modernists often disengage.
Engaging with it collapses modernity. The black & white, linear, causal, categorical rationale of
the modern loses its ground to tradition it fights to replace. The idea of flow against stock has got
the powerful deceptively justifying accumulation even by claiming accumulation as the flow.The crux of modern is not the civilization updates as modernists often presume. It is co-born
with the logic of accumulation that replaced ‘wasteful’ general economy1 (Bataille, 1991;
Derrida, 2005). It exposes modern as an ideology and not merely an update of outdated ideas.
Interestingly, post-modern & post structural counters of modern invoke flow to question modern
prejudices for fixity with flow.
At some point of time accumulative-money-lender-economy was defended with labels of
Semitism. Questioning its logic had been presented as if it were homicidal endeavor of finishing
off cultural minority belonging to Jewish faith. In its core it was an extractive ‘money changer’
economy- making money with money- though it was projected as it were purely a ‘productivist’economy2. ‘Growth’ without production is a known economic phenomenon by now. The struggle
against accumulation and retention had a long drawn battle. Interestingly, those who questioned
the accumulation economy are the world’s best spiritual masters: Buddha, Mahavir, Jesus and
Mohammed to name the most prominent among them. It is defended by the powerful as it
facilitates upward mobility of earning from raw-earth to the super elite. In this process of
movement, it nourishes the aspirations of its carriers. It remains in the economic discourse as the
unbeatable episteme by the might of its beneficent and newer aspirants. Subjected to discursive
power the social has been modified into its apparatus leaving its subjects with little alternatives.
Nevertheless, one finds countless arguments against accumulation economy among the ‘natives’
all around the world, hardly appreciated if not blamed for their ‘foolishness’. Some of them are
pragmatic and path breaking though artificially constrained of their might. One may see the
1 Georges Bataille, (1991). The Accursed Share, Volume 1: Consumption. New York: Zone Books Available athttp://dm.ncl.ac.uk/courseblog/files/2011/03/Accursed-Share-Volume-I-The-Meaning-of-General-Economy-Bataille.pdf. Accessed on 14th May 2015. Jaques Derrida, (2005). From Restricted to General Economy. In Writingand Difference. Pp. 317-3502 Ehrman, Bart D.. Jesus, Interrupted, HarperCollins, 2009.
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battle between the economy closure and openness in the software field, which has enabled
already with Linux and android softwares and the internet infrastructure3. It is not unclear that
openness and flow offer a better economic pragmatism vis-a-vis artificially sustained property
rights, expansion, accumulation and colonization.
Modernity and its appendages are discursive constructs of domination though were posedas if they update civilizational credentials of better evolved among humans. Interestingly, it
resists further ‘updates’ that necessarily collapses its foundations. Modernity is colonial not
because it was an update of civilizational performa but because it is colonial first. The difference
in late modernity is that the colonial format is updated with legislative and governance
mechanisms justifying its extractive accumulation from the earth upwards to elites. However, the
irrelevance of elites of legally justified privileges above as proprietors in whatsoever
sophisticated format is not thoroughly invisible. Economy of accumulation lifts the ‘resources’
from earth to the elites apparently benefitting its carriers. Its one way flow is projected as the free
market. It is free because for the elite above it is free.
Economies of flow and economies of stock have their mythologies and ideal to sustain
them. For instance Adam Smith had to invent a mythology of long ago existing ‘barter’ economy
that was ebbing to become full-fledged monetary economy. ‘Market economy’ is a deceptive
hybrid that justified accumulation in terms of flow. Economy of flow is economy of giving, gift,
listening and sacrifice. Economy of accumulation is economy of taking, stoking, accumulating,
and ownership. It honors owners or achievers but blind to the network of relations. Economy of
accumulation looks for heroes and ‘corporate gurus’. As accumulation in long-term drains the
earth, obviously, it is an economic ‘tragedy of commons’. ‘Market economy’ convinces, taking
is giving, consumption is growth, accumulation is circulation, projecting is listening and owning
up as sacrifice. Wonderful sets of oxymoron. When best practiced as it is now, accelerates
accumulation at the cost of producing bare-lives of humans at bottom along with the natural
resources conquered. In contrast I would like to open up minds to ‘ Bali economy’- the economy
of sacrifice and flow that has been deplored by colonial modernists and hence its character is
hardly appreciated.
II
Myth of Mahabali , the great sacrifice
One of the old mythologies that tended to place flow-economy in the place ofaccumulation economy from Kerala is the mythical stories and idealized memories of Maha-
Bali. Bali is sacrifice; maha-bali is great sacrifice. The word bali also means offering, sacrificial
animal, cooked food meant for offering, alms given to mendicants, offerings of flower for
3 Kimberley Spreeuwenberg and Thomas Poell, (2012) Android and the political economy of the mobile Internet: Arenewal of open source critique. First Monday 17(7). Available at:http://firstmonday.org/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/4050/3271 accessed on 14th May 2015.
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worship, propitiatory oblation, sacramental rites, offering of portions of food, such as grain, rice,
to gods, semi-divine beings, household divinities, spirits, ancestors, men, birds, animals and to
nature. Bali is giving. It is the direct contrast to taking. Bali is listening, the direct contrast to
speaking.
A version of the story of Mahabali is presented the story of extreme sacrifice, itsepitome, Mahabali. Mahabali was a great king ruling the Malayalam speaking southern region
of India. He is known as: giving back the obligatory due (avakāsam) everyone including
elements of nature. At a seemingly fatal occasion, the Lord of the universe, Maha-Vishnu comes
in the form of a dwarf demands his life through a trick played as it was the case with the story
Eid sacrifice. The difference is that, here the Lord subsumes and takes off his life ( jivan), makes
it immortal with a responsibility of granting gifts and wishes to his citizens especially during the
occasion of Onam, the occasion marked with all settling all their dues with all through obligatory
offerings and gifting. Onam is Sravanam; Sravanam is listening. Onam is a festival of ears,
wisdom, listening and thanking. It is a Malayali equivalent to Easter and Eid where the Mahabali
is symbol of sacrifice as Jesus and Abraham are in those parallel mythologies.
Fig. 1. Mahabali
As per the story, the dwarf asked for a grant of three feet land. It was granted by the
King. Suddenly the dwarf grows taller and taller with bigger and bigger foot occupying the
whole of the universe by two feet and having no place to keep his third feet asks him to give theking’s head as the third feet. The King wilfully offers his head, everything he owned including
his sense of self. Surrendering his self is the master sacrifice and hence he is called Maha- Bali.
Dwarf is a symbol in Indic faiths inner immortal person, the akshara purusha. The sacrifice
happens at the day of Tiruonam, the day at the dispositif of the Sravana Constellation.
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The word Onam is Mal
Astrologically, Sravanam is the
constellations. The Sravana con
The constellation is known for
Greco-Roman mythology it is ta
unequal circles represent three
(Altair), Beta-Aquilae (Aishain)
three stars are interpreted as th
figure 2). The three stars of Sra
heightened awareness, jnāna : t
three sacred syllables A U and
The sravan
The three unequal footprints see
steps of erratically growing dwa
Sravanam resides entirely withi
waxing to waning and lunar ecl
word Sravanam is constructedattentive, to listen and to be h
under its influence to hear subtle
(Harness, 1999: 87)5. Sravana is
Sravana leads one to jnāna, t
projective evolution. Projective
absorptive evolution is taken as
4 Monier Williams, (1899), A Sanskrit5 Harness, Dennis M. (1999). The Nak6P.Madhu, (2015) .Idea of Time. Availaccessed on 14th May 2015.
4
yalam for the constellation Sravanam, which
2nd nakshatra (constellation) in the 360o Zodia
stellation is known as ‘aquila’ in the Greco-R
three unequally bright stars visible to naked
ken to be three stars in the head of the eagle,
unequally brilliant stars visible from the Eart
& Gamma-Aquilae (Tarazed) . In the Indian
ee foot prints or as the outline of an ear (as
ana has immence astrological and mythologic
e third eye of Siva, Susumna- the third nadi
and so on.
Figure-2constellation represented as ear (listening)
on the sky representing the nakshatra are im
rf or footsteps of goddess Saraswati leading t
the sign of Capricorn, ruled by moon. Lunar
pses are astrologically indicative of transition
rom the root ‘ sru’ which means to give ear tard.4 Sravana implies the nakshatra’s power
etheric realms with which one can transcend t
listening, heeding, becoming wise and giving
he absorptive evolution in contrast to sabd
volution is understood as dissipation and deat
ecipe to immortality (Madhu, 2015)6.
English Dictionary, Oxford: Clarendon Presshatras: The Lunar Mansions of Vedic Astrology. Wisco
able at: https://www.academia.edu/10025552/Idea_of_Ti
means listening.
c divided into 27
man mythology.
eyes. Within the
quila. The three
: Alpha-Aquilae
ubcontinent, the
t is given in the
al significance to
f realization, the
gined to be three
self-realization.
transitions from
and change. The
, to obey, to bein leading those
e material world
p. It is sacrifice.
a- vivartha, the
. Its contrast, the
sin: Lotus Pressme_Kaala_Sakti_
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Figure-3The constellation represented as three unequal spots
The number three in the sub-continental mythology indicates multiple, movement, transition,
giving up and bursting into newness. On the other hand, the number two signifies steadiness,
sustenance, conservation and also of wealth accumulation. Two foot prints is the sign of the
goddess of wealth, Lakshmi and three foot prints represent Saraswati, the goddess of learning
and wisdom.
Onam as Sravanam is also the day in which the Goddess of ( jnāna), Saraswati, emerged
from the mythological sea of milk ( pāl kadal ). Characterization of Saraswati as goddess of
transition is profoundly found its imprint in Jain, Buddhist & other Indic texts and beliefs. In
Tantric literature, Saraswati is the third and hidden river within the body-cosmology
representing susmna nadi through which the elixir (Soma) of immortality flows; the other two
rivers of the body cosmology are Ganga and Yamuna. Ganga and Yamuna represent the Ida
(left) and Pingala (right) nadis (flows) respectively (Siva Samhita, 132-143). Saraswati is said to
sustain ambrosia, the Soma. She is both as a river on the earth and as the nadi of vital flow.
Saraswati is a goddess of inexhaustible transcendence and de-toxication. She is the vac (word)
that has become manifest from subtle and bestows the self-realization from gross-existence tosubtle through destroying the barriers of such a transition (Kinsley, 1988:10-13)7.
Etymologically the root ‘ sara’ implies ‘to flow’ and ‘wati’ is the feminine person, the roots
combined, the word ‘Saraswati ’ also means ‘the flowing one’ (Harness, 1999:87)8 Also the root
‘ sāra’ implies the crux or essence and ‘ swat’ means self and therefore the term Saraswati is also
interpreted as the flow towards realizing the ‘ sāra’ (essence) of the ‘ swat’ (self). The three
footprints of sravana are three footprints transcending from the gross multiplicity9 towards the
subtle core10. In Indic mythologies the star also represented as the birth star of Hayagriva, a
horse faced deity of jnāna, wisdom. It is also as ashvattha –the papal tree ( Ficus Religiosa) with
7 David Kinsley, 1988. Hindu Goddess: Visions of the divine feminine in The Hindu Religious Traditions. Berkeley,CA: University of California Press8 Dennis M. Harness, (1999), The Nakshatras: Lunar mansions of Vedic Astrology, Lotus Press: Wisconsin9 The gross multiplicity of the existence is implied in the tantric texts as ŪMĀ, the Mahamaya representing theBhagavati.10 The Subtle core is represented by the syllables A U & M. The three steps of towards realization is understood as aflow from multiplicity (ŪMĀ) to the subtle source (ĀŪM) in the tantric literature (Jayadeva Singh 2008; SanjuktaGupta, 2007:142)
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ears as its fruits (figure.4). Th
Buddha’s enlightenment11.
Figure 4 Three footprints of
Astrologically, it is belirepresented as the star of trut
combination (fig.3). Astrologic
affected vulnerable to deceptio
beneficial because it absrbs its s
unequal sizes of the stars is a
mythology of Onam, it appears,
asura charecter of Mahabali, sa
of Sukracharya’s ( sukra is the s
steps of vamana etc., seems to b
all forms of life including that o
The mythology seems t
mythology has two major chare
Mahabali. Most often the na
‘ Mahabali‘ literally means‚‘gre
sacrifice or as sacrifice of ego. T
11 The Huge Jain statue of Gometeeswanear Mysore is also linked to the idea o12 Source: http://www.socionix.com/mi
6
lunar day of sravana is attributed with the
Saraswati Figure.5Mythology of the Sravan
ed, the nakshatra is mlecha (low status/caste-realization because of the melefic influence
lly, it is malafic because the stellar combina
s. Sravana is malafic because one goes und
bject into absorptive immortality, an inward j
lso read as melefic as they indicate limpin
is built around the nakshatra’s astrological s
rifice, penance, deceit, truth-realization, Maha
ar venus, the star of pleasure & merriment) ad
built around the claimed influence of the plan
deities and Asuras.
convey more than what the planatery positi
ctors: one is the deceitful Vamana and the ot
es given to mythical charecters are not arbi
at sacrifice‘. Great sacrifices are understood
he mythology of Mahabali indicates sacrifice i
r (mahavir) at Sravanabelegola (means enlightened monf sravana.sc/astro/22%20Shravana_files/image001.jpg
day of Goutama
nakshatra12
) in spite of it isof saturn-moon
tion may let the
r suffering. It is
urney. The three
. The Mahabali
ignification. The
ali’s negligence
ice and the three
tary positions on
ons signify. The
er is the tricked
trary. The name
ither as human-
both the senses.
of the white pond)
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Figure 6 Nakshatra Cosmology
III
Contemporary Onam
Today as it is normal for every part of the world Kerala is also in the modern path of
acuumulative monetary economy. The old concerns of ‘ Bali economy‘ is now packaged into a
heritage ceremony of Onam celeberations. Onam is the most important festival of Kerala to
which the market responds fervously. It is a festival of temporay home coming, gift exchange
and the days of sumptuous consumption. The heritage occasion has tranformed Mahabali intoSanta Claus in Dhoties. Epistemic transitions translate symbols of erstwhile worldviews
seamelessly accustomes to new constellations of power.
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Figure 7. Market Maveli ( Mahabali)
Onam is celeberated for ten days. The celeberation starts on on Atham day (hasta) andends at the Tiruonam day (Sravanam). Atham is the thirteenth constelation of Nakshatra and
Tiruvonam is 23rd constellation. It is celeberated in the malayalam month of Chingam, in which
the Onam celebreations coincide with hasvest. First day of Onam celeberation starts with the
hasta constellation, represented by the symbol hand, which indicate activity, karma and act of
earning and accumulation. The rest of the days are represented by the nakshatra s signifying
brightness (chitra), independence ( swati), overcoming obstacles (vishaka), co-existance
(anuradha), growth and maturity ( jyesta), dissolution and turning to the root (moola), early signs
of listening and compassion (purva ashada), signs of spiritual maturity (uttara ashada) leading
towards lietening and sacrifice ( sravana). The cycle continues through greater accumulation
spiritual wealth (dhanishta) towards total success (revathi).
Bali (giving away) is central to the Onam ceremonies. It is the occasion of remembering
Mahabali, propitiatory oblation, thanks giving, alms giving, gifting, fulfilling obligations within
the caste hierarchy and also towards the sentient beings. Within the bali cosmology, it is believed
that through observation of bali rites one is protected from disasters. Bali prepares one to absorb
blessings. On the other hand abstaining from bali obstructs one’s prosperity. Prosperity and bali
are juxtaposed with one another. Similarly, spiritual progress and truth attainment are linked to
propitiatory oblations and sacrificial penances (Apasthamba II.1, 14; III.1). Bali is not merely a
voluntary sacrifice; it is a duty and obligation avoiding which, it is believed, would bestow
disaster. Bali is performed to correct one’s karmic accounting. It is a device through which onereturns to the world what one has taken in excess. Through bali one settles one’s karmic
accounts straight.
Onam is a ceremonious occasion of transition and flow in which one prepares for greater
prosperity by settling one’s karmic accounts through offerings to peers, dependents, inferiors and
superiors within the hierarchical order presupposed. Pragmatics often wins ideal types.
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Sociologically, the bali cosmology had its consequence of consolidating and legitimizing the
solidarity of the homo-hierarchicus. Behind its altruistic pose, the bali exchange provided a pre-
capitalist archetype towards sustaining inequality, over and above its idealistic stand. The
outcome of bali-reciprocation implied by Onam beyond the intensions of the actors involved is
production and reproduction of unequal and hierarchiesed social order. Socially, bali, though
performed as a penance, it comes with an expectation of gratitude which puts the recipient in the
unwelcome state of obligation. Within the obligatory gift exchange of Onam the land holder and
the deities are offered ‘kazcha’ where as the laborers and tenants are given alavu (measures).
Kazcha is an honoring presentation given by inferior to superior. The land lord receives farm
products, grain, and household items and in return the land lord offers a portion of grains he
secured through their labor; second, the land holder offers cooked food while customarily the
land holder never takes any cooked food as offering. Cloth giving is another gift that reproduces
hierarchized social relations. Within the cloth giving gift-rituals the cloth giver occupies greater
position in the hierarchy than the one receives it. Cloth is always given from upper caste to lower
caste and the vice versa is forbidden. Cloth giving is the symbol par excellencesupport/dependency13 (Moore, 1988: 266).
The bali exchange though presumed to be an ethical action to set karmic accounts
straight, in practice, it is criticized for it sustaining the biases of purity, pollution and hierarchy.
The bali exchange when studied closely exposes the sociology of systemic misrecognition. In
bali exchange, self-interest of furthering one’s prosperity is masked as altruism and obligatory
benevolence. Interestingly, within the bali-exchange the exchange is not between the individuals.
Rather, it is an exchange to pacify cosmic forces of fortunes. Secondly, the exchange is not
between individuals but between hierarchically ordered caste units where the individuals matter
the least. Bali offerings are obligatory offerings extended between classes and castes of Nayadis, Pulayas, Nairs, Brahmins and so on. The units interacting within the system are not individuals
but castes. The social world that could imagine Maha- Bali, Eid , and the Maha Bali of Jesus has a
different shared ideal than the current discursive world, though the signs and symbols are
seamlessly incorporated into the contemporary world views. Nevertheless, much like the
accumulative economic cosmology, the bali-exchange economy too in its own pursuit of
misrecognized justice irreflexivly produced social-systems unconcerned of persons, classes and
castes in the margins. The fairness of reciprocity that the bali-cosmology presumed indeed is
witnessed by the contrary impact. Instead of a fair reciprocal relations the bali world view
resulted in the castes according their position in the hierarchy retain symbolic and material forms
of capital for themselves while depriving the same to the others.
In the past, especially in the villages, the farm owing Nair taravads used to receive
Kazcha (offerings) from their tenants from 2nd to 8th day ( pooradam). Nayars do Kazcha offering
to the caste hierarchies above them and receive gifts from them. The Kazcha will usually the
farm products or things like locally made farm equipments or household items. In return the
13 Malinda AQ. Moore (1988), Symbol and meaning of nayar marriage rituals, 15(2): 266
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Taravad elder offers raw rice (nellu), coconut oil, pappad , jagri, new cloths etc., for the tenant
family on the 9th day (uthradam) for their Onam celebrations. The obligatory-gift (bali) offered
by the tenants to the taravad is called Kazcha and the taravad elder’s obligatory gift (bali) is
called alavu (measure). The taravad elders also offer their respective family deities their kazcha
(bali offering). The practice is rarely followed currently. Instead, households offer gift in terms
of money to the work force whose service is frequently sought by the households. Obligatory
gifting is limited to purchase of dress materials for parents, children and spouses. On the 10 th day
all households celebrate tiruvonam with sumptuous meals. The irony is that, the sumptuous
Onam meals are a meal commemorating the Mahabali and its consequent resurrection into
immortality. The mythology has striking parallel to sacrifice and resurrection of Jesus. Onam
meal preparation is laborious because 10-20 items of dishes to be prepared. Obviously, such a
preparation should have had heavy extraction of labor from women folks of the taravads. The
modern nuclear families instead depend on catering services for the Onam meal. Preparing
flower beds is also laborious and time consuming.
Figure 8: Avana Palaka Figure 9: Onathappan
Most of the urban households, especially in Kochi, do not prepare floral arrangements at
their homes. Instead floral arrangements are made in public places like schools, firms and
institutions purchasing flowers from the market. I visited a home that celebrated Onam with
traditional fervor at Thirupunithara on the fourth day of the ten days Onam celebrations to get a
first hand understanding. It was on the on the moolam day we witnessed a new pookalam at the
north-west direction. On the tiruvonam day in the place of floral decoration they have placed
small pieces of coconut leaves cut across along with thumpa flower cluster along with the stalk
(thumba kudam). Five of the pyramids were kept in the place of old pookalam upon an avana
palaka. Instead of flowers they had thumba kudam14 and tender leaves of coconut tree cut across
spread in the place of flowers.
14The thumba-kudam is usually used for vavu bali tharpanam ritual offered to the ancestors.
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Figure 10.Moolam Day floral arrangement
Along with the pyramids tiny models of other objects like various traditional grinding,
powdering & pounding equipments, a clay figure of an old woman (mutti) were kept. The
preparation of the pyramid with the rice paste smeared upon them is called Aniyikkal , whichmeans preparing and dressing the Mahabali for the occasion of Onam. Some households
decorate the pyramids with flowers. Ritual drawings are drawn on the floor with the diluted rice
paste etc. The drawings on the floor vary from household to household. The pyramids are usually
painted red. The tallest of the pyramid is called onathappan. In the past on the 11th day, tenants
were offered sumptuous meal. The practice is currently discontinued in most of the places. One
Krishnettan I visited told the story of the economical difficulty of his taravad in olden days in
giving sumptuous meal to the tenants. He said it was not that easily affordable to give sumptuous
mean for all those worked throughout the year because there was no sufficient surplus in
taravads. However, it was considered shame if not given sumptuous meal and gift to all those
worked and they had to sell portion of property for celebrations. Such an offering is part of bali,
the ideal of Onam festival promotes.
The ten days of Onam ceremony though diverse in practice has an underlying similarity.
The Onam ceremony begins with atham (hasta) day and comes to an end at the tenth day,
tiruonam (Sravana). The pookalam starts with thumbapoo ( thumba flower ) and ends with
thumbakkudam (stalk of the thumba flowers). Onam is remembered for Pookalams (floral spread
fig.12). The Pookalam also symbolizes transition. Flow and transition are obvious themes in the
Onam mythology and ceremonies. Onam signifies the transition in time. Onam also represents
the ruptures in time: from mortality to immortality, from projective to absorptive evolution, from
merriment to wisdom, from accumulation to disbursement. Onam invokes nostalgia and hope
both in literature and practical life. Onam remembers the transition of Mahabali from mortal to
immortal. Onam is an occasion of the bali of Bali. It is an occasion in which Mahabali is
sacrificed; however, not into complete oblivion, but with a boon to revisit. This indicates the
regression of the Bali-cosmology.
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The first day of the pookalam, the atha pookalam, starts with the white thumba (Fig.13) flower,
the symbolic representation of the originary source, then with the yellow flowered mukkutti plant
(the symbolic representation of Ganesha, the first born. Fig.14), progressing in colors and layers
and finally ending up with the top-cut red-prism (onathappan) smeared with diluted rice paste.
The process of spreading the flowers in pookalam is called poo-idal (placing the flowers). Poo-
Idal is a simple ceremony of preparing a flower bed that grows from single ring to many rings of
flowers. The practice varies from place to place yet there is a general pattern. The poo-idal
ceremony starts with preparing a place for floral arrangements. About a squire meter of place is
made sacred by spreading a thin bed of diluted cow dung. It starts with a single ring of thumba-
flower ( Leucas aspera) spread on the first day. Some households spread nothing but the petals of
thumba flower. Some other families place mukutti plant with flowers is fixed on cow dung heap
made up of a handful of cow dung. Then, the floral arrangement becomes colorful and larger
with more layers of floral arrangements. Finally, it ends up with the simple heap of stalks of
thumba flowers (thumba kudam). The practice is seen not only among the upper castes. A
woman belonging to the farm-worker caste ( pulaya) also shared identical pattern of Onam Poo- Idal. The second day onwards more layers of flowers are added with diversity of flowers. Some
households bring Mukutti plant only on the second day. The floral decoration is freshly made
every day. Commonly used flowers include Thumba ( Lucas Aspera), Kakka Poovu,
Thechipoovu, Mukkutti (little tree plant), Chemparathy (shoe flower), Aripoo or Konginipoo
(Lantana), Hanuman Kireedom (Red pagoda plant) and Chethi (Ixora). Of all these flowers,
Thumba flowers are given prominence. Thumba represents Siva, the Lord of void and
immortality. In some households one more floral bed is made since the seventh day. The new
pookalam is decorated in the north east direction of the original pookalam. While asked a
respondent said the main pookalam is for Mahabali and the new one is for the Vamanan.
However, many others who decorate two pookalams did not share the point of view. Many dowere not able to explain the symbolic meanings of their observance. Others considered both the
pookalams represent Mahabali. Some households spread three pookalams on the tiruvonam day:
one near the entrance, the other in the north-west of the first and the other is before the main
gate. It may not be a coincidence that households prepare three pookalams on the 10th day, in
which the number three has special astrological significance. Tower like pyramid structures of
different sizes from a foot and half to half foot made of unbaked clay are bought from the potters
to be kept in remembrance of Mahabali-Vamanan myth. The pyramid like structures15 are kept
either at the night of Uthradam (9th day) or at the morning of tiruvonam ( 10th day) as per the
convention of the households. On the fourth day from Tiruonam the clay pyramids are destroyed
and thrown away at a place where people won’t walk over them. If the pyramids are made out of
wood, they would be kept somewhere safe outside the homes till the next Onam. At one
household, they took one of the pyramids straight into their pooja room. However, this is not a
regular practice elsewhere. Onam as practiced is becoming more of a non-religious public
15 In the current political symbolisms parties use the top-cut pyramids similar to onathappan to represent the partymartyrs.
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celebration at the levels of residential associations rather than religious practice at households,
especially in urban centers. Apart from rituals, as they are rarely noticed beyond the floral
arrangements stumbling beautiful mandalas, Onam means homecoming, being together,
comforting, being assured and sumptuous meal.
Figure 11. Stalks of Thumba flower (thumbakkudam) on floral bed on the 10th day (tiruvonam) ofthe celebration
Figure 12: Pookalam Figure 13: Thumba flower ( Leucas aspera)
Figure 14: Mukkutti plant( Biophytum Sensitivum)
Association Onam
Onam whenever it is remembered it invokes a feeling of nostalgia in Malayalis. Everyone above 50 years old without exception admit that Onam has lost all its resemblance to the
same celebrated decades before. Onam is a measure of social transitions. Here I present what I
witnessed in an Onam celebration at Vylopilly Lane Residential Association’s (VYLRA) Onam
celebration in the year 2012. The Vylopilly Lane is situated in the Kaloor area of Ernakulam.
Vylopilly lane is a pocket road branching from Azad road at Kaloor. The Vylopilly Lane has 140
households known as belonging to Hindu, Christian and Islamic faiths. The association has
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membership from multiple castes. A small percentage of households live by means of daily
wages living in small houses. Surprisingly, the people having smallest houses belong are the
earliest of the settlers of the area. They are the erstwhile agricultural laborers. Now the area is
thoroughly urbanized with no piece of land is left for agriculture.
Figure 15 Ona Pathaga
The VYLRA celebrates Onam since the year 2007. The Onam celebration of the
association was initiated with a sports tournament. It was held on 15th
August 2012.Tournaments for the members of the residence were conducted on the sports items of shuttle
badminton, cricket, football, and tug-of-war. The events were judged and prices were distributed
on the day before Tiruvonam (28th August 2012). The ‘official’ inauguration of the Onam
festival of VYLRA was held on 25th August 2012. A minister 16 of the state government hoisting
a specially designed Ona-pathaga (fig. 15)17 inaugurated the residential association’s Onam
celebration. The day for minister’s inauguration was fixed according to the minister’s
convenience. The actual celebration of Onam was held on 27th and 28th of August. While asked
why ministers are invited to ‘inaugurate’ Onam celebrations, the organizers responded that they
are invited because that helps the association to raise funds through advertisements in the
souvenir published marking the occasion. Further, they told, it gives us an opportunity to have alinkage with the minister and the party in power.
I had an opportunity witness the Onam fair arranged at the VYLRA on 27th and 28th of
August 2012 as I was staying in a house there. A farmers association from nearby rural area
cultivating organic farm products was invited to sell their products at fair price in the stalls
arranged by the association. It was a fair-price shop for organic products as that is how Onam
was related to fairness and organic goodness. Also an association of potters was selling pots
made of clay and the clay models of Onathappan there. The products brought to the fair were
sold by 28th evening. Temporary roofing and stages were set in an open space of about 2000 sq.ft
available in the area On 27th the actual celebration was begun with an inauguration by theMLA.18 After that a tributary given to the late poet Vylopilly, after whose name the association is
named. Vylopilly was a respected poet. He was a resident of the place. He is remembered,
16 Civil Supplies Minister Mr. Anoop Jacob of the Kerala State.17 The Ona pathaka is different from the long flags usually hoisted at most of the temples signifying celebration.Onam flag- an yellow flag with a kuthu vilakku (prayer lamp) in the middle18 Member of Legislative Assembly, Mr. Hibi Edan.
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because Onam is also associated with poetic heritage of malayalis. That was followed by Games
programmes for pre-teen kids. About 15 kids participated in various games. Even traditionally
games are associated with Onam. Women of the association were in the forefront in entertaining
kids with various games like bursting the balloons, musical chair etc. In the evening, by 7.30
PM, women of the association presented thiruvathira kali19. It was followed by a performance of
Oppana20 dance by girls of teen age and above. Dinner was served for the participants after the
Oppana. By 8.30 p.m. a professional orchestra team presented Onam songs and film songs for
the audience for two hours and the days programme had come to an end. It is interesting to note
the signs and symbols of Onam are recalled in a new way.
The next day started with organ donation camp, in which participants were encouraged to
volunteer organ donation by filling up a form expressing their willingness. Organ donations
should have invoked the sense of Bali in a new way. While the form filling of organ donations
were going on there were invited speakers sharing their Onam memories. Remembrance and
nostalgia is still a part and parcel of Onam celebration. Throughout the day there were
celebrations. Participants were served sumptuous Onam Sadya ( lunch ). In the evening a
professional presented a traditional satiric-comedy event ‘Chakkiyar Koothu’ 21 for one hour. The
Chakkiar Koothu performer narrated a story from Ramayana using it to satirically comment on
the current socio-political situation in Kerala. The Koothu was followed by a musical programme
‘Thunder bolt’ presented by a professional. The performers turned children present there as their
co-performers and presented their critique of the unequal world through their music and song
recitations. The Onam celebrations came to an end by 10.30 P.M. The next day was t iruvonam.
There was no public function for tiruvonam.
At the residence association, Onam is primarily a public function. Pookalams no longer
part of ritual. Pookalams are rare at homes. Pookalams have become a collective fun endeavor of
many households participating in pookalam completion. However, I noticed not even single
households had kept the clay models of Onathappan at VYLRA. The celebration is delinked
from spiritual or religious connotation. It has become a public celebration having little to do with
religious identities. However, the members had nostalgic stories to tell about Onam celebrations
years before.
Very much different from its mythological or astrological signification, over a period of
time Mahabali has emerged a comic character and Vamanan a cunning entrepreneur. The entire
mythology suggests to the moderns the transition from the age of naiveté. However, to
19 Tiruvādirakkali is a dance performed by young women in group during the tiruvādira celebrations. Thiru-adhira literally means ‘sacred wave’. It is associated with the tiruvādira day in the Malayalam month of Dhanu(corresponds with the month of December)20 Oppana literally means make-up, especially make-up of the bride. It is a dance form among the Muslims ofMalabar at the occasion of marriage of the bride performed by her friends in circular motion around her. The danceis performed as a dance form during celebrations usually by professionals.21 It is a performance art of Kerala. It is a poetic –dramatic performance where the performer invokes humour andlaughter by satirical remarks on contemporary world while narrating stories from epics.
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commemorate the erstwhile naiveté world the association organized an Onam fair of fair-prized
vegetables and also invited potters to sell pots. Along with Onam, the fair-price selling has also
become a heritage, a remembrance of the lost world. The ‘association Onam’ did not fail to
invoke the sensibilities unique to Onam: the association played the role of huge joint family; it
expressed bali sensibilities through organ donations, the food served and gifts distributed to
children; it maintained a sense of egalitarianism by actively participating all sections of people
irrespective of their age, gender, class, caste or religion. The themes of the programmes either
suggested festivity or they were satirical of the current world order. Though it appears Onam has
lost its significance, spirit of Onam is still transmitting in the way it is celebrated. Association
Onam is one among many collective forms of current patterns of Onam celebrations. Clubs,
professional associations, institutions celebrate their Onam. In all forms of celebrations, even
today the sense of bali is visible.
Onam is celebrated differently by different groups of people. It will be wonderful more
fieldwork is taken up to recognize and understand Onam celebrations. Onam is celebrated
reverently by local clubs in semi urban areas. I interacted with people of a riverside place living
at Manjadikkari, a village of Dalit converts into Christianity near Kumarakom at Kottayam who
were settled there since 19th century as laborers ‘reclaiming’ the land under the waters of
Kumarakom. I was working with them for about a year in one of my research projects which I
named “praxis intervention”. They gave me their childhood accounts of Onam celebrations in the
water ways, which later evolved into the scenic Vallakkali of combined rowing. Onam is
differently celebrated among different classes, castes and tribes which have yet to be probed.
Figure 16. Vallakkali
On the whole, Onam is an occasion of remembering an economy of gift, sacrifice,
cordiality, flow, distribution, homecoming and social-coexistence of Malayalis. Throughcelebrating they imagine the bygone non-monetary economy of flow and sacrifice. Within the
colonial discourse, Onam is a story of treachery by the Lord Vishnu, the deity associated with
brahminical elitism subjugating a fair ruler and dumping him into the underworld of suffering.
The new interpretation mollified the myth of Mahabali into laughable foolery of a king at the on
start of the economy of stocking and accumulation.
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