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Table of Contents
List of figures and tables 5
List of abbreviations 6
Abstract 7
1: Introduction 8
2: Theoretical Background and Literature Review 11
2.1 Mixed Community Development in UK Housing Policy 11
2.2 Mixed Tenure Development and Social Interaction 14
3: Research Objectives 19
4: Methodology and Methods 20
4.1 Methodology and Mixed Method Research 20
4.2 Design Analysis 22
4.3 Questionnaires 22
4.4 Interviews 23
4.5 Case Study 25
4.6 Elephant and Castle Regeneration and Garland Court 25
5: Analysis and Discussion 27
5.1 Design and Management 275.1.1 The application of good design advocated through policy 27
5.1.2 Spatial proximity and mixed community 30
5.1.3 The role of Housing Associations 33
5.2 Social Integration and Mixed Community 36
5.2.1 The role of tenure 36
5.2.2 Microspatial polarisation or voluntary segregation 40
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6: Conclusion 42
7: Reference List 44
Appendixes 50
i. Original Independent Geographical Study (IGS) proposal 50ii. Ethical approval 58
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List of Figures and Tables
Figures
Figure 1 Garland Court 28
Figure 2 Ground floor plan 29
Figure 3 Second and third floor plans 31
Figure 4 Ages of questionnaire respondents 32
Figure 5 Household income of GC residents 33
Figure 6 Primary reason given for moving to GC 35
Figure 7 Time and tenure in relation to social integration 38
Tables
Table 1 Household Tenure, Size and Typology at GC 30
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List of Abbreviations
CABE: Commission on Architecture and the Built Environment
GC: Garland Court
HA: Housing Association
ODPM: Office of the Deputy Prime Minister
RA: Residents Association
RTB: Right-To-Buy
SHG: Southern Housing Group
UTF: Urban Task Force
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Abstract
Contemporary UK Housing Policy features rhetoric of mixed community design with
an orthodoxy of mixed tenure development. More recently this has further evolved
to champion a spatial integration of tenures known as pepper-potted tenure mix
with the assumption that this will engender social integration between tenure and
income groups in new developments. This research finds that in Garland Court,
where this design orthodoxy has been employed, it has been successful in bringing
together a diverse population in close proximity. However, there are still
implications in regards to the integration of residents that are due to tenure, design
and management.
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1. Introduction
The purpose of this study is to investigate the effectiveness of design principles that
endorse a particular type of housing tenure mixing within a single development with
the aim of increasing social integration between residents from a variety of social
backgrounds and therefore prevent the development of dysfunctional communities
(Cochrane, 2007). Social mixing has long been advocated as an approach to
counteract what has been termed the neighbourhood effect, a distinct collection of
dysfunctional social issues that have been associated with monolithic, particularly
socially rented, housing developments (Manly et al., 2011). The advocation of this
approach has resulted in the emergence of social mix policy in the UK, implemented
through housing policy rhetoric. This has been carried out on the premise that some
particular characteristics of housing developments, particularly deprivation, have a
detrimental effect on the social, economic and physical wellbeing of residents
(Manly et al., 2011). This piece of research will focus upon one particular discourse
employed to counteract these neighbourhood effects through the application of
mixed tenure design, aimed at facilitating a socially mixed community.
Initial arguments for mixed tenure developments can be traced back to critiques of
increasingly fragmented urban communities by those such as Jane Jacobs who
condemned modernist planning and urban policy. Jacobs (1961) was an advocate of
density, complexity and the heterogeneous neighbourhood leading to her call to
work with human patterns of use and interaction. Sarkissian (1976) draws upon a
wide variety of historical literature to outline nine goals of social mixing, these goalsare very much the same principles that are reflected in contemporary policy and
literature. This demonstrates that the ideas enforced in contemporary policy are in
themselves not recent concepts but are in fact re-workings of existing principles in a
current context.
The adoption of mixed tenure community planning in the development and
redevelopment of urban housing estates has now become fully ingrained into UK
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development in which a design of integrated units has been adopted. The
contemporary literature (discussed below) identifies gaps in the current research on
mixed communities. The concept of social cohesion, integration, mixing and the
facilitation of these through physical implementation are prevalent in policy (CLG,
2009). However evidence into the extent to which evolving methods and
approaches to implementation are achieving their goals and facilitating the
development of social networks is largely under-represented. Limited to case
studies of largely segregated or segmented (Groves et al., 2003) developments,
there is opportunity for new research into the degree to which fully integrated
design can facilitate social mixing and the patterns of social interaction between
residents in different tenures and with different economic and social profiles. The
recent approach of pepper-potted developments is becoming increasingly
prevalent in planning policy in the UK, and so research into the extent of social
mixing on these developments will be of significant benefit (Roberts, 2007).
In the following chapter I will review both policy and academic literature, this will
enable the formulation of a set of research questions to be pursued in this research.
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enforceable right to buy their homes and, combined with the 1980 Housing Act that
provided tenants with an average discount of 44% of market value, this resulted in a
massive transfer of local authority housing stock onto the private market and
represented the Tories drive for the privatisation of housing stock (Saunders, 1990).
Saunders (1990) outlines the significance of these measures whereby those he terms
the have-nots, economically marginal groups such as the unemployed and single-
parent families, have become increasingly geographically concentrated in the least
popular of council estates.
These impacts provide the underpinning foundations for the state of contemporary
housing policy in the UK which aims to address the issues of provision of affordable
housing (Murie & Rowlands, 2008) and counteract the development of concentrated
areas of poor quality of life and lacking opportunity in major urban conurbations
(ODPM, 2000).
With the election of the Labour government in 1997 came a reworking of housing
policy that has directly influenced contemporary new-build developments and their
design. It was deemed necessary that government intervention was required to
facilitate the achievement of social change, raise living and housing conditions and
meet the demand for housing. In 1998 the Labour government released Circular
06/98: Planning and Affordable Housing (DETR, 1998) emphasising that local
authorities should ensure that there is a mixture of dwellings in terms of size and
typology with the aim to avoid areas of social exclusion and encourage the
development of mixed and balanced communities. At the same time the Urban Task
Force (UTF), chaired by Lord Rogers, was commissioned to examine the causes of
urban decline in the UK and present practical solutions. The report produced in
1999 outlined two factors that should become fundamental in new residential
developments: a high quality of design of the built environment and diversity in
neighbourhoods achieved through mixed tenures (UTF, 1999). According to this
report mono-tenure estates are a key aspect in the decline of many areas therefore
a mixed tenure approach combined with a high quality of design in the builtenvironment is essential to the social, economic and environmental regeneration of
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urban areas (UTF, 1999). As a result of this housing association developments are
being built to serve not only the social and private rental markets but also providing
homes for private ownership.
Following on from this were a series of reports produced by the Office of the Deputy
Prime Minister (ODPM) focusing upon regeneration, housing and sustainable
communities. These reports reinforced the notions proposed by the UTF and
presented mixed income communities, facilitated by an integration of housing types
and tenures, as a way of tackling deprivation, crime, unemployment and a poor
physical environment (ODPM, 2003; 2005). It is apparent that throughout the policy
literature the terms mixed tenure, mixed income and mixed community are used
interchangeably and there is an assumption within the policy literature that through
this prescribed mixing a socially integrated and sustainable community is developed
(UTF, 1999). This is also accompanied by a number of other assumptions regarding
mixed tenure development made through the White Paper Regenerationthat Lasts
(DETR, 2000a) including tenure diversification will reduce the turnover rate of
residents and that increasing private ownership will increase the level of economic
commitment to the development by the residents.
The Labour government also established the agency CABE (Commission on
Architecture and the Built Environment) through which they promoted a particular
style of urban development that is focused on achieving high standards of
architectural design as a means to higher densities. However, definition of what
comprises high-quality design is vague at best, as is the extent to which design
solutions can contribute towards socially integrated, sustainable communities.
Despite the cuts made by the current Conservative government, including CABE,
much of the housing policy outlined above is still reflected in the latest publications
of housing policy including the Planning Policy Statement 3: Housing (PPG3) (CLG,
2011a) and its accompanying guide Better Places by Design (CLG, 2011b). However,
there is an increasing call for further research into the extent to which the focus ofpolicy upon design and tenure mix is achieving the outcomes that have been
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assumed (Kleinhans, 2004; Murie & Rowlands, 2008). It is possible that this housing
policy has created a diverse community that is micro-spatially fragmented or even
polarized. As a result of housing policy and the drive for the creation of increasing
volumes of social rented and affordable market housing, as previously mentioned
housing associations have become the largest provider in this sector. Murie &
Rowlands (2008) suggest there is a need to investigate further whether they are in
fact the appropriate agents for the development and subsequent management of
mixed tenure developments or whether they are beneficial or a hindrance to the
socially diverse communities they have thrust together.
2.2 Mixed Tenure Development and Social Interaction
Effects of the implementation of this policy on the development and redevelopment
of inner-city housing has become of increasing interest in contemporary literature
(Bailey & Manzi, 2008): from the arguments surrounding the housing developments
and the gentrification in regeneration (Butler, 2007), through to the extent of social
inclusion (Allen et al., 2005) and the development of social capital (Middleton et al.,
2005) to the influence of design (Roberts, 2007). Some research has been carried
out on the effects of mixed tenure developments upon social mixing and the
creation of social networks.
Jupps (1999) research into several housing estates that were of mixed tenure drew
several early conclusions. The study areas were of differing spatial characteristics in
the extent to which different tenures had been distributed throughout the estate.
Although it was clear that tenure mixing was a non-issue for residents many areas
labeled mixed tenure remained largely segregated into tenure groups at street level
(Jupp, 1999), this occurrence of street level segregation was reflected in the majority
of developments (Goodchild & Cole, 2001). It was also evident that in the few cases
where tenures had been integrated at street level, the estate was held in a more
positive view by the residents and without any greater perception of problems
(Jupp, 1999). This was reflected by Kleinhans (2004) who stated that the issue of
tenure was far outweighed by lifestyle as the determining factor on socialinteraction, but that proximity of differing tenures impacted upon cross-tenure
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this tenure blind approach is favoured by developers as it means social housing is
less likely to affect the saleability of private homes if it is indistinguishable.
However research into the social mixing that actually occurs in these new
developments remains largely nonexistent. This is reinforced by research into the
integration of social rental and affordable housing within market rate developments.
Tiesdell (2004) argues that although the spatial proximity between tenures may be
increased through design, the extent to which this leads to the development of
mixed communities that are socially integrated is questionable. This reflects a
theme running through the literature that current research into mixed tenure
housing is lacking empirical evidence regarding the actual extent of social mixing in
tenure blind, mixed developments.
There is some evidence to support the provision of mixed tenure
communities but significant gaps remain in the evidence-base. (Bailey &
Manzi, 2008)
Punter (2011) has examined the extent to which the UTF (1999) recommendations
have been successful and presents a wide variety of evidence to highlight the
successes and failures of the report and its subsequent impact upon policy. CABE
(2003) also found that an increasing number of housing developments in South-East
England are characterized by the design principles outlined by PPG3. This shows that
the design driven policy is of growing importance in the development of new
housing. However there remains a lack of empirical evidence from within the
development of mixed tenure residential areas as to whether the production of
mixed developments under policy directive is resulting in truly mixed communities
(Marie & Rowlands, 2008; Punter, 2011). Investigation into the impact of policy on
the development of mixed communities is given further weight by Tiesdell (2004)
who suggests that when tenure mix is adopted in contemporary developments the
mixing of tenures is often carried out with the intention of protecting the value of
market-rate housing as opposed to facilitating social interaction. However, there is
the opportunity to pursue further research into the extent to which simply
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3. Research Objectives
Having reviewed the literature surrounding the research area, as well as the housing
policy employed in the UK, I propose that the following question is pursued for the
purpose of this research;
- To what extent does pepper-potted tenure mix assist in the formation ofmixed communities?
I then propose a set of sub-questions to answer this key research question focusing
on the specific sub-set of social mix found at Garland Court, my case study site
outlined in the following chapter situated in the Elephant and Castle area of London;
- Has the Garland Court development created a socially diverse communityand achieved mixed tenure policy aims?
- Are Housing Associations playing a significant role in social integration in themixed tenure development of Garland Court?
- Is the Garland Court development creating more than just a spatiallyintegrated mixed community?
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The research questions are best approached through the use of both intensive and
extensive research methods (Clifford et al., 2010). The use of extensive research
methods allowed me to collect data to investigate the differences in residents
perceptions of community according to factors such as tenure type, age and
household income. This will provide a set of representative results that will be
supported by intensive research methods to provide an in-depth analysis of the
relationships between the residents and the factors that impact upon their social
integration (Sayer, 1992). This mixing and matching allows the methods to
complement each other, with the in-depth, qualitative data being supplemented by
systematic measurement of factors through the extensive, quantitative method
(Greene et al., 1989; Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004). The employment of both
questionnaires and interviews is a method of triangulating data for interpretation,
that is to say that the meaning of each part is constantly reassessed in relation to the
meaning of the whole and vice versa (Sayer, 1992). This enables conclusions to be
drawn from the qualitative data in the light of the information obtained on the
larger scale regarding the social relationships and circumstances to which they are
related.
These methods are then combined with a third element of the methodology, a case
study. By adopting the case study method a framework is established upon which
the extensive and intensive methods can be applied. As the research is concerned
with the social interaction between residents on a mixed tenure development, it is
appropriate that a case study method be adopted to examine the holistic and
significant characteristics of actual social relations (Yin, 2009). It may be argued that
the use of a single case, as is proposed here, does not offer sufficient grounds for
generalizations. However, this research is not to enumerate frequencies but rather
to provide analytical generalizations in respect of the broader theory of social mix
facilitated through mixed tenure design (Yin, 2009).
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4.2 Design Analysis
Having reviewed the literature and policy related to this research a design analysis
was formulated to provide a systematic measurement of the extent to which the
development being research met certain criteria that have become associated with
good design. Through the use of data sources such as architectural drawings for
the development combined with observational data regarding the completed
developments physical design attributes (Larkham, 1998), comparisons could be
drawn between the design found at Garland Court and that which had been
criticised or praised in the literature and policy.
The design analysis was a form of urban morphology, of a cross-disciplinary nature
combined with urban-design and planning analysis (Larkham, 1998). Plans of the
Garland Court development were obtained through the architects, dRMM, and
supplemented by photographs and observational notes from site visits. The results
were then subjected to analysis through literature and the qualitative and
quantitative data obtained from the residents.
4.3 Questionnaires
There were several reasons that led to a questionnaire survey in my research.
Firstly, a questionnaire made it possible to survey and construct data from a large
population sample within the given time restraints. Secondly, the questionnaire was
a tool that enabled the initial contact with the residents with the intention of
building a relationship and inducing participation in follow-up interviews. Finally, the
questionnaire enabled an initial insight into residents perceptions and behaviours
that helped to shape the questions used in the interview process.
In conducting the questionnaire survey a stratified sample was used; this method
was chosen due to the administrative constraints in obtaining the questionnaires
(McLafferty, 2010). Garland Court features secure entrances accessible by electronic
key. A total of 31 questionnaires were distributed, one questionnaire to each
household, by post. To maximise the response rate the questionnaire was suppliedwith a covering letter featuring the Kings College logo as well as a self-addressed
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envelope with which the resident could return the questionnaire, as recommended
by Rubin & Babbie (2008). In total 20 questionnaires were completed and returned
representing a 64.5% response rate.
The structure of the questionnaire was carefully considered. Beginning with a set of
demographic indicators, the questionnaire was divided into two sections to provide
the resident with a logical structure when composing their responses (Rubin &
Babbie 2011). The final section of the questionnaire featured a selection of
questions using a Likert scale for the residents perceptions. Babbie (2010) points
out that value of the use of Likert scaling is the unambiguous ordinality of response
categories, creating a simple index of the strength of residents perc eptions. Upon
receipt of all the questionnaires they were then coded thematically and subjected to
analysis.
4.4 Interviews
It was appropriate to approach this research in an indicative maner, as a substantial
volume of qualitative data will be preferable to solely statistical information in
assessing the extent and nature of social mixing (CABE, 2005). Therefore interviews
played a very important role in the formation of the data set for this research. It was
evident that preliminary interviews with key stakeholders in the development were
important to build a background on the development in question and in particular
design principles that may be useful in the analysis of social interaction (Middleton
et al., 2005).
In regards to the interviewing of the residents, initial contact was gained through the
questionnaires that ended with an option for the resident to take part in an
interview by providing contact details. Following this the residents were contacted
and suitable arrangements were made for an interview to take place. The residents
association was also contacted and encouraged residents to take part in the
interviews. This was done to establish initial trust through an established body
within the community and to encourage participation (Babbie, 2010; Longhurst,2010). The interviews took on a semi-structured format (Longhurst, 2010),
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questions were defined by the questionnaire responses and repeated with all
interviews; however flexibility was upheld to pursue further routes of enquiry
individual to each interviewee. The interviews were structured into three key areas
of questioning;
- Extent and nature of social interaction within the development, e.g. howmany people they know, extent of their relationship etc.
- Extent to which social networks have been influenced by the development,e.g. where they met others, facilities they utilise etc.
- The role of their tenure, and its surrounding issues, in influencing socialinteraction.
These areas were defined after reviewing the surveys used by both public
organisations (CABE, 2005) and private researchers (Jupp, 1999; Allen et al., 2005;
Middleton et al., 2005).
In total nine residents took part in the interview process, each interview took
between twenty-five and forty-five minutes. Initial questions followed up the
residents questionnaire responses to establish a rapport with the interviewee. Thequestions then became more in-depth and pursued the discussion points raised in a
more personal context. Through the use of a semi-structured format of questioning
it was possible to maintain a level of comparability between the interviewees
responses whilst also exposing individual experiences, attitudes and perceptions
(Babbie, 2010). The interviews were all recorded using a digital voice recorder
before being transcribed following the interview.
Following this was a process of analysis that combined the representations obtained
through the questionnaires and the intensive data from the interview processes.
These were analysed through a process of explanation building (Yin, 2009) to draw
out theoretically significant observations. For the purpose of analysis the names of
the respondents were altered in order to maintain confidentiality and anonymity.
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4.5 Case Study
As the nature of this research is not to form a broad representation of social
interaction on mixed-tenure developments but rather examine the processes and
causality in a determined locality, the use of a case study provided the necessary
boundaries and framework for my research (Babbie, 2010). To answer the research
questions the study must obtain data regarding the behaviour and attitudes of
residents in regard to social mixing on a mixed community development that is fully
integrated in terms of tenure allocation. The proposed study area is that of Garland
Court (GC) in Southwark, London. This development, undertaken by the housing
association Southern Housing, is described as a genuinely pepper-potted mix of
accommodation (dRMM, 2011). It was completed in 2006. The development has
subsequently earned its architects several awards for its architectural and social
design attributes (dRMM, 2011), it therefore provides an ideal case-study as a
pioneering fully integrated development, given time to develop social networks.
Garland Court is also a flagship development for the wider Elephant & Castle
regeneration (Southwark Council, 2011a). This makes Garland Court an extremely
relevant case study as the design principles used in this development are influenced
by PPG3 (CLG, 2011a) and are to be continually employed throughout the
regeneration scheme. The findings of this research will therefore be practical and
beneficial in the continued planning and development of this, and other,
regeneration schemes that aim for a diverse, mixed community.
4.6 Elephant and Castle Regenerationand Garland Court
Murie & Rowlands (2008) argue that there is a need to research local case studies in
relation to the adoption of mixed tenure developments in both policy and practice.
The Elephant and Castle area is situated in the south London Borough of Southwark
and as a London inner-city borough both social extremes of wealth can be found.
Despite this Southwark is ranked as one of the most deprived local authority areas in
London and the UK (Rydin et al., 2003). Having suffered significant bomb damage
during World War II, Elephant and Castle was substantially redeveloped during the
post-war period and the council engaged in an intensive housing constructionprogramme culminating in the construction of the modernist Heygate Estate in the
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early 1970s (Montgomery, 2011). The result of this was that Elephant and Castle
became dominated by extremely large, single use buildings, isolated by various
physical boundaries from their surroundings (Rydin et al., 2003; Montgomery, 2011).
The Neo-Brutalist, single tenure design of housing estates such as the Heygate has
also been the subject of significant criticism and bared the brunt of the blame for
social problems from crime and the fear of crime to graffiti and littering (Newman,
1972; Coleman, 1985). This form of single tenure development has been blamed for
the social divisions now found in Elephant and Castle (Southwark Council, 2010) and
are exactly the type of development that the government is seeking to reverse with
its current housing policy. The combination of social and physical decline of the
residential areas of Elephant and Castle along with the guidelines set by the Labour
governments housing policy have resulted in a comprehensive regeneration plan
being enacted by Southwark Council. This process began in 1999 and despite facing
much opposition and being subject to wide ranging controversy (Montgomery,
2011), it was decided that the Heygate Estate be redeveloped as part of the
regeneration of the area. The regeneration plan has been heavily influenced by
government policy and seeks to counteract social deprivation and exclusion the area
(Rydin et al., 2003) through the development of a number of mixed tenure and
typology housing developments (Southwark Council, 2010; 2011), as well as
improving the physical quality of the area (Rydin et al., 2003).
The first of these new housing developments were undertaken by housing
associations and residents moved into the first completed development, Garland
Court, in 2006 (Southwark Council, 2011a). This particular development has been
labeled as the demonstration project for the residential regeneration of Elephant
and Castle. MIMOA (2011) describes the site as providing 21st century requirements
for density, flexibility, sustainability, ownership and security. It is thereforeappropriate to carry out research into this particular development regarding the
influence of government housing policy and the creation of mixed communities to
assess the extent to which the aims of government policy and Southwark Councils
plans are being achieved.
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5. Analysis and Discussion
The following section features the analyses and discussion regarding the findings of
my research. The analysis has been divided into two broad subsections to answer
the research questions. The first examines the extent to which the design and
management of the development have attracted to GC the sort of socially diverse
population aimed for by UK housing policy and the Elephant & Castle regeneration
scheme. I conclude that although there is clear evidence that many goals are being
achieved, there remain significant areas which need to be addressed to encourage
the formation of truly mixed community as opposed to mere spatial integration
(Tiesdell, 2004).
The second section examines the extent and the nature of the residents social
interaction and examines the factors that have impacted upon the processes and
causality and the residents subsequent attitudes. In this section I argue that there
are factors that impact both positively and detrimentally upon the social interaction
of residents and although many can be seen as individual there are common
patterns found regarding design, tenure and management.
5.1 Design and Management
5.1.1 The application of good design advocated through policy.
Housing policy outlines a number of indicators that constitute good design which
relate to social diversity and integration. These include:- Integration of different typologies and provision of communal space in PPG3
(CLG, 2011a); and
- Subdivision of developments, increased street frontage and indistinguishabletenures (DETR, 2000).
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As well as the tenure blind and pepper-potted design approach outlined in the
following section, examples of the adoption of this policy advocated design approach
are evident throughout GC.
Figure 1 Garland Court (Source: Author)
Figure 1 shows how the block that GC comprises of has been subdivided into four
sections. The use differing colours for the faade, as well as changes in scale to
correspond with the neighbouring buildings, employed to break up the block to
avoid the impression of a monolithic structure. This has been combined with four
entrances to the development at street level. These design principles increase the
opportunities for social interaction by increasing the active street frontage (Gehl,
2011; Jupp, 1999).
Figure 2 shows layout of the development at street-level with the four entrances,
each serving a staircase or lift, linked through to the communal area. When asked
where they most frequently engaged with other residents 95% of questionnaire
respondents cited the communal entrances and stairways. This concurs with
previous evidence that where increased locations for street level mixing occur so do
opportunities for social interaction (Jupp, 1999; Groves et al., 2003 & Middleton et
al., 2005).
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Figure 2: Ground Floor Plan (Source: dRMM Architects)
However, policy also advocates the adoption of communal open space within
developments as a location of social interaction (DETR, 2000; CLG, 2011a) but the
provision of such an amenity was not represented in the results. Although 25% of
respondents cited the communal garden as somewhere they might engage with
another resident, the interviews uncovered a recurring theme;
To be honest you dont really use the garden because of the private
gardens, theres not somewhere where you might sit. (GC Resident 3)
It is evident that the communal space provided held little appeal to the majority of
residents as a space in which they would engage. Residents regarded the space as
little more than a visual amenity. This suggests that the mere provision of such a
space is not satisfactory in order for it to meet its intended purpose as a location of
social interaction and that a form of catalyst is required for residents to participate
in interaction or community activity. This is reinforced by the suggestions of
interviewees as to what might encourage them to use the area to mix socially;
I would say youd have to make the garden bigger or give us something
to do there for more of a social mixing area. (GC Resident 6)
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If we could grow our own plants there, or there was a BBQ area, then I
would use the garden. (GC Resident 9)
An allotment, Id love that, Ive got green fingers, everything I touch, itgrows. (GC Resident 7)
Although the provision of the space has been accounted for in the design of GC it is
clear that it lacks a motivating factor for the residents to engage in the space. This
reflects the views of Gehl (2011), reinforcing the notion that public and semi-public
space must have a functional element in order to successfully serve as an area for
social integration.
5.1.2 Spatial proximity and mixed community.
The UTF (1999) states that through the integration of a variety of housing types and
tenures within close spatial proximity, a socially diverse community will develop. In
many ways the research shows that such a community has been achieved in GC. All
tenure groups are accounted for as well as a diverse range of income, household size
and type, ages, nationalities, ethnicities and sexualities. From the goals of social
mixing outlined by Sarkissian (1976) three main indicators can be used to
demonstrate the extent of the mix achieved at GC:
- Household type and size,- Age of residents, and- Household income.
The questionnaire provided the following results.
Table 1 Household Tenure, Size and Typology at GC.
Tenure % No. of Occupants % Type %
Private Owner 15 1 50 Family 25
Private Rental 35 2 25 Married Couple 5
Part-buy Part-let 20 3 5 Co-habiting Couple 15
Housing Association 30 4 15 Co-habiting Friends 55 5 Single Occupant 50
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Table 1 shows that while all of the tenures and household typologies are
represented at GC, there is a clear weighting towards single occupant dwellings
which is representative of the number of single bedroom apartments in the
development. Through the adoption of a pepper-potted, tenure blind design and
strong architectural language, SHG has succeeded in housing a diverse social mix in
close spatial proximity. A key part in obtaining such a diverse social mix can be
found in the provision of a variety of sizes of residential accommodation, as seen in
Table 1 and Figure 3, one, two and three bedroom homes are carefully integrated
side-by-side providing accommodation for a variety of household types and avoiding
concentrations of a particular typology. Also by allocating a variety of each typology
to tenures and avoiding monolithic concentrations (Groves et al., 2003).
Figure 3 Second and Third Floor Plans (Source: dRMM Architects)
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The interviews and questionnaires added further weight to this by revealing that
owner-occupiers, private renters and social renters all occupied one, two and three
bedroom properties.
Figure 4 Ages of Questionnaire Respondents
Theres a bit of everything here, kids, teenagers, couples, old folk, all
sorts, its a real mix. (GC Resident 3)
The questionnaire revealed that there is a wide range of ages represented by the
residents of GC as demonstrated by Figure 4. The interview response of GC Resident
9 also demonstrates that a wide range of ages were visibly present, the
questionnaire results also gave further insight revealing that there were families
with children, teenagers and young adults with ages from 3 years to 22 living in GC.
A wide range of ages is deemed as helping to maintain stable residential areas
(Sarkissian, 1976) and this evident at GC.
The third indicator highlighted by the questionnaire results is that of household
income, this is demonstrated in Figure 5.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
0 5 10 15 20
A
ge
Questionnaire Respondent
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Figure 5 Household income of GC residents.
Figure 5 shows that from the questionnaire results there is a wide range of
household incomes represented in relatively equal measures.
However there are strong assumptions within policy that by creating a socially
diverse population in close spatial proximity will result in a mixed community
(Murie & Rowlands, 2008; Punter, 2011), it is clear from this that the SHG has bought
together a social diverse population at GC and is meeting many of the aspirations of
UK housing policy. Despite this evidence, it is not clear from this the extent to which
this diverse population has integrated to form a mixed community. Section 5.2 will
examine this issue in further detail to explore the processes and causalities the social
integration and community cohesion that has formed at Garland Court.
5.1.3 The role of Housing Associations.
Since 1988 the housing- association sector has assumed responsibility for
the provision of the majority of new, affordable, rented housing
Housing associations have diversified their activities, becoming involved in
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
50,000
QuestionnaireResponde
nts(%)
Household Income ()
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the provision of other kinds of affordable housing including shared
ownership, other affordable ownership products, such as Homebuy, and
some have emerged as developers of market housing themselves. (Murie
& Rowlands, 2008)
This is very much the case in Garland Court where the housing association, in this
case Southern Housing Group (SHG), is the developer of a residential block
containing socially rented homes as well as part-buy, private rental and homes on
the private market. SHG as an association aspires to tenure-blind, pepper-potted
tenure mixing whereby the differing tenures are indistinguishable from one another
(SHG, 2007). The commitment to this principle is evident in the design of Garland
Court as the external features of all the properties are identical and this was
reflected in the responses from the residents, only 30% of whom claimed they could
distinguish the tenure of other residents. When asked about how they might
distinguish between tenures the following interview response from a female
resident sums up the general feeling;
You definitely couldnt tell just by looking at peoples properties We
might make guesses due to people behaving in a certain way. (GC
Resident 2)
This suggests that SHG have been successful in creating a tenure blind development
that represents the design orthodoxy set out by those such as Tunstall & Fenton
(2006) and has become prevalent in development literature and practice (Roberts,
2007). My research shows that through the employment of an innovative
architectural practice to apply a tenure blind design approach, SHG has been able to
attract a diverse social mix of residents. 60% of respondents cited the building
design as their primary reason for moving to GC; this represented residents from all
tenure groups, as well as a diverse mix of ages, incomes and household types.
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Figure 6 Primary reason given for moving to GC
Despite having been successful in bringing together a diverse social mix of residents,
SHG were heavily criticized by many residents in respect of their management of the
needs of all the tenure groups.
I dont think theyre quite used to this mix and theyre not quite clear
sometimes Its management issues. (GC Resident 6)
The communication is unacceptable; the service charge seems out of
control. They dont tell you whats going on. They have a cultural
problem, theyre used to housing association renters, theyre not used to
the private element, they havent a clue. (GC Resident 5)
These responses to the role of SHG as a management agent are representative of
the attitudes of those interviewed that were leaseholders or shared-ownership
residents. It was evident from all those interviewed who had a financial investment
in GC that their interests were not best represented by SHG, who appeared to have
little experience in managing a mixed tenure development. This reaffirms the
questions raised by Murie & Rowlands (2008) in regards to the suitability of HAs as
managing agents.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
Family Friends Community Building
Design
Location Re-housed
QuestionnaireRespondents(%)
Reason For Moving To GC
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The difference between the responses of those with a financial investment and
those who are social tenants of SHG is marked and highlights their lack of experience
with regard to the private element.
they kept their word, they said the Kingshill would be demolished they
said that they would put me here when it was finished and they did, Im
very, very lucky they have been great, any problems and they sort it
out. (GC Resident 7)
This was the response of a SHG social tenant when asked about their opinion of the
role of SHG. The resident was extremely positive towards the actions of SHG
highlighting that their ability to manage social tenants was significantly different to
that of private properties under their management.
5.2 Social Integration and Mixed Community
5.2.1 The role of tenure.
Much of the literature surrounding social interaction of residents on mixed tenure
developments places strong emphasis on the potential for tensions created between
those in market and social properties due to the stigma associated with social
housing (Murie, 1997). However, other literature points towards tenure playing an
insignificant role in social integration (Jupp, 1999; Goodchild & Cole, 2001; Allen et
al., 2005) with spatial proximity and lifestyle being more defining factors. What was
found at GC reflects neither of these dominant notions.
Although 70% of the questionnaire respondents either disagreed with or were
impartial to the statement that they are less likely to get to know a resident of a
different tenure, the interviews were more revealing.
I think theres a breakdown though as I dont think you talk to the
(private) renters as much as the people whove bought or are housing
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association. The private renters I hardly ever see. And they often change,
the landlords Ive never met either.(GC Resident 6)
This comment from a part-buy part-let resident is reflective of the attitude held by
many towards the market rental residents. This is reflected in the questionnaire
responses; only 25% of residents were on first name terms with a private renter in
comparison with 55% on first name terms with one or more owner-occupiers, 40%
with one or more shared ownership and 45% with one or more housing association
tenants. The research data offers two possible explanations for these findings.
Of the seven private renters who responded to the questionnaire only two of those
had been in their property for over a year, combined with interview responses such
as that of GC Resident 6 above, suggests that the turnover of private residents is
more frequent than that of other tenures. Eight of the respondents were those who
had lived in GC for the full five years since its construction. GC Resident 9, a private
tenant, gave further weight to this by stating;
Ive only been here three months, Ill probably be somewhere else this
time next year why go out of my way to get to know these people, sure
theyre nice but Im not going to be here that long. (GC Resident 9)
It is evident that the increased mobility that comes with being a market tenant has a
detrimental effect on their attitude towards actively integrating on a social level. It
could also be argued that it has a detrimental effect on the residents ability to
integrate. Figure 4 shows a clear relationship in the questionnaire data between the
time a resident had been living in GC, their tenure and their integration indicated by
the number of residents with whom they are on first name terms. This shows a
general pattern of those living in GC longer knowing more people; this shows that
those market tenants who move with more frequency do not remain in their
residence for a sufficient time in which to form significant social bonds with their
neighbours.
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Figure 7 - Time and tenure in relation to social integration.
This reflects concerns raised by Murie & Rowlands (2008) who commented on the
lack of commitment to the property shown by market tenants and their buy-to-let,
absentee landlords leading to high turnovers of tenants. This notion of lack of
commitment leads to the second possible explanation presented by this research.
Middleton et al. (2005), when looking at the formation of social capital in
Bourneville, argued that investment by the residents in the community was essential
in the formation of social capital. This research shows that in the case of a mixed
tenure development such as GC there are two types of investment that impact upon
the integration of the residents and the formation of social capital; financial
investment and social investment. There is evidence to show that with regard to
financial investment, tenure type plays a significant factor.
We bought this flat so when we were approached to get involved with
the residents association and meet other residents I wanted to be part of
it. Ive invested my money here so Im very interested in whats going on.
(GC Resident 1)
0
5
10
15
20
25
0 1 2 3 4 5 6
No.ofresidentsonfirstn
ameterms
Yearsliving in GC
Market Tenant
HA Tenant
Shared Owner
Owner-occupier
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This reflects the views of many of those interviewed who had invested financially in
GC as either leaseholders or shared owners, most felt that as they had invested in
the property and the building, they had also invested in the community and saw
more reason to make an effort to integrate on a social level. This was reinforced in
an interview with a GC Resident who was heavily involved in the organisation of the
Residents Association (RA). They explained that due to the management issues
touched upon in 5.1.3 the residents of GC had actively sought to form a united group
from which to address the issues with SHG. GC Resident 5 stated that although she
was reluctant to admit it, these issues and the subsequent formation of the RA had
been the most significant catalyst for the residents of GC to integrate on a wider
scale.
Just because you live in the same block doesnt mean you will all get
along. Unless something throws you together, like our tenants and
residents association As much as Id hate to think that the issues with
Southern Housing have played a part but I guess they have bought us
together as a sort of community.(GC Resident 5)
However they also pointed out an important factor that influenced the decision of
those who were most involved in participation with the RA;
The biggest lack of interest was from private tenants and then HA tenants
most people who turned up to the RA meeting were those who had a
financial interest ie. shared ownership and lease holders.(GC Resident 5)
This is further evidence that tenure is a determining factor in a residents willingness
to interact with others. However a financial investment into the building did not
guarantee a social investment into the community and social investment was also
present without a financial incentive. In the case of GC Resident 2, a leaseholder,
they viewed their property purchase as merely a stepping-stone onto the property
ladder; their intentions were short-term and they did not see the value of investing
themselves socially. Although I have shown that tenure can play a significant role inthe extent of social interaction, it is in cases such as this that lifestyle becomes a
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more dominant factor (Kleinhans, 2004). This indicates an exclusion of those with an
attitude that is less inclined to invest socially in the GC community; although this is
mostly market tenants, other tenures should not be discounted as tenure is not the
defining cause of this personal attitude.
5.2.2 Microspatial polarisation or voluntary segregation.
The evidence shown in section 5.2.1 begins to raise the explanations as to why
certain levels of social integration have manifested at GC. When questioned on the
extent to which they want to integrate with the wider GC community the
interviewees made some interesting and insightful remarks.
You can see that theres all sorts of different people here, do we want to
share experiences and time together? I guess some of us do, not all but
some.(GC Resident 4)
If people want to speak to me, Ill speak to them, if they dont want to
say hello, too bad. Some of them very nice, say hello, some of them
dont. (GC Resident 7)
These were the responses of two HA tenants, both had been receptive to the notion
of integrating with other residents and had made social ties with various tenure
groups. However, it is clear that both acknowledged the fact that not all residents
felt so inclined to integrate. This attitude that they had encountered materialised in
the response of an owner-occupier;
I think part of it is that were not inclined to get to know our neighbours
Im perfectly willing to be friendly with people but I dont feel a need
to have any more of a relationship.(GC Resident 2)
Further evidence of this attitude was provided by both the private tenants
interviewed GC Resident 9, see 5.2.1, and GC Resident 4;
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Im too busy at work and all I want to do when I get home is to chill, and
most of the weekend Im away from the flat as well.(GC Resident 4)
Despite the physical integration of different social groups in GC it was clear that
certain residents were making a conscious decision not to integrate with the other
residents on anything more than the most basic level. This stands at odds with
motivations of some to develop a sense of community at GC and is even seen by
some to be a source of friction between residents;
(private tenants) couldnt give a damn. Its not their place, why should
they care as long as everything works theyll pay their rent and get on
with life. I think that there is a big divide between the kinds of people
who live here. (GC Resident 5)
The comments made here by the participants in the interviews do not suggest that
there are any factors influencing their social interaction other than a personal
attitude that is inclined to maintain a level of segregation from other residents. This
is characteristic of what Punter (2011) terms voluntary segregation whereby
regardless of the degree to which the units in the development being physically
integrated the residents consciously decide not to mix socially. Although Tiesdell
(2004) and Roberts (2007) both made cases of microspatial polarisation occurring
between differing tenure groups there was no evidence to suggest that this was the
case at GC due to tenure prejudice. Rather it was the voluntary segregation by
particular residents, generally but not limited to private tenants as seen in 5.1.2, that
could be seen to be microspatial polarisation but as a circumstance dictated by
choice.
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6. Conclusion
This research project set out to examine the extent to which the new orthodoxy of
pepper-potted mixed tenure design, advocated through housing policy and
implimented by SHG, has facilitated the formation of a social integrated community
at Garland Court. I examined the relationships between design, tenure and social
mixing, identifying key patterns in residents attitudes towards each of these factors.
My results show that design, tenure and management are all factors influencing the
form and extent of social integration in GC. In addition to this my results highlight
the shortcomings of the physical design of GC in regards to the communal spaces, as
well as demonstrating the detrimental effect of private tenants and voluntary
segregation on social integration.
In evaluation of the adopted approach of a pepper-potted design and a social mixed
population this project has identified both successes and weaknesses. Analysis of
the design and mix in GC has shown that the development has successfully created a
spatially integrated mixed population in close proximity through the incorporation of
a variety of unit sizes and tenure typologies that are physically tenure blind (Roberts,
2007). Despite this my research highlights the shortcomings of the physical design:
although there is provision of a communal realm (Sennett, 1994) in the form of a
shared garden it lacks the necessary functionality to act as a catalytic area of social
mixing (Gehl, 2011). The possibility for this space to facilitate wider social
integration was expressed by the residents, whose negative opinions of the current
use exposed its potential.
In my analysis of the residents social integration and attitudes towards mixing I
found that many residents were very open to mixing socially. However, I uncovered
three distinct patterns that factored upon the extent of the residents social
integration. The first was the link between financial investment and social capital;
those who had invested financially as leaseholders or shared owners felt as though
they had also invested in the community and so saw more reason to integrate on a
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social level. They were also united in their issues with SHG resulting in the formation
of the RA, which then served as a catalyst for wider integration across tenure groups.
This also emphasized stark differences between the attitudes of SHG as a managing
agent highlighting their ability to provide for HA tenants and their lack of experience
with the private market residents.
Secondly in my investigation of the role of tenure as a factor on social integration an
interesting pattern was uncovered. Despite policy claims that mixed tenure would
reduce the turnover rate of residents it was evident at GC that high turnover of
private tenants was being experienced and having a detrimental effect on their
integration. There was a clear link uncovered at GC between time in residence and
social acquaintances, private tenants were mostly observed to be inclined to short
periods of residence and saw little point to integrating into the wider GC community.
This served to highlight the third issue of voluntary segregation of certain residents
although this attitude was also noted in leaseholders using GC as a step on the
property ladder.
In summary the physical design of GC did little more than bring together a spatially
integrated community and fell short on its potential to provide a more inclusive
shared space. Despite this GC presents a firm basis for a sustainable mixed
community, integration was observed across all tenure groups providing evidence
that a socially mixed community was forming. There are however, issues
surrounding the high turnover of private tenants and the voluntary segregation of
residents. There is potential for SHG to play a more significant role in reducing this
through the restriction of buy-to-let and enforcement of longer contracts for private
tenants, however their issues with dealing with the private market residents must
first be resolved.
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7. References
Allen, C., Camina, M., Casey, R., Coward, S. & Wood, M. (2005) Mixed Tenure,
Twenty Years On: Nothing out of the ordinary. York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation
Babbie, E. (2010) The Practice of Social Research (12th
edn). Belmont, CA:
Wadsworth.
Bailey, N. & Manzi, T. (2008) Developing and sustaining mixed tenure housing
developments. York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation
Balchin, P. & Rhoden, M. (2002) Housing Policy: an introduction (4th
edn). London:
Routledge
Butler, T. (2007) Re-urbanizing London Docklands. International Journal of Urban and
regional Research, 31 (4) 759-781
Clifford, N., French, S. & Valentine, G. (2010) Key Methods in Geography. London:
SAGE
Cochrane, A. (2007) Understanding Urban Policy: A Critical Approach. Oxford:
Blackwell
Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment (CABE) (2003) The value ofhousing design and layout. London: CABE
Communities and Local Government (CLG) (2009) Evaluation of the Mixed
Communities Initiative Demonstration Projects. London: CLG
Communities and Local Government (CLG) (2011a) Planning Policy Statement 3
(PPS3): Housing. London: CLG
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Communities and Local Government (CLG) (2011b) Better Places By Design. London:
CLG
Department of the Environment Transport & the Regions (DETR) (1998) Circular
06/98: Planning and Affordable Housing. London: DETR
Department of the Environment Transport & the Regions (DETR) (2000) By Design.
London: DETR
Department of the Environment Transport & the Regions (DETR) (2000a)
Regeneration that Lasts. London: DETR
dRMM (2011) Wansey Street Housing, Projects, [Online] dRMM Architects, Available
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http://www.drmm.co.uk/dRMM/projects/by%20name/Wansey%20Street%20Housi
ng.html
Gehl, J. (2011) Life Between Buildings (6th
edn). London: Island Press
Goodchild, B. & Cole, I. (2001) Social Balance and mixed neighbourhoods on Britain
since 1979: a review of discourse and practice in social housing. Environment and
Planning D: Society and Space. 19 103-121
Greene, J., Caracelli, V. & Graham, W. (1989) Toward a Conceptual Framework for
Mixed-Method Evaluation Designs. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis. 11 (3)
255-274
Groves, R., Middleton, A., Maurie, A. & Broughton, K. (2003) Neighbourhoods that
work: A Study of the Bournville Estate. York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation
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Jacobs, J. (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Michigan: Random
House
Johnson, R. & Onwuegbuzie, A. (2004) Mixed Methods Research: A Research
Paradigm Whose Time Has Come. Educational Researcher. 33 (7) 14-26
Joseph, M. & Chaskin, R (2009) Mixed-Income Development: Resident Perceptions of
the Benefits and Disadvantages of Two Developments in Chicago. Urban Studies. 47
(11) 2347-2366
Jupp, B. (1999) Living Together: Community life on mixed tenure estates. London:
Demos
Kleinhans, R. (2004) Social implications of housing diversification in urban renewal: A
review of recent literature.Journal of Housing and the Built Environment. 19 367-390
Larkham, P. (1998) Urban Morphology and Typology in the United Kingdom. In:
Attilio, P. (ed.) Typological Process and Design Theory. Cambridge, MA: Aga Khan
Program for Islamic Architecture
Longhurst, R. (2010) Semi-structured Interviews and Focus Groups, In: Clifford, N.,
French, S. & Valentine, G. (eds.) Key Methods in Geography. London: SAGE
Marie, A. (1997) The social rented sector, housing and the welfare state in the UK.
Housing Studies. 12 (4) 437-461
Marie, A. & Rowlands, R (2008) The new politics of urban housing. Environment and
Planning C: Government and Policy. 26 644-659
Maxwell, J. & Loomis, D. (2003) Mixed Methods Design: An Alternative Approach. In:
Tashakkori, A. & Teddle, C. (Eds.) Mixed Methods in Social and Behavioral Research.London: Sage
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Tunstall, R. & Fenton, A. (2006) In the mix. A review of mixed income, mixed tenure
and mixed communities. York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation
Urban Task Force (UTF) (1999) Towards an Urban Renaissance: Final Report of the
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Yin, R. (2009) Case Study Research: Design and Methods (4th
edn). London: SAGE
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Appendix 1 Original IGS Proposal
IGS PROPOSAL
Identification and justification of the research question.
This research aims to address the issue of social mixing on a new build, mixed tenure
housing development in which a design of integrated units has been adopted. The
contemporary literature discussed below identifies gaps in the current research on
mixed communities. The concept of social cohesion, integration, mixing and the
facilitation of these through physical implementation are prevalent in policy (CLG,
2009). However evidence into the extent to which evolving methods and
approaches to implementation are achieving their goals and facilitating the
development of social networks is largely under-represented. Limited to case
studies of largely segregated or segmented (Groves et al., 2003) developments,
there is opportunity for new research into the degree to which fully integrated
design can facilitate social mixing and the patterns of social interaction between
residents in different tenures. The recently implemented approach of pepper
potted developments is becoming increasingly prevalent in planning and policy in
the UK, and so research into the extent of social mixing on these developments
would be of significant benefit (Roberts, 2007). It is therefore decided that the
research question will adopt a newly built mixed tenure development with fully
integrated units as its core study area.
With this in mind as the underlying justification for undertaking research into this
area the following has been identified as the research question:
To what extent does fully integrated tenure allocation on a housing
development facilitate the social interaction of residents of differing
tenures?
The research in context.
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appeared to discourage anti-social behaviour and were desirable places to live.
However, in their case studies they found that owners and renters occupied differing
social networks and inter-tenure integration opportunities were limited. Groves et
al. (2003) developed a taxonomy of tenure mixing responding to the need to define
levels of mixing on estates:
- Integrated: side by side- Segmented: blocks- Segregated: in concentrations- Monolithic: single tenure (Groves et al., 2003)
Jupp (1999) found that when street-level mixing occurred, opportunities for mixing,
integration and cohesion on a social level were increased and there is increasing
volumes of evidence to support theory that where tenure proximity is high and
tenures are increasingly integrated, more opportunities for social interaction are
available (Jupp, 1999; Groves et al., 2003 & Middleton et al., 2005).
Roberts (2007) uses this evidence, along side that collected from her own studies, to
argue in the case of well thought out design and tenure integration, this defines the
new orthodoxy a fine grain distribution of units(Roberts, 2007). Research such asthis has led to the call for and development of flexible, pepper potted, integrated
tenure housing (Roberts, 2007), however research into the social mixing that occurs
in these new developments remains largely nonexistent. This reflects a theme
running through the literature that current research into mixed tenure housing is
littered with holes and would benefit from further research.
There is some evidence to support the provision of mixed tenure
communities but significant gaps remain in the evidence-base. (Bailey &
Manzi, 2008)
Although its claimed that the evidence base for mixed tenure communities is not as
unsubstantial as it seems (Kleinhans, 2004), there is a consistent call for further
research. In a recent review of current literature Bailey & Manzi (2008) define six
key areas which are under-represented in mixed tenure community research. These
included the patterns of interaction between differing tenures and the modes of
encouragement or discouragement of interaction between differing tenure groups
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and how this relates to design and management of developments (Bailey & Manzi,
2008). Kleinhans (2004) states that there is a need for further investigation into
neighbourhoods social capital and housing diversification. This is reflected by
Roberts (2007) who proposes further design-focused research into the extent to
which physical integration facilitates social interaction. Roberts (2007) also states
that as pepper potting has only recently been incorporated into mixed income new
communities, there is justification into research that assesses the benefits of
incorporating this orthodoxy.
Research of this nature has wide scope for practical application both in terms of the
continuing urban development and renewal taking place in the UK (Bailey & Manzi,
2008) but also that taking place in developed cities across Europe and North America
(Berube, 2005; Kempen & Bolt, 2009). It also presents evidence for social
democracies in rapidly urbanising countries to adopt alternative models and avoid
the segregated developments that previously dominated the post-war planning and
developments of the USA and the UK (Roberts, 2007).
A methodology proposal.
To answer the research question the study must obtain data regarding the behaviour
and attitudes of residents in regard to social mixing on a mixed community
development that is fully integrated in terms of tenure allocation. The proposed
study area is that of Wansey Street Housing in Southwark, London. This
development is described as a genuinely pepper-potted mix of accommodation
(dRMM, 2011) and completed in 2006 it provides an ideal case-study as a pioneering
fully integrated development given time to develop in order for social networks to
manifest.
It would be appropriate to approach this research in an indicative manor, as
qualitative data will be preferable to statistical information in assessing the extent
and nature of social mixing (CABE, 2005). It is evident that preliminary interviews
with key stakeholders in the development are important as they can build a
background on the development in question and in particular design principles that
may be useful in the analysis of social interaction (Middleton et al., 2005). Thereforeboth the architects and housing association or developer involved in the design and
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construction will be approached for interviews regarding the context of the
development. The residents themselves will then be approached in order to obtain
the required qualitative data. Initial contact will be made to assess willingness of
participation in the research, this could be done in a number of ways, two are
proposed for application; an initial postal invitation outlining the research and
inviting residents to participate using a text message response to ascertain
participation and use of official bodies such as a residents association or housing
association to initiate participation in interviews. The latter maybe more effective in
establishing initial trust between the residents and researcher (Longhurst, 2010).
Previous literature shows varying levels of success in the surveying of residents in
mixed communities. In using Wansey Street Housing as the case study for the
research it will be possible to approach all of the residents within the development
as it consists of thirty-one households (SHG, 2010). Using previous research as a
guide to expected response it is likely that a participation rate of 30-70% percent
could be expected (Jupp, 1999; Allen et al., 2005; CABE, 2005), this would mean the
participation of roughly ten to twenty of the households in surveying through
interviews. The interviews would be undertaken on a face-to-face basis, initially
lasting around half an hour. The interviews will take a relatively structured format
(Longhurst, 2010), the questions will be defined and repeated with all interviews,
however there will be flexibility to pursue further routes of enquiry should the
appropriate situation manifest. The interviews will be structured into three key
areas of questioning, these will be;
- Initial profiling questions, age, gender, length of time in property etc.- Extent and nature of social interaction within the development, e.g. how
many people they know, extent of their relationship etc.
- Extent to which social networks have been influenced by the development,e.g. where they met others, facilities they utilise etc.
These areas have been defined after reviewing the surveys used by both public
organisations (CABE, 2005) and private researchers (Jupp, 1999; Allen et al., 2005;
Middleton et al., 2005). There may be scope to back up the initial interviews with a
supplementary interview in order to further lines of investigation that present
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Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (ODPM) (2003) Sustainable Communities:
Building the future. London: ODPM
Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (ODPM) (2005) Sustainable Communities:
People, Places and Prosperity. London: ODPM
Roberts, M. (2007) Sharing Space: Urban Design and Social Mixing in Mixed Income
New Communities. Planning Theory & Practice. 8 (2) 183-204
Rogers, R. (2005) Towards a Strong Urban Renaissance. London: Urban Task Force
Southern Housing Group (SHG) (2010) Mixing Tenures [Online] Southern Housing
Group, Available from:
http://www.shgroup.org.uk/Documents/Building%20new%20homes/Projects/Mixin
g%20tenures.pdf
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Appendix 2 Ethical Approval
I confirm that the research methodology regarding interactions with human
participants detailed within this manuscript has been considered and approved by
the King's College Research Ethics Committee. An application was sent to the
Geography, Gerontology and Social Care Workforce Unit Research Ethics Panel and is
documented as application KCL/10-11_1545.
Student Name: Stephen Revill
Student Signature:
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