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PERCEPTIONS OF FUNCTION ANDIDENTITY
The first three sections of this chapter will examine further the
functions of Javanese in relation to the local identity of its
speakers. The discussion will take advantage of the findings
made in previous chapters and relate these findings to the
general mode of social and cultural development surrounding
the Javanese community. The exploration will include peoples
attitudes to choices etween the variety of Javanese spoken in
!ast Java in relation to that spoken in "entral Java. #n this
regard$ the focus is to indicate the extent to which people in !ast
Java have developed their own linguistic identity$ separate fromthe identity of those living in "entral Java$ and to provide some
clarification of why they have done so.
%revious chapters have revealed that contemporary
Javanese has een under heavy pressure from the development
of nationalism and the #ndonesian language. &iven this fact$ the
last section of this chapter will examine the extent that such
pressure has affected childrens Javanese communicative
repertoire. 'ince people in !ast Java possess their own local
linguistic identity$ the section will also consider the extent to
which this repertoire may affect local linguistic identity. (inally$
with these two considerations$ the section will examine the
extent to which #ndonesian is the likely candidate for peoples
Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity 2)
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future linguistic identity. To egin with$ the following section
deals with peoples Javanese communicative repertoire and itsimplications for their perceptions of the language.
9.1. Beyond Communicative Re e!toi!e
#n one of his studies$ !rrington *1++,-) / 0 found that
Javanese people in "entral Java$ when o serving their ownnative communicative repertoire$ would generally comment with
a saying Negara mawa tata, desa mawa cara * The exemplary
is ordered$ villages have their ways . #n this investigation$ # also
encountered the same comment presented y a retired man
from 3ogyakarta$ %ak ardoyo$ who had moved to stay in
Jem atan when he was young to work at the central post office
in 5ang6o. The saying asically reveals common peoples
understanding that the practice of speaking neatly differentiated
and socially hierarchical Javanese speech varieties exists in
most ideal form only at the two Javanese courts of 'olo and
3ogyakarta$ "entral Java. #n contrast$ those living around and
some distance from the centres$ though trying to emulate the
practice of such differentiation$ have their own ways of expressing the speech varieties.
#n this regard$ !rrington *1++,-4 illustrates that common
people$ such as those in &udangan and 7ulih$ his two fieldwork
sites not far from 'olo$ do not finely differentiate and mark status
differences in their use of Javanese instead$ they key more to
samenesses and differences in relative age and kin status than
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to ranks in official or descent hierarchies. These people are
aware of the aesthetic value of the high speech variety of Javanese modelled from the exemplary centre$ ut they do not
use this type of speech in their daily routine ecause it is simply
eyond the communicative repertoire of the ma6ority.
Javanese people in Jem atan$ however$ do not share the
archetypal aphorism a ove. They have their own maxim that
says Seje desa mawa cara * 8ifferent villages have their own
ways . 5y this saying$ they mean that every village has its own
traditions and ways of expressing things$ including$ in this
regard$ the way villagers perceive$ understand$ and use their
ethnic language$ Javanese. 9nderstanda ly$ when they evaluate
their own Javanese$ they do not compare it with the practice of
speaking Javanese existing in the two exemplary centres$
although they may e well aware of the existence of these waysof speaking. :ather$ as revealed in 'ection .4 and indirectly in
different parts of the succeeding chapters$ they stereotypically
indicate that people in different areas of !ast and "entral Java
speak Javanese with different levels of politeness$ and consider
that their own Javanese is kasar *rough compared to the a!us
*refined Javanese spoken y people living closer to the centres
of authority of Javanese culture.
hen such a different way of perceiving Javanese is
examined further$ there is a strong indication that so far
Javanese people in !ast Java have developed their own
linguistic identity separate from the way people in "entral Java
have uilt up their identity. #n this regard$ it would e interesting
Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity 2
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to examine what %ak 'yai said to the audience during the
procession of ngundhuh mantu discussed in 'ection ;.2.
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the t!atah (andura ?group of unsophisticated Javanesepuppet show characters@. Their linguistic eti>uette is likethat$ literally rough. uested forgiveness from theaudience.
"ertainly$ it is understanda le why %ak 'yai should
express that concern. (or people in 5ang6o$ speaking pu licly
using graceful high Javanese is eyond their communicative
repertoire. 3et$ for people from "entral Java$ speaking pu licly
using courtly high Javanese is a privilege. #n fact$ not many
Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity 2;
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people can do this$ ut efforts to ena le oneself to speak
pu licly using such a high level of Javanese speech could payoff *see %em erton 1++4-1+;/2) . This is what %ak Jamiun$ as
a Javanese person from "entral Java$ has done he got paid for
his represention of 7 ak &enits family during her wedding
ceremony in %an6atan$ =ulonprogo$ "entral Java *see 'ection
;.2 . #n such a case$ !rrington *1++,-A, would consider that
%ak Jamiuns 6o constitutes the ritual commodification of high
'asa y "entral Javanese people. The following is part of %ak
Jamiuns Javanese speech that # recorded during the wedding
procession of 7 ak &enit.
SAGUNG para LENGGAH INGKANG SATUHU KINURMATAN , M"OK "ILIH KAWULA MATUR dangkik dangkik WONTEN NGERSA PANJENENGAN
SAGET NGIRANGI kawicaksanan, KEPARENGAKAWULA PINUNGGAL SEMANTEN " PRAMILA ,NAMUNG SEMANTEN ATUR sapa!a PINONGKO TALANGING 'asa SAKING "APA %aryo" an SAKING KAWULA , ing M"OK "ILIH KAWULA MATUR WIWIT KOLO WAU , MANGGIH 'a'akan INGKANG na!isir DHUMATENG PAUGERING KASUSILAN , SEPINDAH MALIH KAWULA NYUWUN GUNGE SIH SAMUDRAPANGAKSAMI "
To all the seated who are dearly respected$ as when # saya lot and in great detail in front of you ?#@ may reduce ?my@prudence$ ?so@ permit me to end ?the speech@ up here.Thus$ only these are the words as the representation of the language from 7r =aryo.
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The attitude of %ak Jamiun toward Javanese$ clearly$ is
different from the attitude of %ak 'yai toward the language. #nthis case$ %ak Jamiun tries to demonstrate to the audience the
linguistic excellence that he has learned and ac>uired. !ven so$
he still asks for forgiveness from the audience$ as he is aware
that while making the speech$ he may unintentionally reak the
rules of linguistic politeness. Therefore$ # consider that this act of
making an apology is a sign of his effort to maintain in
socioculturally appropriate manner the >uality of his high
Javanese speech. uote$
%ak 'yai acknowledges the eauty of high Javanese. Cowever$
as a Javanese person living in !ast Java$ he seems to consider
that socioculturally he has less or no o ligation to master such a
variety of Javanese.
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way they address the audience. hen %ak Jamiun says
SAGUNG para LENGGAH INGKANG SATUHU KINURMATAN $ %ak 'yai says Para RAWUH SEDAYA
INGKANG kula hurmati .
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%ak 'yai$ # had an impression that when he started his speech$
he tried to deliver the speech carefully and politely. Cowever$soon after he said the first two sentences in the >uote a ove$ he
egan to speak less carefully and less politely. #n fact$ in the
third sentence Nek ngomong, ketok rada kodo $ he used no
polite words " This is a typical expression of Javanese
unreflectively spoken y people in !ast Java.
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student. Ce is aware that there are two exemplary centres of
Javanese culture- one in 'olo and the other in 3ogyakarta. Thisawareness has led him to develop his skill ased on the
traditions and customs deriving from the two examplary centres.
#n this way$ the variety of Javanese of his speech is actually his
identification with the linguistic tradition availa le in the two
centres.
5ecause of this$ it is worth exploring further the way
people in !ast Java have identified themselves linguistically. #n
#ndonesia$ it is common practice that the script for a speech y a
high ranking official$ such as a governor$ is prepared y
some ody else other than the official*s themselves. This is
what happened to %ak 5asofi 'oedirman$ the governor of the
province of !ast Java$ when he was given the honour to open
the 'econd Javanese Eanguage "ongress * %ongres *ahasaJawa -- in 7alang$ a city a out 100 kilometres southwest of
'ura aya$ in 1++A. # was fortunate to have an opportunity to
participate in the congress$ so # could take note of his reaction
when he was reading the script of his speech on the opening
ceremony of the congress.
The congress was sponsored y the local governments of
!ast and "entral Java and the organising committee included
mem ers from oth provinces. 3et$ the sym olic presence of the
authority of the Javanese cultural exemplary centres was
undenia ly >uite dominant. < few minutes efore the opening
ceremony egan$ for instance$ a parade of horse/drawn
traditional carriages was arriving$ full of people wearing
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Javanese traditional costumes. 7eanwhile$ inside the large hall
of %urnama Cotel in 5atu$ 7alang$ many people were ready withtheir Javanese traditional costumes as well. 'oon after that$ a
group of people inside the uilding$ in their traditional costumes
too$ were playing their Javanese game!an ensem le. This was
the sign that the opening ceremony was a out to egin. ith all
these circumstances$ every message was transmitted in courtly
high Javanese. #ndonesian at that moment was seemingly a
for idden language. The script for the speech of %ak 5asofi was
also prepared in courtly high Javanese.
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!ven if it is only one sentence$ the comment y %ak
5asofi is meaningful in terms of the linguistic identity of !astJavanese people. (irstly$ the comment strongly suggests that
%ak 5asofi has an indifferent attitude toward the use of high
Javanese. #n this regard$ his attitude complements the attitude
of %ak 'yai in that they oth seem to consider that it is not their
usiness to master such a variety of Javanese. 'econdly$ the
comment is completely in low Javanese. #n this case$ the high
Javanese for wis is SAMPUN * already$ all right$ well $ for
em'uh is kula M"OTEN NGERTOS * # dont understand $ for
rek is para kadang * fellow mem ers $ and for sak karepmu
is SUMANGGA KEMAWON KERSA PENJENENGAN# * it is
fully up to your intention . ith all these ela orate e>uivalents$ it
is possi le to transform the low Javanese comment of %ak
5asofi into the high Javanese variety as follows- SAMPUN ,kula M"OTEN NGERTOS para kadang , SUMANGGA
KEMAWON KERSA PENJENENGAN . !ven so$ %ak 5asofi did
not express his comment in this way ecause high Javanese is
eyond his communicative repertoire.
Thirdly$ the overall atmosphere surrounding the comment
suggests that courtly high Javanese$ though it is spoken in a
formal traditional context$ does not create much authority in !ast
Java. Formally$ one would not regard a flaw in a formal speech
as a humorous stuff. 3et$ %ak 5asofi did and smiled at the
audience due to the mistake he made.
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in "entral Java. !rrington *1++,-A $ for instance$ has noted that
in this region$ its function can im ue the reinvention of itsformal traditional context with an aura of exemplary dignity. #n
this regard$ %ak Jamiun admitted to me that$ to indicate oth his
respect to the audience and his commitment to maintain
politeness to them$ he had crafted his Javanese speech in
accordance with the formal linguistic tradition availa le in the
two Javanese exemplary centres of 'olo and 3ogyakarta. ith
these contradictory facts$ therefore$ it ecomes o vious that the
ostensi ly superficial and funny circumstances surrounding %ak
5asofis speech are actually an indication that refined high
Javanese is not >uite a suita le medium of communication in
!ast Java.
#n fact$ as reflected in 'ections A.1 and ;.2$ high Javanese
is now no longer a significant part of the communicativerepertoire of people in !ast Java$ and$ as discussed in 'ection
.4$ people in Jem atan claim that the Javanese of people in
!ast Java is kasar *rough$ unpolished . This local term$ when
related to the low Javanese comment of %ak 5asofi$ suggests
that although the comment can e transformed into high
Javanese$ it does not mean that the low variety of Javanese in
!ast Java is the same as the low variety of Javanese generally
found in "entral Java. < striking difference$ in this regard$ is the
use of rek in the a ove comment$ a word which does not exist
in the variety of Javanese spoken in "entral Java$ ut ecomes
part of the egalitarian view of people in !ast Java.
Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity )
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Fonetheless$ the discussion of this typical word is not the
focus of this section. The word will e dealt with in the nextsection. 'uffice it to say here that there are significant
differences etween the variety of Javanese spoken in !ast
Java and the variety of the language spoken in "entral Java.
hile such differences have motivated Javanese people in !ast
Java to recognise the relative eauty and authority of high
Javanese$ the differences have also caused them to realise that
high Javanese is simply eyond their communicative repertoire.
Justifia ly$ instead of attempting to ac>uire the skill of speaking
high Javanese$ which is not sensi ly demanded in !ast Java$
they prefer to identify themselves linguistically as a distinct
group of Javanese speakers$ separate from those in "entral
Java. #n other words$ instead of identifying themselves
linguistically with the "entral Javanese aphorism Negara mawatata, desa mawa cara $ they have created their own maxim
simply y saying Seje desa mawa cara .
9.#. )Rek A * Rek# $%&uy'( Come on( &uy')"
.ek *guys is native to !ast Java. #t is the short form of arek . #tis not known when the word first appeared$ ut historically$ it
was popular during the #ndonesian revolution. (rederick
*1+,+-1/)2 $ for instance$ has noted that the word was used to
characterise the ravery and egalitarian view of people in
'ura aya to challenge 8utch colonial forces and to retain their
independence from 7adurese and "entral Javanese. ith this
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struggle$ they call themselves arek Sura'aya *native or real
'ura ayans . The spirit of the struggle$ however$ was not limitedto people in 'ura aya. #t widened to em race those in other
regions of !ast Java$ such as 7o6okerto$ =ediri$ 7alang$
Eamongan$ and 7adiun *< dulgani 1+A4- )/ 4 . #n terms of
space$ 5ang6o is 6ust in the middle among these regions.
8ue to the spreading spirit of the a ove struggle$ perhaps$
the word rek has nowadays gained its prominence as the
linguistic identity of people in !ast Java. &rek itself has een
part of such expressions as arek (ojokerto $ arek %ediri $ arek
amongan $ arek (a!ang $ arek (adiun $ and arek *angjo .
!ven in 7alang$ there has emerged a strong soccer group
*ke!ompok sepak 'o!a representing the region with the name
&rema $ which stands for &rek (a!ang *Fative or :eal people
of 7alang . 9sed rather differently$ rek has een popular withexpressions$ such as .ek, kate nangdi awakmu+ * &uys$ where
are you goingB $ .ek, aku tak mu!ih mangan sik ya+ * &uys$ #
am going home to have dinner first D=B $ &ku dhewe ya
kepingin urip enak rek, gak awakmu thok" * # myself also want to
live decently guys$ not only you $ and .ek/rek, ge!em tah
awakmu ngrewangi aku+ * &uys$ are you willing to help meB .
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respectively$ ut also to speak to any young male or female
person regardless of the age. Thus$ one might use cak or ning to address a friend with or without the name of the addressee.
This principle may apply as well to mas and m'ak .
'ocioculturally$ however$ the two pairs have rather
different connotations.
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!ven so$ cak and ning remain sym olic of !ast Java.
The words have een part of the linguistic ehaviour of thema6ority of Javanese people in the province$ particularly those
living in rural areas. The words gained significance due to the
development of the !ast Javanese proletarian drama called
!udruk *%eacock 1+A,- $ which originated from 5ang6o
sometime in the 1+20s and spread over different parts of !ast
Java *'upriyanto 1++2-11 . "onse>uently$ to honour the past
glory of !udruk and to pay tri ute to the career of one of its
performers$ &ondo 8urasim$ the uilding of #aman *udaya
Jatim *!ast Java "ultural "entre in 'ura aya is named after
Cak 0urasim *5rother 8urasim . To further recognise the
significance of cak and ning $ the words are now used as the
em lematic nomination of the rother and sister of 'ura aya
* pemi!ihan Cak dan Ning Sura'aya every year.'ura aya$ in fact$ is the capital city of the province of !ast
Java.
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word cak remains part of the repertoire of people in !ast Java.
hat this means is that since !udruk emerged in 1+20s andspread over different parts of !ast Java$ the moral fi re of its
staging was not separate from peoples struggle against 8utch
forces. This is reflected in one of "ak 8urasims popular
kidungan *epigrams $ when he was on stage$ which says
*ekupon omahe doro, me!ok Nippon urip tam'ah soro .
5asically$ the first part of the epigram tells that 'ekupon is the
house of pigeons * omahe doro and the second part informs that
following Nippon $ a word representing Japanese occupation$ life
is even worse * tam'ah soro . The meaning of the first part$
clearly$ is not related to that of the second. hat relates the two
is the rhyming of the words 'ekupon and Nippon and the words
doro and soro . 9sing such rhyming words$ the first part of the
epigram functions as the introduction and the second partcontains the message. #n rief$ therefore$ the epigram conveys
that under 8utch forces$ life is misera le$ ut under Japanese
occupation$ life is even worse.
This is the sort of understanding that people in !ast Java
hold with regard to the emergence of !udruk in relation to the
history of #ndonesia. The phenomenon of "ak 8urasim$ in fact$
is monumental in their mind$ not only ecause of his strong
satirical social criticisms ut also ecause of his courage. #n this
case$ (rederick *1+,+-110 has noted-
Dne evening after a show in the town of 5ang6o*pseudonym of original place in text $ 8urasim was forcedoff stage y police ?of the colonial regime@ and asked to
40 Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity
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report the next day to head>uarters in 'ura aya. Therehe was detained and apparently tortured. 8urasim diednot long after returning to his home G.
This incident made "ak 8urasim even more popular.
#mmediately after his death$ he egan receiving praise as a hero
in the peoples fight against in6ustice. The implication is that the
word cak $ which gained its sym olic significance through the
involvement of !udruk performers as social critics efore and
after #ndonesia rose to its independence$ does not simply signify
a common ond among the weak and poor people in the social
strata$ ut also denotes an egalitarian view among those
involved in the act of speaking. Thus$ y comparison$ although
cak and mas literally can mean rother or elder rother$ they
are different in a significant way. The use of cak nowadays
often denotes speaking to *a comrade*s $ ut the use of mas suggests addressing someone superior.
The egalitarian perspective of cak ecomes more
conspicuous when it is related to the em lematic sense of rek .
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have chosen their own way of identifying themselves
linguistically.#n this case$ !mha
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kurang pedas, Cak1 *the social criticisms ?in autan Ji!'a' @ are
not hot ?i.e. sharp@ enough$ "omrade .
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expressed in enake nemui kanca/kanca * its etter to meet
friends .Thirdly$ all the words used in the opening of the song are
in low Javanese. uote contains other
words that are typical of the province. $ak ga'!eg $ for instance$
which may mean very poor or completely penniless$ elongs to
the !ast Javanese people. To the "entral Javanese people$ this
is considered an instance of the kasar *rough elements of the
Javanese variety spoken y people in !ast Java. #n "entral
Java$ people would say ora duwe $ ut not gak ga'!eg . hen #
discussed these words with people in Jem atan$ they regard
gak ga'!eg as more expressive than ora duwe . They consider
that gak ga'!eg emphasises spontaneity and frankness a out a
life condition whereas ora duwe is too soft * ka!usen for thispurpose. !ven without such emphasis$ ora duwe is still soft to
their ears. They would not normally say ora duwe in their daily
communicative activities instead$ they would say gak duwe .
Thus$ the word gak * no or not itself is typical of the
Javanese in !ast Java. Dther words in the >uote that are part of
the Javanese spoken in !ast Java are sir/siran *sweetheart $
enake *?its@ etter $ and nang nggone *at or around the place
of . There are other words that are typical of the Javanese
variety spoken in !ast Java. uote from the lyrics of .ek &yo .ek .
The following are several lines after the introductory part of the
song.
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.ek ayo rek, m!aku/m!aku nang #unjungan" &yo ngan"
.ek ayo rek, rame/rame'e'arengan" &yo ngan"
Cak ayo cak, sapa ge!em me!uaku+ %u ku"
Cak ayo cak, go!ek kena!an sing ayu"
&uys come on guys$ ?lets@ take awalk to Tun6ungan. :hymingsounds.&uys come on guys$ lets havefun walking together. :hymingsounds."omrades come on comrades$any of you want to come alongwith meB :hyming sounds."omrades come on comrades$?we@ gonna ac>uaint ?ourselves@
with eautiful girls.
uote
of the lyrics$ in fact$ does not contain the word 'ura aya$ ut the
word Tun6ungan$ as the focused reference of the setting is avery popular shopping plaIa. The plaIa is in the heartland of
'ura aya. %recisely$ it is now 6ust across the road from the
historic 'impang Cotel$ formerly randed Dran6e Cotel during
the 1+4 revolution in 'ura aya *see (rederick 1+,+-200$ 2,0 .
'ince the capital city of !ast Java is a magnet that attracts
people from different parts of the province *see 'ection 4.1 $ the
popularity of the song has displayed a nuance that may remind
its listeners of the struggle y arek/arek *folks and cak/cak
*comrades for freedom and e>uality. 9nderstanda ly$ the use of
rek and cak as part of the lyrics of the song further enhances
the significance of the words as sym ols of the linguistic identity
of people in !ast Java.
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!arlier in this section$ # indicate that rek and arek are
already part of peoples daily communicative acitivities in !astJava. Their mundane function is also recognised y people in
"entral Java. Dne day in %erth$
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humour y invoking sym ols of the linguistic identity of the !ast
Javanese.Cence$ the use of rek in the >uestion suggests that apart
from its mundane function in !ast Java$ its reputation has een
reinforced y the popularity of the song .ek &yo .ek . #ndeed$ its
reputation should go ack to the #ndonesian revolution # mention
at the eginning of this section. This assertion is supported y
the fact that when # first met a man from 3ogyakarta$ "entral
Java$ who had stayed in uestion .ek, yek apa ka'are+ *(riend$ how are
youB . 3et$ when # started talking to him in high Javanese$ he
declined to respond in his native language. #nstead$ he replied to
me in #ndonesian indicating that he had forgotten toto kromo
*way of speaking Javanese properly .8ue to the unfavoura le political practices among the
elites of 'uhartos regime and the distri ution of the economy
that did not trickle down much to the ma6ority of the #ndonesian
people$ there have een significant gaps etween the poor
segments of the society and the rich groups. This fact has
triggered the social significance of cak even further. Fowadays$
the word ecomes attached to those from !ast Java who$ in the
pu lic eyes$ have een concerned a out the disadvantaged
groups of the #ndonesian society or have een voicing claims on
their ehalf. "ak Farto$ for instance$ is the name given y the
pu lic to a 7ayor of 'ura aya$ 'unarto 'umoprawiro$ due to his
involvement in the social and environmental pro lems of people
Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity 4;
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in the city. !mha
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conspicuously emergeB hat has happened to the central
authority of the Javanese cultureB The following section willprovide some clarification.
9.*. +,e!e -ave t,e P&i a i &one
hen # mentioned that the 1+A, curriculum formally confined
the use of Javanese for classroom instruction up to the first to
third years of childrens schooling *see 'ection ,.1 $ # impliedthat Javanese was still an authoritative language around that
year. #ndonesian was not yet the common language of the
people. This fact$ in turn$ implies that around 1+A,$ the cultural
authority of "entral Java was still influencing the functions of
Javanese in !ast Java. This was due to the fact that around that
time Javanese priyayi were still flourishing *see (rederick 1+,+
&eertI 1+A0 'utherland 1+;+ .
Priyayi were considered the elite of Javanese people.
They were ound together y a shared culture and occupation
G differentiated themselves on the ground of irth$ family
connections$ rank$ a ility$ relations with !uropeans and mastery
of highly respected cultural skills *'utherland 1+;+-2 . They
conserved and cultivated a highly refined court eti>uette andtheir style of life was the model not only for the elite ut in
many ways for the entire society in which they lived *&eertI
1+A0-A . Thus$ in terms of linguistic eti>uette$ the way a priyayi
spoke Javanese was the model that many ordinary people might
aspire to imitate. This is the ideal of the Javanese language$ as
discussed in 'ection ,.)$ that is indirectly claimed as their model
Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity 4+
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Javanese in the eyes of its speakers 2014
y older people in Jem atan who consider themselves more
educated than others ecause of their a ility to speak thelanguage in accordance with the relative standard imposed from
"entral Java.
Fow$ however$ the development of nationalism and
modernity have su stantially weakened the authority of the
"entral Javanese courts as the centres of the Javanese culture
*see !rrington 1+, .
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ut sturdy ig uilding standing on a relatively very large lock of
land ad6acent to the site where 7uhammadiyah 'enior Cigh'chool 1 exists. %eople call the uilding %asepuhan $ meaning
the house of the Javanese elders. They say that this is the
house of the first leader *now called 5upati of 5ang6o regency$
and the priyayi used to gather in this house. Cowever$ # could
not o tain further information a out the existence of priyayi in
Jem atan ecause family descendants in %asepuhan have
migrated to Jakarta$ the capital city of #ndonesia. The uilding
was sold to the 7uhammadiyah organisation early 1+,0s and
the last servant working in %asepuhan $ who was supposed to e
a le to shed some light$ had already died. This limited
information$ certainly$ is understanda le ecause as late as
1+,0$ 'chiller *1+,4 witnessed the last presence of a priyayi
with a pseudonym %ak 5udi in Jepara$ a town a out +0kilometres northeast of 'emarang$ "entral Java.
5efore the revolution$ the priyayi served their king$ ut
after #ndonesia declared its independence$ they shifted their
orientation. Their attention was no longer focused fully on the
courts$ ut on the central government of #ndonesia in Jakarta.
They found new roles in the ongoing process of nation uilding
and their successors have ecome part of the ureaucratic elite
of the #ndonesian government. #n reality$ they had lost sym olic
supremacy in the Javanese community$ ut gained political
power at the panethnic$ national level *!rrington 1+, - A .
Faturally$ their feudal image has coloured the #ndonesian
ureaucracy *see 'utherland 1+;+ .
Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity 1
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Fonetheless$ since the priyayi have had to ad6ust
themselves to the modernisation of the #ndonesian society$ theyhave also had to discontinue their traditional court related
practices. 7ost of them have dropped their no le initials in front
of their names. Javanese is no longer a significant language in
their daily social relations ecause their role now is not so much
to retain the hierarchical authority of the courts of "entral Java$
ut to strengthen the central authority of the #ndonesian
government in Jakarta. #n this case$ !rrington *1+, - A/ ; has
found that almost half of one extended priyayi family$ comprising
)00 mem ers$ of the court of 'urakarta has gone to Jakarta.
7any others have stayed in ig cities$ such as 5andung$
'emarang$ and 'ura aya. Dnly less than one in eight lives in
'urakarta *also called 'olo . "onse>uently$ there is no
compulsion to retain the use of Javanese. Dn the contrary$ theyare urged to promote the use of their national language$
#ndonesian.
Thus$ somehow$ Javanese has een left stranded y the
priyayi . This can e deduced from the discussion in 'ection ,.)$
in which some Javanese people in Jem atan feel that they have
lost their elders who used to provide exemplary models of their
native language and maintain the control of its appropriate use.
9nderstanda ly$ as the demands of modernity and peoples
accommodation of social and religious differences have
increased *see 'ection 4.) and .2 $ the influence of the "entral
Java courts upon the function of Javanese in !ast Java has at
the same time decreased. This can e o served from the
2 Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity
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Javanese in the eyes of its speakers 2014
testimony of 5u 5ani$ at the end of 'ection A.)$ who says that in
the past people would feel very uncomforta le when they couldnot speak Javanese appropriately. Fow the reality is different.
%eople do not have to worry a out the >uality of their Javanese
ecause they can mix it with #ndonesian.
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.4$ for instance$ people in Jem atan have claimed that despite
vaguely distinct varieties of Javanese availa le in different partsof !ast Java$ the overall variety of Javanese in the province is
different from the variety availa le to people in "entral Java.
!arlier in this chapter$ %ak 'yai has demonstrated that as an
!ast Javanese speaker$ his communicative repertoire is
different from %ak Jamiuns. %ak 5asofi has also demonstrated
that refined high Javanese is simply eyond his communicative
repertoire. 'ection +.2 has as well revealed that sym olically$
rek has emerged as the linguistic identity of the !ast Javanese$
well recognised eyond the confines of the province. Cak too
has appeared as the egalitarian sym ol of the !ast Javanese.
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imposed through their employment. This was not only due to the
*legal practice of employment that had the tendency to put themin a disadvantaged position$ ut more importantly also due to
the system of culture of the *Javanese families in which they
had een nurtured. 8espite their strong desire to fight against
the in6ustice of the usiness industry$ their parents had
discouraged them from continuing their protest. They considered
that this act$ ver al or physical$ would only result in a reach of
social sta ility and order.
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often used y the uyers ecause they were in the position of
having more power in terms of money and perhaps socialstatus. 7eanwhile$ the sellers tended to speak in the kromo
variety of Javanese ecause they were in the weak position.
They were the ones who showed more respect to the uyers
ecause they needed money from them.
'ince expressing a protest means exposing anger$
resentment$ or opposition to some ody else$ it ecomes very
difficult for those having no power. The reason is that when the
powerless launched the protest to the powerful$ the former
would have to disregard respect to the latter. #n other words$ the
powerless might speak non/honorific Javanese to those with
power. #f this is the case$ a reach of social order has taken
place. "onventionally$ this should e avoided. This kind of order
also applies to nonver al ehaviour and$ therefore$ 6ustifies thefailure of the womens desire to protest in the a ove scenario.
This event is in stark contrast to a similar incident in !ast
Java. #n 7ay 1++)$ young women workers of a watch factory in
%orong$ 'idoar6o$ !ast Java$ were raising a protest demanding
rises to meet the new official minimum wage.
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9nfortunately$ some time after she met another la our activist
on the evening of the third day of the protest$ dark forces tookher and she was found dead in a village of her own hometown$
Fgan6uk.
hen related to the ravery of arek/arek *the common
people and cak/cak *the comrades in !ast Java to challenge
8utch colonial forces discussed in 'ection +.2 a ove$ the spirit
of 7arsinah supports my claim of the egalitarian culture of
people in the province. #t reflects the spirit of "ak 8urasim$ the
spirit of eing open and speaking freely. hile this has een
due to their specific set of Javanese communicative repertoire$ it
has also een due to the su stantial decline of the priyayi life
style in the region. Dn the contrary$ the failure of young women
workers in "entral Java to proceed with their protest indicates
that residue of the priyayi life style still hinders freedom of expression among people in the region.
To end this section$ therefore$ we can conclude that now
there has een a significant change of attitudes toward the
functions of Javanese in !ast Java. #n the past$ communicative
ehaviour in this province was under the shadow of authority of
the Javanese culture of "entral Java. Fow$ however$ people in
!ast Java have ecome reasona ly free from such influence$
and they have had more opportunity to express themselves
using their own word choices$ not the words chosen or imposed
y priyayi . 9nderstood in this way$ their own regional Javanese
linguistic identity has emerged more conspicuously than it used
Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity ;
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Javanese in the eyes of its speakers 2014
to e$ separate from the Javanese linguistic identity of people in
"entral Java.
9./. C,i0d!en)' ac2 o3 Cont!o0 o3 4avane'e
'ocioculturally$ linguistic diversity is an asset. #t reflects
freedom. 3et$ for the !ast Javanese$ such convenience appears
rather hollow ecause even if now they are fairly free from theinfluence of the priyayi life style$ they are not free from the
powers of nationalism$ modernisation$ and glo alisation. Fot
only that$ the real impact of these phenomena already exists
and can e o served in the following ta le.
Tale +.1- "hildrens a ility to translate the #ndonesiansentence -'u sedang mendengarkan radio intoJavanese.
Fo. Harieties of translation Fum er of :espondents
01020)
0400A0;0,0+1011121)
-'u !agi mi&engake radio"-'u !agi mi&engaken radio"-'u !agi ngrungokna radio"
-'u !agi ngrungokake radio"-'u !agi mengrungokna radio"-'u !agi merungokna radio"-'u !agi engrungokna radio"-'u !agi ngirengna radio"-'u tasih mirengna radio"-'u tasih ngrukna radio"-'u arep ngrungokna radio"-'u ngrungokna radio"-'u mirengaken radio"
10
10
1111111)1
, Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity
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Total num er of respondents 41
Fote- :espondents were year/six students of a primary schoolin Jem atan.
#n rief$ none of the sentences in the ta le achieves the proper
translation of the #ndonesian sentence -'u sedang
mendengarkan radio * 7other is listening to the radio . hen #
discussed this issue with elder mem ers of the community in
Jem atan$ they indicated that the key to a proper translation isthe word i'u *mother . #n this case$ any young person$ such as a
child$ should use proper honorific words when descri ing the
activity of an older person$ such as i'u .
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expressed it in their own way * mengrungokna $ merungokna $
engrungokna $ and ngrukna . Ngrungokna itself is a transitivever $ ut >uite possi ly the use of the prefix me/ in
mengrungokna and merungokna is an interference from the
#ndonesian word mendengarkan $ which is the com ination of
the prefix me/ , root dengar and transitive suffix /kan . !ither
mi&engaken or mi&engake *no. 01 and 02 is an accepta le
ngoko a!us translation of mendengarkan $ ut mirengna *no.
0+ is not >uite appropriate. 'urprisingly$ ngirengna *no. 0,
has nothing to do with listening. Ngirengna means making
something look lacker or dying something with lack colour.
Ta+ih *no. 0+ and 10 is accepta le$ as it is a variation of
tak+ih $ the ngoko a!us translation of sedang $ ut !agi *no. 01 /
0, $ though it is the literal e>uivalent of sedang $ is not
accepta le ecause culturally it is ngoko !ugu . Eike ngirengna $arep *no.11 has nothing to do with sedang . #t denotes a future
activity. #t means will *i.e. #ndonesian akan .
Thus$ it is o vious that the lack of translation a ility a ove
is the product of marginalisation of the Javanese language. The
childrens confusion stems not only from their scanty knowledge
of kromo varieties$ ut it is also due to the improper treatment of
the language at school *see 'ections ,.) and ,.4 . #n this case$
'ection ,.) has succinctly concluded that at school #ndonesian
has een given far more dominance and privilege meanwhile$
Javanese has een systematically disadvantaged. 7oreover$
nowadays many !ast Javanese parents do not really care a out
the Javanese of their children ecause they can mix it with
A0 Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity
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Javanese in the eyes of its speakers 2014
#ndonesian or even train them to speak the latter language *see
'ections A.2 and A.) .The impact of the marginalisation of the Javanese
language can also e examined through information a out
students a ility to translate #ndonesian words into Javanese. #t
is worth noting here that # collected this information y giving a
list of #ndonesian words$ which have oth ngoko and kromo
Javanese e>uivalents$ to year/three up to year/six students of a
primary school in Jem atan. # told them that an #ndonesian word
might have only one e>uivalent in Javanese$ ut another might
have more than one. Their 6o was to provide the Javanese
e>uivalent*s they knew for each word in the list and to write
them in the space provided next to each word.
This strategy was meant to reveal their knowledge of
ngoko words in relation to their kromo e>uivalents. The termngoko here includes simple or low ngoko *ngoko !ugu and
polished ngoko * ngoko a!us $ as differentiated in Javanese
school text ooks. #n addition$ the list of ngoko words covers not
only the ones commonly found in school text ooks$ ut also
includes the words typical of *angjoan Javanese$ the local
variety reflecting the kasar or unrefined Javanese spoken in
!ast Java *see 'ections .4$ +.1$ and +.2 . #n consultation with
Javanese teachers and several older mem ers of the
community in Jem atan$ # managed to prepare a list of eighty/
one #ndonesian words for this purpose. The complete list of the
words and their possi le Javanese e>uivalents can e seen in
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Javanese in the eyes of its speakers 2014
The graph shows that with an average of percentages
around ,0 percent of respondents who provided accepta letranslation of #ndonesian words into ngoko Javanese
e>uivalents$ it indicates that Javanese is still a dominant means
of communication among mem ers of the community in
Jem atan. Cowever$ that average of percentages also indicates
that nowadays children in this su ur an area are lacking in the
proper ngoko communicative repertoire$ the asic capital
needed for them to e a le to communicate in their native
language. This is due to the power of #ndonesian as the
language of the ideology of the nation/state$ which has
dominated the media and education$ and the demands of
modernity$ which have accelerated ac>uisition of #ndonesian y
children and which have driven parents to recogise the
importance of mastering !nglish for their children in order tocompete in the ever/increasing process of glo alisation. This
interpretation is in line with the previous finding which reveals
the lack of childrens a ility to express the ngoko e>uivalent of
the #ndonesian word mendengarkan *see Ta le +.1 .
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Javanese in the eyes of its speakers 2014
#ndonesian words listed. #n fact$ the graph shows that$ as
respondents reach a higher level of schooling$ there is aprogressive increase of the average num ers of them$ from 1)K
to )0K$ who are a le to find kromo e>uivalents for the
#ndonesian words listed. This$ however$ is not so much due to
the function of the words in childrens daily communicative
interaction$ ut ecause they have learned them at school. This
finding$ therefore$ reflects the lack of childrens communicative
control of the Javanese language.
9.5. Ste!eoty ica0 Pe!ce tion' o34avane'e S ea2e!'
ue.
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Javanese in the eyes of its speakers 2014
nineteen traits fall into three categories- six solidarity traits$ six
status traits$ and seven identity traits. uals .0 or less.(or the purpose of administering the matched/language
guise techni>ue$ # managed to organise 4,0 su 6ects$ ranging
from year/four up to year/six primary school children. The
following ta le is a summary of t/values of their perceptions of
the solidarity traits of speakers in their Javanese and #ndonesian
guises.
Ta le +.2- T/values for significance of mean differences ofperceptions of the solidarity traits of speakersspeaking kromo and ngoko varieties and their corresponding #ndonesian guises.
Fo. 'olidarity Traits %romo Ngoko &!us
Ngokougu
*angjoan
Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity A
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1 (riendly //unfriendly
A.00+MMMM 4.;)AMMMM 0.;4) /4.01)MMMM
2 %olite // impolite ;.24,MMMM 4.; ,MMMM 1.02 /4.4,AMMMM
) &enerous // notgenerous
)., +MMMM ).,24MMMM 1.4 + /).224MMMM
4 Celpful // nothelpful
2.0+2M 2.,)AMMM 1.+A2M /).)AAMMMM
"ooperative // notcooperative
2. AMM ).+A4MMMM 1. 10 /2.11)M
A Trustworthy // not
trustworthy
).412MMMM ).0;,MMM /0.12) /).2)1MMMM
Fotes-1. %ositive entries indicate that Javanese guises are evaluated
more favoura ly than #ndonesian guises$ and negative entriesindicate a more favoura le evaluation for #ndonesian guises.
2. 'ignificance levels with two/tailed tests- M e>uals .0 or less MM e>uals .01 or less MMM e>uals .00 or less MMMM e>uals .001 or less). 8egrees of freedom 4;+
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Javanese in the eyes of its speakers 2014
different from their daily communicative repertoire. These are
the types of Javanese imposed from "entral Java thatcomplicate the teaching and learning of the language at school
nowadays *see 'ection ,.4 .
'urprisingly$ as can e o served in the ta le$ this fact is
related to childrens perceptions of Javanese. They regard their
*angjoan Javanese as somehow an unaccepta le variety. #n
contrast$ the imposed varieties of Javanese are considered
desira le. #n this case$ the ta le shows that$ except for the
negative t/value for ngoko !ugu in line A */0.12) $ all other t/
values for the imposed varieties are positive. 7oreover$ except
lines 4 and $ there is a gradual ut significant increase of
positive t/values along other lines from ngoko !ugu to kromo
varieties.
#t is understanda le why all the solidarity traits for ngokoa!us and kromo receive more favoura le evaluation than ngoko
!ugu . The function of these two speech varieties suggests that
the speakers are refined and caring. #n contrast$ ngoko !ugu is
the type of Javanese without honorific words$ thus lacking the
>ualities that ngoko a!us and kromo have. 'ince the function of
*angjoan variety does not reflect any of the desired varieties of
Javanese taught at school$ the solidarity traits of its speakers
are rated the least favoura le$ suggesting that the speakers are
rough$ uneducated$ and uncaring *see 'ection .4 .
"ertainly$ one might expect a positive evaluation of the
local *i.e. *angjoan variety ecause sym olically the variety
carries the egalitarian values espoused y its speakers$ as
Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity A;
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Javanese in the eyes of its speakers 2014
reflected in the use of cak and rek discussed in 'ection +.2
a ove. 'uch expectation is understanda le$ ut it should enoted that the su 6ects who rated the speakers in the matched/
language guises were children. They were not adults$ so their
perceptions of Javanese should not reflect the adults attitudes
to the language.
&rown/up Javanese represent a separate generation.
They have their own ackground experience for appreciating the
value of the different varieties of their ethnic language.
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Javanese in the eyes of its speakers 2014
corresponding #ndonesian guises. #ndirectly$ in fact$ the overall
significant t/values in Ta le +.2 strongly suggest that childrenconsider *angjoan Javanese as the least favoura le variety.
Fevertheless$ this finding does not mean that children
would aspire to ac>uire the imposed varieties of Javanese
taught at school.
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Javanese in the eyes of its speakers 2014
Ta le +.4- T/values for significance of mean differences ofperceptions of the identity traits of speakersspeaking kromo and ngoko varieties and their corresponding #ndonesian guises.
Fo. #dentity Traits %romo Ngoko &!us
Ngokougu
*angjoan
1 Eike // dislikeway of speaking
.0);MMMM 4.1;)MMMM /0.10 /A.2+ MMMM
2 !asy // difficultto understand
/1. 1; /2. A;MM /4.4,;MMMM /A.,4 MMMM
) Hery Javanese N not veryJavanese
).A)+MMMM10.40 MMMM
;.+2)MMMM 12.2+;MMMM
4 Hery#ndonesianNnot very#ndonesian
0.+4 /0.+,) /1.A20 /4.11 MMMM
'imilar N notsimilar to parenttraits
4.);0MMMM ).44)MMMM 0. 2, 0.)1A
A 'imilar N notsimilar to yourtraits
0.2,1 0.,+) 0.2A+ /1.+; M
; ant to e likethe speakers
/).)00MMMM 2.21AM /1.1+, .0+4MMMM
3our interpretation is here ... as stated earlier that primary
school children have serious difficulties in translating indonesian
words into kromo Javanese e>uivalents. #f they like the way of
speaking y speakers in kromo and ngoko alus guises * see.
Eine 1 $ it doesnt mean that they really tried to master these two
speech levels of Javanese. #n practical terms$ it is hardly
Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity ;1
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possi le. #f they express that they like the way of speaking y
the speakers in these two guises. #t is simply ecause at schoolthey are taught to elieve that the use of these two speech
levels reflects the politeness and refinement of the speakers.
Dn the other side$ if they evaluate negativelly the style of
the speakers in 5ang6oan 6avanese guises * see. Eines 1$2$4
and A it means that they ac>uire indonesian as the language
that gives the promise for future status in their life. This
interpretation is supported y the fact that they perceive all of
speakersin indonesia guises as more modern$ more
educated$more intelligent$more cosmopolitant$ richer and higher
in social class than the same speakers in 5ang6oan guises
* see. Ta le +.2 . #n addition$ there is a suggestion that they
regard indonesian as the language that promise more solidarity
than 5ang6oan Javanese * Ta le +.1 . This interpretation issupported y the fact that altough they speak 6avanese$ their
6avanese lack coherence may easily motivate them to shift from
speaking 6avanese to speaking indonesian.
#ts clear that linguistically children in su ur an areas of
east 6ava$ such as in 6em atan$view themselves as more
indonesian than Javanese. #n this case$ the t/values in line 2 in
ta le +.) shows that they find speakers in #ndonesia guises
easier to understand than the same speaker in Javanese
guises. This implies that$ even if they regard speakers in
6avanese guises as more 6avanese than indonesian. This
interpretation is supported y the evidence that altough the
children regard their parents as similar to the speaker in =romo
;2 Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity
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and Fgoko alus guises * line $they do not consider themselves
as such * line A . 9nderstand ly$ even if they express that theywant to e the speaker in these two guises *line ; $ it doesnot
mean that they will pursue the linguistic identity. #nstead$ they
will likely follow the modern trend that gives them opportunities
to ac>uire indonesian. #n fact$ they regard the speaker in
#ndonesian guises as more indonesian * line 4 $ and consider
themselves similar to these speaker *line + .
59T 3D9 Cuette. 'ince priyayi have had to ad6ustthemselves to their new role in the modernisation of #ndonesian
society$ they have had to discontinue orientation to their "entral
Javanese traditional court/related practices. "onse>uently$
people in !ast Java have ecome reasona ly free from the
influence of priyayi linguistic mannerism$ and they have had
more opportunity to express themselves using their own word
choices$ such as the sym olic words cak and rek $ not the
words chosen or imposed y priyayi .
#n fact$ there are significant differences etween the
variety of Javanese spoken in !ast Java and the variety of the
language spoken in "entral Java. hile such differences have
motivated Javanese people in !ast Java to recognise the
Chapter 9: Perceptions of function and identity ;)
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relative eauty and authority of high Javanese$ the differences
have also caused them to realise that high Javanese is simplyeyond their communicative repertoire. uire the skill of speaking high Javanese$ which
is not sensi ly demanded in !ast Java$ they prefer to identify
themselves linguistically as a distinct group of Javanese
speakers$ separate from those in "entral Java.
Fonetheless$ for the !ast Javanese$ such linguistic
identification appears rather hollow nowadays ecause even if
they are fairly free from the influence of priyayi life style$ they are
not free from the powers of nationalism$ modernisation$ and
glo alisation. #n fact$ childrens attitudes to and perceptions of
Javanese in relation to #ndonesian provide some ela oration to
this effect.
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Javanese in the eyes of its speakers 2014
even their own local variety of Javanese as the roots of their
culture.
To change the way
To analyIe everything ased on the data
East two ta le are different analyIe
2. (ocus in on cultural values$ norm. 'peaking is cultural
practices
hat is the sig of the calculation in function of the lang.
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