Fortnight Publications Ltd.

Problems of InternmentAuthor(s): Terence O'BrienSource: Fortnight, No. 24 (Sep. 17, 1971), pp. 4-5Published by: Fortnight Publications Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25543692 .

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4 FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 17. 1971

Problems of Internment Terence O'Brien.

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A person interned on suspicion, without trial stands a high chance of losing his job, a chance which increases according to the length of his detention. He will not be compensated for this loss even though he

may have been innocent of any crime.

Thus, in addition to being imprisoned he is further penalised on release from

detention. The cost of the attempt to stabilise the conflict in the community is borne primarily by the individual internee.

The family of an internee must forfeit that proportion of his income which was in excess of the level of welfare benefits on

which they now have to rely. The effects

can be disastrous. Most families have fixed overhead commitments on furniture, house

mortgages, cars or whatever, on which

they will have to default and face the con sequences in terms of court orders, seizure

and credit black-listing. Living standards are cut to subsistence. An unmarried inter

nee may also have commitments in an area

where young bachelors tend to live with their parents and help out financially. This

help can be of crucial importance where

there are a number of younger brothers and

sisters, a not uncommon occurrence in

Catholic homes.

Consider the cost/ benefit implications of a policy decision to punish the families of in ternees. The more demonstrable the

material deprivation of the internees fa

mily, the more the potential terrorist with responsibilities is inhibited from following his inclinations. Thus goes the theory. Con

sider however the cost side, namely, the

rearing up of a new set of dependents and

relatives with an abiding hatred of the Northern state. The theorist can discount a

diminution of possible present violence

against a resurgence of violence at some

future date ? but can the Statesman? It is recognised by those who hold for middle ground in Northern Ireland that the only

long-term solution to the community division is reconciliation. Mr. Faulkner

appealed to Catholics for understanding. Reconciliation and Catholic understanding

begins at this nadir point with the Govern ment treatment of the internees and their

families. It is in the interests of Mr.

Faulkner's Government to be able to dem

onstrate that his administration is innocent

of malice towards the dependents of the in ternees.

That internment penalises, by income

deprivation, the relatives of the internees is

so obvious that the first response of the Gov

ernment of the Irish Republic to the announcement of internment in the North

was to offer the relatives free board and

accommodation.

In the absence of a statement by

Stormont during the immediate aftermath on the welfare of the detainees dependents, the I.R.A. were able to gain a valuable

propoganda point by undertaking to take

on this responsibility. In ostensible pursuit of this purpose the I.R.A. can now launch

national collections and get a sympathetic

response. This is, one propoganda weapon

that Stormont need not concede to its opponents. Should it be an object of Govern

ment policy to punish the relatives of an in ternee because the breadwinner falls under suspicion? If not, then action must be taken to supplement their incomes to the level

which obtained before the breadwinner was interned.

There are two ways of doing this. The

first is by direct supplementation, the second is by giving the internee the opportunity to engage in remunerated work. The psychological benefits of such opportunity are apparent. The provision of such work ,in British prisons is now receiving the attention of the Home Office. If the work is to have significant theraputic and income effects it

must be interesting and command rates of

pay comparable with equivalent outside employment.

In discussing this proposition with Unionists I have sometimes encountered the objection of treating the terrorists too lightly. But it must be remembered that the

men interned have not been tried and con

victed; they are simply under suspicion. If

internment is to be effective the benefit of., the doubt has to be given in favour of suspicion and not in favour of innocence. That is its logic and that is its consequence. It is possible to draw this conclusion in the light of historical experience. This is the fourth time since the inception of Northern Ireland that internment has been invoked.

This means that in the case of any individual internee the statistical probability of innocence could be quite high.

Are there then going to be different grades of internes classed according to the

degree of suspicion? It would be quite improper to entrust any such power of dis

crimination into Police hands. The possi bilities of its abuse to pressurise prisoners are apparent. It is clear that all political

prisoners will have to be treated on a

uniform basis. Thus a policy of alleviating

hardships for all because of the element of

doubt would mean that some guilty men

and their innocent dependents would also

benefit. It is this point which some supporters of

the Government find difficult to accept. Here however one must repeat the

question, is the object of internment to take supected subversives out of circulation or

to punish them and their families on suspicion, or both?

Supporters of the Government might also

ask themselves the question, how can the

Unionist Government emerge from this

debacle with the most credibility? Deprivation can take other than material

forms. Soviet penologists have recognised that the separation of the imprisoned man

from his dependents and they from him can

establish stresses which may lead to the

breakup of the family unit with all the social consequences and costs which such

disintegration implies. Certain classes of

prisoners are therefore permitted regular/

extended visits from their wives anfl children during which prisoner and visiting spouse are permitted to live together as man and wife.

Those held indefinitely without trial merit treatment no less enlightened. Indeed, the report on the "Regime for long term prisoners in conditions of maximum

security" recommended, on the basis of well documented evidence from some of the Latin American countries, that the system whereby prisoner and spouse are

permitted on regular occasions to sleep

together be introduced into Britain. (1). It must be borne in mind here that in the past some men have been interned for as long as seven years at a stretch.

Under the present regulations the inter nees are permitted two visits per week. On

each occasion a maximum of two adults

and two children may attend. The duration allowed for the visit is twenty minutes. Imagine travelling by public transport from Fermanagh to Belfast, a return

journey of almost 200 miles, to visit a relative for twenty minutes. At the moment

of writing relatives in. receipt of supplementary benefit can claim a

warrant to travel by public transport free of charge for one visit per week. There are a

number of objections to this procedure.

Firstly the free travel warrant extends only to those in receipt of supplementary benefit

whereas no such qualification should exist.

Secondly the travel warrant is available for only one visit per week while the person is entitled to two visits. Thirdly, given the delays attendant on travelling by public transport, the cash value of the warrant

should be made available to a relative who can persuade some one to drive her and the

children to the internment camp or ship. The right to opt for 'exile*. The family of

the internee should have the right to opt to live permanently with him. This choice has been open to the families of certain prisoners in Russia. There are adminis

trative difficulties, but one way around this would be to have an open prison on Rathlin

Island for internees with dependents. The

effects of the prison atmosphere on children would be thus avoided.

The right to training or study. Northern Ireland requires peace. The community has therefore a special interest in seeing that the internee does not become

maladjusted and can easily reintegrate with society on his release. It follows that

every facility be made available to train in

ternees in a trade or special skill or to study for professional or state examinations

which will enhance their prospects of

employment on release.

The Opposition is against the present in

ternment, emphasising that the failure to

restructure the political framework is the

root cause of the violence. This may be a

correct assessment of the situation, but

while the present internment lasts it is

necessary to look to the welfare and rights of the internees and their families. But

there is a further consideration, assume

that there is a political settlement as a

result of which the present internees are

released and the representatives of the

minority are put in a position to share

power. It may well be that whatever

political comprpmise that is arrived at will not go far enough for some Republicans and

will go too far for some Unionists, with a

consequent return to violence which cannot

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FORTNIGHT 5 be contained by due legal process. It may therefore be necessary in the future for a

coalition government to once again reactivate internment in respect of

numbers of both Protestants and Catholics

in order to give the new political structure a

chance to stabilise. In such circumstances a decision to deprive some citizens' of their

freedom without trial for an indefinte

period is likely to meet less public resistance if the authorities are seen to

spare no effort to treat such prisoners with

humanity and consideration. But such measures must not await the next inter

nment, they must start now, and should

have the backing of all political parties. The desired measures are summarised

thus:

(1) The right of internees and/ or their fa

milies to full compensation for income

foregone while interned on suspicion.

(2) The right of the internee on release to

re-enter his former employment and

financial compensation for loss of

employment in lieu.

(3) The right of the internee and the next of kin to regular visits and in the case

of husband and wife, co-habitation.

(4) The right of the next of kin of internees to free travel (not restricted by a

warrant) to and from the place of in

ternment on each permitted visiting

day.

(5) The right of the internee and his fa mily to opt for exile' on the Russian

model.

(6) The right of the internee to study facilities, and/ or remunerated work.

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If we can just wait a few

years all our

problems' will be Europe's/

Look, Stranger Gay Firth.

Reports and analysis of Ulster problems in the foreign press are, it is safe to assume, less than relevant to most readers of the

Newsletter or the Irish News. If very few

Ulstermen read the serious British press ?and very few do ? then followers of

foreign newspapers, must find themselves

in what is surely the tiniest minority in the Province.

A realisation that Northern Ireland has

been and continues to be under the glare of an international spotlight dawns, usually, via anxious and irritating letters from

relatives abroad demanding to know,

firstly, what in hell is going on, and

secondly, are we all right; and via cross

questioning by Danish taxi-drivers,

Spanish hoteliers and the like during a holiday or business trip. To those who care, the whole idea of being on the receiving end

of foreign comment and opinion is very

uncomfortable. Particularly when, in

Northern Ireland, it is received truth that

all outsiders (and we include the British) are bound to get us wrong. But do they?

'Le cabinet brittanique envisagerait, selon notre correspondant a Londres, des

"conversations a trois" entre Londres, Dublin et Belfast', Le Monde informed

readers of its front page on Thursday,

August 12th. It further noted that 'les

emeutesdues,selon L'Osservatore Romano

(the Vatican newspaper) "a des disparites

civiques et sociales et a des

incomprehensions ataviques" ', and went

on to make the telling point that 'le Conseil de l'Europe, en application de la con

vention ewopeenne des droits de l'homme sera informe par Londres des measures

d'internement administratif prises en

Ulster.'

Sober, carefully attributed stuff; followed up a day or two later by a report

explaining why the 'conversations a trois'

notion had evaporated. Le Monde has a

reputation for perceptive and accurate

reporting and for subtle analysis and

judgment. It enjoys the respect of many a

British journalist and, indeed, British politician. Old-fashioned in appearance, with a deceptive air of studied dullnesss

and an avoidance of sensation to the point where many an edition appears with no

picture coverage whatsoever, it is certainly one of the most influential newspapers in

Europe and, possibly, the best. The appar

ently casual reference to the Council of

Europe is both a model of Gallic understatement and an oblique reminder to

the British government of its duty ? besides being an example of why Le

Monde is sometimes regarded as the

provisional government of France.

For the Council of Europe should not be glossed over or ignored. However pointless these international bodies may appear,

when viewed from a piece of the world

caught in a continuing story of uproar, the

fact remains that their rules and

deliberations do affect the whole tricky business of UK foreign relations. The

Special Powers Act may be a political

necessity recognised by successive British

governments; it has also been known to

cause considerable embarrassment to

Westminster and Whitehall at certain con

ference tables abroad. Foreigners notice

these things. But for all their occasional

lapses of tact, they can be pretty sharp about political realities.

None sharper, perhaps, than Le Monde.

In an eye-witness account of a meeting in

the Falls at which three men present had

just been released from custody following the dawn swoops of Monday, August 9th, Le

Monde's special correspondant in Ulster

demonstrated that here was one foreigner who wasn't to be fooled. 'Devant des tasses

de the,' wrote Jean de la Gueriviere, 'ces

sympathisants de 1'IRA cherchent les mots

qui frappentl'etranger: "Nous sommes les

basques, nous sommes des negres, L'Ordre

d'Orange, c'est le Ku-Klux-Klan" '. Le

Monde also featured a remarkably well

informed piece on the IRA's development and activities from 1919 to the present time,

including a rundown on the Provisionals; and a street map of Belfast showing

'quartiers catholiques'. 'quartiers

Protestants', 'quartiers our cohabitent

catholiques et protestants', along with the

names of all districts ? Andersonstown,

Springfield, Ballymacarrett and the rest.

That map has appeared elsewhere,

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