1
Incarnationalgeographies?Thefaithinspiredpraxis
of‘LivingAmongst’
SubmittedbySamuelChristopherThomastotheUniversityofExeterasathesisforthedegreeof
DoctorofPhilosophyinHumanGeographyInSeptember2012
ThisthesisisavailableforLibraryuseontheunderstandingthatitiscopyrightmaterialandthatnoquotationfromthethesismaybepublishedwithoutproper
acknowledgement.
Icertifythatallmaterialinthisthesiswhichisnotmyownworkhasbeenidentifiedandthatnomaterialhaspreviouslybeensubmittedandapprovedfortheawardofa
degreebythisoranyotherUniversity.
Signature:…………………………………………………………..(SamuelChristopherThomas)
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AcknowledgementsFirstthanksgotoeveryoneinvolvedintheresearchprocess.Iammuchindebtedto
all involved in both Eden Fitton Hill and Aston SA614UK. Thank you for your
hospitality and openness. Special thanks to theNeilson boys, Barney and Caleb, for
being the other two members of ‘the band’ ‐ you kept me sane through hours of
transcribing.InExeter,manythanksgotoPaulCloke.Ithasbeenajoygettingtoknow
youasa friendandsupervisor,andyouracademicsupport throughout the last four
yearshavebeenmuchappreciated.AndrewWilliamsmanythanksforyourcompany
andfriendshipthroughtheFACITproject;Harriet thankyoufor thosestudydaysat
Devon and Exeter Institute, they provided a welcome break fromwriting at home.
Bates family, you guysmoving toExeter hasbeen a real blessingduring these final
stagesofwritingup;sharing theallotment,beersand feasting togetherhaskeptme
going, thanks. Mum your time spent reading many chapters has been extremely
helpfulsothanks, I’mchuffedtobits tohaveyouandDadback inthecountry.Most
importantlyofallhoweverIthankmywifeCazyforputtingupwiththewholething.
Yourloveandcarehassustainedme.Thankyou.
3
Abstract
Despitearesurgenceofreligionintheprovisionofpublicwelfareandcare,geography
hasonly recentlybegun tomake senseof thispublicphenomenon (Kong, 2011). In
keepingwithrecentcallstoallowreligionto ‘speakback’ togeography(Yorgason&
DellaDora,2009),thisthesispresentsare‐readingofoneparticulararenaofChristian
faith‐praxiinsocio‐economicallydeprivedneighbourhoodsacrosstheUK.Muchofthe
literature on faith‐based organisations has so far focused on service‐provision and
politicaladvocacyrolesadoptedbyfaith‐motivatedgroups,andtherehasbeenlittle,
to no, acknowledgment of re‐emeregent forms of ‘incarnational’ mission.
Incarnationalapproachesdifferfrommainstreamservice‐provisioninthesensethat
faith‐inspired individuals and organisations come to permanently ‘live amongst’
marginalised people and places, rather than physically serve from a distance. This
thesis seeks to address this lacuna in the literatureby critically assessing the faith‐
inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’, and developing a socio‐temporal and ethical
accountof‘incarnationalgeographies’.
DrawinguponethnographicresearchwithoneChristianincarnationalFBO,thisthesis
investigatesthehistoricaldevelopmentoftheFBOandtheexperienceandpracticesof
staff and volunteers who relocate to live in one particular socio‐economically
deprivedneighbourhoodofGreaterManchester.
Incontrasttoessentialistacademicaccountsoffaith‐praxisthatmightpresent‘living
amongst’aseithera formofself‐betterment(seeAllahyari,2000)orproselytisation
(seeWoods,2011), this thesisarguesthat ‘incarnationalgeographies’needtobere‐
read as complex, emergent and performative landscapes that often involve a
reconfigurationofpurposeandpraxisthroughproximateparticipation.
4
Contents
Titlepage1 Acknowledgements2 Abstract3 Contents4 Figure5
1. Introduction6Theresurgenceofreligioninthepublicrealm8Geography’sorthodoxengagementswithreligion12Thesignificanceoffaith‐praxisinpublicwelfare15
2. Incarnationalgeographies?24Reengagingwiththemargins24Workingtowardsare‐readingof‘incarnationalgeographies’37
3. Researchingincarnationalgeographies51Beginnings51Embracingethnography59Fromamulti‐sitetoasite‐specificethnography69Eden/SA614UK,FittonHill,Oldham72Makinguseofmixedmethods77Positionalityandcriticality84Writingandrepresentingincarnationalgeographies95
4. Sociotemporallandscapesofincarnation98ThehistoryoftheEden‐networkandtheMessageTrust99Biographicinsightsintojoining,doingandleavingtheproject:109talesof‘livingamongst’.
5. Incarnationalgeographiesasethicallandscapes?156Pluggingthegapandcreatingaspaceofhospitality157Publicprovision,neoliberalismandpostsecularstirrings165Beyondwelfareprovision187
6. Conclusion221Keyresearchfindings221Criticalreflectionsonresearching‘incarnationalgeographies’227Futuredirections229
Appendix:231 References232
5
Figures:1.1Tableofparticipants1111.2Shineyourlightcampaign 199
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Chapter1:Introduction
This first introductory chapter placesmy thesiswithin two contexts, one academic
andtheothersocietal.Beginningwithadiscussionoftheresurgenceofpublicreligion
inBritishsocietythischapterchartshowreligionhasonceagaincometotheforein
the public arena. This discussion takes two directions. Firstly it charts how the
multiculturalnatureof contemporaryBritainhas in certainwaysseenreligion take
centrestage,andsecondly, itcommentsonhowthehushedupvoiceofreligionhas
alsomadeitselfheardthroughbecomingembeddedinpublicwelfareandcare(Cloke
andBeaumont,2012).Itiswithinthissecondsocietalcontextthatmyoverallthesisis
situated.Thischapterthenturnsitsattentiontogeography’sresearchonreligionand
faithandthissecondsectionquestionsthedegreetowhichthedisciplinehasmade
adequatesenseofcontemporarypublicexpressionsofreligiousfaith.InthissectionI
arguethatgeographyhasoftenlimiteditsstudyofreligiontoanumberoforthodox
concerns,andthatasaconsequence,thestudyoffaith‐praxisinpublicwelfareisstill
underdeveloped. In the finalsectionof this introductorychapter I setout threekey
reasonswhygeographyneeds toattend ingreaterdetail to theplace,purpose, and
practice of faith‐praxis in public welfare. Broader afield I finish this section by
signposting towards a number of key voices in human geography and the social
sciencesthathaveratherimplicitlyinfluencedandshapedmythesis.Iconcludethis
introductorychapterwithabriefsummaryofthestructureof therestof thethesis.
BeforeallthisthoughitisnecessarytogiveabriefexplanationoftheFACITproject
and my role within it. Although this is further elaborated upon in the third most
methodological chapter I feel it is important that Iarticulatemyownstartingpoint
andthespecificcontextoutofwhichthisthesisemergedrightatthebeginning.
TheFACITproject
ThisPh.DprojectwouldnothavebeenembarkeduponwhereitnotforFACIT,apan‐
Europeanresearchproject thatprovidedthe funding frameworkthatenabledmeto
undertakemyownPh.Dresearch.
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The central aimof theFACITprojectwas to investigate thepresent role of FBOs in
tackling different forms of exclusion in urban contexts. The project was broadly
interested indiscerning the significanceofFBOs in thepolicyandpracticeofurban
social policy ‐ particularly in combating social exclusion and promoting social
cohesion ‐ and the institutional and political conditions under which FBOs have
become increasingpresent in urban social policy. It sought to analyse the extent to
whichFBOshavebeeninformedandareoperatinginthecontextofashadowstateas
partofawider retrenchmentof thewelfare states ‐whiledetermining thenetwork
andnatureofrelationsthathavedevelopedbothformallyandinformallywithother
NGOsandnationalandlocalpublicauthorities.
Toofferacross‐comparativeperspectiveonthesethemes,theFACITprojectbrought
togetherresearchteamsfromsevenEuropeancountries(Germany,Sweden,Belgium,
Spain,UK,TurkeyandtheNetherlands)toworkonaunifiedresearchagendaAspart
oftheUKteamIworkedincollaborationwithmyPh.DsupervisorPaulClokeandmy
postgraduatecolleagueAndrewWilliams.Ourworkinthisprojectwasbuiltaround
three stages. Focusing initially on a scoping exercise, we undertook desk research
withtheaimofmappingouttheinvolvementofnational‐levelFBOsintacklingsocial
exclusion(seeClokeetal,2009).Inthispieceofworkweoutlinedthebroadrangeof
FBO involvement in providing services, building capacity and politically advocating
on behalf of those socially excluded. This research detailed the activities of many
FBOs founded in different faiths. For the purpose of this research we framed our
investigationaroundsevendomains:AsylumSeekersandImmigration,Housingand
Homelessness, Poverty and Debt, Children and Youth, Elderly, Disability and
Community Regeneration. In the second and third stages of the project our work
focusedonnational and regional case studies.As a researchassistant in thesenext
two stages I was responsible for undertaking interviews, writing up reports and
producingwrittenoverviewsof thedifferentcasestudies. Inpractical terms formy
ownPh.Dresearch thesesecond twostagesprovidedmewithappleopportunity to
becomeembedded inmyownresearch topic‐moreon this in chapter three.Now I
want to turntothetwocontexts inwhichmythesis isnested:onesocietalandone
academic.
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Section1:Theresurgenceofreligioninthepublicrealm
“Thepublicresurgenceofreligionisclearlyoneofthedefiningfeaturesofthis
century, which has not continued the modernist and secularist trajectory
assumedduringthelaterhalfofthe20thCentury”
(Beaumont2010,7)
Religion hasmoved from themargins of society, bound away in privateworlds, to
once again show its face in the public realm. As Beaumont (2010) claims this re‐
emergence has been one of the defining features of contemporarywestern society,
disruptingthemodernistsecularimaginationthatenvisagedthecontinualdeclineof
religionretreating further into thebackwatersofprivate life.Theshiftingdynamics
thathaveseenreligionand faithbecomepublicmattersdonotpoint towardsade‐
secularisation of society, but towards a certain hybridity in the public arena
(BeaumontandBaker,2011)inwhichthehushedupvoiceofreligionhasresurfaced
indifferentways(ClokeandBeaumont,2012).
InBritain,religionandfaithhaveresurfacedinthepublicarenaintwomajorways.
Thefirst isboundupinthemulticulturalcharacterofcontemporaryBritishsociety,
whilethesecondisencapsulatedinthewaytheservice‐basedarmofreligionhasre‐
positionedreligioninwaysthatseeitasholdingacentralpositioninpublicwelfare
landscapes.
In the first instance, increased global mobility has resulted in large changes to
Britain’s demographic composition; this has led in turn to an increase in different
cultures and religious faiths in Britain (Kong 2010). Significantly these successive
wavesofglobal immigrationhavemeantnewreligiousdynamicsandenergieshave
beenbought topublic andpolitical life (Beaumont andBaker, 2011.)As a result of
thesedynamicstheapparentprevioushegemonyofChristianityhasbeenreplacedby
apluralityof religious faiths (Clokeet al, 2008).Under this guise religionhasbeen
propelled into the public spotlight by particular geopolitical events and media‐
orientated discourses, while state led responses to these events and changing
9
dynamicshavealso seen religionbecomea focusof local andnational government,
usheredintothepublicarenathroughcertaingovernmentinitiatives.
The rupture and resonance of various acts of ‘religious extremism’ have forced
religionintothemainstreamofpublicdiscussion.Thishassculptedmediaportrayals
of ‘other’ religions into particular cast types, and yet at the same time, these faith‐
motivatedeventshaveunderlinedtheactualandpotentialramificationsofextremist
religious participation in politics of protest and resistance (Cloke et al, 2008). The
‘9/11’ event across the Atlantic and the domestic ‘7/7’ event have somewhat
furrowedthepresenceofreligion inthepublicsphere intothediscourseof ‘threat’,
emphasizing religion’s hand in perceived geo‐political conflict. Added to this is the
political debate that has centered on different understandings of multiculturalism,
religiousfreedomandcivicbehavior(seeModood,2005;2007;Abbas,2005).
Inanattempt to respond to theseshiftingdynamicsandemergentevents, state led
initiatives have further enrolled religion into the public arena. Contributing factors
have been the stream of counterterrorism measures and the repeated attempt to
incorporate different ethic and religious minority groups around the public table
(Dinham, 2009:Dinham et al, 2009). Home Office initiatives such as Prevent (see
Thomas, 2009), launched in 2007 to gather intelligence and address the causes of
‘radicalisation’, make it clear that the state is actively seeking to bring religious
communities to the public table to increase public security (Dinham et al, 2009).
While‘newpoliticalideasareseekingtobringaboutanovert/metaphysicalreligious
pluralisminpubliclivesoastoforgea‘positiveengagement’outofthemulticultural
pluralityofcontemporarylife’(Connolly1999:185).Inthisveintheincorporationof
different faith groups around the political table has also been part of a strategic
positioning in response to the race riotsof2001,whichunder thebannerof ‘social
cohesion’,aimstoincludemarginalreligiouscommunities(seeClokeetal,2008).
Inthesecondinstance,thatoftheservice‐basedarmofreligion,itisclearthatfaith‐
basedorganisationsandfaith‐motivatedindividualsappeartohaveonceagaintaken
upakeypositionasprovidersinpublicwelfare.
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The strippingdownof thewelfare state and the shapeof contemporaryneoliberal
governancehasprovidedopportunitiesforsomethingofaresurgenceoffaith‐based
activity in the public sphere (Cloke and Beaumont, 2012). While neoliberalism
appears to be everywhere it is clearly distinctive in different nation states, best
viewed as embedded and contextual, shaping national, regional and local contexts
differently (Brenner and Theodore, 2002). This said, however the linchpin of
neoliberal ideologyhasclearlyalwaysbeenthatopen,competitive,andunregulated
markets, liberated from state intervention, represent themechanism for economic
development.Overviewingthepastfortyyearshoweverthehistoryofneoliberalism
hashadseveraldistinctstages.Themostrecentofthesehasledtothereappearance
ofreligioninthepublicarenaasaproviderofwelfareservices.
Protoneoliberalism of the 1970s was given a robust and definite shape under
ThatcherandRegan in the1980s. Itwas inhere that free trade, flexible labourand
active individualism became common place in politics (Peck and Tickell, 2002).
Thatcherism and Reganism represented particularly aggressive programs of
economic restructuring that have since been labelled ‘roll back’ forms of
neoliberalism (Peck andTickell, 2002).The implementationof thesepolicies led to
therollingbackofthewelfaresafetynetandthehollowingoutofthewelfarestatein
both Britain and the USA (Jessop, 2002). Comparatively, more moderate forms of
neoliberalism were being mobilised during the same period in traditionally social
democraticandsocialChristiandemocraticstatessuchasCanada,NewZealandand
the Netherlands (see Brenner and Theodore, 2002). With New Labour taking to
governmentinthe1990sneoliberalismtookonamorecomplexshapethatledtothe
contemporary circumstances in which Faith‐based organizations (hereafter FBOs)
findthemselvesinvitedtodeliverpublicservices.Newdiscoursesofwelfarereform
andnewinstitutionalarrangementshaveemergedthathaveledtotherollingoutof
publicwelfareresponsibilitieswithprivateandvoluntarysectorpartners.Thisshift
towardsamoresocially interventionistagendahas ledtoadecentralisedstatewith
manydifferentactorsanddeliversofwelfare.Itiswithinthislandscapeofdevolved
responsibilitythatmanyFBOsnowfindtheopportunitytodeliverpublicwelfare.
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The significance of FBOs in contributing towards contemporarywelfare landscapes
hasbeenpickedupinvariouswaysbyacademics.thisisreflectedinspecialissuesof
TijdschriftvoorEconomischeenSocialeGeografie(seeBeaumont,2008a)andUrban
studies (seeBeaumont, 2008b), and in a seriesof essays editedbyBackstromet al
(2010,2011),Molendijketal(2010),BakerandBeaumont(2011)andWoodheadand
Catto(2012).AccordingtoClokeandBeaumont(2012)academicrecognitionofthis
resurgenceofpublic faithhasbroadly taken fourmajor avenues. Firstly, academics
have emphasized the place of religious faith in the endurance of community
mobilizationinboththenorthernandsouthernhemisphere.Onesuchexampleofthis
in the context of the Global south is thework of Davis (2007) that has ‘spurred a
newlyemergentfocuswithinurbanstudiesonreligiousorganizationsinslumareas’
(Beaumont, 2008, 378). Secondly, social policy debates have traced the role and
impact of FBOs in secular political and welfare issues over the last two decades,
elaborating how social, religious, and spiritual capital, are made available to local
communities,boughttothetablebyfaithinvolvement(seeBakerandSkinner2006;
Dinhametal2009).
Within this second context however, social policy literatures have also shown that
religious welfare provision goes beyond the mixed economy and the utilization of
faith based capital to challengemainstream social policy thinking by givingmore
relativeimportancetoethicalissuessuchasself‐knowledgeandmorality(seeJawad,
2012).And researchbyBaker (2012)hashighlighted that shifts ingovernanceand
the recent introductionofBigSocietydiscourseby the coalitiongovernmenthas in
fact continued a postsecular relationship between faith groups and government. In
the recentwritings of a number of social policy academics it is such a postsecular
relationshipbetweenpeopleof faithandgovernment thatpartof thealternative to
theharshrealitiesofneoliberalismmightbeconfigured.Dinham(2012)forexample
has most recently articulated this alternative by arguing that faith based people
should be seen as community solidaritists over and above viewing them as social
capitalists.His argument is underpinnedby thebelief that faithbased social action
arises out of relationships in communities. In comparison to the concept of social
capital,whichDinhambelievesonly leads toanarrowunderstandingof faith‐based
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involvementinpublicwelfare,thisrelationallyconcievedalternativeleavesroomfor
a much richer understanding of faith based involment in public welfare, a
conceptualisationthatchimesheavilywiththeethnographicarguementdevelopedin
thesubsequentchaptersofmythesis.
Thirdly,ClokeandBeaumont(2012)statethatacademicshavealsohighlightedhow
FBOsarefrequentpartnersinprogressiveandneo‐Alinskystylemulti‐organisational
coalitionsworking to combatpoverty andalleviate inequality indifferent countries
(seeBeaumontandNicholls,2007)and,fourthly,therehasbeenarecentinterestinto
therangeoftheologicalperspectivesthatisreflectedinfaithbasedaction(seeCloke,
2010). Inadditionto these fourstandsofsignificance, itshouldbeemphasisedthat
FBOs are significant at different scales andwith different functions. This point has
beenexemplifiedinthefindingsoftheEU7thframeworkFACITproject,whichinthe
context of the UK research, has shown how faith involvement extends through
capacitybuilding,politicaladvocacyandwelfareprovisionfunctions(SeeBeaumont
andCloke,2012;Clokeetal,2008).However,eventhoughtherehasbeenadramatic
increaseinresearchonreligionoverthelastdecade,thedisciplineofGeographyhas
onlyrecentlybeguntocometotermswiththepublicplaceofreligioninactsofcare
andwelfare(Beaumont,2008).Muchofthisisduetotheorthodoxmannerinwhich
religionhasbeenresearchedinthediscipline.
Section2:Geography’sorthodoxengagementswithreligion
Geography’s orthodox engagement with religion has focused on the politics and
poetics of religious place, community and identities (see Kong, 2001). In the first
instancethisorthodoxapproachhasledtolotsofresearchonreligioussites,‘sacred’
spacesandpilgrimages(seeKong,2001).Inthesecond,ithasalsomeantthatawhole
remitofworkhasdevelopedthatcriticallyexaminesthemultifaithandmulticultural
natureofWesternsociety(seeAitchisonetal,2008)
Studying religious sites, sacred spaces and pilgrimages, much of this research has
focusedonthepoliticalcontestationof‘sacred’or‘religious’spaces,andthroughthis
13
work geographers have analysed the spatial conflict and power struggles between
religious‐religiousandsecular‐religiousrelations(seeKong2001).Insomecasesthis
researchhasexaminedhowmulticulturalandreligiousunderstandingsofsacredsites
clashwithcapitalistand‘rational’urbanplanninglogics(seeKong,1993a;1993b)and
muchofthisworkhasfocusedonthereligiousbuiltenvironment(SeeZelinsky2001;
Dunn, 2005). Additionally others have examined the institutionalization and
nationalizationof religion and its effects on classically ‘sacred spaces’ likeBuddhist
temples(seePhilipandMercer,1999),andsemi‐religiousspaceslikereligiousschools
(see Dwyer and Myer, 1995; 1996). Examining pilgrimage routes, geography of
religion scholars have investigated the contested nature of official and unofficial
pilgrimageroutes(seeforexampleMurrayandGraham,1997).
StudyingthemulticulturalandmultifaithnatureofWesternsociety,alargeswatheof
this research has been undertaken into ethnic minorities and associated religions,
while other geographers have turned to consider the increasing emergence of
alternative spiritualities (Holloway, 2003; 2006). A large proportion of research
focusing in on ethnic minorities has emanated from social geography and this
researchreflectsmanyofgeographyofreligion’sorthodoxconcernsasithasfocused
onpoliticsandpoeticsofparticularspaces(seeNaylorandRyan,1998),religiousand
ethnicidentitiesandthecontestednatureofthesereligiouscommunities(seeDwyer,
1998;HopkinsandGale,2009).Inmanycasesthisworkhasbeenunderthebannerof
geographies of Islam (see for example Falah and Nagel 2005) and an expansive
currentofthisworkhasbeenentirelyfocusedontheidentityconstructionofMuslim
youth (Kong 2010), both female (see Dwyer 1999a, 1999b, 1999c, 2000) andmale
(seeHopkins,2004;2006;2007).
Geographyofreligion’sorthodoxfocusonsacredspacesandsacredpracticesandits
morerecentextendedattempttotakeaccountoftheincreasingmulticulturalnature
ofBritishsocietyhasfurtheredGeographyinseveralways.Importantlythisresearch
has spatially grounded the contestations between religions and between religious‐
seculardifferences,andithasalsoillustratedhowthepoliticsoftheseinterrelations
are played out across, and in, particular ‘sacred’ spaces. Secondly, the extensive
14
researchintominorityreligionsandminorityidentitieshasboughttotheforeawhole
collection of ‘other’ voices. This orthodox approach has meant however that the
examination of religion in geography has tended to be constructed as something
spatiallyconfinedtocertainspacesandpracticesandthisconfinementhaspotentially
sidelined the development of how religion is also re‐emerging in the public arena
throughserviceactsembeddedinsocietalwelfareandcare.Thisisillustrativeinthe
advancesgeographyofreligionhasmadeoverthelastdecade.
‘New’geographiesofreligion
ReviewingtheprogressoverthelastdecadeLilyKong(2010)reportsthattherehas
beenadramatic increase intheabundanceofgeography’sresearchonreligion.This
increasehaspickeduponmanyof thegapsshehighlighted in thesubdiscipline ten
years earlier (see Kong 2001). In her recent review it is clear that research now
extends to many different sites of religious practice and that theses include the
unofficiallysacred,including:museums(seeKong,2005)mediaspaces(Kong,2006),
street scapes (see Ismail, 2006; Jones, 2006; Kong 2008) and financial praxis (see
Pollard and Samers, 2007). Research by geographers has also attended to different
sensuous geographies (see Holloway; 2003; 2006), the different constituents of
populations(seeDwyer,2008;Hopkins,2008),differentreligions(seeAitchisonetal,
2008) and different geographic scales (see Kong, 2010). Notable however is that
research into the place and significance of religion in public welfare and care still
remainsremarkablysparse.
Examininghowgeographyisbeginningtomakesenseofanumberofglobalshifts,one
ofwhichbeingthe increase inurbanizationandsocial inequality,LilyKong’sreview
makesnoteof the recent contributiongeographershavemade to researchon faith‐
basedorganisations(FBOs)andexclusion inEuropeancities(seeClokeetal,2012).
However, similar to thecommentsmadebyBeaumont (2008) it is clear thatbefore
the recent work of Cloke et al (2012), geographical research into the public
involvement of faith motivated people and organizations was particularly slim,
appearingonlyas ‘standaloneexamples’ (Beaumont,2008,377).Takingaccountof
15
boththese‘standaloneexamples’andthecollectiveworkofClokeetal(2012)thereis
still a remarkable disparity between the significance of this phenomenon and the
quantityanddepthofgeographicalresearch.EventhoughrecentresearchbyClokeet
al (2012) has highlighted the involvement of FBOs and faith‐motivated individuals
across different welfare sectors and at different scales, there are still many
unexploredavenues.AsLilyKong(2010,12)argues:
“muchdetailedworkremainstobedoneregardingfaithbasedorganizations
in specific contexts, suchas: theways inwhich sociopolitical environments
shape the development of FBOs; the specific nature of and impetuses for
FBOs indifferentsettings; therelativesuccess inbringingaboutchanges in
urbansocial justice;andthefactorsthatlimitoraidtheirsuccess, including
theinternalandexternaldynamicrelationshipsofFBOs.”
Section3:Thesignificanceoffaithpraxisinpublicwelfare
In this final section of the chapter I argue why geography’s understanding of the
place, purpose and practice of religion and faith in public acts ofwelfare and care
needstobebothdeepenedandextended. Iarguethattherearethreemainreasons
why thismustoccur: firstly,because faith‐praxis isoftenmotivatedandshapedby
particular theo‐ethics, secondly, because faith‐praxis is a very real and embedded
phenomena in contemporary welfare landscapes, and thirdly, because the
engagement of faith‐motivated people in contemporary acts of welfare and care
provides an important insight into the place of faith‐praxis in relation to emerging
postsecularstirrings.
i)FaithpraxisandtheoethicsFaith‐inspired public expressions of welfare and care need to be given greater
academic attention because the involvement of faith‐motivated individuals and
organizationsinpublicwelfareisoftenunderpinnedbycertaintheologicalethicsthat
prompt and form public faith‐praxis in particular ways. The importance of paying
16
attention to these particularities is that itwill bring greater clarity as towhy faith‐
motivated people and organizations are involved in public care andwelfare. Itwill
also enable a more discerned understanding of how people of faith are publicly
involved. Understanding both these facets will enable the particularities of faith‐
inspired and structured praxis to speak back to the discipline of geography
(Yorgason, 2009). There are two important strands of theo‐ethics that need to be
givenmoreroomtospeakbacktogeography.
Thefirststrandisdiscursive.Theo‐ethicsareoftenderivedfromparticulartheological
narrativesandthesetheologicalnarrativeselicitcertaintheologicalvaluesandinform
ethicaldecision‐makinginparticularways.Understandinghowdifferentreligionsand
faiths draw upon theological narrative as they are enrolled into publicwelfare and
carewillallowgeographytoengagemoredeeplywiththetheologicalunderpinnings
ofbelief(Kong,2010).
InthecaseofChristianityaloneforexample,theo‐ethicsdrawonparticularscriptural
narratives. Whether this is to ‘love your neighbour’ (Mark 12:31), to forgive and
‘embrace’differentandperhapsdespisedothers(seeVolf,1996),orinthecontextof
post‐Christendom,toembodyan‘exiled’lifestylethatrejectsindividualismandgreed
(seeFrost,2006),theologicalnarrativesareusedtoencourageandpromptpeopleof
faithtoundertakecertainactsandtodevelopparticularcharactertraits.Increasingly
peopleoffaithhaveleantonamixoftraditionandimmanenceintheformofvirtue
ethics,andvirtuousactionshavebeenvalorisedasbothagoal toaspire toandasa
habit to be acquired (Cloke, 2010). Therefore as well as it being important to
understandhowdiscursivetheo‐ethicsencourageandpromptparticularaction, it is
also important to understand howdiscursive theo‐ethics shape particular agents in
publicactsofwelfareandcare.
Thesecondstrandrelatesdirectly to thenatureof faithandreligion inandof itself.
Religion and faith draw not only on the ‘real’, they draw on the ineffable. Faith‐
practice is not only prompted and structuredby the discursive but also by the less
discursive. Faith, spirituality and religion offerswhat Caputo terms the ‘hyper‐real’
17
(2001:91) a ‘reality beyond the visible, making available that which eluded the
narrow‐minded idea of what was possible within modernity’ (Cloke, 2010, 231).
Reaching for this ‘realitybeyondthevisible’drawsuponexperienceandemotionas
wellasreason,anditdrawsuponspiritualdispositionstoevokeaconsciousnessthat
is alternative to the consciousness and perception of dominant culture (see Cloke
2010).Thiswayofperceivingandengagingwiththe‘hyper‐real’canleadtoparticular
theo‐ethicalsensibilities.
ii)Faithpraxisasarealandembeddedpublicphenomenon
Thescopeoffaith‐inspiredinvolvementinpublicactsofcareandwelfareisbothvast
andcomplexandacrosstheUKbothlocallyandnationallyfaith‐praxisisoftenatthe
forefrontofcertainwelfaresectors(seeClokeetal,2008).
Research by Cloke et al (2010) for example gives an insightful indication of how
embeddedpeopleoffaithandtheirnetworksareintheprovisionofcareandsupport
for the homeless population of Bristol. This research found that churches remain
fertile recruitingground forvolunteers,and that faith‐networkscontinue to initiate,
encourage, valorize, and even organise, individual and group involvement in the
provision of homeless people. Furthermore this researchmade note of the place of
homelessservicesasdevicesforthefulfillmentofactiveChristianservice(Ibid,2010).
Similarly,theresearchofBarnettetal(2010)hashighlightedhowpeopleoffaithand
faith‐networksaresignificantlyenrolled into localspacesofethicalconsumption.As
supporters rather than as consumers these people of faith are enrolled through
interpersonalties,embeddedinspacesofsocialinteractionsuchaschurches,schools
or work places. On a wider scale across Britain, faith‐networks, organizations and
individuals appear to hold key roles in other sectors of provision and protest. The
Christian FBO theTrussel Trust has facilitated the franchise of over 150 foodbanks
across the UK (see Lambie, 2011) and the Salvation Army is in its second year of
delivering the public contract to care and support for victims of human trafficking.
While the history of the international ‘drop the debt’ campaign, Jubilee, provides
evidence that faith‐networks provide a key role in the actual birth of many
18
contemporaryinitiativescampaigningagainstdebtandglobalpoverty(seeDentetal,
1999).
iii)FaithpraxisasacoconstituentofthepostsecularFaith‐praxis in the arena of public welfare and care is one part‐constituent of the
postsecular.Whereaspreviouslyrigidlinesweredrawnuptodemarcatethesecular
and the religious now instead new relations of possibility are emerging (Beaumont
andBaker,2011).Therefore,whilefaith‐praxisisarguablyimportantinitsownright:
asbothpraxis that ismotivatedbyparticular theo‐ethics,andasphenomena that is
publicallyresurgentinsociety,thebroadersignificanceoffaith‐praxisisthatitoften
performedandnegotiatedamongstamixofdifferentpositionalities.Theinvolvement
ofpeopleoffaithinactsofwelfareandcareistakingplacealongsideactorswhohold
different identities, motivations and ideological standpoints. Returning to the
examplesoffairtrade,debtcampaigningandprovisionforthehomelessforexample,
itisevidentthatthisisthecasewithinallthreeofthesesectors.
TheresearchofClokeetal(2010)intohomelessprovisionacrossBristolfoundthatin
almostallcasestherewasamixingofdifferentfaith,religious,politicalandideological
motivationsamongorganizer’sstaffandvolunteers.AtnightsheltersacrosstheCitya
mixofstudents,churchgroupsandarangeofothervolunteersworkedtogethertodo
something practical for homeless people (see Cloke, 2011.)While similarly in local
fair‐trade initiatives a similar combination of theological, ethical and political
differencescoalesced(seeBarnettelal,2010).Insomeinstancesaswelltherebeing
evidence of a mutual point of engagement between differently motivated people,
sometimes people of faith are responsible for initiating particular campaigns and
servicesthatthengoontoreceivewidertakeupbybroadersociety.Thiswasthecase
withtheJubileecampaign.
The Jubilee campaign drew on Old Testament narrative to foreground an idea of
presentdaydebtremissionincontemporaryglobalaffairs.Primarilysupportedbythe
Christian faith network across the UK this campaign soon incorporated a host of
organizations and affiliated activists drawn from secular and non‐Christian faith
19
networks, growingat itspeak to incorporate60different countries. Reframednow
under Jubilee‐plus, the Jubilee campaign continues and has developed a multifaith
projecttolinklocal,nationalandinternationaleffortstoencouragepeopleoffaithto
engagewithcombatingandcampaigningagainstpoverty(seeDentetal,1999).
Steppingbackfromthesethreeexamplesandreflectingmorebroadlyonpostsecular
possibilities, faithpraxisneedsfurtherinvestigationbecauseas it isaco‐constituent
ofthepostsecular,furtherresearchintotheplace,purposeandpracticeoffaith‐praxis
willhighlightandextendnotonlythepositionandplaceoffaith‐praxisbutwhatand
howsuchpraxisplaysapartinpostsecularsociety.Understandingfaith‐praxisaspart
of these broader postsecular stirrings will therefore further geography’s
understandingofhowthepostsecular isspacedandplacedaswellas theparticular
contributionfaith‐praxismakestothisrapprochement(seeCloke,2010).
TakingnoteofthesethreeprovocationsandthecallofLilyKong(2010)toattendin
much more detail to FBOs in different contexts this thesis critically explores one
particular avenue of Christian faith‐praxis in socio‐economically deprived
neighbourhoods.Haunting this critical exploration however is a number of broader
geographic sub‐fields, particularly Marxism, Feminism and Post‐Colonialism. While
thesethreesetsofliteraturesarenotmadecategoricallyexplicitinthethesistheyare
implicit in its formulation.The implicitnatureof their influence rises to the surface
fromtimetotimethroughoutthethesis,howeverbecauseat theheartof this thesis
liesanethnography,thethesisisintentionallywrittenasa‘theorylight’thesis.There
is however a number of Marxist, Feminist and Post colonial themes/voices that
resonatewiththequestionsraised,thecontentandthematicstructureofthisthesis.
From a post colonial/ feminist perspective much that is implicit within this thesis
centersonnotionsofselfandother.Conceptsofrepresentation,powerandpractice,
as broad and as fluid as they arewithin post colonial and feminist debates, all are
formativetothedirectionthisthesistakes,particularlyintheproductionofresearch
questions inchapter two,and in thepiecemealconceptual framework that isdrawn
upon inchapter four toanalyse therelationsandencountersbetweenChristian‐self
andmarginalother.Likesomanygeographersinterestedintheintersectionbetween
20
ethicsandsocialandeconomicinequalitymyintellectualstartingpointhasbeenthose
voicesthat locateandanalysepowerintheimmediacyandprimacyofanencounter
withdifference. Insuchlightmyworkhasbeenimplicitly influencedbytheworkof
SarahAhmed(2000),EdwardSaid(1978)andMirosalfVolf(1994).
WhileasanundergraduatestudenttheworkofEdwardSaid(1978)introducedmeto
thestarkrealitythatnotionsofselfandotherareinseparableandbestunderstoodas
mutually constitutive of one another. I am indepted to Sarah Ahmed (2000) for
introducingmetothecomplexwayinwhich ‘strangers’and‘others’areconstructed
through fetishism with difference. Lastly the work of the theologian Mirosalf Volf
(1994) tookmebysurpriseandhas influencedmedeeplyeversince I firstreadhis
work. His examination of the forces that bring us together and hold us apart have
enabledmetobegintomakesenseofhow,theologicallyspeakingatleast,thehuman
selfmightreconcileitselftoanotherincontextsofpersistingenmity.
Secondly, two particular Marxist geographers haunt the questions and the critique
that has been developed throughout this thesis. DoreenMassey and David Harvey,
twointellectualgiantsinHumanGeographyimplicitlyhauntthisethnographicwork.
While deeply implicit in the actualwritten piece there is the occasional glimmer of
suggestionthatthisthesisowesthemadebt,nonemoresothanmyuseofthephrases
marginalandmarginal‐other.BothHarveyandMasseyhavesoeloquentlyarguedthat
thedynamicnatureofcapitalismreworksspaceandproducesnewconfigurationsof
uneven spatial development. Both have been influential in training me to turn my
attention to how the built environment is continually re‐shaped and reworked by
socialrelationsthatstructuretheshiftingandmutatingbeastwecallcapitalism.Both
have been influential in helping me to understand how the shifting processes of
capitalaccumulationleavesomeplaces,territoriesandscalesprivilegedoverothers.
TheworkofHarvey(see2010)hasledmetounderstandthatspace,place,cultureand
socialrelationsaredramaticallyshapedbythevolatilityofcapitalaccumulationand
theseflowacrossandconnecttheglobal,nationalandlocal.WhiletheworkofMassey
has shownme that most importantly places are places of social relations and that
space/placeisaproductofandisimbuedwithsocialpower.Whilemuchofherwork
21
on late capitalism and the built environment articulates the negative effect of
capitalist social processes (seeMassey, 2000), the broader philosophical points she
makesIfindextremelyhopeful,andthesepointsimplicitlyunderpinmyworkintothe
natureanddynamicsof‘incarnationalgeographies’inthisthesis.LikeDoreenMassey
(2005) I am convicted that space is the product of interrelations; that it has the
potentialtobeunderstoodasacapableofmultiplerealitiesandthatitisalwaysunder
construction. There‐readingthisthesismakesisimplicitlydependentuponsuchan
alternative spatial outlook and this is implicit in the rest of the thesis which is
structuredasfollows:
Chapter 2 outlines and critically interrogates the Christian faith‐praxis under in
investigationinthisthesis.Itexploresthetheologicalandculturalcontextthathasled
to the contemporary uptake of ‘incarnational living’ in socio‐economic areas and
outlines how such faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’ is being embraced by:
individuals, groups of faith‐inspired individuals, and Christian faith based
organizations. Critically examining two normative interpretations I argue that
‘incarnational geographies’ need to be carefully re‐read with attention to certain
nuancesandcomplexities.Likeallfouroftheconceptsthatemergefromthisthesisan
understanding of the concept ‘incarnational geographies is develop as the thesis
progresses. It is introduced in this secondchapterand then fleshedout through the
fourthandfifthethnographicchapters.
Chapter 3 charts the development of the research and critically explores both the
practicalitiesandissuesthatemergedwhilstplanningandundertakingtheresearch.
It critically examineswhy I adopted an ethnographic approach, introduces the case
studyattheheartoftheethnographicenquiryandengageswithanumberofcritical
issues concerning both positionality and writing and representing ‘incarnational
geographies’.
Chapter4isthefirstoftwosubstantiveempiricalchaptersanditcriticallyexamines
‘incarnational geographies’ through a socio‐temporal lens.This chapter furthers the
re‐readingsetoutinchaptertwobyexploringthedynamicnatureof‘livingamongst’.
22
Tracing the historical development of the Message Trust and the Eden‐network it
critically analyses the changing structure, vision and theologies embedded in the
organisation’spractice.Drawingontheexperienceofvolunteersandstaffwithinthe
Eden/614UK case study this chapter examineswhypeople joined theproject,what
their experiences of doing the project were, and why in some cases people left.
Examiningpractitionersactualexperiencesof‘livingamongst’helpstobuildacritical
examination of the motivations that trigger involvement, the practicalities,
imaginariesandfeelingscaughtupinactuallydoingtheproject,aswellasexamining
the changing expectations and understandings of rational for self‐involvement.
Critically examining these biographic narratives of joining, doing and leaving also
opensupanappreciationofhowthesepracticed landscapesareoftencharacterized
byother‐orientatedpracticesandnotionsofcare.Inthisfourthchaptertheconceptof
‘socio‐temporal landscapes’ isusedtoarticulatehow ‘incarnationalgeographies’are
contingentupontheformationofnewsocialrelationsbetweenselfandotherandhow
suchrelationsareenrichedandreformulatedinandthroughpraxisovertime,while
theconceptof‘re‐enchantment’isusedtoarticulatetheimpactsuchencountershave
on motivating ethical behavior, to and for the sake of marginal others. Like other
thesis specific concepts these two concepts are given shape as the argument
progressesthroughthechapter.
Chapter 5 is the second substantive empirical chapter and it critically examines
‘incarnational geographies’ through an ethical lens. This chapter furthers the re‐
readingsetoutinchaptertwobyexaminingtheinvolvementofvolunteersandstaffof
Eden/SA614UK in the local community. Itquestionshowthis involvementmightbe
consideredasco‐constitutiveofanethicallandscapebyattendingtotheinvolvement
ofstaffandvolunteersofEden/SA614UKinandbeyondvoluntaryandpublicwelfare
provision. In this final ethnographic chapter I give substance to the concept of
‘progressive post secular partnerships’ by focusing on the everyday mutual
partnershipbetweensecularandreligiouspeopleinlocalpublicsectorspaces.Imark
them out as progressive due to their ability to synergize effort for the sake of
marginalizedothers.
23
Chapter 6 concludes the thesis by laying out the significant contribution of the
researchfindingstotheoverallargumentofthisthesisbeforecriticallyreflectingon
methodology and suggesting how this research could be expanded upon and taken
furtherinthefuture.
24
Chapter2:Incarnationalgeographies
In the previous introductory chapter I explored how religion and faith have
resurfaced in thepublicarena in theUK:rising inprominencedueto the increasing
multiculturalcontextofthenationandstandingoutbecauseoftheresurgenceofthe
service‐basedarmofreligion.Iexplainedthattheresurgenceoftheservice‐basedarm
ofreligionisthebroadsocietalcontextwithinwhichmythesisisnestedandIargued
that geographyhasyet to fully come to termswith thispublicphenomenon. In this
secondchapterIbuilduponthisargumentbyexaminingindepthoneparticulararena
of Christian faith‐inspired action taking place in socio‐economically deprived areas.
ThispubliccontemporaryexpressionofChristianityistheempiricalandinvestigative
focus of this thesis. This review makes up the first section of this chapter and it
critically engageswith thedual impetusdriving this formof faith‐inspiredpraxis: a
discontentmentwithcontemporarychurchpraxisand theological inspirationdrawn
fromthe incarnationof JesusChrist. In thesecondsectionof thischapter Icritically
reviewtwonormativecriticalinterpretationsofthistypeoffaith‐inspiredactionandI
arguethatthisparticularfaith‐praxisanditsgeographiesneedstobecarefullyre‐read
with attention to certainnuances and complexities.Questioning anddeconstructing
thesenormativeinterpretationsopensupaseriesofanalyticalthemesthatarelater
appliedtomyethnographiccasestudy.
Section1:Reengagingwiththemarginsand‘livingamongst’
While most Faith‐based organisations (FBOs) establish an organisational presence
among the socio‐economically marginalised people, there has been a recent move
towardsapersonalhabitualpresenceamongstpeoplelivinginpoverty(Cloke,2010).
Thisfaith‐motivatedpraxisinvolveschoosingtolivein‐amongsttheexcluded,serving
asacloseneighbourratherthanasavolunteer,orworker,whovocationallybreezes
inandoutoftheseareas.
‘Livingamongst’isnotsolelytheambitoffaith‐basedpractitionersanditisimportant
25
toacknowledgethatthereareexamplesofpeoplewhoaredrivenbysecularimpulses
to ‘live amongst’. Examples can be drawn from across a number of different public
sector professions. Doctors, community organisers and social workers sometimes
intentionally choose to practice their profession in areas of socio‐economic
deprivation. In the medical profession these doctors stand out as ‘exceptional
individuals’wishingtohelpcounterthe‘inversecarelaw’(Hastingsetal,2001)while
insocialworkthoseconcerneddosooutofanadherencetoamoreradicaltakeupof
a profession becoming increasingly inhibited by professionalisation and
managerialism that draws practitioners away from a truly community‐based
approach to care (See Baldwin, 2008). This said, in the UK the phenomena of
intentionally choosing to relocate to live within a socio‐economically deprived
neighbourhoodappears tobea faith‐inspiredpraxis.Thesepracticesareoftenborn
outofacriticaldissidencewiththewayfaithisoften(not)translatedintoactionand
isat timesphysicallydistant from ‘nearly forgottenplaces’ (Thompson,2010).They
arealsosymptomaticofagrowingambivalencewiththeengrainednormativewayof
practicingChristian‘mission’underthefastfadingestablishedorderofChristendom
(seeMurray,2004).
CritiquingChristianChurch
ManycriticalquestionshavebeenaskedofhowtheChristianfaithshouldbepracticed
inlightofsocial,economicalandpoliticalneedsofurbancommunities.Agoodnumber
ofthesecriticismshavebeenfromoutsidefaithnetworks(seeAllahyari,2000),while
others have emanated from within (see Frost, 2006). Recently there has been a
growing reflexive critique within elements of the Western Church over how the
churchrelatesto‘thepoor’(seeBishop,2007;Claibourne,2006;Wilson,2005;Myers,
2011). Particular faith‐practitioners have questioned how urban Christian faith
communitiesandFBOsshouldbestructured,wheretheyshouldbeplaced,andwhat
values should be central (see Frost, 2006; Graham and Lowe, 2009). To provide
greatercontextandtoelicitsomeofthepassionthatdrivestheformsofpraxisatthe
centreofdiscussioninthisthesisitisappropriatetodwelluponthiscritique.Inthis
instance, I will consider the critical contribution of Gary Bishop, a faith‐based
26
practitionerworkingfortheSalvationArmyintheUK.
The critique by Bishop (2007), in his bookDarkest England and the Way Back In,
suggests a two‐fold contradiction inwhat theChristian faith sooftenupholds as its
centralnarratives.Inthecontextofhisowndenominationalmovement,theSalvation
Army,hewritesthatwhathasemergedisbothaphysicaldistancebetweenchurches
and themarginalised, and a particularway of engagingwith themarginalised; one
that is temporary andmediated through organisational and project‐based contexts.
Bishop explains that the physical distance between the ‘Western Church’ and ‘the
poor’ has been exacerbated by the increasing wealth of those who practice
Christianity. He highlights how the Salvation Army has grown from a 19th century
movement to a 21st century respectable organisation, broadly being subject to an
upward shift in socio‐economic terms. The gulf between the Church and the
marginalised has been further emphasised by the geographical relocation of many
new larger church congregations into out‐of‐town or industrial warehouses (see
Connell,2005;Warfetal,2010)andthe locationofmanyFBOandchurchbuildings
ontothefringesofprimespaceawayfrommajorgeographicpocketsofdeprivation.
ForBishoptheeffectof thesechangeshasbeen forChristiancongregationstoenter
intoareasofdeprivationinabreeze‐in/breeze‐outfashion,shapingthewayinwhich
they relate to marginal‐others. In one sense charity has become the Church’s
mediator,whileinanothersensephysicaldistancehasbecomeitscomfort.
TheactoffinancialgivinghasbeenoneofthewaysinwhichtheWesternChurchhas
ethicallyexpresseditsdesiretohelpout,butasSlavojZizek(2010)makesthepoint
with regards to the idea of ‘conscious consumerism’ and what he calls ‘cultural
capitalism’, charity isnot the finalanswer toanunjust systemorunjustnetworkof
socialrelations.Attheirbesttheseformsofcharityareanimprovement,andattheir
worst,theyareadisplayofguilt:usingcharityasameansofperhapsputtingatbay
larger efforts to create radically alternative ways of living in relation to others.
Charity,onfirstinspectionappearstobeextremelyadmirablebut,accordingtoZizek,
oncloserinspection,charityperpetuatesahypocriticalsystem.AlthoughIamnotsure
ifIfullysupportZizekinthisview,suchaspiritofskepticismisworthexploringinthe
27
contextofChristian‘charity’foramomentlonger.
Togetanideaofhowcharitymightactasamediatorbetweenaperson,churchand
marginal, perhaps, disempowered others, Zizek’s mode of criticism‐ albeit
undervaluing what good is actually being worked out through the work of these
charities and those who support them with their time and money‐ highlights
something of the same spirit that lies behind Bishop’s faith‐based critique.
International faith‐based child sponsorship schemes (see Yeun, 2011) linking
developed countrydonorswith less developed country receivers, continue to grow,
and domestically within the UK, there has been continual growth in the size of
Christian faith‐based charities tackling homelessness (see Cloke et al 2010), human
trafficking (see Zimmerman, 2001) and inadequate access to nutritional food (see
Lambie‐Mumford et al, 2012). While this illustrates the incredible passion and
entrepreneurial spirit of many faith actors keen to ‘get stuck in’ and ‘make a
difference’italsoillustratesacommontrendacrosstheChristianfaith‐basedwelfare
sector. The grittyworkof tackling such issues is deemed theworkof charities. Lay
individuals from worshipping communities, unless active as staff or volunteers in
theseorganisations,findthemselvesdistinctivelyremovedfromthereallivesofthose
facingpovertyandsocialexclusionasastarkrealityofeverydaylife.Asaresult, for
thelaypersoninchurch,intimateknowledgeofthesemarginal‐othersneverbecomes
fullyrealised;itremainstheworkofcharityandthephysicaldistancethatseparates
thedonorand thebenefactordelineatesparticularwaysof relating to these ‘others’
thatneverseethisrelationalandemotionaldistancecollapsed.
Although I agree with others who have argued how constructive such spaces and
networks of charitable care are for the voluntary outworking of localised forms of
ethical citizenship (seeClokeet al, 2007Barnett et al, 2005), IwouldechoZizek to
suggest, maybe (and I would emphasise the maybe) sometimes ‘charity’ in some
guisesstandsinthewaytojustice‘proper’,notsomuchasabarriertobeingethical,
butasadiversion from the realizationofmore radical formsofethically relating to
marginal‐others. In the context of Christian faith‐based care this is because what
broadlyepitomizesthenatureofChristiancareandengagementwithmarginalothers
28
is,moreoftenthannot,thatmembersoftheChristianfaithatbestdothingsforothers
rather thanwith others (Auge, 1998). Charities, social enterprises, and other FBOs
structuresocialrelationsinwaysthatrarelybreakoutofthenormativelystructured
natureof20thcenturywelfarecontextofserviceprovider/clientordonor/recipient.
Deconstructing this normative way of relating and embracing radical forms of
knowingandcaringformarginal‐othersisattheheartofBishop’sfaith‐basedcritique.
SurveyingthewaytheChurchcurrentlyrelatestomarginal‐others,Bishopiscertain
thatincontrasttodistantanddelocalizedexpressionsofChristianfaith‐inspiredcare,
whatwouldbemosteffectiveisforChristianstojourneybackin,consciouslychoosing
to live within these areas of socio‐economic deprivation. This, he believes, would
result in ‘becomingpart of these communities,making real friendshipswith people
thatmayseemverydifferenttousattheonsetbutallowingthemtoshapeandchange
ussothatwecanbecomeathomeintheirnativeterritory’(2007,60).Hehopesthat
thiswouldresult inanasymmetricalrelationshipwithothers,openingup ‘a levelof
relationshipwithlocalpeoplethatisdifficulttoachievewhenyouonlydothingsfor
thecommunity’(2007,65,emphasisadded).
ThesechallengeshavealsobeenechoedbyanumberofprominentChristianactivists
in the United States (see for example Claibourne, 2006; Sider, 2005). Claibourne
(2006), an American Christian author and activist, argues that the hypocrisy and
complacent indifference with which Christians treat Jesus’ teachings on the
marginalised has depersonalized poverty and has created relational, and in some
casesspatialandemotional,distancefromthemarginalised.Onthebackoftryingto
workthisoutforhimselfinPhiladelphia,ShaneClaibourneandothersthatarepartof
the Simply Way Christian faith community have prompted other Christians to
questionwhether theysimply ‘knowof thepoor’ orwhether theyactually ‘know the
poor ?’(Claibourne,2006,p48).Drawingon theologicalnarrative inparticularways
thismovementandthesurgeofChristianswhohavechosenonceagaintohabitually
livealongsidemarginal‐othershasbeenlabeledaslivingoutan‘incarnational’faithin
socioeconomicareas.Mythesisisallaboutthese‘incarnationalgeographies’.
29
PursuingChristandbeing‘incarnational’
AsTerryEagleton(2010)argues,beingChristianandhavingaChristianfaithisabout
a tenacious loyalty to the Christ ‘event’ and enacting a ‘loving commitment’ to this
‘event’. Similarly as Alain Badiou (2003, p 70) comments, ‘becoming Christian’ it is
about ‘becominganauthentichumansubject’ ‘throughone’spassionateallegianceto
such a revelation’. Such loyalty, commitment, and allegiance of the faithful, has
performatively resulted in an abundance of different ways of being and doing
Christianitythroughouthistory.Timeandagainthesedifferentapproaches,practices
andposturesof theChurchandofChristianshave taken inspiration fromparticular
biblical narrative. The theological center point for Christians trying to embody an
‘incarnational’faithistheaccountofChrist‘becomingfleshandmakinghisdwelling
amongus’(John1:14).Thistheologicalnarrativepresentsaknowledgeofthehumility
ofGod;thecommitmentofGodtoHisworldhavingenteredintoit;amodelforwhatit
meanstobefullyhuman:embracinghumilityandbeingsacrificial,andallimportantly
acosmicchangetoeverything:Godisnotonlyrevealedinhumanfleshbutissentfor
redemptivepurposes(seeLloyd,2005).ThisexampleofJesusenteringinandbeingin
the world in a particular way acts as the theological model for those who seek to
followas ‘disciples’.Reflectingon themodelof Jesus:his incarnation, lifeanddeath
hasrealsignificanceforChristiansactinguponan‘incarnational’approach.
AstheChurchistheologicallythoughtofas‘Christ'sbodyintheworld’faithfullycalled
to ‘being thebearerofbiblical story’ (Myers,2011,p79)someChristians, including
thelikesofBishopandClaibourne,areinspiredtoembraceanapproachtoChristian
mission and discipleship that is founded upon a brave process of questioning the
discrepancies between the biblical narratives of Christ and the contemporary
practicesofthechurch.ChristianityafterChristendom(seeMurray,2004)isturning
once again to consider the life and death of Jesus Christ inways that re‐centre the
importanceofChrist’sincarnationalwitness(Guder,2000).Christianswhorelocateto
socioeconomically deprived areas of the UK are therefore comparing the
contemporarypractices of theChurch, and therefore themselves, to those of Christ,
andthistheologicalnarrativeisreflexivelyshapingtheiractions.
30
AsIexploredinthecritiquesofBishop,thereisadiscontentmentwiththetendencyof
the Church and Christians to be located among affluent areas, dwelling among the
middleclass.However,consideringthattheChurchistheologicallyrepresentativeof
Christ’s body, many involved in choosing to ‘live amongst’ are questioning the
discrepanciesbetweenthebiblicalnarrativesofChristandthepracticesofthechurch.
AsbiblicalnarrativeportraystheembodiedlifeofChristasoftendwellingamongand
withthemarginalisedinsociety,theseChristiansarereflexivelyaskinghowtheycan
emulatesuchalifestylewhenitis,attimes,notreflectedinthecontemporaryChurch.
It isclear that in lightof these theologicalnarrativesasetofdiscursive tropeshave
come together around the narrative of Christ’s Incarnation. This has produced
particulartheo‐ethicalenactmentsofthisnarrative(seeCloke,2010).Embracingthis
particulartheologicalmindsethasprovidedsomeoftheimpetusforwhereandwhy
these Christians choose to live. A faith‐inspired approach that on the one hand is
about proximity and on the other hand is about posture. This incarnational way of
relating and being amongst the marginalised Bessnecker (2006, 172) describes
involving‘tearingdowntheinsulationandbecomingrealtothoseintrouble’.Gaining
inspirationfrombiblicalaccountsofChrist’sowndescentintohumanity(Bessnecker,
2006)thispraxisinvolvesawillingnesstorelinquishpersonaldesiresandinterestin
theserviceofothers(Frost,2006).Thispurposefulembraceof‘downwardmobility’is
about ‘moving from places of power and influence to places of poverty and
desperation, renouncingprivilegeandopportunity’ (Bessenecker,2006,24; seealso
HybelsandWilkins,1993).Thishabitualpracticeof‘livingamongst’isinmanywaysa
‘commitment toenterand…remain in theuniverseof thepoorwithamuchclearer
awareness,makingitaplaceofresidenceandnotsimplywork(Guiterrez,2001,73).
In contrast to the type of charity Ziziek (2010) critiques, embedded within this
incarnationalapproach is thepossibility fora formofpraxis thatpurposefullygoes‐
beyond‐the‐self, reconfiguring relations between charitable‐self and receiving‐other
inwaysthataremoreradical.Thepotentialandpossibilitycaughtupinthisapproach
is the search to embodyanethic for andalongside theother that is configured,not
around a tokenistic and self‐orientated set of charitable desires, but around a
sacrificialethicthatreliesonadeepconvictionandcommitmenttotheother,meeting
31
themintheircircumstanceandseekingtostepinsidetheirworld,tounderstandthe
painandthepleasureinadeeplyrelationalmanner.
Howeverformanyinvolvedin‘livingamongst’suchformsoffaith‐inspiredpraxisare
notonlyaboutmovingtoserveothersbutaboutevangelicallysharingfaithwiththese
others in the process of such service. Intentionally questioning the proximity and
postureof theChurchand itsmembers inrelation tomarginalised‐others in lightof
the ‘great commission’ is in this vein aboutbeing close enough that the lives of the
faithful rub up against the lives of the marginalised, and that in such relational
encountersthoseothersseetheincarnateChristintheirvalues,beliefs,andpractices
(Frost,2006). ‘Livingamongst’ is inmanycasesbothaprocessofenactingfaithand
sharingfaith,withsomeenvisagingthisprocessofsharingmoreexplicitlythanothers.
Iwillreturntocriticallyexaminethistensioninthesecondpartofthischapter.
Therelocationofindividuals,groupsandchurches
AmongChristianstheerissomethingofare‐emergentmovementofpeoplewillingto
be placed within marginal landscapes and a supportive social network wanting to
generously redistribute resources –particularly volunteers, time and money – to
support others who have been in place all along. Across the complexity of this re‐
emergent movement is the call for an intentional personal presence within these
areas of deprivation that seeks to permanently place faithmotivated individuals or
groupsmorepermanently alongside those experiencingpoverty or social exclusion.
Effortstorelocateandliveamongstmarginal‐othershavebroadlytakenthreeforms.
Although in some cases there is a sense of hybridity between how these forms of
response are shaped, in what follows, without wanting to present a model or
spectrumthatdefinestheshapeofrelocation,threedistinctivestylesofrelocationare
outlinedtosuggestkeydifferencesinapproach.
First,therearefaith‐inspiredindividualsintentionallyrelocatingandlivinginareasof
socio‐economic deprivation. These individuals relocate with the purpose and
convictionofseeingpositivetransformationinthesecommunities.Theseindividuals
32
may engage with the wider neighbourhood through community organising,
purposefully participating in collective action with others of goodwill, while
attentively listening to the particular needs of people in the area . Below is typical
examplepresentedinthecasestudyofTom.
CaseStudy1:Tom
TomCleftworks as a regionalmanager for aChristianCharity.He is awelleducated
professionalwith awellpaid job. He could choose to live in suburbia but instead has
chosentoliveonAxelEstateinRoehampton.
PromptedbyhisChristianfaithhehasmovedontothesocialhousingestate.Helivesin
RivermeadHouseinatwobedroomflat,whichheshareswithafriend.Therehavebeen
plans to demolish Rivermead House, but nothing definite has been decided and so
residents are currently living with uncertainty, facing constant battles with the local
council to persuade them to maintain the building. Tom has become something of a
spokespersonforRivermeadHouse.Hespendstimevisitingneighbourstocanvasstheir
viewsonwhatneedsmendingandliaiseswiththecouncil.TheseissuesbotherTom.His
concern is forhis fellowneighboursand theirkids.The liftsbreakdownregularlyand
people treat the lifts likepublicurinals.The telecomsystem frequentlydoesnotwork.
Drugusersringallthebuzzerstillsomeoneletstheminandthentheydealdrugsonthe
stairwell.BecomingalocalresidenthasledTomtocampaignagainsttheseissues.Living
inRivermeadHousetheseissueshavebecomepersonalforhim.
TomvolunteersforanotherlocalCharitymentoringseveralyoungpeopleontheestate.
He encourages each young person to achieve their own goals and is witnessing them
takesmallstepstowardsthesetargets.Somearegoingtothegym,eatingabetterdiet;
othersarelessstressedandaredrinkingless.SomeareapplyingtoUniversity.
NotallthingsaresopositiveforTom.Hehashadtomakesomebigpersonalsacrifices–
hisqualityoflifeandhisrelationshipscouldbebetterifhechosetolivesomewhereelse.
His familydoesn’tenjoycomingtovisitandhis fiancéeRuthdoesnot feelsafevisiting.
33
But for Tom, living on the estate, he is less preoccupied with mortgages, career and
success,theestatepresentsmoreimmediateandcommunalconcernsandhecan’thelp
butgetinvolved.
WhiletheexampleofTomillustrateshowhispersonalchoicetorelocatehasledhim
toseekoutpositivetransformationontheestatethereareanumberofcriticalissues
that this example raises. Firstly, as an activist advocating against some of the
conditions facing residents on the estate Tom is enrolled into acts of protest and
campaigningasarepresentativeonbehalfofotherneighbours. Thisdynamic,asan
outsiderwhoisauthoritativelyspeakingasa‘spokesperson’forothers,putsTomina
position of power in relation to his nearby neighbours. The issue that such an
unbalancedpowerdynamiccreatesisthatitopensupthepotentialforthevoicesand
views of others to be neglected. In this case Tom would be enrolled into
redevelopment issues as an articulate ‘elite’ (see Ward 2011) and the wider
participationofotherneighboursintosuchdiscussionsmightbebypassed.Secondly,
theothercriticalissueraisedfromthiscasestudyemergesoutoftheperceivedneed
to ‘be sacrificial’. The assumption inherent within this premise is that living
‘incarnationally’issomethingthatpresupposesthoseinvolvedhavegreateraccessto
resources,ahigherstandardofliving,andgreatermobilitythanthosenotcapableof
choosingtoliveinorleavethatparticularcommunity.Equally,forTom,movinginto
the neighbourhoodwas a personal choice.Which in itself is a reminder that while
Tom can become a local resident, networked into the local community through
voluntarywork,a friendshipgroupandhis sharingofa flaton theestate,holdinga
different socio‐economicpositionwithaccess to surplus financial capitalandwitha
network of friends and family beyond the estate there is always an ‘out’ for Tom
shouldhechooseit.Thesecultural,economicandsocialdifferencespotentiallycould
meanthatTomwillalwaysbesomethingofanoutsider,neverfullybeingacceptedas
justanotherlocalneighbour.Thesetensionsandcriticalissueswillbepickedupagain
inmuchgreaterdetailintheethnographicexplorationofthethesis’smaincasestudy
inchapter4.
Moving beyond the example of Tom there are groups of faith‐inspired people, here
34
termed‘communitiesofintention’,whichrelocate.Thesecommunitiesofintentionare
informally linked with one another but are often unaffiliated from any particular
Christian denomination or established Church. The example of Dave and Lucy
highlightshowthesecommunitiesofintentionstart.
CaseStudy2:DaveandLucy
Dave and his wife Lucy live in inner city Manchester. Dave finished University in
Manchester five years ago. Togetherwith a group of friends they intentionallymoved
intoanareatheyonceavoidedasstudents.Davewouldonlyhavecomeintocontactwith
theareathroughvoluntaryworkwithalocalhomelessorganization.Henowlivesinthe
areaandworksfulltimeforthesamecharity.
FromtimetotimeDaveandLucyhouseanasylumseekerinconnectionwithacitywide
asylum seeker charity. They regularly meet with other friends who have made the
neighbourhood their home. This ‘community of intention’ is not associated with any
particular formal church. As a group of friends with a common faith and the same
passion for the area they see themselves as a faith community wishing to make a
difference in the local area. Drawing upon their own Christian faith they reimagine
what the area could be like: a place with less poverty and racial conflict, a greater
numberofjobsforlocalpeople,andadeclineinmentalhealthissues.
TheexampleofDaveandLucyindicateshowcommunitiesofintentionareinformally
structuredandhighlightsthenatureoftheircharacter.Foundeduponapassionfora
particularareaof thecityandahopefulparticipationwithin it, theexampleofDave
and Lucy elucidates how communities of intention seek to re‐imagine
socioeconomically deprived areas. Being bound together by a similar set of
convictions,thecaseofDaveandLucyalsoillustrateshowcommunitiesof intention
form,andgivesanaccountofthepurposeoftheirintentionalrelocationandgathering
asagroup.
In comparison to the examples of Tom, and Dave and Lucy, the most structured
35
accountsofrelocationcomeintheformof‘churchplants’.Theseseektoseeaformof
churchestablishedinthelocalneighbourhood.Theseexpressionsofchurchmaynotbe
asformallyrecognisableastheirtraditionalaffiliatedcounterpartsbutareinanycase
linkedtobothawidernetworkofsimilarexpressionsof‘doingchurch’andasupport
network of more traditional denominational churches – from which financial and
socialcapitalisoftenresourced.InthecaseoftheUnitedKingdom,manyofthemajor
traditional denominations have in someway embraced supporting and overseeing
these initiatives. The Baptist (see Urban Expressions, 2011), Salvation Army (see
614UK,2011)MethodistandtheAnglicanChurch(seeFreshExpressions,2011)have
allbecomeinvolvedacrossthescopeoftheUKintheseinitiatives.IntheUKtheextent
of thisexpressionofChurch finds itsplace inmostmajor citiesandmanymoreare
being planned. Case study three outlines how Mike became involved in an
Incarnational‘churchplant’linkedwiththeEden‐Network(seechapter3).
CaseStudy3:Mike
Mike spent a year on a UKbased Christian Gap Year project connecting social action
withabiblebasedpersonalfaith.Havingcompletedthisyearouthefelttheurgencyand
convictiontocontinuelivingouthisfaithinawaythatdirectedhimtooneoftheseveral
ManchesterbasedEdenProjects.TheEdennetworkfacilitatedthisprocessforhim.This
meanthecouldstudyatUniversitywhileactivelybeinginvolvedinalocal‘churchplant’.
TheEdenProject churchpartner organization, the SalvationArmy, helped financehis
degree in YouthWork and Community, and hemoved onto a well renowned housing
estatewherethechurchplanthadjustbeenstarted.Hesoonbecameakeyvolunteerfor
theEdenProject/SalvationArmypartnership.
The ‘church plant’ was comprised of ten other volunteerswho hadmoved frommore
affluentareastocommittolivingontheestateforaminimumoffiveyears.Motivatedby
Christianconvictions,eachvolunteerwanted toactively share theirown faith through
bothwordsandactions.Theiraimwastoembedthemselvesinthelifeoftheestate,so
thatwhere they could, they couldhelpmake itamorehopefulandharmoniousplace.
ThismeantthatMikecommutedthe50minutestoUniversityandcommittedhisspare
36
timetorunningdropinyouthclubs.Hehasnowfinishedhisdegreeandstilllivesonthe
estate. He still volunteers for the Eden Project and plays an active role in the church
plant. He hasmade the estate his home. He now sits on a local residents association
boardandhasanopendoorpolicywiththemanyyouthwhoknockonhisdoor.
In some cases a church ‘presence’ in areas of deprivation is nothing new, nor
necessarilysomethingthatinvolvesrelocationorplanting.Thepracticeofenactingan
incarnational expression of the Christian faith in socio‐economically deprived areas
canbetracedbackthroughhistoryandhasadeepheritage.Forexamplethevarious
Franciscanordersestablishedinthemedievalperiodareatestamenttothefactthat
this faith‐inspired approach of ‘living amongst’ is indeed not a particularly new
phenomenon (see Andrews, 2006; Clabaigh, 2011). Similarly the ‘Slum Sisters’ or
Gutter,CellarandGarretbrigadeoftheSalvationArmyoftenserved‘thepoor’living
amongst them in Victorian England (seeWalker, 2001). Looking at the established
churchintheUKthereisalsoalonglineageofChristianpriestsexpressingtheirfaith
indeprivedcommunities throughtheparishsystem(seeNECN,2011).Notonlyhas
thisparishmodelprovided a community function throughvarious stagesof the life
cycle:birth,marriageanddeathithasacteduponacommitmenttothesurrounding
geographicalcommunitywithallitsparticularneedsandchanges.Formanycenturies
theseestablishedChristianpillarsofcommunityprovidedinfluentialsocial,religious
and spiritual capital for the surrounding area. Furthermore, if itwerenot for these
parish‐based congregations then the wider churches involvement in
socioeconomically deprived areas would be significantly diminished because
partnershipschemesandshorttermprojectswouldnevergetofftheground(Graham
andLowe,2009).
Many contemporary relocation efforts are also supported by FBOs and Ecumenical
networks. These organisations facilitate the relocation of Christian faith‐inspired
individuals, connecting individuals with wider groups of Christian faith‐motivated
people who have the have the same conviction to relocate to live among the
marginalised.TheseFBOsoffertrainingandplacementsandinvolvecommitmentsof
varying time length. In some cases these are shorter ‘gap year’ opportunities,
37
providing a training ground for individuals to experience this type of localised
involvement(SeeMissionYear,2011andXLP,2011)whileforotherorganisationsthe
intentionisalongercommitmentfromtheoutset(seeEden‐Network,chapter3).
In summary, contemporary incarnational forms of praxis in marginal areas that
involve ‘living amongst’ are clearly structuredand supported indifferentways.The
examples of Tom, Dave and Lucy, and Mike, have highlighted how this can be an
individual initiative, theeffortof informal community,oraspartofa ‘churchplant’.
Thesedifferent ‘incarnational’ expressionsof theChristian faith in socioeconmically
deprived areas are, however, united by a common Christian conviction to become
involvedintheevolvingnarrativeofeachmarginalcontextandfaithfullyparticipate
in lifealongsidemarginalisedothers.These ‘convictionalcommunities’(seeThomas,
2012)arestructuredaroundhavingapermanentlocalpresencethatis intentionally
directed in numerous ways towards engaging with the specific need of the area,
listening,witnessing,discerningandresponding.
Section2:Workingtowardsarereadingof‘incarnationalgeographies’
So far I have presented an outline of what ‘incarnational’ praxis in deprived areas
mightlooklike.BydrawinguponthreeshortcasestudiesIhavetriedtogiveaflavor
of these forms of Christian praxis. The main point of this first section was to
emphasise that in contemporary Christian praxis there is a resurgent trend among
someChristians tobepermanentlypresent in areasofdeprivation: ‘living amongst’
the socio‐economically marginalised. As well as illustrating what this praxis might
looklikethissectionhasalsoexploredthedualimpetusbehindtheseformsofpraxis:
the dissatisfactionwith current expressions of church and Christian living; and the
pursuit and application of particular theological narratives. Using the examples of
Tom,DaveandLucy,andMike,Ihaveoutlinedsomeoftheresponsiveactsofservice
thatmayemergefrom‘livingamongst’butIhaveonlytoucheduponsomeemergent
critical questions. In this second section I review two major critical readings that
couldbeleviedagainsttheseformsoffaith‐inspiredpraxisandargueforare‐reading
of these forms of faith‐inspired activity. This re‐reading produces a number of
researchthemesthatwillbeappliedintheethnographicchapters.
38
‘Living amongst’ and unwanted proselytisation? Exploring the nuances of
‘evangelism’
ThefirstwayoflookingattheseChristianinterventionswouldbetoassumethatthe
purposebehindthese‘incarnational’practicesissolelytoseeothersconvertedtothe
Christian faith. In other words these practices could be thought of as the ‘bible
bashing’ acts of fundamentalist Christians. In this view engagement withmarginal‐
others,andservicesofferedtothem,isconstructedasameansonlytocreatespacesof
proselytisationorconversion(seeWoods,2012)
Proselytisation,initscontemporaryusagehasnegativeconnotationsandinferssome
formofcoercionorforcetoseeothersconvertedtothesamefaith.Inthecontextof
incarnationalgeographiesthistacticalapproachwouldusetheguiseofhospitalityand
different forms of service to create encounters with residents and relations of
obligation so that they may be converted to the Christian faith; somewhat duping
themintothinkingthatthereisnoulteriormotive.Thisisaprominentinterpretation
upheld as a chief concern by liberal humanists and the popularly branded ‘new
atheists’, intellectually aggressive towards all forms of religion (seeDawkins, 2006,
Hitchens, 2007, Harris, 2006 and Dennet 2007). Taking the viewpoint of these
thinkers,incarnationalformsofpraxisinmarginalareaswouldprobablybetypecast
asanoutworkingoffundamentalistsseekingonlyconverts.
Likethetermproselytisation,inthecontextofreligion,theterm‘fundamentalist’,has
widely negative connotations. Such a discourse has firstly regained popularity as a
processofcategorisingthoseconvictedbyareligiousfaithtowardsgeopoliticalactsof
‘violent extremism’,while it has also regained popularity as a term associatedwith
religious believers who, in a modernist reactionary fashion, hold to unwavering
dogmatic beliefs (see Cloke et al, 2012). A popular example would be that of the
AmericanPastorTerryJoneswhoinsistedonburningcopiesoftheQuranevenaftera
presidential plea not to do so. While among academics across the social sciences,
religious fundamentalism has been closely associated with the American rightwing
39
(seeConnolly,2008).
Aside from the debatable terminology, the potential interpretation of incarnational
practicesasfundamentalistandproselytisingcouldbe,likeotherChristianspheresof
intervention and participation, “block categorised” as undeterminably out to
indoctrinate and convert. This is best exemplified by turning to consider the
contemporary debate surrounding faith‐based schools and their variable public
acceptanceinpost‐Christiansociety.
Thecontemporarydebatesurroundingfaith‐basedschoolshassimilarparallelstothe
potential critique that could be raised against incarnational forms of praxis in
marginalareas.Whatliberalhumanistsandthe‘newatheists’mightseektointerpret
aboutaChristianfaith‐motivatedincarnationalpresenceinmarginalareasmay,very
possibly,drawuponsimilarprinciplesandviewpointstothosethatgetdrawnoutin
thedebateforandagainsttheexistenceandpublic fundingof faith‐basedschools in
Britain. Themeans for comparison lies firstly then in the ability to categorise both
school children and the socio‐economically marginalised as vulnerable. This
vulnerability is, for school children, defined in the fact that they are highly
impressionable and often incapable of making fully informed choices, while, in the
caseofthesocio‐economicallymarginalised,vulnerabilityisthoughttobeboundup
in there lack of access to various services, having, by default, to call upon services
offered by religious groups with ‘ulterior motives’. These two are also apt for
comparisonbecausebothexamplesraiseconcernforsecularistswhowishtoseeall
expressionsofreligiousfaithremovedfromthepublicrealm.
Asidefrombeingaccusedofselectiveadmissionandbiasedemploymentpolicies,faith
schoolshavebecomesomewhatcontroversialforwhatRichardDawkinstermsinhis
BBC channel four enquiry ‘intellectual dishonesty’. Scientific ‘truth’ claims are
downplayed and RE syllabuses, reportedly not subject to Ofsted inspections, are
confessional innatureandomit a ‘neutral’ comparativeapproachbetweendifferent
religions(Humanism,2012).Herethen,theimmediateconcernofliberalhumanistsis
that the right for children to come to their own critical opinion of religion is taken
40
away from themand replacedwith a syllabus that aims to instruct students of one
particularreligionanditsdoctrines(Humanism,2012).
Thecomparisonbetweenthecoretenetsof the faithschoolsdebatewiththatof the
potentialonesurroundingChristiansinvolvedinincarnationalinitiativesisreinforced
by a critical interpretation of the theological discourses that direct and shape
incarnational geographies. Considering the fact that for many of the church
denominations and Christian individuals involved, the guiding theologies build a
significantplaceforso‐called‘proclamation’and‘evangelism’,concernscouldquickly
arise that these incarnational interventions are imposing and imperialistic. Liberal
humanist opposition to Christians relocating to marginal areas and serving
incarnationallywouldpotentiallybe concerned that suchpraxis is a continuationof
‘mission’prevalentwiththeeraofcolonialBritishrule.Framedinthiswayitwould
beeasytodismissthesepracticesaspotentiallyexploitativeandself‐imposing,mixing
thewelfareof thesemarginalotherswith the self‐serving religiousaimsunderlying
these intentions. In this framingwhatappears tobeother‐serving isactuallydeeply
motivated by a self‐serving ambition to see new Christian converts. This view,
however, potentially neglects the complex anddiverseway inwhich faith is shared
andperformed.
Accordingly,Thiessen(2011)persuasivelyarguesthattheintoleranceofliberalpost‐
Christian society towards ‘evangelism’ or the ‘sharing’ of faithwith others, and the
deep cynicism and negativity that pervades such a resonant attitude, is built upon
massgeneralisation.Outrightobjectionssimilartothosebeingarticulatedbythe‘new
atheists’ and liberal humanists surrounding the faith schools debate aremadewith
little effort to seek to understand and search out the diversity of approaches
embodiedwithintheactualperformanceof‘sharingfaith’ordoing‘evangelism’.These
viewsneglectthecomplexityanddiversityofhowfaithissharedwithothersandhow
suchvariedformsofsharingfaithareco‐constitutedandexpressedwithduecareor
without.Itisthereforeimportanttocarefullyconsiderhowdifferentsociallyengaged
expressions of evangelism; which involve a focus on care and service to, for, and
alongsidetheother,areconstitutedas‘faith’,andcruciallyhowthisfaithis‘shared’.It
41
isalsofundamentalthatstagingandperformanceofevangelismiscriticallyassessed
forhowitmightbeenactedwithoutduecarefortheother.
Giving space to consider the incredible diversity of approaches taken in this
performative act of ‘sharing’ faith is to acknowledge that such performances are
differentlyco‐constituted.Attendingtothe influenceof thesedifferent factorsopens
up thenuancesof evangelism: the individual agencyof those enacting the ‘sharing’,
how evangelism is received by different individuals, the diversity of theological,
culturalandpoliticaldiscoursesthatinflecton,andgivepurposeto,suchpraxis;and
thegeographiccontextinwhichsucha‘sharing’processtakesplaceandisembedded.
It also brings to light an appreciation of the complexity of how evangelism is
differentlyenactedbydifferentpeopleindifferentplacesthroughouthistory.Thiscan
beillustratedbywayofbriefreviewofsomeofthedifferentformsevangelismtakes,
bothtodayincontemporarywesternsociety,andinlightofsomeofthecatastrophic
historicalattemptstosharefaiththat hauntChristianunderstandings,andcontinue
todominatepopularimaginariesofhowreligiousfaithis‘shared’.
Religionwithacapital‘R’hasbeenrightlycriticisedfor‘sharingfaith’inwaysthatare
coercive, exploitive and immoral. A number of these are succinctly reviewed by
Thiessen (2011, 38) in his discussion of ‘immoral proselytising’. The growth of
Christianity in the first five centuries of Christianity included ‘imperially conferred
benefits for church leaders and the advancement of civil servantswhohad become
Christian’ (ibid,38)andthecompulsiontoconvert toChristianityunderestablished
Christendomslowlybecamecompulsorythroughculturalandpoliticalpressures(see
Kreider, 1999). While more overtly coercive, in the eighth century, Charlemagne
forcedtheSaxonstobebaptisedunderthreatofdeath(seeDaves,1972)asdidKing
OlafofNorwayandtheSwedesupontheFinnsinthetwelfthcentury(seeMegivern,
1976).Equally,theChristiancrusadesoftheeleventhcentury(seeRiley‐smith,1981)
and theSpanishconquestof theAmericassawthecrossand thesword intrinsically
linked(seeRivera,1992)tobringaboutmanyforcedconversions.
InmorerecenthistoryThiessen(2011)alsocitesanexampleofthemoralfailuresof
42
evangelismbydrawingontheaccountofGlanzer(2002).Inthiscasealargegroupof
missionorganisationswereinvitedintothepostcommunistRussianeducationsystem
tospearheadaprogrammetoinstructRussianpublicschoolteachersonhowtoteach
Christian ethics. The practice of this became ‘ethically problematic’ (ibid, 196) as
those responsible for instruction becamemore concernedwith delivering a course
introducingChristianityandseekingconverts thanactually teachingaboutChristian
ethics. Similiarly in Britain a number of the on‐street services offered by Christian
groupstohomelesspeoplehavebeenaccusedofbeingofferedwithsignificant‘strings
attached’(Long,2010).
Today in America and Britain alone, Christian evangelism comes inmany different
guises.Theabundanceofbooksquestioningboththevarietyofmethodsandcontexts
of evangelism are a clear indicator of this diversity. Covering a broad selection of
contexts books have been published questioning how to evangelise through the
internet(seeOgbonda,2005);throughsports(seeConnor,2003);thebusinesssector
(seeRussel,2010); in rural (seeRufficorn,1994)and inurbancontexts (seeDavey,
2010);andtoyoungpeople(seeAiken,1992;Stier,2006)andolderpeople(Boynes,
1999).WhileexploringmanydifferentmethodsofevangelismChristianauthorshave
put forward theneed to embrace supernatural and ‘spirit‐led’ evangelism (seeChe,
2006;Deman,2007);theuseofquestions(seeNewman,2004);theuseofprophecy
(seeStibbe,2004),theuseofgroupdiscussion(seeBookerandIreland,2010;Finney,
2004); in the setting of large or mass audiences (Blinco, 1952); in person (Gibbs,
2004;Dever,2007).Fromthesetitlesaloneit isclearthatdoingevangelismisnota
simpleorsingleshapedact.Notonlycanevangelismbeviewedasacomplexprocess
enacteddifferentlyindifferingcontexts,itisalsosomethingthatissubjecttochange
throughtime.Thisisclearlyindicativeinshiftsinapproachandstrategyoverthelast
halfacentury.
One of the most notable changes in approach used by the Evangelical Church in
Britainoverthelastfiftyyearshasbeentheshiftfrommassaudienceevangelisation,
that had its roots in the preaching of Charles Finney in the 19th century (Finney,
2004), to small group based discussion. ‘In 1985 evangelism for most people still
43
meant themeeting, the importantspeaker, theexhausting (andexpensive)effortby
thechurch’(Finney,2004,p70).However,quitequicklyintheseChristiancirclesthe
large scale crusades of Billy Graham and Luis Pau and the broadcast of the ‘Jesus’
videowerereplacedbysmalldiscussiongroupsrunbylocalchurches(Finney,2004).
In the early stages of development these styles of evangelismwere first associated
with the ‘nurture groups’ that ran alongside the later Crusades of Billy Graham,
however,inthelate1970sand1980sanumberofdifferentpioneeringcourseswere
developed, includingthefirstAlphacourses,the ‘SaintsAlive!’courseemanatingout
ofStMargaret's inNottingham,andtheEmmauscourse fromtheWakefielddiocese
(Finney, 2004). A number of these courses, including the Alpha course, which has
received much media and some scholarly attention (see Hunt, 2004; Brian,
2003;Ward, 1998), have today grown to become nationally and internationally
recogniseable brands. Alpha, originally pioneered by Holy Trinity Brompton in
London,hasnowbeentranslatedinto55differentlanguagesand7,215churchesofall
denominationsacrossBritainare registeredas runningalphacourses (Bookeretal,
2005).Severaldifferent specialisedversionsof thecoursehavenowbeenproduced
for use with students, the elderly, and the armed forces. While a specialist course
‘AlphaforPrisons’hasbeenusedin135prisonsacrossBritain(Bookeretal,2005).
The growth of these strategies of evangelism has been interpreted by some
commentators as having resulted in the ‘Mcdonaldization of religion’ (see Ward,
1998)wherethe(modernised)Christianfaithisbasedon‘apackage,notapilgrimage’
andresults in ‘salvationbycopyright’ (Percy,1997,15).Howeverothershavemore
positively concluded that the shift in evangelistic strategy from a focus on the ‘big
event’toregularinvitationaldiscussiongroupssuchastheAlphacourse,Christianity
exploredortheEmmauscourse(seeCottrelletal,1996)hasmeantthatevangelismin
suchasettingisbuiltuponrelationships,arelaxedpersonableatmosphere,ablendof
reasonandexperience,andgivesspacefordifferentpeopletocontributewhileoften
beingledbylaypersons(Finney,2004).
Thesignificantpoint toemphasisehere is that ‘evangelism’canand isperformed in
manydifferentways.Astheshorthistoricaldiscussionhasreviewed,pastattemptsat
44
‘sharing’ the Christian faith have been tragically caught up in the expansion of
empires,coloniesandtheruleof thepowerful.Even inthecontemporarycontextof
post‐Christendom,Christiansseekingtoardently ‘share’andevangeliseothershave
sometimes done so with disregard to the liberty, dignity and care of others, while
thoseChristiansundertakingactsofserviceandwelfarehavedonesowithsignificant
‘stringsattached’.Itisimportanttoemphasiseherehoweverthatnotallattemptsto
‘share’faithandevangelisemightbeundertakencoercivelyorwithsignificant‘strings
attached’.Performancesofevangelismandthemethodsof‘sharing’faitharenuanced
andcomplex.Theyalsorequireacarefulanalysisoftheparticularityofcontext,beit
socio‐cultural,politicalororganisational,andvigilantandscrupulousexaminationof
the directive and shaping nature of different theologies and the appreciation of
variabilityinhumanagentsperformingevangelism.
IncarnationalGeographies,evangelismandselfotherrelations
AsIhaveshownintheabovediscussiontherearemanydifferentformsofevangelism
and the complexity and diversity of how evangelism is enacted needs to be given
significantattention.Inlightofthesedifferencesmythesiswillneedtopayattention
to how ‘faithful purposefulness’ is enacted in different styles of ‘doing mission’
‘evangelism’ and ‘service’. To best question how these are performed and what
constitutes the nature and dynamics of ‘incarnational geographies’ I will need to
questionhowrelationswithothersareinterwovenwithdiscoursesofevangelismand
how these discourses of evangelism are explicitly enacted in and through these
practicesof‘livingamongst’.
Interrogating performances ofmission and evangelism in thiswaywill open up an
analysis of how the faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’ could be considered as
ethical ornot.On theonehand thismay reveal a setof colonial faithpractices that
may have their out‐workings in the assimilation of cultural differences, gender
differencesorreligiousdifferences,withlittleregardtodiversity(seeVolf1996).On
theotherhand,seekingtounderstandthenuancednatureofevangelismandhowitis
enacted in and through relationswith others through the praxis of ‘living amongst’
45
maybring to light faithpractices that activelyattempt togobeyond‐the‐self (Cloke,
2002)indevelopingasensitivitytoothernessthatincludesbothasenseoftheother
andfortheother(seeAuge,1998).Theseperformancesoffaithpraxismight‘involve
theabilitytoreceivethespecificityoftheotherandtobegenerousinthecontextof
thatspecificityratherthaninthecontextoftheself’(Clokeetal2005:398),moving
towardsreceptiveformsofgenerosity, that includeatheo‐ethicalnotionofembrace
(Volf,1996).
The dual capacity for religion to spawn ‘lovers of the impossible’ (Caputo, 2001),
capable of spilling out their passion into situations of social, economic or political
need,andyetalsobeingpronetoproducethetendency for itsadherents toconfuse
themselveswithGodandcompromisethelibertiesofpeoplewhodisagreewiththem
(Caputo, 2001) means that vigilance and criticality must be employed when
questioninghowmission,initsholisticsense,andevangelism,initsdifferentformsof
appearance, are enacted through incarnational expressions of the Christian faith in
marginalareas.
ResearchQuestion1:Whatmotivates and structures thepractices of volunteers and
staffworkingwithintheseincarnationalChristianFBOs?
Research Question 2: How are relations with others interwoven with discourses of
evangelismandhowarethesediscoursesenacted inandthroughtheprocessof ‘living
amongst’.
Faithinspiredactionandvirtuousselfbetterment?
Thesecondcriticalreadingnarrowsitsfocustothelevelofindividualactors,whether
stafforvolunteers.Thisinterpretationofincarnationalpraxisinmarginalareaswould
frametheinvolvementofindividualsaspartofahighlymoralisedprocess.Thisisthe
main argument running through thework of Rebecca Allahyari (2000) in her book
VisionsofCharity.Undertakingadetailedanalysisoftwodifferentorganisations,one
affiliatedwith theCatholicChurchand theotherwith theSalvationArmy,Allahyari
46
drawsuponin‐depthvolunteerprofilestoquestiontheexperienceofvolunteeringin
the socio‐cultural moral context of each of these two organisations . Allahyari’s
conclusions are that volunteers come to hold an opinion of themselves that is
constructed through their interactions with clients in the setting of these two
organisations,andinadherencewiththemoralrhetoricofthesetwoorganisations,
volunteers frame their sense of selfhood in such a way as to work towards ‘self
betterment’.
Conceptualisingvolunteersandstaffinvolvedinincarnationalgeographiesinthisway
wouldessentiallyupholdthemas‘dogooders’where,whatappearsattheoutsettobe
an altruistically motivated process, is in fact, a thinly veiled set of egotisically
motivatedprocesses.‘Whatappearstobegoing‐beyond‐the‐selfisproperlyexplained
asreinventingtheself,withcharitableaffects’(Clokeetal,2005,387).
The previous case study examples of Tom, Lucy and Dave, andMike, presented in
section one, all involved different Christians feeling drawn to relocate to live in
socioeconomically deprived areas. As a result of relocating each person became
involved within the local area in particular ways, assisting and supporting with
certainservices, creatingdifferent formsofprovisionwhen therewasavisible lack,
andbuildingrelationshipswithother local residents.Theybind themselves toallof
thesepracticeswiththehopethattherewillbesomerecognisabletransformationof
the area and some positive benefit to other local residents. Considering these
practices through the lens of the interpretations given in the argument ofAllahyari
(2000) however, these acts of service, friendship and supportwould be seen to be
motivated by virtuous self‐betterment. This view however is only one end of the
spectrumand itneglects toconsiderhowcharitableorcaring involvementcouldbe
interpretedas‘reasonedorinstinctivereachingoutbeyondself‐interest’(Clokeetal,
2005, 387). Therefore by presenting a re‐reading of these types of faith‐inspired
actions I want to suggest that instead ‘incarnational geographies’ could be seen as
ethical landscapes in theway that relationswith others aremediated and enacted.
Thishastwomaincomponents.
47
IncarnationalgeographiesandthetheoethicsofChrist’sincarnation
Firstly Iwant to suggest that particular Christian theologiesmight be significant in
promptingandstructuringcertainethicalposturesandwaysofrelatingtomarginal‐
others. In the first chapter with reference to the Christian theological notions of
embrace (Volf, 1996) and exile (Frost, 2006) I argued that different theological
narratives can be drawn upon to structure relations between selves and others in
differentways.InthefirstsectionofthissecondchapterIsuggestedthatpartofthe
impetus for Christians to choose to embrace ‘living amongst’ was the pursuit of a
Christ‐like sacrificial ethic. This particular ethics was drawn out of a ‘theology of
incarnation’ toreflexivelyshapeandstructurerelations inwaysthatareseentogo‐
beyond‐the‐self.
In recent yearswesternChristianity has begun to return to questions of virtue and
character (seeWright, 2010), and questions of virtuous living have been central to
thosewhohave chosen to relocate intomarginalised areas. Inspirationdrawn from
thetheologicalnarrativeoftheIncarnationofChristhaspromptedChristiansinvolved
in incarnational initiatives inmarginalareas to faithfullypursuewaysofembodying
similarvirtues.ThisisclearlyillustratedintheexampleofGareth,aleaderofoneof
theChristianFBOsthatmodels itselfonthis incarnationalexpressionofpraxis,here
hedescribeswhatdefineshisfaithandhowhetriestoemulate‘Christ‐like’virtues:
‘WhatIseedifferentlyaboutfaithisthisdownwardmobility,whichyouseeinan
examplelikeJesus,takethebiblepassage:Philippians2verse5:‘letyourmind
belikeJesus,thoughhehadequalitywithGodhedidnotconsiderequalitywith
God but made himself of no reputation, taking on the form of a servant and
becameobedienteven to thepointofdeath, thereforehewashighlyexalted’ I
quotethatbecauseIthinkthatisabsolutelycentraltowhatwedo.Inasociety
thatsaysupwardmobilityisright,itisourneighbourhoodthatexistsbecauseof
this.Itisthepeoplewhohavelostinthatgame.’
ForGarethitisthenarrativeofthesacrificedandhumbleincarnateChristthatshapes
48
the way he seeks to actively embody his Christian faith in a socio‐economically
deprivedarea.Garethisconvincedthereasonbehindwhymarginalneighbourhoods,
like the one into which he has moved, exist, is because society upholds and
encouragesadifferentsetofvirtuesorvalues.Inlightofthisupwardmobility,Gareth
seekstofollowtheexampleofChristasportrayedinthenarrativeoftheIncarnation,
something he words as ‘downward mobility’. Gareth’s faithful following of the
discourse of the Incarnation could be seen as a counter‐cultural ethic (see Cloke,
2010) opposed to the widely hegemonic persuit of wealth, individualism, gain and
pleasure(seeWard,2001).Inthiswaytheincarnationaldiscourseisanarrativethat
presentsaconfrontationinitstheo‐ethicalcalltogo‐beyond‐the‐self,embracingwhat
Zizek(2000)accountstobethe‘subversivecore’ofChristianity,radicallyinseparable
from Christianity’s orthodoxy (Ward, 2001). Taking this view of incarnational
geographies, ethics is enlistedwithin thesemarginal spaces and places through the
formulationof ethical character. Importantly, in these incarnational formsofpraxis,
thefabricationofvirtuouscharacterhastobeconsideredinandthroughplace.Rather
thanbeingsomethingconstitutedinabstractspacethisformulativenotionofethical
character should be considered as shaped and moulded through relational place‐
basedandpeople‐basedengagement.Conceivingofvirtueinthiswayhighlightshow
virtueflourishesthroughadeepandpurposefulengagementwith,andintheservice
to,andfor,others.Castinthisformthisacknowledgesthatthe‘virtuousself’isformed
inandthroughpractice.UnlikethethinkingofAllahyarithatseestheconstructionof
moral selves to be unequivocally about self‐betterment I take the view, following
Cloke et al (2005), thatmoral selves are constructed in amore complex dialogical
manner;someaspectsbeingself‐concernedandothersbeingconcernedaboutothers.
In this view virtue is formed with a mosaic of underlying rationales, established
neitherwithpureegotisticaloraltruisticrationalesinsight.Inlightofthiscomplexity
myresearchwillneedtoaskhowChristian‐selvesarereshapedthroughthedialogical
processoflivingamongst.
ResearchQuestion3:HowareChristianselvesreshapedby‘livingamongst’.
Considering thenatureof these formsofpraxis thereareastillanumberofcritical
49
questions that need to be levied against these practices of ‘living amongst’. As the
example of Tom illustrated in the first section of this chapter, many of those who
choose to move into socio‐economically deprived areas, while making personal
sacrifices, still have the choice tomove in. This ability to choose, their background,
skill set and lifestyle is in someways contrasting to those they have chosen to live
amongst. Furthermore there is often an imbalance of power and privilege between
middleclassChristianswhohaverelocatedandlocalinhabitantswhohavelesschoice,
lessaccesstoresources,andlessgivenopportunities.Thisunevenrelationshipneeds
careful analysis. In the same way that my research needs to involve a careful
consideration of how faith is shared and enacted through the process of ‘living
amongst’, it is also necessary, considering the differences between those Christians
whochoosetomoveinandthoselocalresidentswholivetherealready,toconsider
carefullyhowrelationsbetweenChristian‐self andneighbourly‐otherareenacted in
andthroughthefaith‐inspiredprocessof ‘livingamongst’.Thispost‐colonialcritique
willenablemetoquestionwhetherornotthisformoffaith‐inspiredpraxisempowers
localresidentsorifsuchpracticestendtoreproduceunevenimbalancesofpowerand
privilege.
ResearchQuestion4:Howare relationships between Christianself and neighbourly
other enacted and performed considering the uneven balance of power and privilege
embeddedwithinpracticesof‘livingamongst’?
IncarnationalGeographiesandtheperformanceoffaithvirtueandtheoethics
Geographyhasbeendeeplyinfluencedbytheperformativeturninthesocialsciences
and cultural studies. Moving away from understanding place, space and practice
through interpreting discourses and representation, geographers have become
concernedwithhowthingsactuallyhappenandareexperienced. Thisperformative
turnhasbeen takenvery seriouslyby those geographers interested in the ethics of
places and practices. As such then, geographers trying to come to terms with the
ethicsofspaces,placesandpractices,havehighlightedtheimportantinterconnections
between organisations, spaces, discourse and practices (Conradson, 2003; Crang,
50
1994; Knowles, 2000; Parr, 2000; Philo, 1997). This body of work has sought to
questionhowspacesofcareareperformativelyboughtintobeingandhowethicsare
through actual practice, enacted and performed. This has consequentially moved
awayfromjustsimply ‘readingoff’ themoralandethicaldiscoursesentrenchedand
embeddedassignsandsignifiersofmoralandethicalmeaninginlandscapes(Clokeet
al 2005) and focusing, as attentively instead, on the actual practice of ethics in and
througheverydaylife.
Research by Cloke et al (2005) into the ethics of homeless service provision has
insightfully made use of this conceptual framework in examining the spaces of
homeless provision. Not only did their research take an interest in how spaces of
homelessprovision couldbe consideredasethical spacesof care though theethical
framesandattitudesthatvolunteersboughttotheseorganisationalspaces,butthey
sought to take account of the actual way in which care and support for homeless
otherswasperformed througheverydayactsofkindness, charityandgenerosity. In
thisway,thesespacesofprovisionwereconsideredtobeethicalbecauseoftheactual
performance of certain virtue. This needs to be applied to how the theological
narrativesthatstructureandprompteffortstorelocateandliveamongthemarginal,
and the faith‐inspired virtues that are encouraged through these forms of
incarnationalpraxisareperformativelyenacted.Analysingtheseperformancesinthe
context of specific service‐spaces, encounters and events will further develop an
understandingof the ethical nature of incarnational geographies and theway these
spacesofcareareco‐constitutedandenacted.
ResearchQuestion: How are these incarnational spaces and specific settings of care
performativelyconstituted?
51
Chapter3:ResearchingincarnationalgeographiesThe purpose of this chapter is to detail and critically evaluate how I went about
conductingmyresearch.Insummary,thischapterexplainsboththepracticalitiesand
issues that emerged whilst planning and undertaking my research and it critically
examines themethodologicalapproach I took toundertakemy thesis research.This
chapterissplitintosevendistinctsections.
InsectiononeIexplainhowmyowndoctoralresearchwasconnectedtothebroader
pan‐EuropeanresearchprojectandIaccountforhowmyinvolvementinthisproject
led me to become interested in incarnational expressions of the Christian faith in
socio‐economically deprived areas. In this first section I also review some of the
methodological design of this pan‐European project and I explore how my
involvement in this project was influential in shaping the trajectory of my own
methodsofresearch.SectiontwothencriticallyevaluateswhyIchosetoembracean
ethnographic approach grounded in researcher participation in two particular
residentialplacements.InthissectionIjustifymyuseofthismethodologicalapproach
in consideration of the nature of my research topic. I also explore how this
methodological approach enabled me to enact my own form of ‘quiet’ activism. In
section three I explain why I decided to only make use of the second of my two
research placements in this thesis. Section four then introduces this case study,
elaboratingonthesocio‐economiccontextofthearea,theFBOprojectcontextandmy
involvement while on placement. Section five then examines why I employed a
numberofmixedmethodsanddetailshowIrecordedthisethnographicinformation.
In section six of this chapter I critically assessmy positionality and explore how I
remained critically engaged throughout the research process. In the final section,
section seven, I outline and justify the approach I took towriting and representing
‘incarnationalgeographies’intheempiricalchapters.
Section1:Beginnings
Itwaswithintheparametersofthefirst fewmonthsundertaking deskresearchfor
52
the FACIT project that I became intrigued about ‘incarnational expressions’ of the
Christian faith in socio‐economicallydeprived communities.Being confrontedby an
enormous spectrumof faithmotivated praxis tackling issues of urban social justice
(see Beaumont and Cloke, 2012) I was particularly taken by the idea of the Eden
initiatives.
IntriguedbyEden
‘Eden’hadactuallycrossedmypathwhenIattendedaChristianyouthfestivalentitled
‘Soul in the City’ withmy church youth group in the year 2000. Three weeks into
compiling the desk‐based research on national faith based organisations (hereafter
FBOs) tackling social exclusion and poverty I began to reflect onmy own previous
briefencounterswiththisorganisation.ReadingthroughadraftofapaperPaulCloke
was to present at a conference in earlyOctober 2008 (see Cloke, 2010), I began to
reflect through my own involvement in this Christian youth festival. Reviewing
‘emergent streams’ of what Cloke termed ‘post‐secular praxis’ I came across a few
sentencesoverviewing,inhiswords,theworkoftheMessageTrust’sEdenInitiatives:
“faith‐actioncanalsoinvolvebehind‐the‐scenesradicalism,aswithTheMessage
Trust's Eden Project in which young adult volunteers choose to uproot
themselves and take up residence in some of the most difficult urban areas,
sharingtheproblemsofyoungpeoplegrowingupintheseareasandministering
totheirneeds.Thissacrificiallifestylechoicerepresentsacounterculturalform
offaithpraxis,andstandsasapropheticalternativetothestandardprocessesof
neoliberalism that 'make up' the subject through individuation and
entrepreneurship.”(Cloke,2010,236)
Thisallgotmethinking.Ilooselyrememberedthateightyearsagotherewasalotof
buzzattheChristianyouthfestivalabouttheMessageTrust’sEdeninitiatives.Atthe
timemany young people and adults were being encouraged to consider joining an
EdenTeamandmoveontooneofManchester’smostdeprivedresidentialareas.Being
53
encouragedbymy supervisor to find a PhD research topic amongst the plethora of
FACITresearchIbegantoconsiderwhetherperhapstheEdeninitiativeswereindeed
a tangible option. Maybe, just maybe, there was something here in these Eden
initiatives intowhich I couldgetmy teeth. I spent some time reading into theEden
initiatives and theMessage Trust on the Internet. I came across the Eden‐network
websiteandbeganstreamingatalkbyMattWilson,theEden‐networkdirector.
Withmy headphones plugged in to the laptop, I could hear the echoes of his voice
from what I only imagined to be a typical Church of England pulpit. Disparate
memories of that two‐week summer social action festival were, at points, being
revitalizedbyatalkhewasgivingtoachurchcongregationinSheffield.MattWilson
wasdescribingwhatitlookedliketobeinvolvedinanEdenteam,drawingoutfaith‐
cultivatedlessonsfromwhathehadencountered.Hespokewithrealconvictionanda
senseofcertainty.Hedescribedhowhehadinitiallyfoundhiswayontoaparticular
housingestateinManchester,howheandotherscametoliveontheestate,andwhat
they had begun to do once they had decided to move into the neighbourhood. I
scribbledintomylittleblacknotebook,tryingtocapturewhathehadtosay.MaybeI
could research these initiatives? Maybe they had a story to tell, a story that had
enoughlifeinitforathesis?Theycertainlyhaddeepconvictions,relocatingtosome
of the most socioeconomically deprived housing estates in the UK. The talk
continued…
“speak it into being, speak those things that are not as if they are, that is our
approach now, we will get in the community, we will begin to find out. God,
whereareyouatwork?Whatgoodthingsisyourspiritdoingandhowcanwe
fanthatintoflames?Howcanweblessthatandmakeitmore?Similarlywecan’t
turnablindeyetothefactthatthereisbadstuffhappening,andthereismess
and there are problems. There are people who need locking up cos they are
causingallkindsofagro.Sowewalkthiscountercultural line,whereonmany
occasionsitwillneedtobetheguysonourteamwhoaretheoneswhostandup
andbecountedandsay,“that’swrong,thatisnotright,yougottasortthisout”.
Youknowourworkwithyoungpeople isnotcottonwoolandencouragement,
54
wegottabethosewhoarewillingtodisciplineyoungpeopleaswellassay,“if
youkeepdoingthis it’sgoingtoleadtothis”[or]“youroutoforderthere,you
needtoapologise”.Wearenotjustaboutbeingwooly,therehasgottabetough
lovethereaswell,andsothat ispartofourcounterculturalcallingaswellcos
thereisnobodyelsewhowilldothat…”’
(Wilson,2007)
Heck!MattWilson,thoseareprettystrongstatements.‘Acounterculturalcalling’,‘cos
thereisnobodyelsewhowilldoit’(Wilson,2007).Ididnothaveenoughofthedetail
butthosewereboldwords.ThethoughtofabunchofChristians‘tellingothershowto
live’; some of his words made me shrink into my skin, others made me ask deep
questionsofhowIputmyownChristianfaithintopractice.Movingintocommunities
and engagingwithwhat they discerned to be good, standing againstwhat they felt
wasbad,herewasaveryactive‘presence’;Christiansmovingtoplaceswithintention
andcommitment. Inavigatedmyselfaround theEden‐networkwebsiteand founda
book for sale, a written account of the last eight years of the Eden ‘communities’.
Noted the titleand theauthor.EdenCalled to the streets.WrittenbyMattWilson. I
clicked‘addtobasket’onthecomputerscreen.
Twodays later the book appeared in the post, I got towork reading it. Every Ph.D
student seems to have certain objects, people, or narratives that they chase at the
beginning of their first year (see Crang and Cook, 2007). Mine were caught up in
‘Eden’andIbegantotrytomakesenseofthem.Thebookdescribedanobsessionwith
particularplacesandastoryofagroupofpassionatepeoplewhoseChristianfaithhad
drawn them to relocate onto socioeconomically deprived housing estates; certain
placesandparticularpeople.AcollectionofpeoplewhoseChristianfaithwasshaped
in away that tied them toparticularplaces,dwelling thereand shapingout certain
landscapes. Itseemedtobeastory thatshiftedandmutatedwith time.Manyof the
people involved seemed to have relocated frommore affluent parts of the South of
England. Young couples, school leavers and university graduates made up the
majorityof themigration.Myown imaginationbeganto fill in thegaps. Iwanted to
knowmore.NotabadaspirationIsuppose,particularlywhenIwasgoingtoneedto
55
dedicate three years of my life towards this one area of interest (Crang and Cook,
2007).WantingtobuildspacewithintheFACITprojecttolearnmoreabouttheEden
Initiatives it was agreed with my PhD supervisor/FACIT UK project leader that I
wouldbeabletoexploretheEdeninitiatives inmoredepthatthethirdstageofthe
FACIT research. Firstly however therewas a responsibility to undertake a series of
interviewswithkeynationallevelFBOstofurtherexploresomeofthekeythemeswe
hadbegun todevelop in thenational report (seeClokeetal2008).Undertaking the
FACITresearchwashighlyinfluentialinshapingthetrajectoryofmyownresearch.
Firstly, the FACIT project introduced me to a vast array of relevant literatures. I
became familiar with relevant literature surrounding debates on contemporary
structuresofwelfare,neoliberalism,governance,andthevoluntarysector.Anditalso
introducedtoawholehostofimportantphilosophical,theological,andethicaldebates
that crosscut this first set of literatures. Secondly, with regards to my emerging
empirical interests, the initial stages of the FACIT project also gaveme insight into
whatmethodsofresearchmightbeabest,andpossiblyaworst, fitmodel formeto
adoptformyself.
AsthefoundationalpremisesoftheFACITprojectwerebydefaultcomparative,much
of the early stages of researchwas built aroundmarco‐level endeavors, comparing
national structures of governance and the operation of FBOs within these political
contexts.Theproblemsthatseemedintrinsicwithinthisapproachwasthatmuchof
thewaytheprojectsorttounderstandFBOswascaughtupintheexpansivenatureof
theproject.Thefirsttwostagesoftheresearch,boththedesk‐basedscopingexercise
that explored FBOs active at a national level, and the structured interviewswith a
number of these national level organisations, had a number of interrogative
limitations.Thesewererootedinthefactthat,atanationallevelatleast,muchofthe
way the project came to understand the role and place of FBOs in relation to
contemporaryEuropeansocietieswasbasedexclusivelyondiscourseanalysisofwhat
participantssaidWhileinonesensethisprovidedmeaningfuldescriptiveinsightsinto
thebroadspectrumofapproachesFBOstakeintacklingpovertyandsocialexclusion,
andinanothersenseitplacedonthemapmuchofthecreativeandinnovativework
56
FBOs are undertaking under the banner of lobbying, protest and strategy, this
approachleftlittleroomforhumanagency,orthecontextofparticularplacesandthe
actualgroundeddailyperformancesinvolvedineachorganisationalsetting.Trawling
through website after website, annual reports and in‐house FBO publications only
presented a sea of words. Reading FBO mission and ethos statements, albeit an
importantpointoforientation,wasexactlythat,simplyastartingpoint.FBOmission
andethosstatementsprovidedkeydiscursivethemesbutdidnotgiveanygrounding
knowledge ofwhatmight be actually happening on a day to day basiswithin each
organization. Similarly, while the formal semi‐structured interviews with national
FBO representatives enabled the project to develop a better understanding of the
dynamicsof provision and interplaybetweenneoliberal governance and the role of
FBOswithinsuchacontext,verylittlewasactuallyunderstoodofhowthislookedon
the ground. Interviews with FBO representatives were often carried out over the
telephone,orawayfromthelocalcontextsinwhichtheirworkwasembedded.Teams
of researchers would appear briefly to undertake an interview, questioning
participantsonplaces,actionsandrationales,withlittlemorethananhourtogleam
an understanding of the whole internal dynamics of an organisation. Much of this
research could have been aptly described as a smash and grab raid on a few
informants(AtkinsonandDelamont,2006).Ibecameveryawareoftheselimitations
when I initially visited an Eden initiative to undertake an interview for the FACIT
project.ThisinitialvisitdidhowevergivemethechancetomeetAnnaTompson,akey
contactandcrucial ‘gatekeeper’ in termsofconducting furtherresearch(Fetterman,
1998),anditenabledmetobeginto‘castmynet’;developingapreliminaryfeelforan
empiricaltopicandbuildinganetworkofcrucialcontacts(CookandCrang,2003,pg
17).
VisitingEden:
Itwas clear that theEden initiativeswereveryused tohavingvisitors.Eden teams
were well versed in chaperoning visitors and in fact, as I learnt throughmy email
correspondencewiththenetworkcoordinator,certaindayswereevenearmarkedas
open dayswhen visitors could informally come take a look round. Being unable to
57
attendoneoftheseparticulardatesAnnaThompson,thenetworkcoordinator,kindly
set me up with an interview and an initial tour in conjunction with one of the
ManchesterbasedEdeninitiatives.
AnnaandIhadtwosimilarities,webothhadapersonalChristianfaith,and,asIwas
excitedtofindoutaswetouredthewesternedgeofManchester’sinnercity,Annatoo
was soon to be pursuing her doctorate; embarking on a part time PhD in Practical
Theology at Chester University that following September. This and our Christian
convictionsgaveusalottotalkabout.WevisitedtheSalfordEdenteambase,theLife
Centre,andIconductedarecordedinterviewfortheFACITproject.
WestofManchester’scitycentre,sittingupstairsintheLifeCentre,theprojectleader
Paul detailed how he and his wife had tried to discern if moving from Poole to
Manchesterwasanideawithwhich‘theybothfeltwasspirituallyright’.Paultoldme
howanumberofdifferentthingshadjumpedoutathim,as‘signsthatthiswasright’.
HefaithfullyinterpretedtheseasGod’swillforthemboth.Hearticulatedhowateam
wasformedandtheyallmovedontotheestate.Takingjobsinthesurroundingarea
Paul described how the team initially spent evenings doing detached youth work.
Theyplayedfootball,hungoutinthepark,walkedthesidestreetsand‘justmetyoung
people’. I gauged through the interview that in the initial fewmonths their sudden
presenceontheestatehadnotbeenreceivedwithoutskepticism.Onelocalresident
phonedthepolice,otherswereratherconcernedwithwhythisgrouphadturnedup
atall.Paulgavemehisversionofthings.
Paultracedhowthingshadchangedsincetheearlydayswhentheyallmovedin,he
toldmesomeofthepoliticsofworkingwithalocalchurchandsomeofthepersistent
problems.Hegavemeaquickoverviewofalltheircurrentprojects,theirfutureplans
and ambitions. An A5 brochure of the centre was placed in my hands and the
interviewwasboughttoacloseasPaulindicatedhewasabouttoopenthecentrefor
anafterschoolclub.
I could hear a banging noise, ‘let us in’ a young voice shouted. ‘Hurry up’, another
58
chirped. ‘Come on’. All this started to invade our rather polite and meandering
conversation.Fromthestreetcamerathermorefrankandexplicitrequeststobelet
in. ‘5minutes!’ someone roared from downstairs. Paul looked tired of talking. He
reiterated to Anna andmyself that the after school club was about to begin, Anna
agreed thatwebettergetgoing.We foundourwaydownstairs intoapurposebuilt
youthfacility,threevolunteerstakingamomenttogethertocollecttheirthoughtsand
run throughexactlywhat activitieswouldhold everything together.Thepleas from
behindthebolteddoorcontinued.Wereturnedouremptymugstoasinkandleft.We
subsequentlywereduetodropinonthesecondpartofameetingthatboughtthestaff
and volunteers of the Message Trust and different Eden projects together: the
‘together day’ Anna had explained in an email that this would help me gauge
something of the culture of the Message trust and give me the chance to meet a
numberofstaffandvolunteers fromacross theEden initiatives.Weheadedstraight
fortheMessageTrustheadquarters.
Thepurposeof the ‘togetherday’was tobringvolunteersandstaff fromacross the
Message Trust and the Eden initiates together for a time of reflective Christian
worshipandprayer.Annaexplainedthatthiswasexplicitlyamarkedmomentinthe
monthwhenbothEdenandtheMessageTrustcouldcelebratewhat‘Godwasdoing’.
It was a space to share stories, celebrate, and intentionally take time out from the
daily grind of administration and to do lists. It gave room for people to share
experiences,narrateboththeirexcitementandhardshipastheylivedandworkedin
someofManchester’smostdeprivedneighbourhoods.
Contrasting the Message Trust headquarters with the glimpse of activity I had
witnessed at the Life Centre in Salford itwas clear the two spaceswere extremely
different. TheMessage Trust headquarters seemed far removed from the perpetual
knocks at the door, the insistent screaming, Eden volunteers’ frantically running
aroundsettingupafterschoolclubresources.Areception,aswipecardentrysystem,
alargemeetingroomfullofpeople,allverycleanandmodern.TheMessageTrustwas
a warehouse on a Manchester Industrial estate. What connected the Langworthy
housing estate and the other estates, on which Eden teams lived, with this large
59
meeting, was that all these people formed part of one of these teams. Gathered
togetherintheconferenceroomoftheheadquarterswereovereightypeople,allpart
ofthesamenetwork,the ‘Eden‐network’.Alloftheparticipantsofthe ‘togetherday’
volunteered or worked as part of an ‘Eden team’. During the coffee break I was
introducedtomanyofthesepeople.Eachpersonhadastorytotell.Eachtoldmeof
howtheycametobeon‘Eden’.Iquicklyfoundmyselfimmersedinmyintrigue.What
hadstartedwithaninterviewfortheFACITprojectandaseriesofemailswasquickly
snowballing. A number of Eden volunteers and staff openly shared their account of
howtheycametojoinanEdeninitiative.Acollectionofjoiningnarrativeshadalready
beguntoemerge(seechapter4).Floodedwithnarratives,Ilefttheafternoonfeeling
overwhelmed.MyFACITinterviewfeltawkwardlylifelesscomparedtotheglimpseof
practiceIhadwitnessedleavingtheLifeCentreinLangworthy,Salford.Dippinginto
the meeting at the Message Trust headquarters had personalized some of the
narratives I had read in the written account of Eden. It had also left me feeling
saturatedwithspokenaccountsofwhatpeopledid.WhatIlongedforhoweverwasa
knowledge gained through participation. All these stories were interesting but I
intrinsically felt that these accounts needed to be matched up with periods of
observation,participationandimmersion‐somethingIknewfrommyundergraduate
trainingwas theblood line of any ethnographic approach to research (seeThomas,
2006).ReturningfrommyvisittoManchesterinearly2009Ibegantoquicklyworkat
organisingmyresearcharoundanethnographicapproach,searchingforanumberof
appropriate‘casestudies’withinwhichmyethnographyresearchcouldtakeplace.
Section2:Embracingethnography
‘Ethnographyexploresthetissueofeverydaylife’
(Herbert2000,551)
Having been given the space to explore my own research interests within the
parameter of the third stage of the FACIT project I chose to build my empirical
researcharoundtwocasestudyplacements:oneinBirminghamandoneinOldham.
BothplacementswereapartofthesameSalvationArmy614UKchurchnetworkand
thelateroneinOldhamalsopartneredwiththeEdenprojectwithwhichIhadalready
60
becomeincrediblyintrigued.WiththehelpofAnnaThompson,thekeycontactIhad
madethroughanearlierFACITinterview,Iwasabletosecureavolunteerplacement
with theOldhamFBO,EdenFittonHill (EDEN/SA614UK).Thisgaveme theassured
credibility I needed to then attain a preliminary placement in Aston, Birmingham.
UndertakingtworesidentialethnographicplacementsasageneralprojectvolunteerI
wasabletopracticallyengagewiththedailylifeofwhathappenedwithintheprojects.
These two placements provided the field sites within which I able to research
ethnographicallythroughparticipation.ThissecondsectioncriticallyevaluateswhyI
chose to embrace an ethnographic approach grounded in researcher participation
within these two placements. Here I argue that such a decision was based on two
interconnectingrationales.
Firstly, I argue that I embraced an ethnographic participatory approach to my
research because it provided the bestmeans of exploringwhat I was interested in
investigating.Secondly,Iarguethatethnographypresentedmewithamethodological
devicethroughwhichIcouldpersonallygetinvolved.Inthislatersenseethnography
allowedmeto‘getoffmyarse’andtoblurtheboundariesbetweenmyacademicand
personalpositionalitiesanddo‘somethingaboutsomething’(Cloke2002).
Unpackingtheethnographictoolboxinthiswaypresentedmewithbothatheoretical
andpracticalwayofapproachingmyempirical interest. Inonesense itprovidedan
appropriateanglefromwhichtoapproachthetopic;ananglethatwould,considering
mypersonalfrustrationintheearlystagesoftheFACITresearch,allowmetodomore
than scratch the surface of the topic. While, in another sense, it opened up an
opportunityformetopurposefullyandmeaningfullyengagewithothersinawaythat
would allow me to practically offer something of myself to others. Designing my
research in this way enabled me to put something of my own Christian faith into
action and it also enabledme to move frommaking sense of Christian faith‐based
action through a process of just listening to others talkabout theirwork, lives and
action,tomatchingsuchtalkwithwhatactuallyhappens.
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ResearchingChristianPraxis
ComparingHumanGeographytoAnthropologyitisclearthattherehasneverbeena
periodofGeography’shistorythatreflectsthesamenear‐mandatoryrequirementfor
scholars to have to travel off to some far flung and perceivably exotic location to
undertake an ‘ethnography’ (Clifford and Marcus, 1986). However, in reflection of
Geography's so called ‘qualitative turn’ (seeCrang, 2002, 2003, 2005), the past few
decadeshavecertainlyseenethnographicmethodsbecomeacommoncomponentof
manyGeographer’smeansof enquiry, often for veryvalid reasons (see for example
Herbert,2000,Megoran,2006;Cook,2006;Hubbard,2006;MacLeodetal,2003).
Ethnography, as the short epitaph by Steve Herbert (2000) aptly suggests, is an
exploration of the tissue of everyday life. Andwhile there is a case to be built that
‘everyday life’ hasbecome increasinglyputonapedestal inGeography,particularly
withinCulturalGeography(Valentine,2001),thedescriptionisfittingasitsuccinctly
captures how ethnographicmethods have the ability to encounter and engagewith
the lived and the immanent, the performed and the practiced (Crang, 2005).
Describingethnographyasan‘explorationofthetissueofeverydaylife’hintsathow
ethnographygetsclosertosomethingofthelivelinessofourmanyworlds(Lorimer,
2005).Ithelpsusmakesenseofwhatwewishtostudy(Pink,2009;2012).Whereas
surveys and interviewsmight get at what is said, ethnography also helps to get at
what people actually do (Crang and Cook, 2007). Ethnography offers a nuanced
understanding of what discrepancies there might be between thought and deeds
(Herbert,2000).Thisapproachaimstotella ‘credible,rigorous,andauthenticstory’
that gives ‘voice to people in their own local context, typically relying on verbatim
quotationsanda‘thick’descriptionofevents’(Fetterman,2010,pg1).
Taking into account that my research focused in quite some depth on the
performative‐orthepracticed‐aspectsoftheChristianfaith,makinguseofamethod
that is suited to the examination of the living and performed nature of human life
seemedalmostcommonsense.Althoughmanyofmyresearchquestionswereattheir
core focused on the rationale for engagement; questioning themotivations for care
62
and the place of theological, spiritual and ethical prompts and formulations, my
researchwasalsointerestedinhowthisalltookplace,orwasenactedwithinalocal
context.NotonlywasIinterestedinhowmeaningisput‐into‐praxisbuthowitiswas
also made‐through‐praxis. Utilising an ethnographic approach that focused on
researcher participation and participant observation was therefore the most
appropriate means of coming to terms with these performed aspects of Christian
praxis.Thisopenedupameansofresearchthatwasbothexperientialandreflective;
anapproach thatwason theonehandaboutmyself as I tookpartalongsideothers
andontheotherhandaboutothersastheyreflectedwithmeonwhattheydid.
Designing my ethnographic research around an approach in which participant
observationwasakeyfacetmeantthatIwasabletotake‘partinthedailyactivities,
rituals, interactions and events of a group of people as one means of learning the
explicitandtacitaspectsoftheirliferoutinesandtheirculture’(DeWaltandDeWalt,
2002, 1). And, as a methodological approach that was built around the idea of
immersing myself in a particular culture (Fetterman, 1998, 35), it gave me three
distinct advantages. Reflecting on my disappointments with the two preliminary
stagesoftheFACITproject,thesethreeadvantagessignificantlybolsteredmydecision
todesignmymethodaroundanapproachthatwould furtheropenuptheempirical
topic.
Firstly,participantobservationenabledmetoworktowardsimprovingthequalityof
my data. Secondly, it provided me with an approach that would enable a greater
quality in the interpretation of the data, and thirdly, it helped me formulate new
researchquestionsgroundedinon‐the‐sceneobservation(DewaltandDewalt,2002).
Researching Incarnational forms of Christian Praxis in socio‐economically deprived
areasinthiswayenabledmetobegintomovefromresearchonreligiontoresearch
thatallowedreligionto‘speakback’(Yorgsonetal,2009,p636).Therewerebroadly
four ways in which by embracing a participatory approach I was able to allow
Christianpraxisto‘speakback’toGeography(IBID,p636).
Firstly,participantobservationenabledmetoimprovethequalityofmyresearchand
63
‘speakback’becauseitenabledmetoquestionChristianpraxisthroughanembodied
experientialapproach.Byacknowledgingthatoneofthemostvitaltoolsofenquiryis
infactthebodyoftheresearcher(seePaterson,2004;2009;Parr,1998;Longhurstet
al,2008)IwasabletocometotermswithcommonactionthroughwhatIfeltaswell
as what I thought (See Grills, 1998; Katz, 1998, Stoller, 2004). This meant that by
givingspaceforanepistemologicalframeworkthatwascenteredonthebodyasaway
of knowing (see Patterson, 2009), what I learnt of the field was tacit (Desjarlais,
1992).Itenabledmetoaccountforthenon‐verbalaswellastheverbal(Dewaltand
Dewalt,2002)anditsignificantlyledmetobesurenottoneglectthephenomelogical
andtheperformative(seeLorimer,2005).Thetracesofwhatcouldnotbeadequately
described inwords left itsmarkonmethroughvisceralmeans(Thrift,2007).Being
bodily present I was open to witness action through affectual registers (see
Dewsberry et al, 2002; Crouch, 2001). I felt things formyself and I felt thingswith
others(Stoller,2004).
Secondly, taking part alongside other participants, building relationships and
friendships, staying in their environment, observing and participating in their
everydaymeantthatmyresearchbecamehighlyrelational(Gobo,2008).Developing
integralrelationshipswithothersthroughcommonaction,reflectionandexperience
meant that I was able to gather greater insight into the lives of others. I built
friendships,sharedmealsandevenwentonholidaywithoneoftheparticipants.This
all enabled me to understand the interplay between motivations and action to a
greaterextentas the complexityandmultiplicityofpraxiswasanchoredwithin the
contextofindividualandcommunalbiographies.Knowingdifferentpeoplescharacter
traitsmademeabletodrawoutmoreinsightfulandmorecontextualunderstandings
ofwhypeopleactedthewaythattheydid.Makinguseofanapproachthatfocusedon
researcherparticipationandreflectiveengagementmeantthatIcouldtrytocometo
termswith‘action‐events’asaco‐contributor(Stoller,2004).
Whilesomeaspectsofmyresearchdevelopedtobecomeheavilyauto‐ethnographic,
‘producing self‐narratives that placed the self within a particular social context’
(Reed‐Danahay, 1997, 7), much of my research was grounded in this relational,
64
researcher‐participant as co‐contributor approach. Observation of my participation
withothersenabledmetoexperienceandobservemyownco‐participationwithand
alongsideotherswithintheethnographicencounter(Tedlock,1991).Participatingas
a volunteer alongsideothers in theseprojectsmeant that Iwasnot a dispassionate
observer of the lives of others, but emotionally, physically and, I would hope,
spiritually, a co‐producer of life in these specific contexts. Hopefully viewing my
participation in this light Iwouldbeacceptedasawelcomedco‐performer(Denzin,
2003). Helpfully, tempering the balance between observation and participation
(Spradley, 1980) allowedme to findanappropriatemiddle groundbetween thatof
being a complete insider by going native becoming ‘the phenomena’ (Jorgerson,
1989),andthatofbeinganeutralobserverwithnointentiontopartake.Choosingto
take on the role of an active participant I aimed at producing something of
ethnographywithothersratherthanofothers.Respectingandcherishingthat life is
madeupofmany intersubjectivemoments I sought to strive to engagewith others
with sincerity and passion, accepting the open ended understandings of the life
worldsofanother(Prus,1998).Participatingalongsideothersinthiswaywasreliant
uponmebeing friendly, likeable, dependable, honest and at times trustworthy (see
Shaffir,1998;Grills,1998).ThisreducedtheextenttowhichIwasactivelypokinginto
thelivesofpeoplewhowerenotinthepositiontopokeintomine(Geerts,1998).It
mademevulnerable,realandsusceptibletothesamekindofquestionsIwasasking
ofotherparticipants.ResearchingrelationallyIwasabletosomewhataddresscertain
powerdynamics, Iworkedat creatinggenuine friendshipsand I tried tomaintaina
sincere appreciation that I was sometimes participating alongside them as a guest
(Harvey,2004,pg181)
Thirdly, being present when things happened also meant that the quality of my
findings improved as second‐hand stories and informant stories were greatly
enriched by me experiencing events first hand. Being enrolled into participant
observationmeantthatIwatchedandexperiencedthingsunfold.Enrolledintopraxis
I had to build room for surprises (Crang and Cook, 2007) and I had to remain
personallyproactiveandflexible(BaszangerandDodier2004).Intheearlystagesof
myfieldworkIsearchedoutexperiencesandeventsandparticipantobservationset
65
thestage foramorerefinedtechniqueofrecording, rememberingand interrogating
theseeventsandexperiencesastimewenton.Thisdevelopmentmeantthatideasthat
were originally a blurwhen I first entered the field took a sharper focus over time
(DewaltandDewalt,2002).
Fourthly,‘beingthere’and‘takingpart’notonlyallowedmetomoreeffectivelymake
senseofwhathappened, italsoforcedmyideasandassumptionstoberesistedand
tested by what I actually experienced in the field (Becker, 1970). Embracing an
ethnographic approach led me to develop a certain process as well as a definitive
product (Fetterman,2010).Thisprocessofanalysiswas ‘inherently iterative’ asmy
participation in the field helped formulate new research questions and develop
differentlinesofenquiry(DewaltandDewalt,2002,pg13)
As I have argued in this first part of section two, embracing an ethnographic
participatory approach to research enabled me to achieve a certain depth of
understanding into these particular Christian practices in four adjoining ways. It
createdspaceforanembodiedexperientialunderstandingoftheseChristianpractices
throughmy own active engagement in them. Being there myself also meant that I
experienced events for myself. It also forced me to learn from the field as I
participated in it, iteratively coming to termswith theseChristianpractices as they
unfoldedbeforemeandwithme,thisforcedmetoquestioncertainassumptionsand
certain theories I bought to the field. Furthermore, purposefully seeking to be
relationalmeantthatmyiterativegrapplingwiththesepracticeswasgroundedinthe
vulnerability of friendship and the explicit recognition that others might, and will,
havedifferentexperiencesandopinions,andthatthroughmutualdialogue,friendship
andreflectionIwouldbeabletocometotermswiththeiractions,both individually
and as a group, by having a listening ear to the storied narratives of their own
biographies.Asimportantasthesereasonswereindeepeningmyenquiry,however,I
alsofeltimpelledtoundertakeanethnographicparticipatoryapproachasameansof
expressingmyownactivismalongsideotherspassionateaboutasimilarcause.Iwill
nowexpanduponthiswithinthecontextofcriticalandradicalgeography.
66
CriticalandRadicalGeography,participationandmy‘quiet’activism:
‘The critiques offered by critics… have the luxury of social distance from the
sharpwoundsofsocialreality..‘
WalterBrueggemann(2001,xi)
‘Let us be realists: we, the academic Left, want to appear critical, while fully
enjoyingtheprivilegesthesystemisofferingus.So letusbombardthesystem
with impossibledemands;weallknowthat thesedemandswillnotbemet,so
wecanbesurethatnothingwillbeeffectivelychangedandwewillmaintainour
privilegedstatusquo!’
SlavojZizek(2005,57)
Ingeographytherehasbeenmuchdebateandreviewovertheexactnatureof‘critical’
geography (see Blomley, 2006; 2008;). Some geographers (see Fuller and Kitchen,
2004)haveforcefullycomparedcriticalgeographytoappliedgeography,settingupa
strongdistinctionbetweenthatwhichactivelyseekstomakeasubversivedifference
on the ground (viva la activist!) and thatwhich attempts to influence ‘elitist policy’
(subjugatedbythestate!),whileothers,drawinguponthelineageofcriticalthought
inthesocialsciences,havetracedtheemergentandtangentialdevelopmentofcritical
geography out of radical geography in the 1970s (see Peet 2000). Either way, the
common concern amongst ‘critical geographers’ is a ‘shared commitment to
emancipatory politics within and beyond the discipline, to the promotion of
progressive social changeand thedevelopmentof abroad rangeof critical theories
and their application in geographical research andpolitical practice’ (Painter, 2000,
126). United by a concerted and engaged encounter with issues of inequality (see
Hubbard et al, 2002), these geographers, on the one hand, have sought both the
development of essential critical scholarship (seeMitchell, 2004) that contests ‘the
hegemony of dominate representations’ in order to build ‘transformative insight’
(Blomley,2006,92),and,on theotherhand,havesearchedtoengage themselves in
various ‘formsofprogressivepraxis’(Ibid,2006,92).Thispraxisoftenbearsfidelity
67
to an approach that, in one sense, promotes the ethics of solidarity and equality
between researcher and research subjects (see Routledge, 2004), while in another
sense,critiquesthe imaginaryboundariesthatexistbetweenacademicresearchand
personallife(seeCloke,2004).Itisalsoanapproachthatisoftenbasedondialogical
connections and encounters with others, blurring the activist/public boundary. My
participatoryethnographyborrowsseveralkeyfeaturesfromthisgenreofgeography.
Beingaparticipant‐researchernotonlygavemetheopportunitytoreflectonaction
andeventsthroughmyemotionsandthoughts;buildingaco‐producedethnography,
it gaveme the chance to bemake a personal contribution; ‘getting offmy arse and
doing something’ (Cloke, 2002, 92), subsequently ‘getting my hands dirty in an
attempttodosomethinguseful’(Ibid,94).‘Makingacontribution’wassomethingthat
I was concerned should be built into the research from the outset of the research
processand,acknowledgingthatethnographicresearchis ‘anembodiedactivitythat
drawsinourwholephysicalperson,alongwithallitsinescapableidentities’,Iwasset
onputtingalloftheseinescapablepersonalaspectsofmyidentityintoactionthrough
myresearch(CrangandCook,2007,9).IwantedtohelpoutwhereIcouldandputmy
faith‐fuelledpassionsintoplay.
Joining the case study placements as a volunteer provided a certain ‘contact space’
(seeCloke,2002)anditprovidedameansofbridgingthevastvoidbetweenwhatthe
epigraph quote from Brueggemann (2001, pg xi) details as ‘the luxury of social
distancefromthesharpwoundsofsocialreality’.This ‘contactspace’enabledmeto
enactmy own personal politics, expressmy Christian faith, and in some smallway
makeapositivedifferencealongsideothersindifferentandmoresocio‐economically
deprived circumstances. Building on a similar experience I had encountered
undertakingmyundergraduateresearch,Iwantedtoinvolvemyselfintheprojectsin
awaythatwouldventurebeyondthemhavingpurelyanacademicutility;Iwantedto
domorethanofferrhetorical‘impossibledemands’fromasafeliberaldistance(Zizek,
2005,57). Iwanted tobeof impactand Iwanted tobe impactedupon.Aswithmy
undergraduate experience researching alongside the on‐street homeless, where I
volunteeredataday‐centre(seeThomas,2006),IwantedtofinishmyPh.Dresearch
knowingthatIhadbeenofsomesortofhelpbeyondthewallsoftheUniversity.From
68
the first moments initially designing my research I ideally envisaged that my
involvementwould allowme to draw uponmy previous experiencesworkingwith
youngpeopleinbothavoluntarycapacityatmylocalchurch,andinapaidroleasa
teacherinIndonesia.BothresearchplacementstookmeatmywordwhenIwrotein
my research outline that Iwanted to get involved in every aspect of their projects.
Beingdrafted intosupportdrop‐inclubs,runvariousafter‐schoolactivities,usemy
carfortripsandoutings,Iintegrallybecameanothermemberofthevoluntaryteam.
Duringthefirstplacementmypastteachingskillswereputtoworkbybeingaskedto
overseeandinstructtwoyoungvolunteersintheprocessofplanning,resourcingand
implementing workshops for the young people who attended the drop‐in clubs.
Additionally, working one‐to‐one with different young people, my tutoring and
mentoringskillswereputtothetest.InthisroleIfoundmyselfworkingalongsideone
particularyoungpersontoreconditionaminimotorbike;whilelaterintheplacement,
searching for other engaging activities, I ended up giving basic pottery lessons!
Making use ofmy own skills and abilities in thisway gaveme a chance to actively
engageinprocessesofsocialchangeonaverylocalizedlevel.Onaverysmallscalemy
involvement allowed me to share some of my skills with others, developing and
empowering others (see Silltoe et al, 2002) and it enabled me to feed back my
thoughtsandviewstootherswhorantheprojectonaregularbasis(Cole,2005).
Unlikeorthodoxunderstandingsof(political)activismthatmayenvisageactivismas
an involvement inpolitical campaigningmy(social)activistengagement follows the
broader action‐oriented approach outlined by Pain (2003) which focuses on the
involvementofacademicsindifferentsocialprocesseswiththeaimofcreatingbetter
and different worlds. Pain (2003) encouraging outlines how through policy,
participationandactivism,socialgeographersareinvolvingthemselvesinthelivesof
others.While my work did not involve squatting (see Chatterton, 2002) or radical
displaysofpublicprotest (seeGraeber,2009; andBurton,2012), it involvedwhat I
mightterma‘quiet’formofactivism,which,inminorwayscontributedtowardsthese
Christianincarnationalfaith‐basedinitiativesaimedatimprovingthelivesofmarginal
others.
69
Becomingatemporarymemberof ‘their’communityItentativelyhopeIwasableto
interdependentlycontribute inwhateverwaypossible,be this throughvolunteering
myskillsasaneducator,orthroughrunningyouthactivities,or,inafleetingandmore
ephemeral manner through embodying a spirit of generosity. In light of this later
contribution, I hope, in a smallway, Iwas able to leave something ofmyself in the
‘interstitualspaces’andinthemomentsthatpresentthemselvesas‘brieffestivalsof
hope’;momentsthatcontributeinaminisculewaytothe‘airthathangsheavywitha
generous odour’ (Brewin, 2009, 150). In a personal sense, stepping back from the
researchIcertainlyhaveneverbeenabletogetridofthefeelingthatIwas,insome
minorway, a part of something temporarily different, something that for a second,
psycho‐geographicallyspeakingatleast,feltmarvelous,somethingthatchangedmeat
least, something that influencedme,something that, throughmyactive involvement
alongsideothersinattemptingtocreatecounterculturalspacesbasedontheChristian
transformative hope, had an affect; finding itsmanifestation in friendship, laughter
andagooddealof‘tomfoolery’.Thiswasmyownpersonalattemptat‘activism’andit
could be viewed as a performative means of enacting a certain politics of hope
(Denzin, 2003b). I will return to critically evaluate how this level of personal
involvementinfluencedmyabilityto‘becritical’laterinthechapter.Immediatelynext
insectionthree,however,IwillcriticallyassesswhyIchosetoonlybasethiswritten
thesisonthesecondofmytwoplacements.Anintroductiontothiscasestudyandmy
involvementwithinitwillthenfollowinsectionfour.
Section3:Fromamultisitetoasitespecificethnography
InitiallyIconceivedthatmywrittenPhDthesiswouldcompareanddrawuponbothof
thetwocasestudies.Thiswouldhavemeantthatmyresearchwasconceivedaround
amulti‐siteethnography(seeMarcus1995).However,forvariousreasonsthatIwill
establishhere, Imade thedecisionupon finishingmysecondresearchplacement to
buildthemajorityofmywrittenthesisaroundthesecondcasestudyinOldham.
Whilemulti‐siteethnographieshaveallowedmanyscholarstogroundanddemystify
studies of globalistaion andneoliberalistion (see for exampleZsuzsa, 2001;Marcus,
70
1999; Freidberg, 2001) there have been numerous scholars who have had to ask
careful questions of the purpose of embracing multi‐site ethnographies in certain
contexts(seeforexampleNadaiandMaeder,2005;Hage,2005;Candea,2007;Small,
2009).Mydecisiontofocuspurelyonthesecondcasestudywasbasedonanumberof
considerationsthatquestionedthequality,depthandpurposeofmywrittenthesis.
Firstly, as I begun the process ofwriting up, reviewing narratives and experiences,
developingthemesandempiricalchapters,IbeguntofindthatquitenaturallyIbegan
towritethroughmanyofthethemesinthecontextofthesecondplacement.Apartof
thiswasthatthesevividmemorieswerestillfresh,havingjustcompletedmysecond
placement, and, rather problematic was the fact that while I had notes, audio
reflections, interviews and photos to remind me of my involvement in my first
placement,therewasalargetimelapsebetweenfinishingthisfirstplacementinthe
lateautumnof2010andbeginning,letaloneconsiderablydeveloping,thewritingin
thelatesummerof2011.IterativelyIfoundthatasthewrittenthesisdevelopedthe
lifeof the firstplacementwaseitheroftenabsentoratbestusedtosupplement the
primarystoriesandaccountsofthesecondplacement.
Secondly,andmoresignificantlythanthefirstrationale,mysecondconcernrevolved
around my desire to integrate sufficient depth and quality into my ethnographic
narrative. I wanted to represent the lived worlds of those I had encountered with
some integrity and rigour. Keen to avoid an essentialist critique of faith‐motivated
peopleIwantedtobesurethatIbuiltenoughroomtoreflexivelyaskwithaneyeto
searchforcomplexity,contextanddifference:whattheydo,howtheydoitandwhy
they do it, without diluting my account by aimlessly flitting between different
accountsfornoapparentreason(seeHannerz,2003).
IreasonedwithmyselfthatifIwasarguingthatethnographyprovidesasuitableway
ofunfoldingcomplexitywithinagivencontext,thenadequatelyillustratingthispointI
wouldhavetocarefullyquestiontheneedtobecomparativebetweencasestudiesas
wellaswithincasestudies.Therefore,consideringthatalargepartofmyargumentin
thisthesiswastobebuiltaroundtheneedtounderstandtheagency,individualityand
71
characterofdifferentChristiansinplacedcontexts,Iwouldhavetobeabletoreflect
thiswellinthewritingandnarrativeexpositionthatinscribesthesecomplexlivesand
actions to paper. Concentrating on detailed biographies and everyday performed
events I could not bringmyself to draw upon these two case studies in diminutive
ways, utilising them both as only mere pools of data from which to draw out the
briefest of vignettes (Crang and Cook, 2007). Similiarly, after the experience of the
rather surface level encounter with different faith communities and organisations
undertakenthroughtheearlystagesoftheFACITprojectIwasemphaticthatIwanted
to build a thick account of certain aspects of praxis.Needless to say thick accounts
drawingonexperiences,actionsandeventsmeantusingupmypreciousprescribed
word count. Wanting to illustrate with sufficient empirical detail the complexity
inherent in the ethnography aroundwhich this thesis is built, I thereforemade the
pragmaticdecisiontoonlywriteupthe‘life’ofthesecondplacement,hopingthatby
doing this Iwould retain enoughof the illustrativedetail Iwaskeen tokeep in the
impressionisticwriting.
Thirdly,originallysettingout tocomparetwodifferentFBOsunitedbythecommon
endeavortoliveinthelocalneighbourhooditsoonemergedinthedetailsofmyfirst
researchplacementthatthevolunteersandstaffdidnotactuallyliveintheimmediate
neighbourhood. In reality, the Salvation Army Birmingham 614UK project was a
communitycentrestaffedbyvolunteersandpaidstaffthatlivedbeyondtheconfines
ofthelocalestate.Whilethereanumberofinterestingthemesthatemergedfromthe
first case study, reviewing my ethnographic journals and planning my chapters I
decidedthattheethnographywouldworkbetterifIfocusedsolelyonthesecondcase
studyorganisation.Afterall itwasonlythissecondcasestudythatadequatelyfitted
thetrueremitofmyinvestigation.
While these threestrandsof reasoningwereenough forme tocometo thedecision
nottoincludethefirstcasestudyplacementinthewrittenthesis,myparticipationin
thisprojectwas constructive inanumberofways.Firstly, through this thesis there
are a series of methodological endeavors with which I only became comfortable
throughtryingthemoutinthecontextofthefirstplacement.Inthisveinthenthefirst
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placementpresentedmewithsomethingofapracticegroundthroughwhichIcould
becomebetterskilledasaresearcher.Inaword,perhapsmyfirstplacementwouldbe
bestconsideredassomethingofa‘pilot’study.Secondly,thisfirstplacementwasnot
only influential in termsofhow I learnt to researchbut alsowhat Ipursuedaskey
thematicpointsofinterestinthesecondplacement.Thirdly,whilethefirstcasestudy
isabsentfromthiswrittenthesisthefriendshipsthatdevelopedbetweenvolunteers,
staffandmyselfcouldnotbeexcludedinthesamewaythattherepresentationofthis
casestudyhasbeeninthetext.Iformedseveralkeyfriendshipsduringthisplacement
andtheseenabledmetogetthemostoutof thesecondplacement.Similarlya large
partoftheactualexperienceofparticipatinginthisprojecthasbeenwrittenintomy
identity and therefore haunts something of my subjective encounter of the second
placementcasestudy.Iwillnowintroducethissecondcasestudy,detailingboththe
socio‐economichistoryof the townofOldhamandmy involvementwithin theEden
FittonHill,thelocalFBOwithinwhichthemajorityofthisthesisisgrounded.
Section4:Eden/SA614UK,FittonHill,Oldham.
OldhamislocatedtotheNortheastofManchester.Itwasduringthelatterpartofthe
industrial revolution that Oldham was placed on the map, becoming a world‐
renownedcentreoftextilemanufacturing(Frangopolo,1977).Intheearlypartofthe
industrial revolution Oldham did not figure as a suitable location for industrial
investors and their engineers as there are no major rivers or stores of natural
resources(McNeiletal2000,Gurretal1998).Whatledtoitsimportanceinthelatter
partoftheindustrialrevolutionwasitsconvenientpositionbetweenthelabourforces
ofManchesterandSouthYorkshire(Foster,1974).Bythemiddleof the19thcentury
Oldhamhadbecomeoneofthemostimportanttownsintheworldforspinningcotton
(McNeil et al, 2000), and an offshoot of thiswas thatOldhamdeveloped renowned
structuralandmechanicalengineeringsectorsattheturnofthe20thcentury(Bateson,
1949). To support the local cotton industry a substantial coalmining industry also
emerged (Nadin, 2006). By the late 1920s Oldham had over 360 working mills
(McNeiletal,2000).
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Unfortunatelyhowever,Oldham’scottonindustrywasheavilyhitbytheimportation
ofcheaperyarns.Thisleadtorapideconomicdeclineanddespiteconcertedeffortsto
increase competiveness and efficiency (Frangapulo, 1977) by 1998 Oldham had
ceasedtoproduceCottonatall(McNeiletal,2000).
Oldham, likeotherpartsofGreaterManchester, sawa large influxof citizensof the
widercommonwealthnationsinthe1950sand1960s.Manyofthesemigrantswere
encouragedtosettleinthetowntohelpbolsterthedecliningcottonIndustry,working
unsociable hours in low‐skilled and lowpaidwork (Millet, 1994). The 2001 census
quantifies thatbytheturnof the21stcenturyover25percentofOldham’sresidents
were of South Asian or British Asian Background (ONS, 2001). The combination of
Oldham’s industrial decline and its wide spread ethnic self‐segregation has led to
significantissues.
Thetownisnationallyknownforbeinglabeledashavingstrongculturaldivisionsand
poor integration and cohesion among white British and Asian British local
communities. This became most prominent when Oldham surfaced in the national
mediaduringtheso‐called ‘raceriots’ofMay2001. Underlyingracialtensionledto
repeated violent attacks between white British and Asian British communities, the
majorityofwhichclashedintheGlodwichareaoftown.
Theseintenseclashespromptedseveralindependentinquiries(seeCantleetal2006;
Ritchie,2001).The‘Ritchiereport’asithasbeentermed,suggestedthatanumberof
long and short‐term factorswere influential. Reportedly a reliance upon one single
industry,segregatedpatternsofsettlementandeducation, lackofsocialandcultural
mixing,andperceivedculturaldifferencesandethnicclustering,allcontributedtothe
development of underlying racial tension and the emergence of the outbursts of
conflictandrioting(Ritchie,2001).
FittonHill
TherearethreeEdenprojectsacrossOldham.TheprojectinwhichIwasplacedisa
74
jointpartnershipbetweentheEden‐networkandtheSalvationArmy614.Itislocated
on Fitton Hill estate, located to the south of the city. Fitton Hill is made up of
approximately400dwellingsand1000residents(ONS,2011).FittonHillestatewas
builtasaresidentialestateintheearly1950sonfarmlandthatwasboughtbythecity
council tohouse residents relocated fromOldhamcity centreareas thatwerebeing
redeveloped.ResidentsofFittonHillarepredominantlywhiteandworkingclass;only
1.7% of residents hold professional occupations while 50% work in elementary
occupationsandprocess,plantandmachineoperating(ONS,2011).Accordingtothe
multipledeprivation indexof 2004, FittonHill is rankedas the420thmostdeprived
neighbourhoodinEngland,however,accordingtothe2007indicesofdeprivationhas
declined, leadingtoFittonHillbeingrankedat783(Thesearerankedoutof32,482
neighbourhoods‐Rank1beingmostdeprived)(ONS, 2011). Employment, Education
and Health stand out as significant factors contributing to Fitton Hill’s level of
deprivation. Accordingly, 10% of residents are seeking job seekers allowance and
20% are seeking incapacity benefit (Average across England is 7%). While health
statisticsof thearea indicate that62%of residentsare in ‘goodhealth’ and25%of
those who are working age suffer from some long‐term illness, nearly double the
averageforEngland.(ONS,2011).
EdenFittonHill:
EdenFittonHillwasestablishedin2001onthebackoftheChristiansummerfestival:
‘Festival Manchester’ (See chapter 4). When I joined Eden Fitton Hill
(Eden/SA614UK) as a volunteer/researcher the project had a weekly stream of
activitiesandfourpaid,part‐timeorfulltimestaff;theprojectwassupportedbyover
tenvolunteerswho, likeallbutoneof thestaff, livedon theestate.Weeklyprojects
included drop‐in youth clubs, football clubs, amultimedia project ‐ FACE, aimed at
buildingpositive storiesanddepictionsof theneighborhood ‐ anda school cookery
club. Duringmy time volunteering a number of other initiatives began, including a
schools learning and support project and a school educational project linking two
differentlocalschools‐onelocalcomprehensiveandonefeepayingformergrammar
school.OnceaweekEden/SA614UKalsoprovidedaChristianyouthclubcalled‘Cell’,
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this particular club gave young people the chance to explore the Christian faith for
themselves, allowing them to ‘ask their ownquestions about life,who they are and
whychurchisboring’(EFH,2011).
EdenFittonHilldescribesitselfasa‘ChristianCommunity’whoexpresstheirfaithby
‘working to improve their community throughcommitment, friendship, action, care,
compassion, love and neighbourliness’ (EFH, 2011). As Eden/SA614UK is a
partnership with the Salvation Army Church they are committed to their personal
faith in Jesus Christ and to expressing that ‘through prayer and worship but also
through personal relationships, how they represent their community and fight for
justice’(EFH,2011).
Myinvolvement:
ImadeitclearinmyresearchoutlinethatIwantedtohaveadualroleontheproject,
bothresearchingandvolunteeringatthesametime.IpositionedmyselfasaChristian
whowaswillingtobeinvolvedinanyaspectsoftheproject.WhenIfirstarrivedfor
my fivemonthplacementwithEDEN/SA614UK Iwasgivena room in theNeilson’s
familyhouse‐adistinctive largehouse in thecornerof theestate,which,before the
landwassoldtothecouncil,wasoriginallythefarmer’shouse. Thecoupleofweeks
livingwiththeNeislons‐theprojectleadersandchurch‘pastor’‐providedmewitha
greatopportunity toget toknowthemwell. Sharing theday’seventsover foodand
plenty of tea, we exchanged personal stories that allowed me to build robust
biographicnarratives.
Thehousewassomethingofa‘hub’forgatheringpeopletogether,providingaplaceto
communallymeettoplannewinitiatives,airfrustrations,seeksomecounsel,andthe
Neilson’shousealwayshadvisitors.ThehousewasusedforChristianworship,times
ofprayer,andplentyofboardgameeveningsandtakeaways.Beinginitiallyplacedin
thishousemeantthatIwasveryquicklyincorporatedintothe‘family’communityof
EDEN/SA614UK.This gaveme the chance tobuild a strong relationshipwithChris,
the church/project leader/pastor, and his family. It also provided me with the
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opportunity to become quickly embedded into the routines and rhythms of life ‘on
Eden’.Withthehousesocentraltosomuchofwhathappens,Iquicklylearntnames
andbecamefamiliarwithothervolunteersandstaffovermany‘brews’.
Afteracoupleofweeks Imovedbarelyahundredmetersdowntheroadtosharea
housewithavolunteer‐John,whostudiedatthe‘NazareneBibleCollege’.Inkeeping
withwhatIsoonlearntwasthe ‘Edenway’,wegottoworkredecoratingtheroomI
hadbeenallocated.Anumberoflocalyoungadultsfromtheneighbourhoodhelpedus
stripwallpaper,paintand laycarpet.Likemy initial twoweeks livingat theChurch
leaders house this refurbishment process provided plenty of time to chat to
volunteersandprovideda‘hands‐on’wayofbecomingpartoftheteam.
Settling in, my involvement spread across many of the drop in clubs, trips further
afield,andschoolprojects.Atevery turn I tookonboardanyopportunity toengage
withthe‘Christiancommunity’andhelpdeliveritsservices.Soifsomeoneinvitedme
for dinner, I attended, if I was invited to grab a take away or take part in a board
gamesevening,deliverleafletsorattendaneighbourhoodmeetingevening,Ididnot
hesitate to join them.My aimwas to become involved in anything and everything.
Howpractical thiswaswhenmy then long‐termgirlfriend, nowwife, lived6 hours
awayonthetrainprovedtobetesting.InrealityItendedtoberesidentonFittonHill
volunteering and researching during the week, returning every other weekend to
Exeter. Combining these trips to Exeterwith conference visits and a holiday skiing
withthechurchleader,Igraduallyfoundthatalotofmyweekendswereawayfrom
the estate ‐ so much for being there all the time! In total I spent four months
volunteering for Eden Fitton Hill during the spring of 2011 (February‐May).
VolunteeringontheprojectIfoundthatmyresearchthemesandquestionswouldbe
bestansweredifIcombinedparticipantobservationandobservationofparticipation
withnumerousothermethods. Iwilloutlineand justifymyuseof these in thenext
sectionalongwithexplainingandevaluatinghowIwentaboutcollectingandcollating
allthisethnographicinformation.
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Section5:MakinguseofmixedmethodsInvestigating incarnational expressions of the Christian faith in socio‐economically
deprived areas through an ethnographicmethodological framework requiredme to
domorethanjustobservetheparticipationofothersandmyselfasweundertookthe
daily tasks involved in theproject.Thismove toembrace ‘participantobservation+
somethingelse’(seeCrangandCook,2007)wasbolsteredbytwoprecautions.Firstly,
Icouldnotassumethatmy‘merepresencedidnotensue[complete]insight’(Spickard
etal,2002,4)and,secondly,Icouldnotbejustifiedinthinkingthatexperiencealone
meant everything (Silverman, 2004). Strategically this meant I triangulated and
bridgeddifferentmethodologicalapproachestoaccessvariousdifferentaspectsbuilt
into my research themes and questions. On the one hand this research strategy
allowedme to use several different methods to reveal multiple aspects of a single
empirical reality, strengthening one specific point through differentmethodological
angles(Denzin,1978),and,ontheotherhand,itallowedmetousedifferentmethods
todrawoutdifferentpoints(MillerandFox,2004).Myresearchthemesandquestions
combinedpraxisanddiscourse,thoughtandaction,andIwaskeentopickuponthe
viewsandinsightsofotherpeoplewhowereconnectedtotheprojectinvariousways
but who were not people I would directly come into contact with through
participatingintheprojectsthemselves.Developingarigorousunderstandingofthese
different aspects and different actorsmeant using several different methodological
approachesbestsuitedtothesedifferenttenantsoftheinvestigation.
Inmy research, informal interviews proved to be the bestmeans of accessing this
‘other’ information. Informal Interviewsallowedme toget togripswith thecontext
and the content of different peoples everyday lives (Crang and Cook, 2007, 60) by
openingup an avenue throughwhich to explore rich subjectivepersonal narratives
(Miller and Glassner, 2004). Triangulating these interviews with participation and
observation assured that these stories were understood in context (Miller and
Glassner,2004).
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Buildingbiographicnarratives
Whilemuch ofwhat I heard and talked aboutwith volunteers and staff across the
project was part of the impromptu nature of being actively involved, there was
definitelyaneedtobuildinspecifictimeswhenIcould‘pinpeopledown’andchatin
some detail. These times formed the closest thing to anything resembling an
‘interview’.As aparticipant‐researcher, naturally getting involved, running services,
and dealing with issues sometimes took precedent over time spent informally
questioningothervolunteersandstaffwhile ‘onthejob’.Symptomaticoftheculture
of these initiatives, being focused first and foremost on service‐to and for‐others,
schedulingtimeasidewithvolunteersandstafffor‘aninterview’allowedmetocover
moregroundandavoidinterruptions.
In total, over the second placement, I ‘interviewed’ 16 staff and volunteers and,
considering that there was a total of 21 full time staff and volunteers I was fairly
satisfied with this ‘haul’ of biographic narratives (see appendix 1 for complete
research itinerary). In lightof the fact,however, thateach interview lastedbetween
forty‐fiveminutes and two and a half hours, Iwas not so happy transcribing them
verbatim.Complaintsaside,transcribingtheinterviewsverbatimduringthecourseof
theplacementdidallowmetotaketimetoreflectonwhateachvolunteerorpaidstaff
member had to say. This helped informmy next step of inquiry and in some cases
resulted inmefollowingupindividualstoaskfurtherquestionsacrucialpartofmy
informalanalysis(CrangandCook,2007).
As these biographic narratives built up I found that what also emerged was a
reflectivecoming‐to‐termsofthemorepresentimmanenteventsandactionsasIwas
able todrawonahistoricaland temporal setofknowledges thatemerged fromthe
biographic accounts. Undertaking these biographic ‘life story’ style interviews gave
megreatinsightintoboththepastandpresentworldsofvolunteers(Allahyari,2000,
p111).Theseinterviewsfilledingaps,presentedinternaldifferenceandemphasised
individual character. They also, in a verypractical form, provided a suitableway in
which I could get to know other volunteers, opening up researcher‐researched
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relationships and bringing down any pretense. This meant that volunteers felt
comfortablesharingaspectsoftheirstorythatwerepersonal, includedhardship,or,
wasonly really appropriate for someonewhowas in there shoes; volunteering and
living in the area. Interviews became increasingly dialogical, unfolding often as an
‘interpersonaldramawithadevelopingplot’(Pool,1957,pg193).AsIsettledintothe
project and Iwas able to draw onmy own reflective experience of volunteering to
draw out the experiences of staff and volunteers working on the projects. The
dialogical interviews could easily have been described as ‘active interviews’ as I
played a performative role in creating intersubjective accounts of reality, often
‘unavoidably implicated in creating meanings that ostensibly reside within
respondents’(HolstenandGubrium,2004,pg141).
Manyof these interviews lookeddistinctand therewasnoone locationwhere they
tookplaceasIwasdeterminedthatsuchdetailswouldbeleftuptotheinterviewees.
Accordingly, the structure of each biographic narrative/interview varied quite
significantly and each ‘storying’ evolved according to the nature of each volunteers
characterandthestrengthofrelationshipbetweenthe intervieweeandmyself.Asa
result, across the spectrum of interviews, one was enjoyably undertaken over two
hoursofallotmentdigging,severaltookplaceatindividualvolunteers’homesonthe
estate, or others were conducted at the kitchen table of the house I shared with
another volunteer. One participant even twisted my arm to be bought dinner in
exchangeforaninterview;ajokeIsuspectInaivelytooktooseriously.
Takingtimetointerviewmanyofthevolunteersandstaffinvolvedintheprojectswas
not an accessory to the continuous and iterative dialogue that came out of
volunteeringalongsideotherstaffandvolunteers.Infact,ithaditsownaim.Iwanted
to clearly get a sense of their own stories, hear how they individually had come to
volunteer or be employed by the projects. The point here was to build biographic
narratives.ThereasonIwantedtobuildtheseformsofnarrativewastogetasenseof
theirmotivations for joining, thewaytheyenvisagedthere involvementandhow,at
leastindiscursiveterms,they‘storied’theirinvolvementandexperiencesinthearea
over time. I soon discovered in undertaking these interviews that ‘incarnational
geographies’mustfirstlybeconsideredastemporallandscapesbeforeunderstanding
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howtheycanbeenvisagedasethicalandspirituallandscapes(seechapter4).These
biographichistoricalnarrativesboughtatemporalaccounttothesurfacethatIcould
not directly access in and through practicing alongside others. Together with
observation, taking life histories allowed me to assemble a massive amount of
perceptualdatathatgeneratedandansweredbasicculturalquestionsaboutthesocial
life of the faith‐based community (Fetterman, 1998). It alsomeant that sometimes
rather than learning about a participant’s life in a holistic fashion it allowedme to
learnsomedepthaboutonefacetofaparticipant’slife(Fetterman,1998,52).
Interviewingpartneringagencies
Other than setting aside specific times to interview volunteers and staff at the
projects, I made a decision early on to contact and request to interview partner
agencies.MuchofwhatwasactuallyestablishedbyEDEN/SA614UKwasdoneso in
collaboration with other local agencies, many of which governmental, others, third
sector charities. Therefore, as one ofmy core aimswas to come to termswith the
dynamics of incarnational expressions of the Christian faith in socio‐economically
deprived areas, I saw the necessity to come to terms with the dynamics of these
locallyplacedandlocallycontextualizedrelationshipswithotheragenciesandactors.
Access to these agencies came directly through lead‐actors in the EDEN/SA614UK
project. Gaining access to these other agencies through the project did mean that
therewasaconsiderablechance that thishadan impactonwhat Iwas toldorhow
these other agencies narrated the two projects. As an interviewer in these
circumstancesIwasfirstlyassociatedwiththeprojectsandsecondlywithmyidentity
as a researcher. In some instances I did feel that partnering agencies and their
representative spokesperson therefore temperedwhat theywanted to say in case I
wasto‘reportback’totheproject.HadIbeendisassociatedmyselffromtheprojectI
may have received more critical feedback, however, unfortunately I am unable to
really knowwhether this is the case asmy positionalitywasmediated in thisway
throughout the duration of my placement. However, as I will explain later in the
chapter, Idid findanumberofusefulmeansofdrawingoutcriticaldialogue: firstly
81
through asking critical questions, and secondly, through phoning a number of
individualsonceIhadfinishedmyresearchplacement.
Collectingandrecordinginformation
Muchofaparticipatoryapproachtoresearchinvolvestheimmediatesituation;what
is actually happening there and then (Fetterman, 2010). However, with no way of
capturingthesemomentsandevents,detailscanbelostoratbestsubjecttoareliance
on memory (Crang and Cook, 2007). Emotions, speech, bodily gestures and
atmosphere are recalled in hindsight, loosing much of the vitality of the moment
(Thrift,2007).Todatehowever,ethnographershave foundvariouswaysofkeeping
anaccountofallthisaction,somemorecreativethanothers.Mostconventionallythis
hasmeantusinganotebook, jottingdownshorthanddetails to trigger thememory
when lengthy post‐participation research diaries arewritten up (Fetterman, 2010).
More recently, participatory and performative approaches to research have
encompassed the use of other representative mediums including film and stills
photography (see Pink, 2007; Russell, 1999; Schwartz, 1989). These forms of
technology have enabled ethnographers tomake sense of their involvement in the
field in ways that often re‐instill the past experiences with performative and
embodied registers, helpfully in hindsight ‘bringing to life’ participation in the field
(Pink, 2007).When I startedmy ethnographic research I stumbled acrossmy own
research ‘tool’ that enabledme to bestmake sense of what I had experienced and
observed:myiPhone.
Tokeepanaccountofwhathappened,whosaidwhat,whereithappened,howIfelt,
andmuch,much,more,theiPhoneprovedextremelyuseful.TheiPhonesoonbecame
anindispensablepieceofethnographic‘kit’(CrangandCook,2007).HavinganiPhone
alwaysprovidedagreatwayofhavinganumberofresearchtoolscollapsedintoone
piece of technology and before long my iPhone was used for taking photographs,
recording notes, collecting contact information and, very importantly, recording
conversations and interviews. Too lazy or hurried to write notes while on the go
during the day I also often used the dictaphone function to keep an audio‐diary,
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recording my feelings and building thoughts. These thoughts and comments were
thentranscribedverbatimintheevenings.
UsingtheiPhoneasacontinuousrecorderofinformationIrealizedthatitwasagood
meansofinconspicuouslycollectingethnographicmaterial.Smartphones,astheyare
knowninthetelecommunicationsindustry,arenowcommonplaceandmanypeople
are accustomed to the smart phone being used to capture photographs and record
notes. What this meant for my research is that my continual use of my iPhone to
collectandrecordethnographicmaterialdidnotresult inme ‘standingout likesore
thumb’, nor did it awkwardly signify my presence as a ‘researcher’. Recording
meetingsmyiPhonewassimplyanotherphoneonthetable,andvolunteersandstaff
becamequickly accustomed to these ‘researcher performances’ (Pratt, 2000).Had I
used a note pad, or recorded interviews and conversations on a dictaphone, my
identity as a researcher‐participant would have been pronounced. Constantly
scribbling on a notepad or presenting, upon consent, a dictaphone onto the table
wouldhavebeenperformancesthatclearlyidentifiedmeasdifferent,asaresearcher
andasanobserver,ratherthanafullycommittedvolunteer.
Although it is an expensive piece of equipment and something of a marker of
affluence,itdidnotprovetobemuchofanindicatorofclassdifferenceoreconomic
standing,asmanyhouseholdsonlowmeanincomespurchaseiPhonesthroughsecond
handpawnshopsoraspartoflengthyandbindingcontracts,buildingthecostofthe
iPhoneintothemonthlypackage.
Duringmy research I did however learn that there are several occasionswhen the
iPhones‐as‐research‐toolisnotappropriateandinfactisseenasoutofplace,rude,or
imposing.Heremyroutineperformanceasaresearcher(Pratt,2000)wasinterpreted
differently. I found this out the first Sunday I attended the Eden FittonHill church
gatheringlessthantwenty‐fourhoursintotheplacement.
KeentotakenotesofthetalkandeagernottomissanythingpotentiallyillustrativeI
proceededtotypeawayonthephone.Ilaterdiscoveredthatthevolunteerdelivering
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the talkwasunder the impression that Iwas texting through thewholeofher talk,
when in fact I was keeping notes. Thiswas not a goodway to beginmy fieldwork
placement.Whiletakingpersonalnotesisnotanuncommonfeatureincontemporary
evangelical church culture, appearing tobe textingorplayingagamehowever,was
understandably seen as rude and signifying disinterest. My iPhone did not get
shunnedinfavorofanotepadoradictaphoneafterthisincident,butwhatIdidtake
intoaccountisthatconventionsneedtobegivencarefulregardandthesmartphone
is as subject to this as much as any other method of collecting and recording
informationorperformancebytheresearcher(Pratt,2000).
Withoutadoubtmy iPhoneprovedtobeasupportivepieceoftechnologyaidingthe
dailyongoingcollectionofethnographicmaterial.Everydaytheconnectivefunctions
ofthephoneallowedmetoemailmynotestomycomputer,securelybackingupmy
‘preciousmaterial’(CrangandCook,2007).IntheeveningsIwouldturntheserough
notes intomore fluid and comprehensive field journal accounts, taking care not to
embellishorpadoutthesenotesinwaysthatwerenottruetomyexperiences.Having
mynotessenttomyemailaccountindigitalformdidsavemeconsiderabletimeand
alleviated some of the more taxing efforts of having to type up near impossible
researchsquigglesandshorthandnotesthatapparentlymeantsomethingsignificant
atthemomentoftheirinscription(SeeCrangandCook,2007).Theseexpandedfield
notes proved to be crucial as they would be eventually used in the final thesis as
ethnographicnarrative,‘helpingpeopletoimaginebeingthere’andallowingthemto
partially‘standinmyshoes’(CrangandCook,2007,pg50)
In summary of this fifth sectionwhat I have argued here is that itwas not enough
alone for me to observe and participate. I have outlined and evaluated how I
triangulated and bridged together informal interviews with participation and
observation.IhavealsoclarifiedhowIkeptarecordofallmyexperiences,interviews
andobservationsthroughouttheethnographicresearchwiththeuseofmyiPhone.In
thenextandpenultimatesection I turn toexaminemyownpositionalityandhow I
maintainedacriticalperspectivethroughouttheresearch.
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Section6:PositionalityandCriticality
EarlierinthechapterIoutlinehowethnographicmethods,involvingacertaindegree
of participation, were picked, not only because of their utility in working towards
answeringmyresearchquestions,butbecauseofthewayinwhichtheseparticipatory
methods created a certain ‘contact space’ (Cloke, 2002) for personal action.
Participatory research shaped a way through which I could bring to life my own
politicsandethicsbyvolunteeringandassistingwithinthisproject.Itermedthismy
own‘quiet’formofactivism.AsIstatedinthisearliersection,mypersonaldesireto
makeadifferenceanddosomethingaboutsomething(Cloke,2002)drawsinparton
myownongoingChristianfaith,andthisraisescertainquestions.
InGeography,likeinAnthropology(seeHowell,2007),thereareanumberofscholars
and researchers who have openly claimed a Christian identity (see Cloke 2002;
Megoran2004andSlater,2004).AnthropologistslikeHowell(2007)havearguedthat
thepositionalityofbeingaChristian indoingethnographyamongChristiansshould
beviewedasa‘viableandusefulstandpoint’asthesubjectpositionis‘characterised
bymoral/ethical commitments’ (Ibid, 372) and is thereforemuch like ‘the feminist
studyingwomen, the leftist studying laborunionsor theMuslim studyingmosques’
(Ibid, 385). A similar stance is held by Megoran (2004), and he suggests that his
Christian faith influentially inflects upon his academic enquiry in several ways:
informing the questions he asks, the way he asks them, the conclusions that he
reachesandtheusestowhichheputsthem.Forme,asIhavehighlightedinearlier
partsofthischapter,myChristianfaithpromptsmetoactandparticipateincertain
ways.
Deconstructing the binary betweenprofessional academic self and personal activist
self (seeMaxey, 1999) I had found that I could not resist bringing the ‘personal as
political’ (seeStaleyandWise,1993) intomyresearch.MyChristian faithprompted
me to be a participant and I had to help out where I could. There is, however, an
intelligible necessity to reflect upon how this strand of my identity might conflict,
compromise, or in fact even contribute towards by ability to critically examine
85
incarnational expressions of Christian praxis in socio‐economically deprived areas.
WantingtoresearchwithintegrityandacademicvigordemandsthatIputthisaspect
ofmyidentitythroughthesamereflexivecriticalquestionstowhichanyotheraspect
ofmyidentity‐likebeingmale,straight,whiteandmiddleclass–isscrutinised.
In ethnographic research, where the researcher actively participates in the life of
thosesheorheiswishingtostudy,questionsoftenareneededtobeaskedastohowa
balance was struck between that of being both ‘a participant researcher and as a
researcherascriticalobserver’(Gobo,2008,6).Thereissomethingoxymoronicabout
thenatureofparticipatory‐observation(Tedlock,1991)and it is important that this
tensionisheldinplaythroughreflexivelyandcriticallyquestioningthepositionofthe
researcher‐self incontrast to theresearched‐other.Aswellas therebeinganeed to
questionaspectsofaresearchersidentitythathighlightdifferencesbetweenselfand
other (for example, gender, class, race, religion) there is a need to question and
interrogatesimilarities(EllisandBochner,2000).
Throughout theprocessofmyresearchmany fellowacademics raised thequestion:
how can you actually research Christianity as someone who holds to the Christian
faithyourself?Thisquestion ispartly, Ibelieve,asignof ‘academictheophobia’(see
Ferber,2006),wherebythosedirectingthequestionsmightactuallywanttoask:can
you research Christianity as a Christian? However, in part I am convinced that
underlyingthefirstquestionisagenuineenquiryintohowthisparticular‘Christian’
aspect of my identity effects and for that matter, is affected, by my research.
Underlying this reasonable and intelligent query is several sub‐questions: How can
youcriticallyengagewithyourparticipatoryresearchwhilepersonallyholdingtothe
Christianfaith?DoesyourChristianfaithnotpresentabiasthatinevitablymeansyou
translate what you encounter during your research in a purely positive and
normativelysupportivefashion?Howdoesthispositionas‘oneofthem’frameoralter
yourinvestigationwithotherswhodonotholdtotheChristianfaith?Ihadtograpple
withallofthesequestionsreflexivelythroughoutmyresearch.
Bielo(2009,22)suggests that ‘beingreflexive’ in thiswaycanat itsworstbe ‘navel
86
gazing’,‘illuminatinglittlethathelpsunderstandtheanalyticalquestionsbeingasked’.
At its best, however, Beilio (ibid, 22) suggests ‘being reflexive’ can ‘scrutinize how
research is conducted, all in the pursuit of helping readers better understand the
claims’.
Therearenumerous reasonswhy Imust attend toquestionsof reflexivity, and in a
similar vein to Beilo (2009), in his ethnographic study of evangelical group bible
studies, forme, reflexivitywas essential for the same reasons. Firstly, the ‘reflexive
turn’ across the social scientists ‐ and in my Geographic context in particular (see
Mcdowell,1992)‐hasemphasisedtheconstructednatureofknowledgeandtheplace
oftheresearcherinthisprocess.Secondly,ethnographyis‘notamatterofmirror‐like
reflections of cultural scenes’ (Beilio, 2009, 23) but takes the form of a cultural
representation(seeClifford,1986).
These two reasons only iterate further the necessity to provide an answer to my
colleague’s questions. Therefore, if I am to take my ‘self’ seriously, I need to
specifically outline how I endeavored to hold a ‘critical’ position throughout the
researchprocess.Rejectingthepositivistassumptionthatresearchisavalue‐freeand
fact‐heavyprocessmeantthatIneededtopayparticularattentiontomypositionasa
Christianand theway inwhich this identitypositionaffectedmyability tocritically
engagethroughoutmyparticipatoryethnography. Inwhat followsIwanttodothis
withreferencetotwodifferentstrandsofdiscussion.Thesetwostrandswillattempt
to answer the questions raised by colleagues in earlier paragraphs. Both strands
considertheextenttowhichIwasabletoresearchinacriticalmanner,while,atthe
same time, holding onto this Christian, rather ‘normative’, position. The first strand
suggests how I attempted to achieve a certain critical proximity through the
participatoryresearchandtheseconddiscusseshow,atleastintheory,Iattemptedto
purchaseacertaincriticaldistancefromthisChristianprojectanditsparticipants.
EmbracingCriticalProximity
‘What shouldbe the relationof the churches to the cultures they inhabit?The
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answerlies,Ipropose,incultivatingtheproperrelationbetweendistancefrom
thecultureandbelongingtoit.MisolfVolf(1996,37)
OneoftheassumptionsmadeofChristiansisthattheyallthinkandfeelthesameway.
That somehow there is a homogenous mould that creates a singular identity ‘cast
type’fromwhichallChristiansareforged,respondingandactingonlyaccordingtothe
‘party line’. This is unequivocally not the case. Vast difference exists across the
spectrum of contemporary Christian believers and because of this heterogeneous
displayofChristianfaith‘itisimportanttobeasspecificaspossibleaboutwhatkind
of Christianity one means’ (Howell, 2007, 381). This specificity creates ‘internal’
critique.ItisfromthisexclaimerthatIwanttoarguethatwithin‘thefold’,sotospeak,
thereisdissidence,deconstruction,internalcritiqueanddisagreement.Beingopento
thisideaofinternaldifferenceisbuiltonthenuancedideaofidentitythat‘wearewho
wearenotbecauseweareseparatefromotherswhoarenexttous,butbecausewe
are both separate and connected, both distinct and related’ (Volf, 1996, p66).
Acknowledgingthis,itiseasiertoseethatjustbecauseoneholdstoaChristianfaith
doesnotmeanthatthereistotallyagreementovereitherChristiandogmaorpraxis.
There is a vast amount of internal difference that exists within the Christian
‘community’andtherefore,asaChristian,Imightholdadifferentpositiononpublic
issuessuchas‘justwar’,thefree‐marketoronissuesofimmigrationfromtheperson
that I stand next to in my own church congregation. Similarly, I might translate
Christian teaching into action in different ways frommy Christian contemporaries.
ThisextendsacrossthewayIchosetosharemyfaithwithothers,thelifestylechoices
thatImakeandtheaspectsoftheChristianfaithIholdtobethemostcentralguiding
principles.Thesamecanbesaidincomparingmyviewsandbeliefsagainstthoseof
theindividualsthatmakeupthetwoChristianinitiativesforwhichIvolunteered.
What this reveals is that a part of my critical ability comes from holding different
views from those that,while alsobeingChristian, outwardlyexpress theirChristian
faith in different ways. These critical faculties emerge in the tensions, in the
despondent feelings over that which I witnessed, and in that niggling feeling that
something was just not ‘right’. My exposure to different ways of translating the
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ChristianfaithintopraxismeansthatIamabletocritiquewhatIencounteraccording
tomyownvaluesjudgments.JustasaresearcherwhodoesnotholdtotheChristian
faith might make certain conclusions based on their own values judgments and
situated positions, my situated perspective as a Christian does not necessarily
position me in the same shoes as other Christian volunteers and staff on the two
projects. Essentially then, what is crucial to this form of ‘proximal critique’ is the
abilitytoremainreflexive.Itisthroughmyon‐goingabilitytobereflexivethatIopen
myselftothevaluejudgmentsthattaintandpolarisethenatureofmyobservations,
my writing and my thoughts. Being reflexive throughout the process of research
clarifiestheangleofmycritiqueandopensthereadertothewayIseethings,whichin
turn involves its ownmeasure of criticism. Rather than being void of criticism,my
individualpositionasaChristianunsettlesthefacadeofthe‘homogenouswhole’and
bringsexposuretomyownsituatedcontext;onethat isnotnecessarilythesameas
otherChristians.
Secondly,inanotherform,ratherthanbreakingawayfromtheviewsandopinionsof
otherChristianstoformacriticalopinionofmyown‐acritiquethatcouldbeframed
ascritiquethatisboundupin‘distance‐within‐proximity’‐itmightbetheverynature
ofmyproximitytotheChristianfaith,andmyproximitytotheseChristianothers,that
creates and encourages a certain critique. Accepting my inherent closeness to the
identity of those I am studying, and using this to my advantage, relies on the
methodological premise that an emic position as opposed to an etic one is of
significant value (Knott, 2010). Fortunately the social sciences have become quite
accustomed to recognizing that ‘the view that those studying religion should set to
one side their subjective experience and cultural baggage, and take an objective
positionwithregardtotheother’(Knott,2010244)nolongerholdsmuchcredibility.
This‘viewfromnowhere’(Haraway,1991)whichissomethingofa‘Godtrick’(Rose,
1997)doesnotstandstronginaneraofresearchthat,undertheprogessiveinsights
of feminism, acknowledges that all knowledge is situated (Haraway, 1991). Being
aware that I could fall prey to the idea that I can simply be transparent aboutmy
situatedpositionalongsideotherChristians(Rose,1997)makingfulluseofmycritical
proximity relies on a continual grappling with how such closeness is both an
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advantageandadisadvantage.Positively,oneoftheadvantagesisthatthisparticular
insiderpositionenablesacertaincritiquebothofselfandofsociety(seeforexample
Wallis,2010).
InthelastchapterIarguedthattheChristianpracticesaroundwhichthiswholethesis
gravitatesmight be translated in several differentways, and that part ofmy thesis
stemsfromtherecognitionofthis ‘somethingdifferent’goingon. Ratherthanbeing
seen as simply a route to convert others, or as a way to self‐betterment, these
practices, in anumberofways, canbe seenas ethical enactments, or aspartof the
spiritualfabricofexistence.Thesetwostrandsofcounter‐critiquebringcomplexityto
thewaywemightviewandmakesenseofthesegeographies;creatinggreaternuance;
deconstructingovertlysingularandsimplisticwaysoftranslatingthesefaithfulforms
ofpraxis.Inanessencethen,thecomplexitythatthesetwoviewsarriveat,come,toa
certain extent, froman insiderposition, as this insiderposition comeswith its own
lensofcriticism.Criticalof‘outsider’interpretationsthatmayrushtoannounce‘what
is reallygoingon’mypositionas somethingofan ‘insider’enablesme tobecritical
through the nature ofmy closeness to both the group I am studying and the belief
systemthatwejointlyallhold.
In the same way that being a Marxist makes use of an ideological framework to
critiquethestatusquo,beingaChristianallowsmetodrawuponcertainideological
viewstodisagreeandbecriticalofthenatureofthepresentstateofthings.Inother
words,mypositionasaChristianenablesacertainperception.Thisperception,rather
than conjuring up ambivalence towards the current state of affairs is capable of
enlivening its own critical opinion. This was reasonably exemplified in the last
chapter, where I outlined how volunteers and staff involved in incarnational
expressionsof theChristian faith in socio‐economicdeprivedareasoftenhavebeen
prompted to act in the way that they do because of the very nature of the critical
narrativethattheycastuponasocietydrivenbymaterialismandconsumerism.
TheshortquoteatthebeginningofthissixthsectioncontainsthesubstanceofwhatI
meanwhenIstatethatmyChristianpositionalityenablesacertaincriticalperception.
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InoutliningwhatthepositionoftheChurchshouldbeinresponsetotheculturesthat
itinhabits,Volfmakesitclearthatbothdistancefromthecultureandbelongingtoit
areessential(1996,37).HeurgestheChurchanditsmemberstoinhabitthisreflexive
space because it iswithin this liminal interstitial space of criticism that the Church
maintains its allegiance to God over its allegiance to empire, culture or state. Volf
arguesthatlivingwiththisdistance,livedoutas‘internaldifference’(Ibid,50),creates
spaceinustoreceivetheotherandyetalsocreatesspaceforjudgmentagainst‘evil’in
everyculture(seeCloke,2002).Inthisvein,theologicalandtheo‐ethicalpromptscast
a different shadow, potentially enlivening imaginations. They often elicit an
imaginationofhowonemightlivedifferentlyintheworld.Inhabitingthisinterstitial
space, critique formulates as opposition and as a counter‐cultural critique of the
statusquo.InthewordsofJohnCaputo(2007),thiscritiqueisanattempttoembody
‘thepoliticsof thekingdom’,one thatwouldbe ‘markedbymadnessof forgiveness,
generosity, mercy and hospitality’ (Ibid, 88). This theological critique might be
summarizedasdrawingonthe‘dangerousmemoryofthecrucifiedbodyofJesus’,‘the
weaknessofGod’,which ‘posesa threat toaworldorganizedaroundthedisastrous
conceptofpower’(Ibid,88).
ThisproximalcritiquecomesnotonlyintheChristianviewsandvaluejudgmentsthat
Ihold‐myespousedtheology,orspokentheology(seeCameronetal,2010)‐butina
minorwayat least in somethingof the ‘doing’ of this thesis; inmy theologyas it is
performed.
SearchingforCriticalDistance
‘ethnographic research is a social art form and therefore subject to all the
complexitiesandconfusionsofhumanrelationshipsingeneral.Inresearchsites,
as well as every other life arena, narratives are contextual and so slippery,
practices are easily misapprehended ‐ sometimes with intention‐ and shared
meaningisalwaysapproximate.’
(Spickardetal2002,p133)
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Takingaccountof just thesetwoformsofproximalcritique,however,doesnot fully
provideanadequateframeworkforcriticallyengagingwithincarnationalexpressions
oftheChristianfaithinsocio‐economicallydeprivedareas.Reviewingthesetwoforms
of critique: the firsta formof ‘distance‐within‐proximity’, and the second,a formof
critique‘grounded‐in‐proximity’,revealsthatwhatismissingisadeepconsideration
of alterity, or real difference beyond similarity. In otherwords, to phrase this in a
provocative question, one that was on several occasions asked by my academic
contemporaries:howdoesmyworkpertaintonoticeandtakeonboardtheviewsof
otherswhomight not be so sympathetic to thework of these Christians living and
working in these two communities. Simplyput,what about thevoiceof the ‘other’?
WhatspacehaveImadeinmymethodofenquirytotryandreflexivelystepbeyond
the proximal nature of my own Christian identity to notice and take on board the
views, opinions and experiences of those who are not Christian, and who do not
necessarilystandshouldertoshoulderinagreementwiththeseChristians.Istherea
strangerwhosevoiceand feelingsare ignored if Iamonly tobecritical throughmy
ownsituatednatureasaChristian?
InordertoovercomethismethodologicalquagmireIsearchedforcriticaldistancein
twospecificways.And,intheiterativeprocessofmyresearchIfoundthatoneother
meansofachievingcriticaldistancenaturallybecameembeddedintomywork,while
anotherwasalreadybuiltintothedesignofmyresearchfromtheoutset.Iwillinturn
nowelaborateoneachofthesefourmeansof‘achieving’‐andIusethatwordwitha
certainamountofskepticism‐criticaldistance.
The first method of trying to achieve critical distance from both the projects and
people alongsidewhom I volunteeredwas to attentively listen to the opinions and
experiences of others in the local neighborhood. In theory, I thought thiswould be
simple,butinrealityhowever,thispresentedmewithseveraldifficulties.
BeingplacedfirstandforemostasavolunteeroftheChristianprojectsIwascertainly
seenas‘oneofthem’,oneof‘those’Christians,andthisundoubtedlyhadanimpacton
whatwas relayed tomeby other people distant from the culture andpraxis of the
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projects.BeingnetworkedintothelocalcommunitythroughtheChristiancommunity
meantthatIwasmorelikelytocomeintocontactwithpeoplewhoweresympathetic
to thework of these Christians, aswas the case onmany occasions, it was project
participants or staff that emerged as gatekeepers (Fetterman, 2010), puttingme in
contactwithothermembersofthecommunity.WhileIcouldworkhardatthewayI
presentedmyselfIcouldnotcontroltheidentitiesandrolesthatothersimputedtome
(Spickardetal,2002,p200).Overcomingthisdidprovedifficult.However, Iworked
around it with something of a compromise: I found that one of the best ways to
contactparticularindividualswhomIwantedtointerviewabouttheirown‘takes’on
theprojectswastodosoonceIhadactuallyofficiallylefttheplacement,thisallowed
metocapturesomethingofthe‘multivocalreality’ofwhatwashappening(Spickard
etal2002,9).Thisphysicaldistancefromtheprojectsallowedmetopositionmyself
in a way that did not significantly compromise what I was being told. My identity
shifted fromthatofsomeonewhowasdirectly involved in theChristianprojects, to
someone who, as a university researcher studying the projects, was interested in
hearingdifferenttakesontheprojects.However,Ididfeelthisapproachtoresearch
mademefeelslightlyuncomfortable.OnoneortwooccasionsitfeltlikeIwasslightly
‘digging for dirt’ on the Christian community. Having become good friends with a
number of the project staff and volunteers I felt that by researching beyond the
placement in this way I was slightly jeopardizing the ‘good standing’ that the
volunteers and staff of these ‘incarnational projects’ had worked so hard to build.
Essentially probing for disapproval and negative experiences I felt that this
journalisticstyleofresearchwasinsomewaydetrimentaltoacommunityofpeople
thatIhadcometorespectandadmiresodeeply.Thisdidproduceacertainconflictof
interest.Ontheonehand,Iwantedtobeopentohearandtakenoteofthealternative
opinionsandexperiencesthatothersmighthave,whileontheotherhand,Iwantedto
positivelysupporttheworkofagroupofpeoplewhohadsogenerouslysharedtheir
houses, time and friendship withme. In this sense then, critical distance was only
partiallyachievedasIstruggledwithreallyreachingouttodeeplymakespaceforthe
views of ‘strangers’, this said, I did not simply turn a blind eye, but instead,where
possible,pursuedtakingaccountofdifferentopinionsandexperiences.
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Involving less of an emotional minefield I found that by the very nature of the
researchIcouldreflexivelyachievecriticaldistanceinthreeotherways,firstly,bythe
critical nature of some of my research questions, secondly, through the process of
retreating from the field to write up my thesis, and thirdly through relying on
intersubjectivedialogue.
Firstlythen,asImadeitclearinchaptertwo,Ididnotwanttobrushasidethecritical
nature of some theoretical conceptualizations of incarnational expressions of the
Christianfaithindeprivedareas,instead,fortheintegrityoftheresearch,Iwishedto
holdtheminbalancewithotheralternativewaysofperceivingofthesepracticesand
process.Consequently,thismeantthatbycarryingthesecriticalquestionsthroughthe
process of the research I was reflexively aware that some of what I experienced,
involvedmyselfin,andobserved,mighthavebeentranslatedratherdifferentlyunder
the critical frameworks employed by other scholars. Necessarily then, I constantly
triedtoholdupmyinvolvementintheprojectsagainstthebackdropofthesecritical
questions.Thisproducedsomethingofaninsightfulcriticaledge,bringingthecritical
distanceheldbyothersintodialogicalrapportwithmyowninsights.
Secondly, the actual act of finishing the placements and returning to theUniversity
bought to life a certain criticaldistance. Literally speaking,by leaving theprojects I
slowly found, that as my context changed, so did my reflective opinion and
interpretation of the practices and people change. Whereas being involved in the
projectfull‐timemeantitwassometimesdifficulttostepbackandmakesenseofwhat
wasgoingoninamoredialogicalandreflexivemanner,byremovingmyselffromthe
placeofpraxisIsawthingsinadifferentlight.Someofthisanalyticalperspectivewas
boughttotheforebyspeakingabouttheprojectsandmyinvolvementoutloudwith
others,hereaspectssurfacedthatIdidnotnoticesovisiblywheninvolvedinallthe
immediate ‘doing’of theprojects.Contrastingly, Iamalsoaware thatby leaving the
projectssomethingoftheprojectscertainlygotlostinthenecessitytorepresentthe
life of these geographies in a written form.While I may have gained some critical
depth by leaving I also potentially lost some of the practical understanding of
engagement.
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Thirdly, Iwasable tobuildcriticaldistance intomyresearch through facilitatingan
approach that relied on a form of intersubjective dialogical reflexivity (Fetterman,
2010).Rather than justmaking senseof theprocessesandpracticesalone,muchof
whatIreflecteduponIdidsowithothers,bothin,andalongside,praxis.Avoidingthe
arroganceofupholdingthat it issolelyme, theresearcher,whohastheabilitytobe
critical of the processes andpractices, I inevitably andhumbly found that onmany
occasions, whether staff or volunteers, other participants were willing to critically
reflectwithmeontheirownsituation,andthenatureanddynamicsofthisChristian
praxis.Thismeantthatwhilethewritingandrepresentationofthelifeoftheprojects
wasinevitablydonejustbymereflectingwithothers,Iwaschangedbythepolyphony
ofopinionswhichdistinctlymadetheirwayintothewrittenthesis. Criticaldistance
was achieved through puttingmy own,maybe less grounded andmore theoretical
opinions, into play with those of others who, while not necessarily knowingmuch
more,hadalongevityanddepthtotheirparticipationintheprojects,onethatIcould
innowayachievethroughmyshortandtemporaryinvolvementintheprojects.
In this section I haveoutlined, reflectedupon, andevaluated theways inwhichmy
Christian positionality enabled me to embrace a critical approach. I termed this:
critical proximity, and I argued that within this there was both a communal faith‐
fuelled critique, something I labeled as being ‘grounded‐in‐proximity’, and a critical
edge that emerged out ofmy own personal breakaway from the views and acts of
otherChristians,somethingItermedas‘distance‐within‐proximity’.Inthesecondhalf
ofthissixthsectionofthechapterImovedontoreviewandevaluatehowIsearched
to use certain techniques to integrate a certain critical distancewithinmy thesis. I
tentatively suggested that this was incorporated through the types of questions I
asked,thewayItriedtobuildspaceforthevoicesandexperiencesofothersbeyond
theconfinesof theprojects, theactualexperienceof leavingthe fieldanddistancing
myselffromthewholeexperience,and,throughcontinualattemptstofacilitateandbe
co‐productive of an intersubjective reflexive dialogue that was attentive to raising
criticaldiscussion.MovingontothefinalsectionofthischapterIwanttonowturnto
describe,commenton,and justify,whyIwrotethethreemainempiricalchaptersof
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thethesisinthestyleandmannerthatIdid.
Section7:Writingandrepresenting‘incarnationalgeographies’
Theultimatumis thatwithinthis thesis language“sits in” for life(EllisandBrocher,
1996). Actions are described, feelings and thoughts are re‐presented, and life is
molded into text; ‘lived research and the experiences that accompany it are
representedandmediatedbytext’(Grills,1998,199).Thisdoesnotnecessarilymean
thatthewritingisfutile;itjustmeansthatthereisaneedtocarefullyquestionandbe
honest about the purpose of ethnographic writing. For me this purpose revolves
arounddrawingtheaudienceintoanunfamiliarstoryworldandallowingthem,asfar
aspossible,tosee,hear,andfeelasthefieldworkersaw,heard,andfelt(VanMaanen,
1989).In linewithmanyotherethnographers,mywritingistoattemptto ‘describe,
andtocapturesomethingofthetextureandrichnessandunderlyingsenseofawayof
beinganddoingthatcouldnototherwisebecapturedinwriting’(Graeber,2009,15).
Writingup ethnographic research involvesmakingdecisions about the story that is
told,thewaythatstoryismadetheoreticallyinteresting,andwhatquestionswillbe
useful for analysing what we experience (Grills, 1998). An ethnographer is a
storytellerandbecausethepositionofthestorytellerisaprivilegedone(Grills,1998),
anethnographerneedstomakeitclearwhyheorshetoldthestoriesinthewaythat
he or she did. This necessarily involves articulating the purpose of thewriting, the
styleusedandtheplaceoftheauthorinthesestories(Fetterman,2010).
ThewayIhavewrittentheempiricalchaptersisbasedonadecisionthatIwantedto
actively and intentionally keep something of the lived experience of participating
whilealsobalancingsuchaccountsofwhat tookplacewithacriticalexaminationof
suchpraxis. Ihavealsohadtobalance thickdescriptionofeventswithparticipant’s
narrativesandfeelingsdrawnfrominterviews.Withinthewritingthishasmeantthat
Ihavesometimesincludedlargesectionsofauto‐ethnographicnarrativeandatother
times I have drawn uponmuchmore conventional styles of writing that layer and
drawtogetherquotesfrominterviewstoexploreaparticulartopic.Writingusingthis
mixedwritingstyleisafairlycommonpursuitwithincontemporaryethnographyand
narrativestylesconnectedtoethnographicwritinghavebeencontinuallyblurredand
96
altered in recent years to even include poetry and drama (Richardson, 2000). The
pointformeisthatinmixingthesestylesmyaimistotrytoshowthenuancesinthe
landscape,providingsomethingof thecolourandshaperather thanmakingonebig
pointinmywritingthroughonestyle(Graeber,2009).Iaimto‘describethecontours
of a social and conceptualuniverse in away that is theoretically influencedbutnot
designedtoadvocateasimpleargumentortheory’(Graeber,2009,vii),hopefullythis
willleavethereaderwithanimpressionofwhat‘incarnationalgeographies’lookand
feellikethroughdrawingoutdifferentaspectsofthisoneparticularcasestudy.
Drawing upon a mixture of conventions, pulling together moments when as a
researcherIwasactivelypresentwithinthetextthroughimpressionisticethnography
andnarrativeethnography,andmomentsinthewritingwhenIactivelysteppedback
from the liveliness of participation to comment, critique and analyse what is
described,IfeltIwasabletowriteinawaythatmeantthefieldworkwasthe‘actual
materialoftheethnography’ratherthan‘thehiddenfaceofethnography’(Baszinger
andDodier,2004,17). Subsequently thismeant that the resultwas something that
offered the reader a first person narrative of events (ibid, 10) while introducing a
complementary balance of commentary, critique and analysis, sometimes lost if the
ethnographyisonlywrittenthroughafirsthandaccountofparticipation.Thismeant
carefullybalancinghowmuchIjustlettheimpressionisticethnographicwritingspeak
for itself andwhen I chosenot toholdbackon interpretationasnotalwayscould I
simplywritebythemantra‘hereisthisworld,makeofitwhatyouwill’(VanMaanen,
1989,103).
WhileitisimportantthatIemployedastrategythat‘demandsthatwizardscomeout
frombehindthecurtain’ it is importantthattheyshould ‘notcomeoutnaked’(Ellis,
2004, 133). I therefore had to carefully question how Iwould avoid a style of first
personwritingthatwouldtendtowardsbeingoverlyidiosyncraticandinattentiveof
others experiences, views or voices, and this meant deciding ‘the right type and
amount of self‐revelation and getting it in the right places’ (Ellis, 2004, 133). On a
positivenotethough,incorporatingelementsofwritingthatdirectlyincorporatedmy
ownexperiencesasaresearcherallowedtheactualeventsofthefieldworktoforma
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key part of the narrative by not banishingmyself, the ethnographer, from the text
(Baszinger andDodier, 2004). Representing ‘the doing of fieldwork rather than the
doer or thedone’ (VanMaanen, 1988, 102) situatedmyselfwithin the text as a co‐
producer of events (Denzin, 2003) therefore grounding my authorial voice in
participationandcoproductionratherthandistancingmyselffromthesocialcontext
whereby as an author Iwould come across as a ‘neutral, authoritative or scientific’
(Ellis,2004,18).Italsoenabledmetowriteinsuchawaythatthewritingwasitselfat
timesperformative (Denzin,2003) showing theeventsaswell as tellingof them. In
this sense, the writing could be seen as productive as well as simply a product
(Denzin,2003).Incorporatingaspectsofperformativewritingdidnotmeanthatthe
eventsweredescribed indirect significationbut it allowed thewriting to enact the
affectiveforceoftheperformativeeventandagainthishelpedplacethereaderinthe
field(Phelan1997).
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Chapter4:Socio‐temporallandscapesofIncarnation
Thisfourthchapteristhefirstoftwokeyempiricalchapters.InitIcriticallyexamine
the historical development of the Message Trust and the Eden‐network and draw
uponethnographicresearchfromtheEden/SA614UKcasestudytocriticallyexplore
the experiences of volunteers and staff ‘living amongst’. Through a socio‐temporal
lensthischapterarguesthat‘incarnationalgeographies’aredynamicandprocessual.
This argument is developed by exploring the evolving direction of engagement; the
changeinmotivations;thechangeintheologicalvisionandpractice;andthechangein
thesubjectivitiesofthoseinvolvedinimplicatingthisfaith‐inspiredlandscape.
Thischapterisstructuredintwosections.Sectionsonecriticallyanalysestheevolving
development of theMessage Trust and the Eden‐network. Through three analytical
interventionsthisfirstpartanalyseswhatinitiallyfuelledandsubsequentlyreshaped
thisFBOtoembracean‘incarnational’approachanditcriticallyassessesthechanging
structure, vision and theologies that influence the grounded faith‐inspired
expressionsfoundinthespecificcaseofEden/SA614UK.Sectiontwogivesanaccount
andanalysisof theexperiencesofvolunteersandstaff in joining,doingand insome
casesleavingtheEden/SA614UKinitiative.Examiningwhypeoplejoinedtheproject,
whattheirexperiencesofdoingtheprojectwere,andwhyinsomecasespeopleleft,
builds a critical examination of the motivations that trigger involvement, the
practicalities,imaginariesandfeelingscaughtupinactuallydoingtheprojectaswell
as examining the changing expectations and understandings of rational for self‐
involvement. Unpicking these narratives of joining, doing and leaving discloses an
appreciation of how these practiced landscapes are often charaterised by other‐
orientatedpracticesandnotionsofcare(seechapter5).Italsopresentsanaccountof
how particular evangelistic discourses can cause some volunteers and staff to
question their sense of commitment to the projects because there is a mismatch
betweenpersonalexpectationsandoutcomes.
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Section1:ThehistoryoftheEdennetworkandtheMessageTrust.
Foundedin1993,theMessageTrustwasstartedinordertocreatemoreopportunity
for young people of Manchester to have the chance to hear the teachings of the
Christian faith (Hawthorne, 2000). Right from its genesis the aims of the Message
Trustwereexplicitly ‘evangelistic’, itsought tosharetheChristian faithwithothers
bothverballyandthroughaction.
TheoriginsoftheMessageTrustcanbetracedbacktotwoyouthorientated‘mission’
events that took place in the Manchester Apollo in 1988 and 1989 (Hawthorne,
2000).BeforetheseeventsthecurrentMessageTrustCEO,AndyHawthorne,andhis
brother, Simon Hawthorne, ran a fashion accessories business on the Longsight
IndustrialEstateinManchester.Inthelate1980stheirbusinessexperiencedasharp
increase in consumer demand and subsequently theHawthorne brothers extended
theirrecruitmenttoincludelocalyoungpeoplefromthesurroundingarea.Thishada
profoundeffectonboththebrothersasmanyoftheyoungpeoplethattheyemployed
reportedly had either ‘comeout of StrangewaysPrison or had got sackedby every
otheremployerinthearea’(Hawthorne,2000,19).Encounteringtheseyoungpeople,
thebrotherssoonrealizedthat‘theladsknewnothingaboutJesus’(Ibid,19)andthis
lackofknowledgeabouttheChristianfaithpromptedthebrotherstodedicatetheir
energytowardsmakingsurethatyoungpeopleofManchesterhadtheopportunityto
hearabouttheChristianfaithandhowitwasfoundedonthebeliefthatJesusChrist
wasthe‘risensonofGod’(Ibid,20).
In response to encountering these youngmen the Hawthorne brothers decided to
book the Manchester Apollo Theatre for an event that would both showcase
contemporaryChristianmusicandprovideashorttalksharingtheChristiangospel.
Thisevent,branded‘theMessage88’andfinancedbyManchesterchurches,aimedto
‘reach thecity’s toughestareas’and targeted thekindofyoungpeople thebrothers
had recently employed in their business (Ibid, 20). 20,000 young people were
reported tohaveattended theevent.Theperceivedsuccessof thisventure led toa
followupevent,titled:‘TheChristmasMessage’89’(Ibid,2000).Soonafterthisevent
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thebrotherswereencouragedbyMarkPennellstostartaninitiativecalled‘Message
toSchools’.AndyHawthornesoondecidedtoleavehispreviousworkintheprivate
sector and become involved fulltime in the ‘The Message to Schools Trust’ (see
Hawthorne2000).
Thecreationof ‘TheMessage toSchoolsTrust’ also saw thecreationofaband: the
WorldWideMessageTribe(WWMT). Involvingboth thebrothers,WWMTused the
contemporaryrelevanceofdancemusicasa ‘tool’withwhichtosharetheChristian
faith inschoolsaroundManchester(Ibid,2000).By1991withWWMTcomposedof
the brothers and two other Christian music artists from Manchester, the Message
Trust had agreed on its founding principles. These were that, firstly, Manchester
would be the primary focus, secondly, that the Bible was to be at the heart of
everything they undertook and that, thirdly, in an evangelistic spirit non‐Christian
youngpeopleweretheirfocus.Inadditiontothethreeprinciplesanagreementwas
establishedattheoutsetofcreatingtheTrustthatthebandwouldendeavortofeed
all of the WWMT’s royalties back into the schools‐work across Manchester
(Hawthorne,2000).
Intervention 1: Becoming relevant: Encountering young factory workers,
formingthebandandmovingintoschoolsministry.
Threeimportantpointsneedtobehighlightedintheanalysisofthegenesisandearly
developmentoftheMessageTrust.Firstlythattheirevangelisticmotive:thatofgiving
the opportunity to young people to hear and personally respond to a public
presentation of the Christian faith,was carried through from the conception of the
concert‐eventstotheundertakingoftheschoolsbasedministry.Secondlythatalarge
partoftheirmotivationtosharetheChristianfaith,particularlytoyoungpeople,was
birthedoutoftheperceivedincreasingsecularizationofBritishsociety,thedeclineof
churchattendancebyyoungpeopleand, inthecaseofyoungpeoplewhodidinfact
attendchurchatall,theconcernthatthewiderchurchwasincapableof‘gettingthem
tostay inchurch’(Hawthorne,2000,5)Thirdly, thegenesisof theMessageTrust to
Schoolsand thecreationof theWWMTplacedAndyHawthorneandother founding
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workersandvolunteersintoanewgeographiccontext:localschoolswhosecatchment
was some of the most deprived areas of Manchester. This was later to be very
influentialinthecreationofthefirstEdeninitiative.Moreimmediatelyhowever,the
Message Trust andWWMTwere soon to find that as their Christianmusic became
morepopular,theybecamedistractedfromthisfoundingfocus.
Reachingstardom,rediscoveringpurposeandstumblingacross‘Eden’
Between1993and1996theWWMTdevelopedabroadChristianfanbaseacrossthe
UK and the US and released a couple of singles into the charts.While the relative
successofthebandsawfinancialcapitalrepeatedlyturnedbackintotheMessageto
SchoolsTrust, the success inadvertentlymeant thatWWMTand theMessageTrust
foundthattheysomewhatdivergedtheirattentionfromthatwhichwastheiroriginal
focus:themostdeprivedschoolsandregionsofManchester.In1996theTrustsought
torefocusitsattentiontowardsthemostdeprivedareasofthecityofManchesterby
concentrating its efforts towards one particularly deprived area of Manchester,
booking two oneweek ‘missions’ in two local schools inWythenshaw (Hawthorne,
2000). According to Andy Hawthorne (2000) these two weeks had a profound
influenceon theband; they ‘found that somethinghadhappened toeachofus, and
couldn’t shake the area from our minds’ (2000, 90). Rather unexpectedly this
readjustmentprovidedthekernelthatcontinuestoshapeandstructurepresentday
Edeninitiatives(Wilson,2005).
Duringthesetwooneweek‘missions’in1996theMessageTrustranlessonsandtook
assembliesintwolocalsecondaryschoolswiththeaimofsharingandpromotingthe
Christianfaith.Thetwo‐week‘mission’culminatedinaChristianmusicconcertandan
evangelisticmessagethatchallengedyoungpeopletoconsidertheChristianfaith.As
with many of the other evangelistic gigs that the Message Trust had previously
organized theevangelistic talkwasconcludedwithanopportunity to ‘respond’ (see
Hawthorne, 2000). According to Hawthorne (2000)whatwas unexpectedwas that
out of the seven hundred peoplewho attended the gig, one hundred young people
reportedly responded to the ‘call to faith’ and these young people all appeared the
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followingSundayat thesmallchurchwithwhichtheMessagehadpartneredfor the
twoweeks.
Thischurchwaslargelyunderresourcedandcontainednomorethanfourteenadults,
inadequately equipped to support the young peoplewho had shown an interest in
Christianity at the concert. In Hawthorne’s account (2000) of the next fortnight he
noted that therewasadrasticdecline inattendance,andwithina fewweeksof the
two week ‘mission’ many of the young people who had shown an interest in the
ChristianfaithnolongerattendedthechurchonSundays.ThisledAndyHawthorneto
questionwhatcouldbedonetoseetheseyoungpeoplecontinue‘toattendchurchand
growinfaith’(2000,90).AlongwithanotherManchester‐basedchurchleader,Frank
Green,hebegantospeculateon ‘whatasmallchurchwouldneedtobeabletocope
with one hundred new Christians?’ (Ibid, 2000, 90). Hawthorne realized that if he
wereinthepositionofthesmallunder‐resourcedchurchhewouldhavehopedfora
resourcepoolofChristianyouthworkerswhocould liveandwork in the localarea,
supportingtheyoungpeoplethathadmadeacommitmenttotheChristianfaith.This
ideawasthenpresentedtoanetworkofchurchleadersacrossManchesterreceiving
enthusiasticsupportandpromptingthelaunchoftheideaatSoulSurvivor,aChristian
festivalaimedatyoungpeople.AndyHawthornepresentedtheideaattheconference
‘challengingyoungpeopletomoveintoManchester’(2000,94),and ‘topackupand
movetoWynthenshaw,togettheirhandsdirtyandnottakethesoftoption’(ibid,94).
According toHawthorne (2000), hundreds volunteered, and thirtywere selected to
move into Wythenshaw over the next few months. In partnership with the King’s
Church,Wythenshaw,thisformedthefirstofficialEdenteam.
Intervention2:Copingwithconverts:placingyouthworkersincommunity
EventhoughthesedevelopmentsledtotheMessageTrustengagingwithnewforms
of praxis, facilitating the emergence of the first Eden initiative through seeking ‘to
embodya radically transformative theologyof social engagementbasedonhabitual
social praxis’ (Cloke, 2011, p 249), themotivational discourses that prompted such
new forms of engagement, in broad terms at least, could be seen primarily as
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evangelistic. These evangelistic motivations are founded on the perceived concern
thatlocalchurchesinadequatelyengagewith,andretain,youngpeopleandthatsuch
inability isoneof theprimaryreasons thechurch in theUK is insignificantdecline.
ThispointisclearfromtheresponseofAndyHawthornetotherecognitionthatlocal
youngpeople inWythenshawquickly lost interest in Church after the school based
‘missionweeks’.
In the shifting development of the Message Trust this new approach of facilitating
youth workers to live and ‘share faith’ from within these local socio‐economically
deprived areas became paramount to the future development of how the Message
Trustconceivedfaithbeing ‘shared’.Whilethefirstmilestone inthedevelopmentof
theMessageTrustwastheventureintolocalschools,thesecondwasthecommitment
made to local communities through the establishment of the first Eden initiative.
However, it is important to highlight that embedded in this new geographic
commitmentwasstillalargeexpectationthatfirstandforemostthesenewinitiatives
wereaboutevangelisingtolocalyoungpeople,butdoingsoasalocalneighour.
FestivaleventsandthebirthofmoreEdeninitiatives
Soon after the original Eden initiative had begun, Andrew Hawthorne and others
planned a series of similar projects acrossManchester (seeWilson, 2005; 2012) to
establish ‘missionalcommunities’withinmanyotherof themostsocio‐economically
deprived parts of the city (Hawthorne, 2000, 95). Aiming to partnerwith churches
already present in these areas, the Message Trust made use of a Manchester city
‘prayernetwork’(seeGreen,2008)torecruit furtherChristianswillingtomoveinto
someofthemostsocio‐economicallydeprivedareasofthecity.Itwasnotlongbefore
TheMessageestablishedasecondEden initiative inconjunctionwithMountChapel
Church in Salford. The local church leaders backed the project idea and the area
identifiedwas Langworthy, a densely packed area of Victorian terrace houses. This
projectwaslaunchedin1999andcoincidedwiththeareabeingdesignatedunderthe
Single Regeneration Budget (SRB), leading to members of the Salford Eden team
becominglong‐termservingmembersontheSRBlocalactiongroups,whileasegment
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oftheSRBmoneywasdedicatedtotheconstructionofthe‘LifeCentre’,ayouthdrop‐
incentreranbySalfordEdenvolunteers(Wilson,2005).
TheprofileofboththeMessageTrustandtheEdeninitiativesbegantobuildacross
evangelical Christian networks and as a resultwas the topic ofmuch discussion at
various annual Christian conferences across the country (see Hawthorne, 2000;
Wilson,2012).IntherunuptotheannualChristainYouthConference,SoulSurvivor,in
2000, the organizer Mike Pilavachi and Message Trust founder Andy Hawthorne
decided to divert the conference from its usual venue at the Bath andWest Show
groundinSomersettocreateatwoweek‘mission’acrossManchester(Wilson,2005).
InconjunctionwiththeMessageTrust,therecentlyestablishedEdeninitiatives,anda
number of other Christian charities, includingOasis andYouth for Christ, the event
drew in over 20,000 young people from around the country and was titled Soul
Survivor:TheMessage2000(M2K).
According toAndyHawthorne the festival styleeventwasa ‘climaxofawholeyear
thatwasstuffedfullofmissionsandoutreaches’(Hawthorne,2000,104).Theaimof
thesummereventwas,asHawthornewrites,‘tofulfillourcallingtoseeeveryyoung
person inManchester being given repeated opportunities to accept or reject Jesus’
(2000, 105). This verbal message was intentionally combined with social action
initiativesacrossthecity,makinguseof thevastpoolsofhumanresourcesthathad
cometoManchester for thetwoweeks.Hawthorneclarifiedthatat theheartof this
eventwas the intention ‘to present a holistic gospel; not just beat people over the
headwiththebible,buttomeettheirrealneeds’(2000,102).Accordingly40percent
oftheyoungChristianpeoplefromaroundtheUKthatattendedtheconferencewere
organizedbytheChristiancharityOasistodeliverarangeofshort‐termsocialaction
projects.Theseshort‐termcommunityprojectswereundertakeninconjunctionwith
localcouncils,residentsassociationsandhousingtrustsacrossManchester’sdeprived
inner city and housing estates. Each day young people engaged in estate clear ups,
mural paintings, garden clearance and numerous other practical activities (Wilson,
2005).
InconjunctionwiththeM2KsummerfestivalthreemoreEdenprojectswerestarted,
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one inLongsight,whereAndyHawthornehadbeenprofoundlyeffectedby thosehe
encountered inhisbusinesswithhisbrother,and thesecond inOpenshaw, the first
partnershipwith the SalvationArmy.The thirdEden initiative focusedon a council
estateinSwintonValley.
Intervention3:Goingbeyondevangelismandthesuccessofthefestival
FromthisthirdstageoftheMessageTrust’shistoryandthedevelopmentoftheEden
initiatives there are two significant points to draw out. First, that Eden Salford’s
involvementinthelocalSRBactiongroupsignifiedthatEdeninitiativeswerequickly
goingtodevelopintoinitiativesthatweremuchwiderthanjustaboutdoingChristian
youthworkandevangelizing toyoungpeople in thesedeprivedareas. Andsecond,
thatthesuccessivecollaborationsbetweentheMessageTrustandtheChristianyouth
organisationSoulSurvivor,thatresultedintheemergenceoftheM2Kfestivalbecame
key catalysts in the recruitment of newvolunteers and staffworkers for thesenew
Eden initiatives. Similar to the new engagements of Eden Salford, M2K signified a
deepercommitmenttoamethodofsharingtheChristianfaiththatwasdonebothin
words and in actions (see Hawthorne, 2009) blending expressions of faith through
‘citizenry action’withpersonal and corporate acts of ‘telling the story’(Grahamand
Lowe,2009).
Thedevelopment of the secondEden initiative and the involvement of this team in
NewLabour’sSingleRegenerationBudget localactiongroupssignifiedanimportant
stage in the early development of the Eden initiatives. Primarily it signified that an
involvement in Eden had in practice turned from something that was constructed
solely around doing youthwork in the local community,with the aim of hoping to
evangelise to these local young people, towards a multifaceted approach that was
constructedaroundengagingwiththecommunityandexpressingfaiththroughlocal
actsofcitizenryinvolvement,organizingandserviceprovision,aswellasseekingto
see the local church grow through successful evangelisation. Something Andy
Hawthorne describes as ‘word and deed evangelism’ (2009). Involved in this way
Eden volunteers and staff began to discover that ‘mission’ was as much about
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discovering their place as local citizen, ‘contributing to a language of the common
good’andassisting‘adebateabout‘whatmakesagoodcity’(GrahamandLowe,2009,
10),asitwasaboutseekingtoseechurchgrowthandpersonalconversion.Thismixof
wordanddeedevangelism,combiningcitizenryactionwithevangelisticmotivations,
isanothermilestoneinthecomplexstoryofhowincarnationalapproachesarefuelled
andenvisioned.
FurthermorethestructureandformatoftheM2Kfestivalmeantthatasaresultmany
young Christian people attending the festival could discover ways of appropriately
matchingafaith‐fuelledethictodosomethingaboutsomethingwithvoluntaryshort
termcitizenryengagements.Fundamentaltothiswasthattheseseriesofsocialaction
ventures opened up a series of encounters betweenwell intending young Christian
citizens and their guardians, with marginal‐others living in different social and
economiccircumstances.Whereasperhapstheseyoungpeoplewouldnormativelynot
havehadmuchengagementwiththese ‘other’partsoftheCity,theseeventsopened
manyyoungChristianpeopletotheseareasofurbandeprivationandbridgedaspects
of the City that so often do not coalesce in any positive or progressiveway. These
‘bridging’ moments (see Swanson andWilliams, 2010) enlivened many Christians
involved in the events to the possibility andpotential of radically putting faith into
action through relocation, something that the Message Trust was presenting as a
viableoptionthroughthedeviceofEden.Iwillreturntoexaminethesignificanceof
this in the context of a number of volunteer biographies in the second part of this
chapter.
MoreEdeninitiativesandanotherfestival:
Inthefollowingfiveyears,fivemoreEden‘communities’wereinitiated,allbutonein
conjunctionwithchurchesalreadypresentintheselocalareas.Thefifthofthesenew
Eden initiatives was launched as the second partnership with the Salvation Army
614UKnetwork.In2003itwasagreedbylocalchurchnetworksacrossthenorthern
milltownofOldhamthatthislatestEdeninitiativewouldbelaunchedandlinkedinto
thecross‐city‘mission’called:FestivalManchester(seeGreen,2008).Overseenbythe
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MessageTrust,FestivalManchesteraimed tobuilduponwhathadbeenachieved in
the year 2000with theM2Kfestival. FestivalManchester was coordinated around a
weeklongseriesofpresentationsoftheChristianfaith,musiceventsandsocialaction
projects. This festival culminated in a celebration of the Christian faith in Heaton
Park, Manchester, where reportedly thirty thousand people gathered to enjoy
Christianmusic,extremesportsandfamilyfun(Green,2008).ForFestivalManchester
‘the US‐based Luis Palau Evangelistic Association and Manchester’s Message Trust
partneredwithoverfivehundredchurches,theManchesterandSalfordCityCouncils,
GreaterManchesterPolice, anddozensof corporateandprivate supporters’ (Green,
2008,94).UnderthesupervisionoftheMessageTrust,severalteamsofyoungpeople
andyouthworkersfromaroundthecountrypartneredwiththenewEdencommunity
on Fitton Hill, Oldham, to engage in a number of ‘social action’ projects: providing
summeractivitiesforlocalyoungpeople,undertakingcommunityspaceclearupsand
openingadrop‐incentretobridgethegapintheyoungeryearsyouthprovision.This
markedthebeginningoftheFittonHillEdenprojectandpartnershipwiththenewly
establishedSalvationArmy614UK‘churchplant’ontheestate.
TodayEdenteamsarefirmlyestablishedonfivefoundingprinciples,andfouroutof
fiveofthese‘cornerstone’principlesemergedoutofthisfirstimmediateresponseto
establish a presence inWythenshaw in 1996. Essentially, 1. All Eden communities
commit themselves to being ‘rooted in a local church’; 2. They are ‘ focused on the
toughest neighbourhoods’; 3. They develop a ‘ large team with homes right in the
heartofthecommunity’;4.theyfocuson‘makingthefirstpriorityreachingyouthto
seetheirfullpotentialunlocked’,andgrowingoutofthedevelopmentthatEdenteams
arenow foundacrossEngland;5.ThatEden teams ‘commit tobelonging toawider
relational network’, compromised of other Eden teams across the same region
(Wilson, 2012, 86). Alongside these five foundational principles, Eden teams define
themselves through five key adjectives, forging lifestyles that are based around; 1.
‘being incarnational’; 2. ‘being relational’; 3. ‘being purposeful’; 4. ‘being
countercultural’ and 5. ‘being holistic’ (Eden‐network, 2012). Performing these five
core characteristics they anticipate they will display an authentic commitment, a
willingnesstobeshapedandtoshapeothers,anelementofChristiandistinctiveness
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andaninterestinsocial,physicalandspiritualchange(Wilson,2012).
Section1ConcludingRemarks
Theargumentofthischaptersofarhasbeendefinedbytheanalysisofthehistoryof
theMessageTrustandtheEdeninitiatives.Throughthreeanalyticalinterventionsthe
mainpointmadeinthecaseofthisFBOisthatthemoveto‘liveamongst’andexpress
theChristian faith inan ‘incarnational’manneremergedoutofvariousstagesof the
FBO’s development. This section has also argued that from an organisational
perspective the purpose of this ‘incarnational’ approach has shifted and been
extendedthroughtime.TracingthedevelopmentandevolutionoftheMessageTrust
andEden‐networksadoptionofan‘incarnational’approachhighlightshowimportant
it is that theseparticular faith‐inspired landscapes are understood through a socio‐
temporal lens. In termsof thebroaderthesisasawhole thisorganizationalanalysis
also helps to contribute towards the re‐reading of these incarnational geographies.
Ratherthanbeingsimplyunderstoodasspacesofproselytisation(seeWoods,2012)
and/or spacesof self‐betterment (seeAllahyari,2000) theanalysisof thehistoryof
theMessageTrustandEden‐networkhasshownthattheseincarnationalgeographies
aremuchmorecomplexandnuanced.InthecaseoftheMessagetrustandtheEden‐
network thepracticeof ‘livingamongst’went frombeingadoptedas anew formof
proclamational evangelism and discipleship to being stretched and extended into a
more holistic approach that saw participation and placement in deprived
neighbourhoods as away of enacting citizenry action, evangelism, discipleship and
service. Originally adopted as a response to the inability of the local church to
adequately support and follow up young Christian converts the ‘incarnational’
approach saw different Eden teams venture into also supporting local community
regenerationinitiativesanddiscoveringhowtocontributetowardsthecommongood
(Graham and Lowe, 2009). Developing this holistic sense of praxis hasmeant Eden
initiatives searched for progressive postsecular partnerships and pursued the
commongood(seeHollenbach,2002;Clokeetal,2012).
Turning to consider the actual experiences of volunteers and staff in adopting an
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‘incarnational’ approach in socio‐economically deprived areas the focus of this
chapternowshifts fromanexaminationof theorganizational to thepersonnelwho
embrace ‘living amongst’. This second section of the chapter extends the argument
that through adopting an ‘incarnational’ approach a number of significant shifts in
rationaleandpraxisoccur.However,concernedtoacknowledgetheindividualagency
ofvolunteersandstaff involved,similartotheresearchofClokeetal(2005), inthis
next section due care is taken not to assume a perfect transition between
organisationalethosandpraxisasitisenactedonthegroundbydifferentpersonnel.
Part 2: Biographic insights into joining, doing and leaving theproject:talesof‘livingamongst’. (Allnamesinthissectionhavebeenchangedtoensureanonymity)This second section is structured in three parts. Firstly, I examine the factors that
motivatedstaffandvolunteerstojoinEden/SA614UK.Secondly,Iexploreandanalyze
the actual practical and emotional hardships that staff and volunteers experienced
and thirdly, in reflection of these hardships, I review and analyse the reasonswhy
somestaffandvolunteersleftEden/SA614UK.Thisanalysisgivesaflavorofwhatitis
likefortheseChristianactorstoembedthemselvesinthesepraxisbasedlandscapes
and itpoints toaneed toappreciate thedynamicandevolvingnatureofhowthese
Christianactorsperceiveandmakesenseof their involvement inandthroughthese
socio‐temporal landscapes.A formativeconclusion thatarises fromthisargument is
that the subjectivities of these Christian actors must be understood as subject to
changeandcontestation,andthatthisdynamismisgroundedinboththeoutworking
offaith‐praxisinandthroughlocalplace,andinconnectionwiththedevelopmentof
deepeningrelationshipswithotherswithintheseplacesovertime.
There are a number of significant points that emerge from the analysis of these
biographicnarratives.Firstly,examiningwhatcompelleddifferentindividualstojoin
theEdennetworkitisclearthatmanyofthevolunteersandstaffwerechallengedby
thereparticipation in the summer festival events: Soul Survivor:TheMessage2000
and Festival Manchester in 2003, and that participation in these short term social
110
action projects contributed significantly towards numerous staff and volunteers
makingthedecisiontosignuptotheEden‐networkandmoveontotheestate.Whatis
also apparent is that the evangelistic discourses that have been forged from the
historicemergenceoftheEden‐networkoutoftheMessageTrustplayanimportant
role inmotivating staff and volunteers to initially join the Fitton Hill Eden project.
However,thirdly,inaddition,manyvolunteersandstaffalsomadeitclearthatwhat
initiallyattractedthemtosignuptotheEden‐networkandjoinalocalEdeninitiative
wasthegivenopportunitytoputtheirfaithintoactioninawaythatmanyofthestaff
andvolunteersfeltwasnotavailableintheirpreviouschurchcircumstances.Here,in
relationtothisnewfoundsenseofopportunityto‘livefaithoutinaction’,Iarguethat
tothosestaffandvolunteersjoiningEden/SA614UK,thelocalEdeninitiativeprovided
an organisational ‘device’ through which they could ground and embody faith in
practicalaction(Barnettetal,2005).Isubsequentlyarguethatthisopportunityto‘act
out faith’ as a local resident in a socio‐economically deprived neighbourhood re‐
enchanted former individualistic personal understandings of the Christian faith,
reconfiguring it instead as somethingmore communal,worked out locally in place,
and with and for others. Similar to the research of Gerhardt (2008) on American
evangelicals,my argument in this section focuses on the actual formative nature of
encountering others embedded in different circumstances and how such alterity
encourages a sense of proximate care which emerges from a ‘sense for the other
which isemotional, connectedandcommitted’ (Cloke,2002,pg594).However,asa
number of participant accounts testify, these initial encounters with alterity are
sometimes initially layered with rather colonial viewpoints, and it is often only
through a time‐enriched proximate understanding of the worlds and lives of these
‘others’thattheseinitialcolonialviewsaredeconstructedandreconstructedaround
differentarrangementsofpower.Relatingthisspecificargumenttothebroaderpoint
made by this chapter, this section emphasizes that through an ongoing grounded
involvementovertimeinpracticalother‐focusedpractices,thenormativeevangelistic
discoursessoapparentinpartoneofthischapterandinthejoiningnarrativesinthe
firstpartofthissecondsectionbecomereinterpretedwithgreateremphasis intoan
ethicofcarethatcentersaroundservingothersintheircurrentcircumstancethrough
moreequalarrangementsofpowerbasedaroundmutualfriendship.
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Anothermajordevelopmentofexaminingthesebiographicnarrativesisthatitbrings
totheforetheactualtestifiedexperienceof ‘doingfaith’ inthesecircumstances,and
exploring different staff and volunteer experiences of living out an embedded and
embodied Christian faith incarnationally in this socio‐economically deprived
neighbourhoodhighlightshowsuchpraxis ispersonallydemanding,bothpractically
andemotionally.InthissectionIemphasisehowthenegativeexperiencesenduredby
those seeking to express their Christian faith out incarnationally in a socio‐
economically deprived place like Fitton Hill is as much a consequence of trying to
balancetheorganisationaldemandsandexpectationsplacedonthem,asitisaresult
ofpersonalfatiguefromconstantlyservingothersandfromnotbeingabletocometo
terms with how their involvement does not live up to their own individual
expectations.Lastly,thesedifferentfrustrationsappearaskeycontributingreasonsas
towhy some volunteers and staffmade the decision to leave the project. Exploring
theseburnoutnarrativeshelpstogivefurtherclaritytotheexperiencesofvolunteers
andstaffandithighlightsthetemporalandoftenfinitenatureoftheseincarnational
expressions of the Christian faith in socio‐economic deprived areas. Each of these
threeanalyticalthemeswillnowbedevelopedinturn.
Figure1.1:TableofParticipants
Amanda,31 A graduate from medical school and the director ofHopeCitedalMedicalPractice.SheismarriedtoGarethand they have three young boys. Moved to the areawhenshemarriedGareth.
Frank,37 A secondarymusic teacher and regular volunteer forEden/SA614UK. Moved to the area to be involved inproject.
Grace,35 Married to Frank, regular volunteer forEden/SA614UK. Full timemum.Moved to the area tobeinvolvedintheproject.
Rachel,28 A physiotherapist who moved onto the estate to beinvolvedintheproject.
Mel,26 Secondary school teacher and regular volunteer forEden/SA614UK.Moved to the area after finishingherGapYearwiththeMessageTrust.
112
Phil,22 Theological student who regularly volunteers forEden/SA614UK.Moved to the area after finishing hisGapYearwiththeMessageTrust.
Lucy,24 A trainee doctor and regular volunteer forEden/SA614UK.MovedtotheareaafterfinishingaBAdegreeatManchesterUniversityinBioscience.
Kate,32 A part time salaried family’s worker forEden/SA614UK.MarriedtoLuke,theyhavetwoyoungchildren.Shemovedto theestate tovolunteer for theproject.
Luke,32 A salaried youthworker for Eden/SA614UK. Born ontheestatehe is trainedchefwhoreturnedto theareawhen he became a Christian. Team leader for localEdenyouthwork.
Gareth,35 Thepastorof the localSalvationArmy614UKchurch.Married to Amanda. Moved to Manchester afterfinishing degree to be involved in Openshaw Edenproject.AskedtostartnewteamonFittonHill.
ʻJoining Edenʼ
‘whatIbegantorealizethatdaywasthatinmanycasesthetransformationthat
has taken place has been far more inside of me than inside the different
charactersthatIhavecomeintocontactwith’GaryBishop(2004,89)
AsIbecamefamiliarwiththebiographiesofEdenFittonHillVolunteersandstaff, it
became clear thatmany of the volunteers had been recruited to join Eden through
involvement with either of the major Manchester Christian festivals: Soul Survivor
2000 The Message (M2K), or Festival Manchester held in 2003. For some of the
volunteersorstaffworkers,joininganEden‘team’wasanaturalprogressionafterthe
two‐weeksummerfestival.Thistookseveraldifferent forms.Forsomevolunteers it
wasagradualprocessofmovinghome,leavingchurchcommunities,findingnewjobs
andbecomingenrolledintoateamasanewvolunteer,whileinmoreextremecasesit
literally resulted from staying put after the festival, continuingwithwhat hadbeen
undertakenduringtheprecedingweekswhenthefestivalswereunderway.Thiswas
thecaseforAmanda.
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Runningup to the summerof the year2000Amandahadbecome interested in the
SoulSurvivor2000TheMessage(M2K)festivalwhenitwasbeing‘plugged’atanother
Christian conference, Spring Harvest, earlier in the year. Amanda felt inviting her
sistertobeapartoftheM2Kfestivalwouldbeagoodopportunityforhersister,who
wasnot aChristian, to experience somethingof ‘Christianity in action’.Amanda felt
excitedthataskinghersistertojoinherforthisweekinManchesterwouldhighlight
toher the ‘cultural relevance’ and ‘practical expression’ ofChristianity. Amanda, at
thetimeaneighteenyearoldschoolleaver,wasalsokeentoattendthefestivalasit
wouldgiveherthechancetomeetotheryoungpeoplewhosharedherChristianfaith.
For Amanda, a young person with a recent personal conversion story, this event
presentedanopportunitytoevangelisticallysharefaithwithhersisterinawaythat
wasnot just cognitivebutwasalsogrounded in expressingpractical action.A clear
motivation behind inviting her sister was that she too might be converted to the
Christianfaith,andthatthroughseeingitspracticalandappliedrelevancehersister
mightbecome interested in theChristian faith forherself.Thisbiographicnarrative
resonates with the evangelistic discourses so prevalent within the Message Trust
exploredinsection1.However,whatalsowasveryclearfromAmanda’snarrativeis
thatwhilesheinitiallysigneduptothetwo‐weekfestivalbecauseofitssocialelement
and because it presented itself as an appropriate opportunity for her to
evangelisticallyshareherChristianfaithwithhersister,hercompulsiontosignupto
anEdeninitiativewasalsogroundedinherdiscoveringanexcitingandpracticalway
of‘livingout’herChristianfaith.
ForthefirstfestivalweekAmandawasinchargeofoverseeingagroupofManchester
UniversityChristian students to litterpick and clear gardenson adesignated social
housing estate in inner cityManchester.Hearing the repeated call for volunteers to
jointheEden ‘movement’Amandaurgentlyfeltthatsheshouldbeoneofthosewho
joinedanEdenteam.Sheexplainedthatherinterest intheEdeninitiativeswasthat
theyrequiredabigcommitmentwhereonesChristianfaithcouldnotjustbe‘shoved
intothebackgroundsomewhere’.Amandaexplainedtomethatprevioustohervisit
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to the NewWine conference where she had first heard about the M2K event, her
encounter with the Christian faith had been limited to being a chorister at a well
known private school, being involved in these social action projects was ‘far from
boring’anditappealedasareallyrelevantwayof‘doingsomethingmeaningfulwith
yourChristianfaith’.However,uponenquiringhowto join,Amandafeltdeterredby
thosewhohadquestionedheronwhatapplicableskillsshewouldbeabletobringto
oneof theprojects.Amandahadhadnoformalexperienceofsecularyouthworkor
ChristianyouthministryandwasadvisedtoreturntoherhomechurchintheSouthof
England seeking the advice of her own church youthworker.Despite this however,
Amandastayed for thesecondweekof the festival, feelingabuildingurgencyabout
continuingwith the ‘social action’ she had undertaken during the firstweek of the
festival.Undertakingthecleanupprojectsshehadalsohadanumberofopportunities
to share her faith evangelistically with residents and Amanda described how this
socialactionprojectprovidedherwithanopportunity toboth ‘tellher storyand to
liveit’,somethingthatshehadnotreallyhadmuchopportunitytodobefore.
Amandadescribedherselfassomeonewhohadalwayshada‘heart’forsocialaction,
volunteering for Shelter during her Christmas holidayswhen shewas in sixth form
beforeshebecameaChristian. Butsheexplainedthatincomparisontoherworkat
Shelter,herinvolvementinthesummersocialactionprojectsfulfilledbothherdesire
for‘service’andhernewfoundpassiontoshareherChristiantestimony1withothers.
Amandatoldmethatshehadalways‘justbeenpassionateaboutpeople’andthatthe
M2KeventandtheEdeninitiativespresentedherwithbothanopportunitytocarry
this forward, and theopportunity to evangelistically share faithwith those shewas
‘serving’.
Oncethefestivalended,ratherthanreturninghome,Amandafeltacompulsiontostay
inManchester, returning to the same housing estate each day to continue to build
friendships andprovide activities for local youngpeoplewhere andhow she could.
Amandaexplainedthistome.
1‘Testimony’isanarratedaccountofonesowncomingtofaithanddetailofChristianexperience.
115
“Literallythelastnight[ofthetwoweekfestival]IstillhadnomoneyandIstill
hadnowheretostayandIdidnotknowwhatIwasgoingtodoandthenoneof
theuniversitystudentssaidIcouldstayintheirhouse‘cositwasemptyforthe
summer,soIstayedthere.ItoldmydadthatIwasstayinginManchester,which
Idon’tknowhowheletmedoit,tobehonest,aneighteen‐year‐oldgirl,‘yeahI
amjustgoingtohookupwithsomestudents,andum,Iappliedforloadsofjobs’.
IappliedforwaitressingjobsandIhaddoneitallbefore,andIappliedforpizza
hutandrestaurantsandhadloadsandloadsofjobsandinbetweenapplyingfor
jobs Iwent back to SwitonValley everyday, cos that iswhere I haddone the
thing[thesocialactionprojects].Itwasweirdcos,urm,Iturnedupontheestate
andpeoplekindarecognizedmeandtheestatewasreallyfriendlyandhadthis
really funny edge to it and peoplewere like ‘oh you are one of the Christians
aren’tyou.”
As the above quote illustrates, compelled to continue what she had started on the
estate,Amandamadeherownhousingarrangementslivinginanemptystudenthouse
in another part of the City. Shewas surprised that local residents remembered her
from the two‐week clean up project and she felt warmly welcomed. Returning to
SwintonVallleymostdays,Amandatoldmehowsheorganizedasmallkidsclubinthe
local park andmet elderlywomen from the estate for cups of tea. Alongside these
socialactivitiesshemetwithagroupoflocalyoungpeoplewhowerewillingtoread
thebibletogetherwithher.Herinvolvementcontinuedtobestructuredaroundboth
evangelism and action, ‘sharing’ the Christian faith through a small bible reading
group and acting out a faith fuelled ethics of care through befriending elderly
residentsandrunningasummeractivityclubforlocalyoungpeople.
IntimeAmandacontactedtheMessageTrusttoexplainthatsheneverreturnedhome
to the South of England and was busy regularly returning to the estate. Amanda
explainedthatAndyHawthorne,theMessageTrust’sCEO,decidedshewas‘obviously
doing brilliantly there and agreed to support her financially each week.' Amanda
carriedonvisiting theestateandthrough liaisingwith theMessageTrust facilitated
116
thedevelopmentofanewfootballpitchforthecommunity.
However,asbothAmandaexplainedtome,andasMattWilson(2006)describesinhis
writtenaccountofthedevelopmentofEdenSwintonValley,localresidentsofSwinton
Valley did not remain receptive to thework of the ‘Christians’ like Amanda on the
estate. ‘Some of the residents felt disappointed by the abrupt end of M2K and the
failure to completeanumberof taskswhichhadbeenpromised’ (Wilson,2005,61).
ForAmanda,stillvisitingtheestateregularly,shesoonbecamethetargetofresident’s
frustration.
‘It turnedquitenastyon theestate ‘cospeopleweren’t followedupreally,and
then it got darker and I had a couple of fire crackers fired at me,
November/October time and it just turned quickly and people were
disappointedreally.’
Although therehadbeenmany valid achievements through the organized events of
M2K, the involvementof these teamsofwillingvolunteerson theestatehadclearly
created a number of unresolved issues and Amanda became the target of these
frustrations.Thistwoweekshorttermshowofsolidarityhadleftmanyresidentswith
unfulfilledexpectationsandthishadledtounderstandableangeroverwhywhathad
been promised had not come to fruition. What Amanda felt had started well with
receptive interest from local residents soon turned, taking on a ‘darker’ and less
receptive tone. Amanda expressed that once things turned in this way she felt
uncomfortable returning to the estate so frequently. With the direction of the
Message Trust Amanda became involved in more admin work at the Message’s
headquartersandshespentlesstimeontheestateandmoretimeworkingdirectlyfor
the Message Trust. This continued until Amanda was transfered to another Eden
projectelsewhereinthecity.AmandaisnowmarriedtoGareth,theEdenFittonHill
ProjectleaderandtogethertheyoverseatheFittonHillEdenproject.
Amanda’saccountofhowshecametojointheEden‐networkisanuncommonstory,
butherunderlyingreasonsforjoininganEdeninitiativeresonatewiththebiographic
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accountsofotherEdenstaffandvolunteers.Foranumberofothervolunteers,joining
Eden was a gradual process, but as with Amanda’s account these other accounts
highlighthowmanyofthevolunteersinvolvedinthelocalEdenprojectsignedupto
the Eden‐network because it opened up an opportunity for them to express their
Christian faith in ways that had not previously been presented to them. This was
certainlythecaseforFrankandGrace.
FrankandGraceareamidthirtiescouplewhojoinedEdenFittonHillnot longafter
takingpartinFestivalManchesterin2003.BeforejoiningEdentheylivedinamiddle
classareaofManchester,Sale,andattendedarelativelylarge,andaffluent,Salvation
Army Church. This middle class context bore significant influence on their joint
decision to join Eden after the summer festival, expressing a desire to get involved
withsomethingthatwas‘moreofachallenge’andinvolved‘agreatersenseofbeing
embedded in a local Community’. The church they attended before joining Eden
attracted people from across SouthManchester, commuting to attend worship and
celebrate their Christian faith together (see Ellingson, 2009). Expressing their
concernsaboutthelackof ‘communityengagement’bothFrankandGraceexplained
that their previous church circumstances left them feeling detached from any
recognizableframeworkofputtingfaithintoaction,stayinginthischurchtheywere
worried that as there was little corporate opportunity to radically express faith in
ways that had much influence on the wider non‐church community. They were
extremelydespondentwiththisexpressionofchurchandfeltuneasythatittooeasily
reflected the surrounding broader cultural values, being built on personal
consumption and individual gain. Rather than being involved in a church that
centered around creating a culturally appropriate Sunday service with values
complicitwith an individualistic consumer society (seeMetzger, 2007;Hunt, 1997)
they wished to be a part of something that was counter‐cultural and focused on
developing meaningful other‐focused spiritual selves where Christian discipleship
was something learnt through serving (see Hatmaker, 2001). Comparing their
previous church circumstanceswithwhat they felt compelled them to initially join
Eden it was clear from the accounts of Grace and Frank that they believed Eden
potentiallyofferedanopportunitythroughwhichtheycouldenacttheirhopeofacting
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out there Christian faith inways thatwere both practical and local, embedded in a
local community. Their concern was that rather than attending a church whose
concernswerepredominantlyinternal,theywishedtobeapartofsomethingthatwas
outwardlookingandfocusedonthewidercommunitybeyondthechurchwalls(see
RusawandSwanson,2007;2010).AccordingtobothFrankandGracethechurchthey
attended before joining Eden ‘felt like there were already a lot of talented people
doing a lot of things and that they were unlikely to be stretched.' They sought an
expression of church where they would have more opportunity and where their
involvement would seemingly have greater impact. They expressed that originally
theyfeltthatEdenofferedthemthisopportunity. Itofferedbothofthemawaythat
they couldput someof their ‘skills intoaction’ ina community inwhich their skills
andpersonalresourceswouldperhapsbemorebeneficial.GraceandFranksawEden
asanopportunitytobe‘pushedoutof(our)comfortzones’and,becauseatthetime
theyhadnokids, they felt ‘free tomakethatchoice’, toventure intosomething that
wouldallowthemtobemoreeffective,morechallengedandmoreappliedwiththeir
Christian faith. In broad terms Eden presented itself as an ‘organisational device’
throughwhich‘oughtscouldbepracticallyturnedintocans’(Barnettetal,2005,31).
Conceivedasa ‘device’ forenactingpersonal action,Edenpresentedvolunteers like
Frank and Gracewith opportunity throughwhich ethical conduct could be shaped,
‘reworkingmoralselvesfromplacesofobligationtoplacesofactualethicalconduct’
(Barnettetal,2005,31).
Interviewing many of the Eden volunteers on the Fitton Hill project it became
apparent that thediscourse that Frank andGrace relayed tomeof a ‘home’ church
that lacked community engagement was a familiar experience among many of the
volunteers. These collective narratives appear reflective of a broader trend of
discontent amongst Christians seeking opportunity to embody for themselves the
narratives and lifestyle of Jesus Christ. In chapter two I explored how a resurgent
move to be incarnationally present in marginal places has emerged out of a
dissatisfactionwithhowthewesternChurchrelates to ‘thepoor’ (seeBishop,2007;
Claibourne,2006;Wilson,2005)andhowasaresultofcenturiesofChristendom(See
Murray, 2004) there are many Christians dissatisfied with the lack of connection
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betweenthetheologicalstorythattheypersonallyupholdasmeaningful,andthelack
of application of this story in their everyday worlds. Upon further analysis these
biographic narratives resonate with this trend quite clearly and the frustrations
expressedbyvolunteerslikeGraceandFrankcorrelateswithwidercommentaryand
analysis of theWesternChurch asbeing at timesdetached, concernedwith its own
internalprivateagendas(Eder,2006),andwith littlemeaningfulopportunity to live
out ones faith‐fuelled ethics in, and through, deepened relationships alongside
marginalpeopleandwithinmarginalplaces(seeDrane,2002;Claiborne,2006;Halter
and Smay, 2008). This lack of connection with local community was a clear
motivatingfactorinRachel’saccountofhowshecametobeinvolvedinthelocalEden
initiative.LikeFrankandGraceshedrewondeepcomparisonsbetween themiddle
classcontextofherpreviouschurchandthatoftheplaceandpurposeoftheSalvation
ArmychurchthatwasinpartnershipwiththeEdeninitiativeonFittonHillestate.
Rachel joined Eden/SA614UK soon after qualifying from university as a
physiotherapist. She explained that the church that she had grown up in was in a
‘middleclassarea’where‘everybodykepttothemselves’.Shealsoexplainedthather
frustrations were grounded in the fact that the church she attended was some
distancefromthevillageinwhichshelived.Rachelexpresseddiscomfortwiththefact
that ‘to get to church you had to drive through five other villages andmost of the
congregationweremadeupof peoplewhodidnot live in the surrounding area’. In
contrast to this experience, Rachel felt that Eden was different as it was ‘part of
community’, as volunteers lived on the estate and where involved in a ‘local
expression of church’. For Rachel it was the physical disconnection between her
everydayworldofroutines,friendshipsandwork,withthatoftheworldofthechurch
she attended that led her to be dissatisfied. Clearly what Rachel desired was to
participate in a local churchwho’s theology and teachingwas lived out in the local
community,seekingtobeacatalystforsocialchangeandtransformation(seeDuncan,
2007).ThechurchRachelattendedpreviouslytoherjoiningEdencorrelatesstrongly
with broader sociological findings that indicate that while many small charismatic
evangelicalchurchespresent themselvesas ‘communitychurches’, in fact, theyhave
littledirectimpactonlocalcommunity(seeBruce,2011).Herpreviousexperienceof
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drivingoutofher localgeographiccommunity toattendchurchsomedistance from
her homehighlights the increasingmobility of contemporarymiddle class lifestyles
(Adey, 2010) and how this is reflected in the geographies of many contemporary
middleclasschurches,churchplantsandtheresponseofthechurchtosuchsocietal
changes(seeConnel,2005;Bruce2011;Feeneyetal,2004).Differentfromthismodel
ofchurch,RachelfeltEdencontrastinglypresentedherwithaversionofchurchthat
wasbyitsverydesignbuiltaroundadifferentsetofprinciplesandtotheseshewas
attracted. Similar to thenarrativesofGraceandFrankwherebyEdenpresentedan
organisationaldevice(seeBarnettetal,2005)throughwhichtheycouldmeaningfully
take part and enact a faith‐fuelled ethic, for Rachel, Eden presented her with a
meaningfulreconnectionof,ontheonehandherparticipationinchurchcommunity
and,ontheother,herparticipationinlocalneighbourhoodcommunity;asuturethat
shefeltchurch,bywayofdesign,wasmeanttoreflect.Thissuturewouldallowherto
intentionally seek tobeembedded in thecommunity’s local social, cultural,political
andeconomiccontext,anditwasfromthiscontextaslocalneighbourthatshecould
adequatelyrespond.
Contrastingly,twooftheyoungermembersoftheEdencommunityjoinedtheFitton
HillEdenteamattheendofaone‐yearyouthworktraininggapyearplacementrun
bytheMessageTrust,entitledGenetic2.BothMelandPhilwereencouragedtojoinan
Eden team upon nearing the completion of the year out programme. For both
volunteersthisprogrammeinvolvedplacementworkalongsideoneoftheEdenteams
andbothPhilandMelfeltthattheywantedtocarryonexpressingtheirChristianfaith
throughoneoftheEdeninitiatives.HavingmovedtojointheFittonHillEdenproject,
signing up to degree courses at a small independent theological college, both
volunteers explained that the nature of the gap year project meant they felt a
compulsion to share their faith in ‘overtly’ evangelisticways. In otherwords,when
first joining Eden Fitton Hill they felt a necessity to verbally share about their
Christian faith whenever they had the chance. It became clear throughout my2GeneticistheMessageTrust’s‘tenmonthintensivehands‐on(Christian)youthworktrainingprogramme’,itinvolvespracticalplacementsalongsideanumberofMessageinitiatives,includingtheEdeninitiatives,alongsidepracticaltheologicaltraining(Genetik,2012).
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ethnographicplacementthatbothMelandPhilhadintimechangedtheirapproachto
sharing their faith with other local residents. On more than one occasion other
volunteersreminiscedover ‘Mel’searlydaysontheproject’when‘allsheseemedto
want to do was knock on peoples doors and tell them about Jesus’. Relatively
similarly,Philexplainedtomehisearlier‘calling’3tobean‘evangelist’4toManchester.
‘Inoneofthemeetingstheyaskedpeopletostandtoreceiveprayeriftheyfelt
theywishedtoreceivedirection,youknow,callingwiththeirlives,soIwentup
the front forprayer.During that time I feltveryclearly that Iwanted tobean
evangelist, you know someone who shares the Christian message. We had
receivedaMessageTrustpresentationontheworktheydoinManchesterand
thedevelopment of Edenprojects around the city and Iwas like, yes, I aman
evangelist. I justknew Iwasgoing tocome toManchester to tellpeopleabout
Jesus.’
Phil, onmore than one occasion sharedwithme how through time and experience
beinginvolvedintheFittonHillEdenprojecthehadcometointerpret‘beingabearer
of good news’, which he told me was what he meant by being an evangelist, in a
broader light than just verbally sharing with others his Christian faith and the
Christianmessage.PhilconsideredhisparticipationinmanyoftheEdenactivitiesand
projectstobepartofaprocessofenactingthisprocessof‘bearingthegoodnews’,and
he told me that although he is still keen to verbally share his Christian faith with
othershenowseesthisas‘partofsomethingmuchwider’.Comingtotermswithdaily
life on Fitton Hill Phil now feels that the way he expresses his Christian faith is a
discerned balance betweenwitnessing his faith through verbal communication and
witnessinghisfaiththroughanintentionalpracticalengagementinlocalcommunity.
Whereas once, when he had undertaken his training year, Phil had felt that his
Christian faith was something that others would best understand if he verbally
explainedittothem,nowPhilmadeitcleartomeonseveraloccasionsitissomething
3‘calling’isoftenatermusedbyChristianstodenoteastrongfaithfuelledurgeorcommitmenttowardsaparticularvocation.4‘evangelist’inmanycontemporaryevangelicalChristianchurchesdefinessomeonewhofeelsapassionateaboutsharingthekeytenetsofChristiangospelwithothers,primarilythroughconversation.
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hefeltotherswouldbestgraspthroughhimactingandparticipatinginacertainway
inthelocalcommunity.
ThisaccountfromPhilisinterestingasitreflectsawidertrendthatIfoundapparent
in nearly all of the biographic narratives of volunteers as they explained what
motivatedthemtojoinalocalEdeninitiativeandhowthisunderstandingofpurpose
changedinandthroughincarnationalengagementwithinthesemarginalgeographies.
Where as in some cases the conscious decision to join Eden was seen as an
opportunitytoputtheirChristianfaithandafaith‐fuelledethics formarginalothers
intoactionthroughlocalcommunitybasedefforts,forotherslikePhil,thepurposeof
joiningEdenunderwentaprocessofre‐translationashisoriginaldesiretojoinEden
wasre‐interpretedfromthatofanunderstandingofhimselfprimarilyas‘missionary’,
which he originally interpreted as ‘telling others about Jesus’ to one that was
reinterpreted into a wider framework of activism, participation and practical
engagement as a local neighbour ( see Thompson, 2012). In this process of re‐
interpretation his desire to ‘share faith’ went from something he primarily saw as
groundedinevangelistictechniquesofgivingaverbalaccountofonesownpersonal
story of coming to faith, ‘sharing his testimony5’, to a faith that was envisioned in
broader terms as something primarily performed through certain virtuous
understandings of self thatwere re‐framed around serving and caring for others in
thelocalcommunity(SeeClokeetal,2012).Phil’snarrativeillustratesandexemplifies
the broader trend Cloke et al (2012) have argued to be emerging from within
evangelicalism, whereby there is a clear shift among some groups of evangelical
Christians tomove from entrenched dogmatic positions to positions of engaging in
radicalformsofpraxis.Asisclearfromthesebiographicnarrativesitisclearlyoften
through an embedded incarnational participation in thesemarginal landscapes that
Christianactors‘discoversomethingsignificantabouttheirfaith‐identity’(Clokeetal,
2012, pg 2) and that these spaces of incarnational engagement themselves become
active agents of change in the reshaping of Christian theologies and motivation to
engage with others. As with the case of so many of the other volunteers and staff
membersI interviewed,thecaseofPhilalsoillustratesthattherearenumerousand
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complexconnectionsbetweentheologicaldiscourseandpraxis(seeClokeetal,2012).
Withmanyvolunteersandstafftherewasagradualcomingtotermswiththefactthat
their Christian faith motivates them to be see opportunities to enact their faith in
ways that have political and civic consequence (Bretherton, 2010). This process of
renegotiation of motivation could be seen to reflect what Bartley has termed the
radicalisation of faith (2006) and it chimes with what Cray argues to be part
embodying a transformational expression of the Christian faith that is grounded in
everydayactions(2007).WhiletheproclamationoftheChristiangospelstillremains
of paramount concern to Evangelical Christians like Phil, his own understanding of
what to do with his Christian faith in the here and now has become recast as
something that is ‘best understood in the context of loving actions and loving
community’ (Cluster, 2004pg176). It is these reformulated self‐understandings of
Christian faith identity, emerging from and through participation within these
marginalspaces,fromwhichsomethingofapost‐evangelicalChristianpositionmight
emerge(seeTomlinson,1995),asitisthroughactualtimedeepenedparticipationand
experiencethatsomeofthegivenandlearntconfigurationsofanevangelicalfaithare
re‐orderedandreconfiguredastheseChristiansvolunteersandstaffseekhowbestto
expressfaithinthecontextoftheveryrealsituationsandrelationshipstheydevelop
in these marginal places. While for volunteers like Phil ‘telling the story’ remains
important,thereisaclearshiftinemphasisfrom‘teller’to‘doer’thatispromptedand
provokedby theactual realityof the circumstances facingmanyotherpeople living
andinhabitingthesepreviouslydistantand‘nearlyforgottenworlds’(Tompson,2011,
120). Comparingmyown experiences of taking part in Soul Survivor‐ TheMessage
2000 (M2K),with theexperiencesofEdenvolunteersandstaffwhohadalso taken
part ineitherM2KorFestivalManchesteritwasclearthat inmanycasesthis initial
involvement had been a formative experience for different people, and, that as a
consequence, these memorable immanent moments, or ‘becomings’ (see Deleuze,
1977), through which volunteers had become deeply affected, had led many to
questionwhether they feltcompelled to joinanEden initiative.Volunteersandstaff
gaveexamplesofhow, in stepping into theworldsofothers (seeCloke,2002), they
hadbeenprofoundlyshapedthroughwhattheywitnessed.These ‘event‐encounters’
(see Deleuze, 1977; 1987; Dole; 1999) appear as individual immanentmoments or
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eventsthathaveadeepaffectualimpactontheselfand,whetherasinotherresearch
where the encounterwith otherness is between different people (see Popke, 2009;
McCormack,2003),peopleandanimals(seeClokeandPerkins2005;Johnson,2008)
or people and objects (see Cloke, P. and Jones, O., 2002), these encounters with
differentothersshapedknowledgesandresponsestotheseotherworlds(seeVanier,
2006; Jarman, 2011). For the volunteers and staff I interviewed it was individual
event‐encounterswithmarginal‐othersduringthesocialactionprojectsontheestates
that influenced their decision to join anEden team.Thesemediated and structured
ventures into theworldsof theseothersopenedupwhat couldbe termedacertain
‘contactspace’, ‘thespaceinwhichgeographicallyandhistoricallyseparatedpeoples
come into contactwith each other and relate to each other’ (Cloke, 2002, 97). The
experienceofbeingfacedwithperceivedsocialandeconomicdifferencesthroughthis
‘contact space’ gave rise to many participants feeling compelled to act upon these
emotionalandveryvisualevents(Cloke,2002).
Theseencountersappearedtobemomentswhen,inworkingaspartofawiderteam
ofvolunteers,volunteersfeltaoverwhelmingsenseofcompassiontowardsthosethey
soughtto ‘serve’throughpracticalactivitieslikegardenclearance,muralpaintingor
the vitalization of unused common space. As well as providing a ‘contact space’
throughwhichdifferentworldscollidedtheseshort‐termprojectsprovidedtheinitial
chance for these project participants to enact faith in practical and tangible ways
alongside others they had previously had little contact or connection with. This
‘device’provideda ‘potentialbridgebetweenordinaryethics andamoredeliberate
performanceofethicalcitizenshipthroughvolunteering’(Clokeetal,2007,1092) in
othermoremarginal landscapes. In thisway participants (includingmyself as a 16
year old individual ‐see thesis introduction) were exposed to othermoremarginal
landscapeswheresocial‐economicconditionswereoftensharplyincontrasttowhat
these participating individuals and groupswere accustomed (seeDewsbury, 2003).
These‘event‐encounters’andrelationalmomentswereseminalformanyoftheEden
volunteers,asmydialoguebelowwithGraceandFrankillustrates:
Me:Thinkingbacktothefirstfestival,theonethatIwaspersonallyinvolvedin
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with my church youth group, it seems really different from actually being
involved with the day to day of an Eden project. I mean, what I have been
involvedinhereisprettymundanestuff,daytodaystuffthatdoesnothavethe
flashiness or the intensity of one of the festival social actionprojects.Howdo
you remember your involvement in the second festival, Festival Manchester?
HowdoesitfitintoyourownstoryofmovingtoFittonHilltobecomeinvolved
intheEdenprojecthere?
Frank:Well I guesswith theFestivalprojectsyoudidsee immediateeffectsof
communitiesbeingimproved,reallifeEdenismundane,realstuff,soyoudon’t
alwaysseeresults,butI thinkactuallythethingthatInoticedthataffectedme
deeplywasthefeelingofcompassiontowardsthechildrenthatusedtocomeout
andhelpuswiththeprojects.Inthosetoughareas,inGortonweweredigginga
footballpitch,orsomething.Thekidswouldcomeandhelpyouandthatsortof
thing,andtheyjustlookedreallypooranddirtyandnotverywelllookedafter.I
think forme doing those things, those projects, gave you that picture of how
otherpeopleliveandthatcompassionforchildrenthatliveontoughestates.
Grace:Irememberthismumcomingoutofherhouse,andtherewerethesetwo
reallyscruffykidswhohadobviouslybeenoutonthestreetsandformostofthe
day, andwere really dirty, themum came outwith a box of ice lollies for the
workers, theprojectvolunteers, in spiteofall thepoverty therewasa levelof
generositythatIdon’tknow,it justreallystruckme,cosforherthatboxofice
lollieswasprobablyquitea luxuryandyet she cameoutandwasprepared to
share thatwhatmust have beenwas fairly significant for her.Meeting people
wholivedinthosedifferentcircumstancesjustgotintome,itaffectedmefora
whileafter.’
Upon analysis of how these Eden volunteers and staff initially came to termswith
these estate‐spaces and the ‘otherworlds’ they represented it is clear thatmanyof
theseperceptionsandexperiencesgaverisetocolonialviewsoftheseothersinneed
oftheirhelp. While,ontheonehandundertakingthesesocialactionprojects ledto
126
something of a re‐enchantment of a number of different individuals Christian faith,
temporarily providing a device through which they could enter into other worlds,
provoking and encouraging a practical activist response ofwanting to ‘get off your
arse and do something’ (Cloke, 2002, pg 92), it also led to colonial views of estate
‘others’.
Clearly,astheshortextractillustrates,these‘othered’juvenilestrangerspresenteda
‘disturbanceintheorderofbeing’forGrace(Amhed,2000,149).Asanencounterthat
was‘ontologicallyproductiveofdifference’(Amhed,2000,144),orinotherwords,a
interactionthathighlightedhowdifferentGrace’sownexperienceoflivinginanother
partofManchesterhadbeen,theseyoungothersandtheappearanceofthe‘generous
mother’moved and ‘got to’ Grace.While in its description this testimonial piece is
tarnishedwithrepresentationsofthesejuvenile‘others’aslackingcare,dirty,scruffy,
uncared for, being inbuiltwith awholehost of assumptions andqualifications over
theactsofgenerosityofthe‘poormum’,italsoillustrateshowdeeplyaffectedGrace
and Frank were by being in this ‘contact space’. As Grace and Frank temporarily
entered this estate‐space, areas they described as ‘tough’ places, theses encounters
presented them with experiential comparisons, resulting in a rising sense of
compassion for theseotherswhosephysical appearancealonepresented themwith
something‘other’.‘Meetingpeoplewholivedinthosedifferentcircumstances’‘struck’,
‘gotto’and‘affected’them,andasFrankexplained,itpresented‘apicturehowother
people live’. In one sense these accounts reflect thenaivetyor lackof awarenessof
different socio‐economic circumstances facingdifferentpeople inother areasof the
same city in which they lived, but in a hopeful and progressive sense it was what
opened up both Grace and Frank to the every real circumstances facing others
inhabitingthese‘other’neighbourhoodsanditprovedtobeanimportantwaymarkin
theirpersonaljourneyfromcontacttocommitment(seeCloke,2002).Whilethecore
of thistestimonialnarrativespokeofan initialcontactthatwascouchedintermsof
‘usandthem’itplayedakeypartinpromptingGraceandFranktoconsideradeeper
senseofencounterthatwasbuiltaroundasensefortheother(Auge,1998),anethic
thatemergedoutofthemfinallycomingtotermswiththeconvictionthattheyhadto
personally relocate to live alongside these ‘others’ showing solidarity through
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‘makingitaplaceofresidence’(Gutierrez,1988,73).Placingthissomewhatcolonial
encounterwithin thiswiderdevelopmentofFrankandGrace’sbiographicnarrative
gives account of the significance this short term participation played in them
personally choosing to embrace a lifestyle that was open to a ‘recognition of a
vulnerabilitytoalterity’(Shapiro,1999,63)andithighlightshowexperienceslikethe
onegivenintheabovedialogueshapeandinfluenceethicalaction.
Comparingsuchan ‘event‐encounter’with thetheoriesput forwardby JaneBennett
on the crucial nature of personal experience inmotivating ethical behavior (2001),
experiences of encountering the other gained through these short term Christian
social action projects can be seen to have crucial significance in re‐enchanting
everydaylife,resultinginnewandhopefulactionstoandforthesakeofothers.The
encounterswiththeyoungchildrenandmotherontheestatesurprisedanddisturbed
FrankandGrace,andthesemomentarysubjectiveexperiencesofbeingfacedwiththe
‘other’ on the estate stimulated a sense of compassion. Theorising further on this
accountnotonlydoes itprovidearupture,punctuation,ormomentofenchantment
(Bennett,2001)inthewayFrankandGracepreviouslyunderstoodandmadesenseof
estate spaces and those ‘other’ people who inhabited them, but, in resonancewith
someoftheethicalphilosophyofEmmanuelLevinas(seePeperzaketal,1996)sucha
face‐to‐face encounter with the other in this moment is important because of the
actualprimacyofethicsdrawnfromtheimmanentexperienceofsuchanencounter.
This primacy, being phenomenological in nature, is an irreducible relation, hence
potentiallywhy, in representational terms, it is re‐presented in stark language that
rearsitsheadwithcolonialundertonesdemarcatingsignificantdifferences.However,
onexaminationoftheactualexperienceofsucharelationalmomentitmightbebetter
conceived and understood as a privileged phenomenological moment in which the
othersproximityanddistancearebothstronglyfelt inthisencounter,asontheone
handtheimmediacyandimmanenceoftheencounterwasstronglyfeltbybothgrace
andFrank,ontheotherhanditreinforcedtherealityofcontrastsemotionallyfeltin
thiseventencounter.
While in early parts of this chapter I have highlighted the place of evangelistic
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discourseinmotivatinganumberofvolunteers,likePhilandAmanda,tojoinanEden
initiative, thisexample illustrates thatexperiencealsoplaysakeypart inmotivating
these Christian actors to relocate to express their faith incarnationally within the
actualconfinesoftheestate‐space.Notonlywasittheactualexperienceofstepping
intoandencounteringotherworlds,inthiscasetheworldofthedeprivedestate,that
motivated volunteers to sign up to join Eden, but, as illustrated through the earlier
accounts of Grace, Frank and Rachel, it was also the actual experience of what
volunteers felt was missing in their previous church circumstances that motivated
them to seek out a new expression of the Christian faith thatmore explicitly fitted
theirimaginariesofwhatchurchandtheChristianfaithshouldlooklikeinaction.All
of these accounts could be seen as a move to re‐enchant Christianity, a move that
seeks to contemplate and act upon an emerging understanding of how ‘church life’
and a personal place within it is best expressed in the context of contemporary
experience(seeTomlinson,2008).ThismovetoseeChristianityre‐enchantedactually
resonates with some of the earlier discussion of Jane Bennett’s theories of
enchantment,asTomlinson’scaseofhowChristianityisactuallyre‐enchanteddraws
someofitsstrengthfrom‘connectingourChristianfaithwithotheraspectsofourlife
andexperience’(2008,15)6.Tomlinsonalsoaffirms,however,thatsuchare‐chanted
Christianity, put forward as ‘progressive orthodoxy’ (Ibid, 15)must drawupon ‘the
importance of Christianity’s past: of the events and sacred texts that have given it
shapeandformandcontent’(Ibid,21).
DrawingfromChristianity’spast,remainingopenforthispasttobeinterweavedinto
the here and now of personal experience, therefore shaping insight and personal
direction, was also clearly another shaping factor in the joining narratives of
volunteers and staff of theEdenproject. This is illustrated in the accounts ofGrace
who explained how her understanding of theology and prophetic discourse shaped
herdesiretoactandexpresssuchactionwithintheorganizationalsettingofanEden
initiative.
6Thereisalsoaninterestingcrossoverherebetweenthere‐emphasisofthenatureofphenomenologicalexperiencefoundintheworkofBennett(2001)asthereisintheRadicalOrthodoxyscholars.(seeSmith,2005;Milbanketal,1999).
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WhileGrace’sexperienceofparticipating in theshort‐termsocialactionprojectwas
seminalinleadinghertomakethedecisiontojoinEden,thisdecisionwasnotmade
overnight.Insteadtheactualexperienceandethicsthatemergedoutofencountering
others within the context of these marginal landscapes was drawn into a self‐
questioningprocess ofwhatwas the ‘right thing todo’, a process that involvedher
grapplingwith biblical narrative and prophetic discourse. Grace explained that one
part of this process emergedout of theological reflection ofwhatGodwas like and
whathedid,andanotherpartofitemergedoutofwhatshefeltGodhadhistorically
promisedthroughbiblicalprophecy.
‘Afterwewentanddid the festival I guess itwasa six toeightmonthprocess
really,weknewGodwasmovingusontosomethingnewbutwedidnotknow
what, then therewas this daywhen Iwasdriving towork and itwas a really
darkday,reallyblackcloudsintheskyandarainbowandabeamoflight,Iwas
drivingthroughSalfordwherethereisaEdenprojectandIwasjustsinging,you
knowthesong‘allforlovessakebecamepoor’,andthatjustcameacrosstome
in a real sense, you know, and that I really felt likeGodwas saying about the
hearthehadforthepoorandthathewantedustobewiththepoor, leaveour
comfortzonesandouraffluenceandmovein.Ifeltlikehewantedtobethelight
inthis,youknow,thatarea.’
As the quote illustrates, Grace felt a spiritual impulsion that ‘something new’ was
goingtohappenforherandherhusbandFrank,butitwasonlyondeeperreflection
overthenatureofGod,asaGodwhohadaheartfortheoppressed,aGodwhohimself
‘becamepoor’,thatledGracetodeeplyconsider‘leavingcomfortzones’and‘affluence’
to ‘ be with the poor’. Her ethical desire to move in and be in solidarity with the
oppressedwasmademoresignificantbyherreflectionofthenatureandactionofGod
foundinbiblicalnarrative(seealsochapter2).Inthisinstanceshewasremindedof
God’s nature through a Christian worship song and held such understanding up
against the reality of Salford and the existence of an Eden initiative within this
particularlocality.
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Rememberinganother influentialpoint in theirdecisionasa couple to joinanEden
initiativeGracehighlightedtheimportanceofbiblicalprophecyinhelpingcometoa
placeofself‐acceptancethatitiswasindeed‘right’thattheyrelocateandjoinanEden
initiative.GracedetailedtomehowshehadvisitedanotherChristianconferenceand
hadbeengivenaseriesofversesfromtheOldTestamentbookofIsaiah.Sheexplained
thatthesereallystruckachordwithher.Gracereadmetheversethatshehadbeen
given.
‘See,Iamdoinganewthing!Nowitspringsup;doyouperceiveit?Iammaking
awayinthedesertandstreamsinwasteland.’(IsaiahChapter43)
GraceandFrankexplainedtomehow,uponfindingoutabitmoreabouttheethosof
Eden, theMessageTrustand thevisionofAndyHawthorne,bothFrankandGrace
hadbeensurprisedtolearnthatthisversewascentraltotheMessageTrustandthe
Eden projects. Learning this, both Grace and Frank feltmore inspired to consider
joininganEdenteamcertainthattheyweretoplayapartinthis ‘newthing’.Their
hopewasboundupinwantingtosee‘streamsinthewasteland’andgettinginvolved
in a local Eden initiative was a plausible way that they felt this might become
somethingofareality.SimilartothefindingsofGutterman(2005)inhisanalysisof
theplaceofbiblicalnarrativesinshapingChristiansocialmovementsintheUS,this
accountgivenbyGraceshowstheagencyofbiblicalhistoricpropheticnarrative in
shapingcontemporaryaction,bothinthecaseofherowndecisionsandintheway
that theMessageTrustand theEden initiatives storiedand represented theirown
involvement in these socio‐economic areas. Rather than Grace residing and
remaining in a place of complaint, dissatisfied with both her previous church
circumstances and the state of deprivation facing residents on the socio‐economic
margins ofManchester, the personalization of this prophetic discourse opened up
newandalternativepossibilities (Brueggemann,2001;2012;Wallis, 2005). In this
light,asimportantastheactualface‐to‐faceencounterwastoGraceinmovingherto
aplaceofaction, the introductionof thesepropheticbiblicalversesalsoactedasa
catalyst for action; bringing to the fore a hopeful imagination (see Brueggeman,
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1986);placingherowndesiretoact insolidaritywiththepoorwithinthebroader
historical prophetic tradition (see Wallis, 1994), while also enlivening a set of
propheticdiscoursesthat,seenasdangerousmemories,promisesandcriticism(see
Frost, 2006), might help consolidate and pronounce her own emotive feeling and
desiretoputfaithintoactionthroughjoiningoneoftheEdeninitiatives.
ExperiencesofdoingEden:While staff and volunteers of Eden/SA614UK gave many examples of the positive
experiencesthatemergedoutoftheirparticipationintheinitiative,therewereclearly
anumberofpracticalandemotionalhardshipsendured.Inapositivelightmanyofthe
volunteers and staff expressed that their involvement in the initiative firstly,
deepened their Christian faith, secondly, gave them a real sense of purpose and
thirdly,did,astheyhadexpected,givethemincreasedopportunitiestoputfaithinto
action throughvariousactsof servingandcaring forothers in the local community.
However, in many of the biographic narratives, and in my general ethnographic
observationandparticipationintheprojectandchurchcommunity,itwasclearthat
nearlyallthevolunteersandstaff involvedexperiencedanumberofdifferentissues
andfrustrations.
Accounting for these emotional experiences (see Bondi, 2008; Milligan, 2001)
importantlyhelps ‘tocreatemorelivelyandcreativeaccounts’oftheinvolvementof
people in varied dimensions of social action, volunteerism and participation
(Conradson,2003,1989)anditalsogivesspaceforanappreciationofthe ‘everyday
interactions, practices and feelings’ involved in these forms of faith inspired praxis
(Jupp, 2008, 341). Accordingly, taking account of these experiential accounts
definitivelyenricheswhat it isactually like toexpress faith incarnationally insocio‐
economicallydeprivedcommunities.Andinoverarchingterms,makingsenseofthese
accounts deepens an understanding of these geographies in three ways. Firstly, it
deepensanunderstandingastheyhelptoprovideathickaccountoftheactualnature
and dynamics of incarnationally performing faith in these circumstances. Secondly,
they illustrate the faithbasedorganizationalculturewithinwhich,andoutofwhich,
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manyof theseperformances emerge.Thirdly, theyhelp to foreground the everyday
social and cultural context of deprived estatespaces. This importantly ties together
howmanyoftheemotionalgeographies(seeBondietal,2005),emergentfromthese
faith‐fuelledethicalpractices,andenactedandsituatedinplace(seeSmithetal,2010;
Read,2010),areexplicitlylinkedtotheactualnatureofsocio‐economicdeprivationin
theseplaces.Boughttogetherthesethreepointsgiveastrongsenseofhowintensely
timeconsuming,demanding,andattimes,personallyunfulfillingtheactualeveryday
experience of living and ‘doing faith’ through these organizational frameworks in
these places can be. Obviously, linking through to the final section of this chapter,
these experiential accounts provide some of the context as to why a number of
volunteersandstaffhavelefttheproject.
Alwayscaringforothers,whataboutme?
Formanyofthevolunteersthebiggestissuewaspracticallyhavinglittletimetorest,
get some ‘personal space’, or do something other than serve the local community
throughtheinitiative.Infact,shortlybeforeIarrivedtovolunteerontheprojectthe
numberofEdendrop‐inyouthclubshadbeenreducedbyLuketheEdenteamleader
becauseoftherealconcernthattheteamofvolunteerswereoverworkedandinneed
ofa significantpersonaland teamre‐energizing.Duringmyresearch, John, anEden
volunteerandmyhousemateforthedurationofmyplacement,wasreadingabookby
Mark Buchanan book entitled ‘The Rest of God: restoring the soul by restoring the
Sabbath’ (2010).QuestioningPhil on the trials of ‘doingEden’ he articulated that it
wasjustthelackofbalancethatgottohim.
Phil was a third year theology University Student and throughout my time house
sharing and volunteering alongside each other I learnt that John was increasingly
finding itdifficult tobalancekeepingupwithhisstudiesandbeingoutof thehouse
helping to coordinate, on average, three to four services a week. Luke was at
UniversityinthecentreofManchesterandhiscommutefromOldhamtothecentreof
Manchesterbybus ledto tiring longdays.Oncehomeonanearnightlybasis John’s
regular routine revolved around a quick turnaround. He’d quickly put together
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something toeatbeforeheadingoff tounlock theEdenoffice. Inat6pm, theyoung
people’s drop‐in club was soon to start at 7. On more than several occasions Phil
unloadedhisfrustrations.Heexpressedthatattimes‘beingthere’wasjustrelentless,
with little let up. One day I drove John out to a local reservoir on the edge of the
Penninesand,walkingandtalkingtogether,heexpressedthathecouldnotremember
thelasttimeheactuallyleftthelocalneighbourhoodtoenjoyawalk,‘escapeforabit’,
or do something other than attendmeetings, run services, or answer the phone to
someone in the local neighbourhood wanting him ‘to listen to their issues’. ‘Doing
Eden’tookupthemajorityofhistimeandherarelylefttheestateotherthantodoa
grocery shop or attend university lectures. Philn explained that many of his
friendshipsontheestatewerehardwork,heenjoyedthecompanyandthefriendship
butfeltthathewasalwayscaringfor, listening,andbeingattentivetotheparticular
needsandcircumstancesofothers.
Philwouldreceivedailycallsfromanumberofotherlocalresidents,eachonewould
have some request of Phil and each one would want to know if he could help. I
sincerelygotthefeelingthatPhiljustsometimesdidn’thavetheenergytoanswerthe
phone,buthealwaysdid.Philwaspersonallycommittedtoeachofthesepeople,he
would have them round for dinner, show a sincere interest in their concerns and
wouldfollowupwithvariousattemptstosupportthem.Thiswasclearlythecasewith
Phil’sfriendMichael.
Michael had just separated from his wife when Phil invited him to stay for a few
weeks. According to Phil,Michael had various learning difficulties and John quickly
foundhimself being asmuchMichael’s carer ashedidhis friend.Witnessing John’s
supportofanotherlocalresidentitwasclearthatPhilconstantlywenttheextramile,
on more than several occasions he accompanied her to court, organized for the
Salvation Army to give her some second hand furniture, and cleared her heavily
overgrown back garden. Phil’s lifestyle was clearly constructed around rhythms of
serving and supporting others, building in little time for himself. Thiswas also the
caseforAmanda.
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Amandadedicatedeverymomentofherdaytoservingthelocalcommunitythrough
directing Hope Citadel a community interest health company. Amada also was a
motherofthreeyoungboys.Amandaneverleftwork;workwastheestateonwhich
shelived.Therewasnocommuteonwhichtowinddown,therewasnoemotionalor
physical distance from the company. The patients were her neighbours, numerous
churchandEdenvolunteerswereherstaffteam.Itwasthispersonalcontextthatled
Amandatoexpressthatshejustwishedshehadsome‘normalfriends’.Sheexplained
whatshemeanttomeoneeveningoverdinner:
“IlovewhatIdo,Ilovethisestate,andIlovethepeopleI’msurroundedby,I
justneedalevelofnormality.Iprobablywouldnotknowwhatthatlookslike,
butjustfeellikeIneedsomeonetohangoutwith,haveadrinkwith,someone
who is not in need of a health check up or someone who is not one of my
employees.Someoneelse.’
Amandawasnotaloneinexpressingafrustrationthatwhatshefeltwasmissingwas
‘someoneelse’,afriendwhowasnotconnectedtothem,aseitheracolleague,orasa
service user. In many of the accounts this lack of someone was expressed as a
personal feeling of isolation or loneliness. In one individual case, this lack of peer
supportandfriendshipledtoseveralwavesofdepression.
Feelingisolatedandalone
Facingtherealityofnotfeelinglikeshefittedtheambitoftheprojectandconcerned
she was going to spend the rest of her life moving between part time work, Lucy
explainedhowshehadconstantlybattledwithherinitialdecisiontohavemovedonto
theestate.ShefounditextremelyhardtosettleintotheroutineofEden/SA614UK,did
not feel like her skills fitted the project, and was faced with the frustration of not
havingbeengivenaplaceonalocalmedicaldegreecourse:
“Ididall theyouthclubsandstuffanddidnotenjoy it, itwasnotnatural for
me,itwasnotparticularlywhatIwanttodo’
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“IdidtempingforsixmonthswhichwashorrendousandthenIwenttowork
asahealthcareassistantatRochdalewhichismilesaway,anhoureveryday,I
waslikethisiscrap,IhavegotalltheseamazingAlevelresultsandayearlater
IhavestillnotgotauniplaceIamtemping,Iamworkingasaassistantmiles
away,thissucks,laughs,thisislikereallycrap.”
Lucyexplained thatalthoughshewasextremelybusygettingstuck into theproject,
getting to know her surrounding neighbours and volunteering on a number of the
regularprojects,shejustfoundthefirstyearandahalfextremelyhardgoing.Shehad
relocatedwithoutherboyfriendandshefeltestrangedfromfamilyandfriends.Facing
her first winter on the estate Lucydescribed her struggles and the onset of her
depression:
“I really struggled. I felt it was permanent. I had committed for at least five
years, the restof life seemed to justbemovingonwithoutme.Friendswere
gettingstuck intodegreecourses,enjoyingall thatuniversity lifehadtooffer
andhere Iwasquestioningmywholedecision.The firstwinterontheestate
wasreallyreallytough.IwouldgetverydepressedandIwouldcryallthetime,
everywhere. Itdidnotmatterwhere Iwas, Iwouldbe crying,urm, Ididnot
wanttodoanything,Iwasgenerallyquiteangryandjustgottothepointwhere
literallyallIcoulddowassitinthebathandcry,andbelike,Godyouhaveto
do something, like, where are you….I would go home and I would have
ChristmasandIwouldcomebackandbereallyhomesick,andbeevenworse,
fortwoyearsIwasonantidepressants.”
Whereisthework/lifebalance?
Thecommitmentof livingon theestatealso led toothervolunteers facingdifferent
practicaltrials.Heatherindicatedthatforherthepracticalvexationwaslivingdirectly
within catchment. As a local secondary school teacher Heather had no space from
workandshewasimmersedinthelivesofherschoolpupils.Heatherwoulddismiss
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thestudentsatschoolandseemanyofthemminuteslateratthedrop‐inclub.While
thisproximitygaveHeatheraparticularinsightintothedifficultcircumstancesfacing
many of these pupils and it provoked an alternative ethic of care and commitment
between herself and her pupils Heather expressed that it also presented her with
momentswhenlivingandvolunteeringfeltrelentless.‘Alwaysbeingtheteacher’and
‘constantly lookingout for these youngpeople took its toll’. Similarly for Luke, the
Eden staff youth worker, even though like Mel, most of the time he enjoyed being
surround and involved in the lives of the local young people, sometimes the out of
hoursknocksatthehousedoorwerewearing:
“I don’tmind it you know, it’s just sometimes youwanted a break. You’d be
puttingthekidstobed;sittinghavingtenminutescatchingupwithyourwife
andthedoorbellwouldgo.Oneoftheyoungpeoplewouldhavehadabustup
withmumordad;someoneneededtoborrowacoupleofquid,thingslikethat
youknow,theyjustneverceased.’
In some cases putting in these long hours of service was met with the reward of
knowing that the effort put in had been worth it, young people from the estate
displayed their gratitude for the services put on offer and volunteers could see the
tangible difference that one‐to‐one support and friendship made to lives of local
neighbours.
Doesthisactuallymakeanydifference?
Inothercaseshowever,partofthetrialandangstexperiencedwasthatregardlessof
the supportoffered, thehoursof advicegivenor the time spentmentoringayoung
person,somevolunteersfeltextremelydisillusionedwiththeindifference,apathyand
lack of measurable difference their involvement seemed to make. Heather’s own
dismayillustratesthisquitesuccinctly:
‘Whatupsetmewasjustpeoplenotbeingwillingtochangetheirownlifestyle.A
lotofthetimeitisthechoicespeoplehavemadeandtheyknowhowtochange
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andtheyknowhowtogetoutofdebt, andtheyknowwhynottobuychipsor
chilliforteaevery night, but they choose not to change. We give them all
theseopportunitiesandyettheystillfallintothesametrap.Ithinkoftenitisa
choice, but it is really frustrating to watch when you have walked alongside
someoneforallthistime,seenthemgofromstrengthtostrength,andthenthey
just lapse intooldhabits:druguse,badrelationships, stop takinggoodcareof
themselvesandallthat’
Similarly for Kate, employed by the Salvation Army as the local Eden/SA614UK
familiesworker,what emotionally exhausted herwaswitnessing others repeatedly
recommittodestructiverelationshipsandremainindifferenttomakingrepeatedbad
personal choices. Being surrounded by unresolved personal issues and witnessing
people embedded in chaotic life took its toll on Kate. Often feeling unable tomake
senseofifherbeingtherehadledtoanypositivechangeKateexplainedhowsheafter
fiveyearsontheprojectshefoundhomevisitsdeeplyupsetting:
“I think sometimes I get upset or cry or something and I come out of some
housesandtheyaredirtyminging,likeonekidwasbornfivedaysbeforeKiara
was born and I used to go round and see him, there was no heating in the
houseandallhewaswearingwasavestanditwasfreezinganditwasmanky,
drinkingcoldcupsoftea.Youjustdon’tknowhowlongtheyhavebeenthere,
hewasplayingwithalightbulbonthefloor.Tapingitonanashtray.Likeyou
wannasay,likegivehintslike…ohisitnotabitcoldorwhatever.Flippin’heck,
youwannasay,putsomeclothesonyourkid,givehimawash,anddoeshenot
wantsomefood?Hegoesarounddrinkingcoldcupsoftea.Yeah,sosometimes
I find it a bit draining. I have got to someone’s house, and I have probably
knownthefamilynowforlikefiveyearsorso,andyougoroundanditis,like,
stillkindoflikethesame,itisinfuriatingtoseethatitisn’tanydifferent.Like
flippin’heckIamstillseeingthemspend90quidaweekonweedandhaving
theseshittyrelationshipsthatarejustreallydestructiveandhorrible,andyou
are likewhat am I doing? Like I have gone aroundhere for so long and is it
makinganykindadifference,soyeahIthinkitcanbeabitfrustratingandabit
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drainingpersonally,andIthinkitishardcosyoucan’tmeasureanyoutcomes
ofit,likeooohI’vebeenarubbishpersonforfiveyearsanddoyouknowwhatI
mean,whatcanIsay,ohnothing,theyarestillwiththeirboyfriendwhobeats
themupwhatever.”
Jugglingpersonalexpectations
Analysingtheaccountsofothervolunteersitwasclearthatotheremotionalstruggles
emergedfromasubjectivecomingtotermswithpersonalexpectations.Theexamples
presentedaboveofMelandKate,whosefrustrationsreflectedsomethingofthesocial
andeconomicdeprivationofthelocalcommunity,standincontrasttotheemotional
frustrations of other volunteers and staff that reflected something of the subjective
coming to termswith thebroaderorganizational cultureand thediscoursesdriving
engagement. In theseaccountsvolunteersclearlybattled toreconcile theirchanging
personal faith‐motivesforengagementwithboththedifferingfaith‐motivesofother
individuals andwith thewider supporting organizations: TheMessageTrust/Eden‐
networkandtheSalvationArmy.Heretheexperienceofbeingembeddedinthelifeof
theEdenproject and theChurch communitywas emotionally exhaustingbecause it
involved so much personal renegotiation of assumed outcomes, faith‐motives, and
perceptionsofpurpose.
Critically analysing these types of accounts are important in two regards. Firstly,
because it gives weight to the actual influence of the broader organizational
evangelistic discourses explored in the first part of this chapter, upon local Eden
volunteersandstaff.Andsecondly,inreflectionofbalancingthesediscoursesagainst
the actual reality of living and relationally working out faith‐inspired ethics within
theseplaces,criticallymakingsenseoftheseexperientialaccountssupportsthewider
argumentmadeinthischapterthatmanyofthoseinvolvedintheactualperformative
workingoutof faith in these socio‐economicdeprivedplaceswere repeatedly faced
withthedilemmaofwhethertheywerefirstandforemosttheretoserveothersorto
evangelize to others. This second point supports the broader conclusion inherent
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within thischapter that thesubjectivitiesofChristians involved in thisprojectwere
subjecttochangeandcontestation,andthatsuchaconclusionemphasizesthesocio‐
temporal nature of enacting faith incarnationally in socio‐economically deprived
communities.ThisisbestillustratedinthebiographicnarrativesofGraceandFrank.
GraceandFrankhadbeenapartof theSA614churchandcommunityprojects for
justoverfiveyears,Frankwasamusicteacherataschoolinanotherpartofgreater
Manchesterand,havinghadtheirsonJacobwhilelivingontheestate,Gracehadleft
herjobasanursetobeastayathomemum.FrankandGracemadeitcleartomethat
theybothhadparticularexpectationswhentheyfirstarrivedontheestateandthat
thesewereboundupinthewaythatanarrativeoftransformationhadbeendepicted
to them. Grace and Frank had heard Andy Hawthorne speak on several occasions
abouthowChristiansinvolvedinEdenprojectswereseeingmanyyounglocalpeople
fromtheestates ‘cometoChrist’orexpresssomethingofbeingconvertedto follow
the Christian faith for themselves. This particular narrative of transformation
considerably shapedwhat bothGrace andFrank envisaged theywould see happen
duringtheirtimeontheestate,asFrankexplainedtome:
“IthinkthemainthingthatIwentwithwasreallyhighexpectationsofloadsof
kidsbecomingChristians andbecoming changedandall that, ‘cos they are all
thepreachesyouhearAndyHawthornepreachingaboutandtelling”
SimilarlyGrace,hiswife,addedthatshe:
“certainlywantedtogoandseekidsbecomeChristiansandallthatmiraculous
changeandallthosesortofstories,Iwantedtobepartofallthat.”
ForbothFrankandGrace,partofcomingtotermswiththeirinvolvementintheEden
initiativewas a re‐shaping of their expectations and imaginaries ofwhat outcomes
mightresultfromtheirinvolvementintheinitiative.Thisprocessofreshapingcame
asaresultoftheirinvolvementintheactualpraxisoflivingandservingontheestate.
Similar to the example of Phil, given earlier in this chapter, Grace and Frank’s
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understanding of involvement hadmoved from that of ‘missionary’ to that of local
‘neighbour’ (see Thompson, 2012), whereby their actual involvement in these
geographies had sufficiently shaped their theologies and their subjectivities. Both
Grace and Frank explained that while they had experienced several young people
from the estate ‘become Christians’, much of the transformation that they had
witnessedtookonadifferentappearance.Changewassomethingthat they feltwas
gradual and, most of the time, rather ‘un‐miraculous’. Grace explained that ‘the
everyday lifeof livingonEden is sometimesquitedifferent to all those sensational
stories’.This isnottosaythatFrankandGracenolongerhadabeliefthatpersonal
transformationofthisnaturedoesoccur,orthattheyoungpeopletheygottoknow,
spent time with, and shared many common experiences together with, did not
sometimes experience a personal change in understanding that resulted in them
‘becomingaChristian’,itisjustbettertoplacetheirarticulationandunderstandingof
transformationasaprocess that is far lessdramaticandoftendifficult toconfigure
andmatchupagainstorganizational‘wham,bam,conversionstories’.Frank’squote
belowillustratesthispoint:
“while a twominute sermon illustration from Andy Hawthornemight give a
senseofmiraculouschangeovernight,whenyouarethereyourealizethatthe
miraculouschangetakesyears”
Frank explained that ‘You do get those results’ (seeing young people ‘become
Christians’)buttheyarenotquiteasovernight.Whilecomingtoacceptthatthistype
oftransformationisnotasinstantastheyfirstexpected,veryimportantlyGraceand
Frankexpressedthattheyalsonowsawtransformationtobesomethingmuchwider
thananarrativeof‘becomingChristian’.AsthequotefromFrankbeginstoillustrate:
“Welookatitalotmoredifferentlynow,andalthoughwehavehadkidsbecome
Christians, ‘changetheir livesroundandall therestof it’,we lookat itnowas
justbeing there forpeople.Whether theyendedupbecomingChristianornot,
thereare lotsof timeswhenwecansay thatwehelpedourneighbourout.He
wouldcomeandknockonandwewouldhaveacupofteawithhim,orthatsort
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ofthing,ortalkingtopeopleinthestreet,orbuildingrelationshipsandnoteven
themcomingnearachurch,butjustbeingapresenceintheneighbourhoodand
buildingrelationships.”
Frank’sexpectationsofchangetransferredfromanideathatchangewaswrappedup
in a rather black andwhite process of people ‘becomingChristian’ towards an idea
thattheveryactofbeingpresent,available,andfriendly,hadatransformativeimpact.
Rather than being about getting people to church, and reverently adhering to
evangelise,forFrankandGrace,theirinvolvementovertheyearswasreinterpretedin
awaythatextendedbeyondasimplisticideaofconversionandtowardsamuchmore
dialogicalandrelationalaccountcenteredarounddisplayinggoodvirtue,serviceand
sharinglife.ThisisexemplifiedbytwoquotesfromFrank:
‘Sometimes itwas just about trying to behave like you are different and stuff,
settinganexampleandbeingapartofallofthatispositive,wedefinitelyfeltwe
madeasmalldifferenceinthiswaywhilewelivedthere’
‘ Over the years we have had loads of conversations together about how we
measure thewhole successofEden, is it really aboutgettingpeople to church
and that?My fatherwho is alsoaChristianwouldprobably see the successof
Eden to bemeasured like that, but I guess for us, now our expectations have
changed, this has drastically changed too. Success is far more difficult to
measure,butithassomethingtodowithwhatkindofaninfluenceyouareinthe
localareaIguess..’
SpeakingtoFrankandGraceinsomedepthabouthowtheymeasuredthesuccessof
theirinvolvement,bothofthemdrewononeparticularfriendshipthathaddeveloped
duringtheirtimelivingontheestate.Theiraccountofthisparticularfriendshipwith
Lydia,ayoungwomenfromtheestate,highlightshowtheyhadjourneyedfromseeing
success as something solely caught up in people joining them in membership at
church towards a much more relational and less bounded idea of positive
transformation throughsimplygettingalongsideparticularpeople.Thisnarrativeof
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friendshipillustratesquitedefinitivelytheshiftofself‐otherrelationsembodiedinthe
dynamicsofcarethatemergedbetweenGrace,FrankandLydia.Ashiftinrelational
dynamics thathadaneffecton thewaytheybothmadesenseof theirownsenseof
self‐purposeontheestate.
Lydiahadshownaninitialinterestinattendingboththeyouthdrop‐inclubsandthe
overtly Christian cell group, however, as both Frank and Grace got to know her
throughtimeshehadbecomedis‐engagedwithanyofficialprogrammedactivitiesput
onbyEden.WhileFrankandGraceexpressed tome that theywere sureLydiahad
madea‘genuinecommitmenttotheChristianfaithatanearlierstage’,shenolonger
attendedchurchorappearedparticularlyinterestedinbeingapartofanycorporate
expressionoftheChristianfaith.Preferringinsteadtoinformallycatchupwithboth
FrankandGraceeitherattheirhouseoroutandaboutontheestate,Lydiahadstill
developedaclosefriendshipwiththecouple.SheturnedtoGraceandFrankforadvice
andsupportoverdifferentaspectsofherlifeandwouldseekadviceonthedifficulty
she had coping with her turbulent home life, and then in later years, her first
pregnancyasateenager.GraceandFrankdescribeditasjustoneofthose‘Godgiven
opportunities’asLydiahadonedaysentthembothatextsayingthatshewantedto
meet up and chat. Previously Grace and Frank had tried enrolling Lydia onto the
mentoringprogrammethattheyran,butasFrankexplainedtome,Lydiawasrather
disregarding of any type of authority or structure and saw this programme as too
similar to her school experience, and too closely akin to a normative teacher‐pupil
dynamic.DuringFrankandGrace’stimelivingontheestatetheyfeltthatitwasthis
particularfriendshipthatbestexemplifiedsomethingofrelationaltransformationfor
them. Although being a type of transformation that was not the one they had
envisaged, based on their early expectations of involvement in the projects and
corporate church life,GraceexpressedhowLydiahadgrown in confidence,become
farlessargumentativewithhermotherand,withoutGracebeingthatconsciousofit
atthetime,LydiawasapparentlyreallythankfulfortherolemodelsthatbothGrace
andFrankhadbeen in theway that theyhadstarted family lifewith their first son,
Jacob.Lydianowfeltcompelledtobringherownsonupinthesameway;shehadtold
Gracehowwellcared forand loved Jacobappearedtobe,andLydianowexpressed
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howshehadstartedtotakeherson,Theo,tothelocalnursery,sothatlikeJacob,he
wouldbeabletoreadwellandgetthebestchancepossibleinlife.
GraceandFrankmadeitclearthatwhiletheyfeltextremelyprivilegedtohaveshared
andlearntsomuchthroughtheirfriendshipwithLydia,theprocessofrenegotiating
how and why to engage with Lydia had been frustrating, both personally and
corporately. Personally Frankdescribed ‘doingEden’ as something of ‘an emotional
rollercoaster, deeply getting you to question the purpose in being there’, and
corporatelyitwasclearfromGraceandFrankthattherebiggestfrustrationwasthe
battletoreconciletherecastingoftheirownmotivations,perceptionsandoutcomes
againstthoseofothervolunteerswho,incontrastandconflict,didnothavethesame
reconfigurationofconvictions.
Thislifestylehasitsconsequenceselsewhere:
SimilartotheresearchofSmithetal(2010)thenarratedexperiencesofvolunteering
onEdenreflectedaconfigurationofissuesthatrelatedto‘otherpeopleandspacesin
andbeyond theactualdirect contextof voluntaryactivity’ (pg263).Thebiographic
narratives illustrated thatwhilemanyof theexperiencesweresituated inplace, the
excessivenatureofvolunteeringasconnectedandlinkedtowidernetworks,practices
andpeoplemeantthatthedynamicandinterconnectednatureofthesefaith‐practices
were ‘entangledwith individual life‐courseevents,socialnetworks, family life,work
life, and more’ (Ibid, pg 261). These ‘entanglements’ clearly produced various
hardships.Reconcilingapersonalcommitmenttotheestatewiththeexpectationsof
friends,familyandpotentialfutureemployersclearlyhaditstensions.ForPhilthese
broaderconcernsandexpectationsweretiedupinhisrelationshipwithhisgirlfriend,
whileforGareth,theprojectleader,hisconcernwaswhether,ifhedidonedayleave
the project, he would have anything recognizable to offer to non‐faithbased, non‐
charitable,employers.
Phil explained that forhim thepersonal strainwas thathisgirlfrienddidn’t ‘get it’.
Philhadhopesofgettingmarriedandwasveryconsciousthathisgirlfrienddidnot
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have the conviction or the desire to join him inwhat he did. ‘Living in this type of
communitywas not an option for her’ and Phil expressed that having different life
ambitionsresultedin ‘seriousfractures’.Philexplainedthatwhatshewanted ‘wasa
niceleafysuburbwithanactivesociallife,agoodjobandbigchurch’;alifestylethat
wasanextremecontrasttotheonePhilhadcarvedoutforhimself,livingin,serving
and supporting the immediate community to which he felt a faith‐led desire to
commit, and towhich he had become so personally attached. Reflecting a different
tensionGareth’sanxietywasoverwhetherhavingnotpursueda‘normalcareerpath
before’ he would have anything to offer future employers. Since leaving university
afterhisundergraduatedegreeGarethhadspenthismidtwentiesandearly thirties
devoted toestatecommunitiesandhis concernwaswhether thiswould in factgive
himmuchcredibilitytoemployersinthefuture.Garethalsohadotherexpectationsto
liveupto.
Organisationalexpectations:
FundedbytheSalvationArmy,alargepartofGareth’sfrustrationculminatedaround
thelackofcohesionbetweenwhathewastryingtoachievethroughthe614UK/Eden
local initiative and what the Salvation Armymore widely expected of him and his
teamofstaffandvolunteers.GarethwasaccountabletotheDivisionalSalvationArmy
headquarters (DHQ) as to howhe spent the budget, towhat he dedicated staff and
volunteers’timeandtowhatheenvisionedwouldbetheoutcomeofthelocalchurch
plant and community projects. Attending several of the accountability meetings
between Gareth and DHQ it was clear that these ‘reporting back’ sessions often
infuriatedGareth.WhatwasclearfromthesemeetingswasthatGarethwasroutinely
under scrutiny about the number of people who regularly attended the Sunday
service.Adiscourserepeatedlyemergedthattalliedupfinancialexpenditureagainst
church attendance. The governance of the project by the Salvation Army, although
havingverylittledirectimpactonwhatwasallowedtooccur,putpressureonGareth
togiveanaccountofwhyattendancenumberswerefallingandwhatcouldbedoneto
seethischange.Garethrepeatedlyfoundthisveryfrustrating,suggestingthattheDHQ
didnottrulyunderstandthenatureofhisendeavors.Garethmadeitcleartomethat
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‘numbers and bums on seats’ was not his priority; rather; he avidlywanted to see
lastingchangeontheestate.‘Havingtorepeatedlygiveanaccountforwhythechurch
wasnotgrowingwasadistraction’fromwhatheenvisagedtobetherealissuesand
direction he wanted the faith community to remain focused on: ‘getting alongside
others inthe localcommunity,participating inpositivechangethatworkedtowards
social justice and creating real and integral relationships with others in the
neighbourhood.’
In her work as the paid Eden/SA614UK family support worker Kelly also felt the
pressureofsometimeshavingtoputnumbersbeforeimpact.InterviewingKellyabout
the pressures and frustrations she faced, it was clear that she felt some of the
organizational pressure facing Gareth was redirected onto her and her role in
engaging with families on the estate. Kelly felt uncomfortable being put under
pressure to invite a greater number of local families to church social events in the
summer,awarethatmanyofthemwouldnotrespondpositivelytoherfollow‐up,as
thisquoteillustrates:
“Garethislike,‘oh,weneedtogoroundandsaywearedoingatrip,goround
theirhouses’,butthenIfeelweird‘cos,sayyouhavemetwiththispersononce
nowandtheyhaveput therenamedownandtheyhavecomealong,butyou
know,theyare like ‘Ihavecomeonyourtrip itwasreallynicethankyoufor
theopportunity,Ienjoyedtalkingtoyouontheday,butwhyareyoutryingto
pushit?ComingintomyhouseIjustdon’tgetit,Idon’twantyouasmyfriend,
I don’t really need you for anything’, and yeah, I am just like, some people
aren’tgoingtoengagewithusmorethanbycomingonasummertripandthat
isok,itsjustthepressurehavingtofollowthemupafterwardsthatgetstome.”
ThisledKellytofeelthatattimesshewasbeingintrusiveandthatherpersistencein
following up some families would result in annoyance and disaffection as she
explained:
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“Some households round here are quite fine as they are they don’t want
anybody interfering,or somestrangenosypersoncomingaround forabrew
onceaweektotalktothem”
Weighingupherownpriorities and commitments against thoseof theorganisation
producedvariousanxietieswithinKelly.Shebegantoquestionwhetherherprevious
attempts at befriending and supporting families that had come so naturally to her
wouldbeseenasunproductive,labeledas‘skiving’withlittleornooutcomestoshow
foritasaresult.Shebecameconcernedthattheinformalneighbourlysupportshehad
previouslyofferedof ‘headingroundhavingbrews’, ‘listeningtofamiliesthatnoone
elseseemstolistento’,wouldbeconsideredasinadequate.AsaresultKellyfeltunder
pressuretocreatesomekindoftangibleprojectorservicewithlocalfamilies.
Movingon/Burningout
WhenIfirstmovedontoFittonHillasavolunteerforEden,FrankandGracewerein
the final stages of arranging to leave the Salvation Army 614UK church and Eden
youthproject.TheyhaddecideditwastimetorelocatetoanotherpartofManchester.
ItwasobviousthatthiswasatopicofdisappointmentamongotherEdenvolunteers
andStaff.Theywereahighlyvaluedpartoftheteamandthereinputwouldbesorely
missed.Amongthegrouphowever,Inoticedthatdifferentvolunteersandstaffwere
questioning why they felt it was right to return to a ‘more middle class’ part of
Manchester.Conductingatelephone interviewwithbothGraceandFrankoncethey
hadrelocatedIwasinterestedtoheartheirversionofwhytheyfelttheneedtoleave
Eden.
GraceandFrankexpressed tome that fundamentally theyhad left ‘Eden’because it
wasanappropriate time toquestion: ‘whatandwherenext’.With their son Jacoba
fewyearsolder,andwithonlyasmallhouseontheestate,theywerepromptedtoask
whethertheyshouldcommitthemselvestoanotherfiveyears,orconsidersomething
different. Grace wanted a larger family and so if they were not going to move
somewhereelsetheywouldhavetofindanotherhouseontheestate.GraceandFrank
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alsohadschoolstoconsider.Theyexplainedthatwhiletheydidnotruleoutthelocal
primaryschoolstheydidholdconcernsoverthequalityofthem.Theyalsoarticulated
thatwhiletheyhadmadethelifestylechoicetomoveontotheestate,theydidnotfeel
that they couldmake the decision about what shaped their son’s life so flippantly.
Although their decisionwas prompted by these personal changes in circumstances,
bothGraceandFrankmade itcleartomethat therewereseveralaspectsaboutthe
communityprojectsandthechurchthatdeeplymadethemquestionhowsustainable
itwasthat theyremainedontheestate, involved in thechurch in thewaythat they
were.GraceandFrankexplainedthattheredecisiontoleavehadbeenconfirmedby
thesevariousworriesabouthowlikelyitwasfortheprojectandchurchtocontinue
under its currentmodusoperandi.Manyof these concerns related to theemotional
and physical hardships I outline in the previous section, and Grace and Frank
explainedthat,nolongerfeelingabletopersonallyendurethesetensionsandpoints
ofconflictformuchlonger,feelingexhaustedandfrustrated,theyfeltitwastheright
time for them to move on as a family. There were two main themes that clearly
emergedfromtheirarticulationofwhytheyfeltburnt‐outandreadytoleave.Firstly,
they felt there were a number of unresolved tensions in the faith community, and
secondly,theyfeltliketheylackedvariouselementsofpersonalsupport.
GraceandFrankweresurprisedthatwhatcausedthemtoquestionleavingtheproject
wasactuallytheinternaldynamicsofthefaithcommunityandnotthelevelofexternal
antagonism they thought theywould face fromothers in thewider neighbourhood.
They had heard a number of ‘scare stories’ from other Eden initiatives of the
emotional heartache of being the victim of crime and of targeted abuse, and yet in
their own situation they were faced with very different issues. Rather than
discovering that there primary issue was being faced with some of the social and
cultural difficulties of the estate, quite contrastingly, they experienced that itwas a
fundamentalsplit intheteamofvolunteersandstaffthatcausedthemostproblems
forthem:
“Wethoughtbeforewemoved(ontotheestate)thatitwouldbethetoughkids,
you know, giving you abuse. Egging yourwindows, breaking into your car, all
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thatstuffthatyouhearabout,stuffthatwouldbedifficulttolivewithanddeal
with.Butactually,whenthekidsrealizethatyouarehelpingthemout,theyare
actually fairly pleasant, well most of them. You get the odd one or two who
constantly play up, and fortunatelywe never had our car broken into, or our
windows egged, and other than a few isolated incidences it wasn’t perhaps a
difficulty.Instead,actually,thethingthatwefounddifficultwasworkinginthe
teambecausetherewasalwaysabigdividereally.”
Frank andGrace’s explanation for this divide in the team centered around theway
thatdifferentmembersoftheteamheldverydifferentopinionsastohowtheyshould
allactasChristiansontheestate.Inotherwords,itwastheactualdifferingpoeticsof
performing the Christian faith that created a politics difficult to negotiate amongst
themselves. Disagreement appeared to exist amongst the group and, as Frank
explainedtome,thecauseforcontentionwasoften, inhisopinion,downtothefact
thatdifferentmembersofthegroupfeltthatitwasbestthey‘getoutthere’,meaning,
that they focus almost exclusively on telling people about the Christian message
rather thanbeing theChristianmessage throughactsofservice. This,heunpacked,
wassomethingheprogressively felthebecameuneasywith.Others inthegroup,as
explained,seemedtowantto‘ramit(theChristianmessage)downpeoplesthroatsin
away’.FrankandGracesharedwithmethattherewasanelementofarroganceand
questionable morality to this approach, which, on several occasions resulted in
tensionneedingtobediffused,asothervoluntarymembersofthegroupappearedto
wanttoactonthemandatethat,regardlessof‘theirsocialissuesoranythingelselike
that,youjustneedtotellthemaboutJesusandgetthemtobecomeChristiansandall
that’.
The nexus between the discourse of being ‘there to serve’ and being ‘there to
evangelise’,asthisaccountshows,clearlybecameacrucialareaofconflictanddivide,
and the fact that these conflicts led to a split in the teamreflects theweightof this
service/evangelism debate within these localized faith‐based landscapes of what it
means to ‘do church’,provide localized services, community supportandcare.With
different actors holding different subject positions on thismatter, andwith certain
volunteers clearly facing emergent, formulated from‐and‐through‐praxis shifts in
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opinion ‐as illustrated earlier in the chapter with the example of Phil, Grace and
Frank‐ the continual re‐questioning of intentions, and the lack of agreement it
producedintheteam,wastheprimarysignificantfactorinleadingtoFrankandGrace
questioningwhethertheycouldrecommitforafurtherfiveyears.Thisburnoutfactor
emphasizes firstly, that different Christians involved in the project had competing
imaginaries and expectations, shaped and changed through place based local
involvement, and secondly, that such a point of conflict was so significant in the
everydaymakeupofthedebatesandconcernsdiscursivelyresonatedthroughoutthe
initiative.
Analysisof the second factor that influencedGraceandFranksdecision tomoveon
illustratesthatalargepartofthefrustrationoftakingpartinthistypeofexpressionof
churchisconfoundedintheexperienceoffeelingoutonthemargins,lackingsupport
from wider church networks and feeling personally under resourced in terms of
theological teaching and pastoral care. These experiences vivify the point that
contained within the ethos and driving force of this expression of church and the
projects that emerged out of it is primarily the concern of those in the local
neighbourhood who present the most need. Therefore, while various efforts were
madetosupport,encourageanddeveloptheteamofvolunteersandstaff,theburnout
testifiedbyGraceandFrankisindicativethatasawholetheproject’smandatetobe
thereformarginalothers inthecommunitytook its tollonthoseseekingto liveout
theirfaithtoandforthesakeoftheseothers.
In thesecondsectionof thischapter IdrewontheaccountsofLucyandAmandato
illustrate that part of the personal frustration involved in expressing solidarity in
intentionallylivingalongsidemarginalotherswaselucidatedinfeelingsofloneliness.
InthecaseofGraceandFrankitappearsthatthesesimilarfeelingsoflackingsupport
andbeingcutofffrom,broadlyspeaking,more‘normal’churchnetworksandcircles
of support, inwhich their ownpastoral and teaching needswere better dealtwith,
wasaninfluentialfactorinthemseekingtoreturntotheiroriginal‘home’church.
WhenGraceandFrankhadfirstmovedtotheestatetheyhadcontinuedtoattenda
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midweekbiblicaldiscussiongroupwithagroupof friends fromtheiroldchurch in
Stockport, butwhen their son Jacob had been born they had had to stop attending
thesemeetings.GraceexplainedthatwhattheylackedwhilstbeinginvolvedinEden
wasagooddegreeofbiblical teachingandsupport fromotherChristians theirown
age. Initally, Frank explained, that still having a supportive network in Stockport
meantthattheycouldreceivetheextraChristianteachingandcounselthattheyfelt
theylackedlivingandgatheringwithotherChristiansontheestateunderthebanner
of the 614uk church . As the mandate of Eden and the 614UK church plant was
explicitlyaboutothersinthecommunity,Grace,Frank,andmanyothersfeltthatthere
wasnotenoughattentiontotheirownspiritualandsocialdevelopmentasvolunteers
on the Eden project. Grace explained that she just felt ‘ dried up and neededmore
teaching,asconstantlygivingoutstuffwithoutreceivinghadnolongerbecomevery
sustainable.’ForGrace,beinginvolvedinEdenandconstantlyfocusingonthelivesof
othershadresultedinherownmotivatingforce,herChristianfaith,becomingrather
dilapidated.Muchoftheoriginalpassionanddrivethathadfirstmotivatedhertojoin
Eden had slowly faded through a lack of opportunities to be offered support from
otherChristians.ForFrankapartoftheissuewasthatEdenwasinherentlyfocused
onyoungpeopleashedescribed:
“Sundayswerealmostexclusivelyorientatedtowardstheyouthfromtheestate
and therewas little realdepthof teaching for thoseofuswhohelped support
andkeepthethingafloat.”
As the quote illustrates, for Frank, maintaining the role of ‘keeping things afloat’,
which in his case often meant organising the worship music, helping to make the
communal lunch for everyone, or running an activity for the young people who
attended, combinedwith the focus of the biblical teaching being at the level of the
young people present meant that Frank rarely felt refueled and reenergized in his
Christianfaiththroughthesemeetings.Heather,whowasalsosoontobeleavingthe
projectinsearchofanewchallengeinUganda,expressedsimilarconcerns:
“Alotofusarereallyfrustratedwithchurchatthemoment,andwhereitis,and
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ourowndiscipleship I suppose, fromapersonalpoint of viewwe feel likewe
havebeenlefttogetonwithitreally,whichaftereightyearstakesitstoll,you
can do that for a few years but after a while you actually need something
yourself, they are reviewing that now and that is something that they are
workingon,wehadameetingaboutamonthagoand in the first time inages
everyonewasjustreallyhonest,‘likethisdoesnotwork’and‘thisisrubbish’and
‘we feel like Sundaymeetings are awaste of time and stuff’ andwe chatted it
throughandprayedforeachotherandstuff.’
FromtheabovequoteitisclearthatHeather’sconcernswerelargelycenteredaround
being given little support over the years. Always actively serving and focusing on
others had taken its toll onHeather and, as she exclaimed, she needed someone to
nowinput ‘something’ intoher.This ‘something’ inthecaseofGraceandFrankwas
expressed as greaterdepthof Christian teaching and a solidarity in fellowshipwith
otherswhounderstoodthedifferentstrugglestheyfacedastheyattemptedtoliveout
their faith on the estate,while, in similar accord, forHeather itwas about her own
‘discipleship’,orlackofgrowthinherChristianfaiththatappearedtofrustrateherso
much. Constantly putting effort into arranging a churchmeeting in the local school
hall felt ‘pointless’. Especially as Heather explained the team had experienced the
frustrationofseeingnumbersinattendancedropsodrastically:
Wehave seen a lot of people come to church andmakedecisions (‘tobecome
Christians’),orlikegetreallyinvolvedandthentheyjustweren’tinterested,or
noteven that, theywould justcompletelyreject itoutright. About threeyears
ago, four years ago, our churchwas about 80 people and now there is just a
coupleofkeypeopleleftfromtheestateandthevolunteersandstaffthatmoved
intothearea.Thathasbeenquitefrustrating!’
This quote from Heather illustrates that a major part of her frustration with the
progressofthechurchwasthataftereightyearsofcommitmenttotheestateandwith
somanyfriendshipshavingbeendeveloped,herexpectationsofwhatdidhappenand
whatsheexpectedshouldhavehappenedwerecompletely ill‐matched.Heatherhad
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experiencedthechurchattendanceratesfallfrom80peopleafteracoupleofyearsof
movingontotheestatetolessthat20.WhatappearedtofrustrateHeatherthemost
clearlyaboutthiswasthatthetypeofrelationalresponseshehadexpectedtooccur
had not sufficiently materialized. Linking this back to some of the frustrations I
explored in the last section,with the example of the development of the friendship
between Grace and Frank and Lydia, similarly for Heather the indifference people
showedtowardsattendingchurchandtheexperienceofhavingtowitnessnewfound
friends repeatedly make what Heather saw as ‘bad personal decisions’ led to her
feelingdisillusionedanddisappointed.
Heatherexpressedtomethatalthoughshefeltburntout,shedidnotleavetheestate
becauseofthesefrustrations.Sheexplainedthatshefeltitwastherighttimeforher
toleavethechurchandlocalcommunityashercontractatthelocalsecondaryschool
hadcometoanend.Reflectingonhertimespentlivingontheestate,volunteeringon
Eden and helping to run the 614UK church Heather was actually surprised at the
amount of positive and unexpected transformations that had taken place on the
estate. Heather expressed that she never could have imagined the direction certain
positive progressive changes took. Heather was overwhelmed with how certain
membersoftheincarnationalChristiancommunityhadbeensoinfluentialinsetting
upthenewhealthsurgeryontheestate(seechapter5)andshewassurprisedbythe
influence being a part of running the Anew education programme had on certain
youngpeopleontheestate.However,Heatherfeltitwastimetoleavetheestateafter
being involved in the Eden community for eight years because as her contractwas
ending at the local secondary school shewould no longer have a vocation through
which to serve the local area. Heather explained that for her, working in the local
secondaryschoolwasthebestwayshecouldparticipateinlocalcommunityandher
job as a Humanities teacher provided an opportunity for her to actively put her
passionforthe localyoungpeople intopractice(seechapter5).Herschool jobgave
heradevice throughwhich toactoutherChristian faithandshe felt thatshecould
activelymake a difference in this setting. Having visited Rwanda during a summer
break a few years earlier, Heather shared with me how when her job contract
unexpectedly came to an end at the local secondary school she felt it was time to
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consider a ‘new adventure’, this, she expressed, manifested itself in the offer of
moving toRwanda to continue toworkwithdeprivedcommunities, albeit inavery
different development context, as an education and youth officerwith the Anglican
churchinsouthernRwanda.
Moving to Rwanda presented itself as the next step through which Heather could
expressherfaithinaction.Heatherhadsecuredajobasaregionaldiocesanteacher
trainer for the Anglican Church in Rwanda and this opportunity presented itself as
Heathers next opportunity throughwhich she could put her skills as a teacher into
actionalongsidepeoplefacingdifficultsocio‐economiccircumstances.
Section2Concludingremarks
In this chapter I have argued that incarnational geographies and the faith‐inspired
praxis of ‘living amongst’ must be considered as a socio‐temporal landscape. This
argumentsignificantlydevelopsthecentralnotionofthisthesisbecauseitdevelopsa
re‐readingof these landscapes that isattentive to theirdynamicity. Insteadofbeing
read as simply spaces of proselytisation (see Woods, 2012) or self‐betterment
(Allahyari,2000)theattentionofthischaptertowardshowincarnationalgeographies
are shaped in and through praxis highlights how important it is to understand the
complexityoftheirevolutionovertime.Thishelpstorevealthenuancesinthefaith‐
inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’ both in the ethos of the organisation and in the
subjectiviesofthoseimplicatingitontheground.
WhileIpreviouslydrewoutsomeinitialconclusionsattheendofthefirstpartofthis
chapteritisimportanttoreiteratethecontributionofthisorganizationalanalysisto
both the themeof this chapter and theoverall thesis.At anorganizational level the
firstpartofthischapterarguedthattheinitialadoptionofan‘incarnationalapproach’
was first and foremost a way of evangelising to young people in deprived areas.
However,trackingthedevelopmentoftheMessageTrustandtheEden‐networkasit
adopted an ‘incarnational’ approach and repeated the ‘Edenmodel’ in other socio‐
economically deprived areas of Manchester, I traced how the ethos behind being
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‘incarnational’hasevolved fromapurelyevangelisticoutlook toone that includesa
focuson local communitydevelopment, serviceandempowerment.Thesignificance
of this analysis is that it illustrates how the purpose and rationale for adopting an
‘incarnational’approachatanorganizationallevelhasdevelopedandshifted.
Examining the biographic accounts of various volunteers and staff involved in one
localEdeninitiativethisanalysishasrevealedhow‘livingamongst’hasreshapedthe
subjectivitiesofthoseembracingthepraxisof‘livingamongst’.Ratherthanbeingread
and understood as spaces of proselytism (see Woods, 2012) or spaces of self‐
betterment (Allahyari, 2000) the conclusion that canbedrawn from thebiographic
analysis of staff and volunteers is that these geographiesmust be understood as a
complex and nuanced mix of self‐orientated and other‐orientated practices that
develop and evolve through proximate participation. This conclusion arises from
threemajorfindingsinthischapter.
The first is that staff andvolunteerswhoembraced ‘livingamongst’notonlydid so
with the intent to ‘share faith’butalso insearchofmore ‘radical’ formsofpersonal
faith‐activism. While many of the volunteers and staff were motivated to embrace
‘livingamongst’outofapersonaldesiretosharefaithandevangelise,theanalysisalso
revealedhowEdenandits ‘incarnational’approachcouldalsobeconceivedofasan
organisational ‘device’throughwhichfaith‐activismcouldbeenacted(Barnettetal ,
2005).Inmanycasesadoptingthisproximateandhabitualwayofrelatingtomarginal
others often led to a re‐enchantment of former individualistic personal
understandingsoftheChristianfaiththatwerereconfiguredaroundsomethingmore
communal,workedoutinplaceandwithothersovertime.
The second is that theproximateandparticipatorynatureof ‘livingamongst’ led to
the reconfiguration of both motive and ways of relating. Examining the personal
encounters between Christian‐self and neighbourly‐other illustrated how these
proximateencounterswereformativeindevelopingnotionsofcareandresponsibility
toandfortheseoften ‘forgottenplaces’andmarginalizedpeople(Thompson,2010).
Theseencountersandrelationshipsactedasa formofexposure toalterityandthey
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encourageda senseofproximate care that emerged froma sense for theother that
was‘emotional,connectedandcommitted’(Cloke,2002,594).Whileinitiallysomeof
theseencounterswith ‘others’wererepletewith imbalancesofpower Iargued that
through a time‐enriched proximate understanding of the worlds and lives of these
‘others’ thesedynamicsweredenconstructedand reconstructedaroundmoreequal
arrangements of power and mutual friendship. Similarly, motivations to serve and
care for others were reconfigured as relationships deepened. Whereas initial
dynamicsofcarewereimbuedwithevangelicaldiscourses,wherecarefortheother
wasseenasameansofsharingfaith,intimetheseshiftedtobereconfiguredaround
anethicofcarethatcentredonservingothersintheircurrentcircumstance.
Thethirdisthattheactualexperienceof ‘livingamongst’wasimbuedwithpractical
and emotional hardships. These experiences indicate the complex and often
multifacetednatureof ‘livingamongst’, inmanycasesbeingovertlyother‐orientated
yet in otherways continuing to be self‐orientated. For example, the experiences of
neverhavingtimeforoneselforstrugglingwithawork/lifebalanceontheonehand
testifiedofrepeated‘reasonedorinstinctivereachingoutbeyondself‐interest’(Cloke
et al, 2005, 387). While on the other hand, for example, the expectations and
frustrations facing volunteers and staff overhow local residents responded to their
faithwereindicativeofthestillsometimesself‐orientatednaturesofthesepractices.
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Chapter5:Incarnationalgeographiesasethicallandscapes?
(Allnamesinthischapterhavebeenchangedtoensureanonymity)
In the previous chapter I argued that ‘incarnational geographies’ could be re‐read
through a socio‐temporal lens. In this fifth chapter I extend the argument that the
faith‐inspiredpraxiscanbere‐readbyanalysingthetypesofcommunityengagement
that emerge from the faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’. The re‐reading this
chapterpresentsisonethatreliesuponanacknowledgementofthediversityofhow
and why these Christians involve themselves in the local community. This
involvement stretches across and beyond both public and voluntary welfare
provision.Undertakingacriticalexaminationof thesedifferentareasofengagement
answers how, through praxis, ‘incarnational geographies’ could be considered and
conceivedasco‐constitutiveofethicallandscapes.
Thischapterhasthreedistinctsections.Drawinguponethnographicobservationand
interviews in the first section I critically examine aweeklydrop‐in space for young
people started and run by Eden/SA614UK staff and volunteers. I argue that in
pluggingagapinprovisionwhathasperformativelyemergedisanimportantspaceof
hospitalityandcareontheestate.InthesecondsectionIexaminetheparticipationof
Eden/SA614UK staff and volunteers in the public sector both in the start up of a
healthcentreandinvolunteeringatthelocalsecondaryschool.Whatisclearinboth
of these two ventures is that the faith‐inspiredpraxis of ‘living amongst’ led to key
actors acting upon insight and frustrations to initiate new services for the local
community.Key to thissection isanexaminationofhowtheir involvement in these
twoarmsof thepublicsector leads toanegotiationandresistanceofneoliberalism.
This section also argues that the particularway that faith is and isn’t performed in
these public arenas is significant in the emergence of progressive postsecular
partnerships (see Beaumont and Baker, 2011). The third section examines the
involvement of Eden/614UK staff and volunteers beyond the remit of organized
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publicandvoluntarywelfareprovision.InthissectionIfocusonbothaweeklygroup
organized for local young people interested in the Christian faith and neighbourly
relations between Christian‐self and other. In the case of the first part I critically
examine how evangelism is performed and I explore how the encouragement of
citizenryrelationsisalsoakeyfacetwhileinthecriticalexaminationofneighbourly
relationsIexplorethemotivations,dynamicsandparticularactsofcarethatemerge
fromspecificneighbourlyrelationsandconsiderhowinsomecasesthesefriendships
leadtothere‐shapingChristianselves.
Section1:PluggingthegapandcreatingaspaceofhospitalityThis first section critically examines how a gap in the local youth service provision
was filled as a result of Eden/614UK staff ‘living amongst’. By focusing on the
performative actions, or ‘doings’, of organizational space (see Conradson, 2003), I
argue that the nature of interrelations between Eden staff, volunteers and young
people creates a caring spaceof hospitality andwelcomeon the estate.Thismicro‐
publicspaceofencounterplaysanimportantroleincreatingspacesoftransformation
ontheestateasbothlocalyoungpeopleandEdenvolunteersandstaffcoalesceinthis
context (see Amin, 2002; Sandercock, 2003). Triangulating together my own
ethnographic observations, the experiencesof youngpeoplewhoattended the club,
and a number of statutory agencies who partner with the Eden drop‐in club I
illustrate how the responsive and intersubjective nature of this drop‐in space
performativelybought intobeingaspacethatwas imbuedwithasenseofwelcome,
careandhospitality.
Dropinclubs:anethnographicintervention
Theweekly Eden drop‐in clubs for young people started as a response to a gap in
governmentprovision.Thelocalstatutoryyouthclubisonlysituatedahundredyards
from the small Eden offices but historically it has not catered for young people
between the ages of 11‐14. In an attempt to provide an open and friendly space
where young people of this age can come and relax with friends, Eden/Sa614UK
decidedtorunaneveningdrop‐inyouthcafé.Initiallythesessionswereruntwicea
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week,butwithalltheothercommitmentsandfatiguefacingEdenvolunteersandstaff
(seechapter4),whenIjoinedasavolunteerthishadbeenreducedtoaonceaweek
initiative.ForthedurationofmyplacementIhelpedstaffwiththisdropincaféasa
regular volunteer. An extract from my research journal illustrates the general
structureofthesession:
Diaryextract:Edendropinclub
‘OnceaweekthesmallEdenofficesaretransformed.Theusualroundofdailyphone
calls, team meetings, funding bids, prayer meetings and mentoring sessions are
replacedbythenoiseandhubbubofyoungpeoplefillingthespace, interactingwith
staffandvolunteers.ImmediatelyafterworkEdenvolunteersjointhestaffmembers‐
Gareth andLuke‐ and the space is quickly transformed in anticipationof the young
people arriving. Thepool table is loadedwith balls and the cues are stacked in the
stand. Volunteers, as if without hardly thinking, unlock cupboards and set out the
NintendoWii and electronic drum kit. Several Playstations are plugged in and the
kettleisfilledup.Someoneseemstousuallypoptotheshopandreturnswithacouple
of loavesofwhitebread. Ihavealreadybecomeprettyaccustomedto thismundane
routine,however,oncethedoorsareopened,everythingquicklychanges.
Laughter, raised voices, a dramatic increase in bothpitch and volume. A play fight
oftenensuesonthesofasandavolunteertakesanorderfor‘brews’andtoast.Abrief
moment of collective calm is orchestratedmoments earlier as staff and volunteers
gather to pray: Gareth asks some one to say a brief prayer. Routine dictates that
nearlyalwaystheprayercontainthephrases:‘Godwepraythattheyoungpeoplewill
havefunthisevening’;‘mayyourspiritbewithus’,or,‘wepraythattheyoungpeople
sense something of you here’. The odd relational disagreement between individual
youngpeopleissometimesboughttoprayer.Prettysoonprayersarequicklyrounded
up as oneof the youngpeople repeatedly knockson thedoor shouting tobe let in.
Without a doubt there is a rush for the pool table, the Playstation and the Wii.
Volunteers mingle. The usual replies, ‘it was crap’, ‘can’t remember’, and ‘boring’,
comefromtheyoungpeoplewhenaskedabouttheirdayatschool.Anumberofyoung
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people begin a heated mock debate with Hannah, an Eden volunteer and local
secondaryschoolteacher.Theoutcomeoftheconversationwasundecided:somefelt
Humanitieswasadullsubject;others loved it.Ayoungpersonwassenttotheshop
forathirdloafofbread.Ondryeveningsagroupofladsplayoutsideontheirbikes,or
agroupistakenovertothefootballpitchtoplayafriendlygameoffive‐a‐side.Athalf
eight someone collects the feedback folder and a quick summary of the evenings
eventsiswrittendownbeforesetdown.’
‘Doingcare’:performinghospitality
It is clear from this ethnographic account that the drop‐in clubwas defined by the
relational interaction between young people, staff and volunteers. In this sense the
space of the drop‐in clubwas constructed intersubjectively (Raghuram et al, 2009)
and faith was ‘demonstrated’ through performances of care (Thompson, 2010).
Having toast and ‘a brew’ formed a big part of the club. Young people were
encouraged to make tea and toast for others and this simple act of encouraging
hospitalityoftenset the tone for thedurationof the remainderof theevening. The
smallestactsorperformancesofconsiderationlikethisgavethespaceits‘feel’.Astaff
memberorvolunteerwouldsuggestaboardgameandthroughvolunteerandyoung
person interactions you could sense encouragement, time for laughter, and ease in
conversation. All these performative gestures gave the drop‐in club its distinctive
flavour.As staff and volunteers took time to build strong and integral relationships
withtheyoungpeoplethedrop‐inspacewasemotionallyinfusedwithacertaincare
ethic embodied in generosity and hospitality. Therewere however occasionswhen
things would work out differently. Things could sometimes ‘kick off’. On several
occasionsduringmyplacementanargumentwouldescalateandafightwouldhaveto
bebrokenup.However,duringmytimevolunteeringonEden/614ukthesewerevery
rareoccurrences.
Onthewholeacertaincarewasboughtintobeingthroughtheenactmentofacertain
dynamic of self‐other relations. These relational performances can be construed as
bringing into being a certain ‘asymmetrical reciprocity’ whereby through enacting
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embodied dispositions of ‘attending and responding’ to these young‐others
relationshipsweightedwithgenerositywereestablished.(BarnetandLand,2007,21).
Inandthroughthesedrop‐inspacessomethingofthevolunteer‐selfwasgivenaway
to these young‐others;welcoming them amounted to the readjustment of identities
(Volf, 1996), creating space for hybrid and blurred selves to emerge in the process
(see Baker, 2007; Reader, 2005 ). ‘Here the negotiation of the immediate present
provides a space not for the application of pre‐given moral tenets, but for the
emergenceandcultivationofethicalsensibilitieswhichvaluemomentsofgenerosity
andopenengagementswithdifference’(Darling,2010,pg241).Staffandvolunteers
spentmostoftheireveningengagingone‐on‐onewithindividualsoveragameofFifa
onthePlaystation,orwithagroupofyoungstersonBandHeroontheWii.Attheend
ofa longdayofwork,staffandvolunteersmadeaconcertedefforttoturnattention
towards moments of play and interaction with young people. Listening, taking
interest, and offering counsel, staff and volunteers intentionally focused on young‐
others. These acts of listening and support intentionally provided a way through
which young‐others could become participants in the making and discernment of
meaninginthissharedspace(Muers,2004).Asanumberofvolunteersandstaffwere
trained in informal education therewere often clearmomentswhen play, chat and
just hanging out could also be interpreted as subtle yet conscious pedagogical
interventions. I often observed moments when young people were encouraged to
fairly share a game of pool or a volunteer gave up their turn to let another young
personjoinin.AracistcommentaboutthelocalAsianshopkeeperwasturnedintoa
positive conversation about race and attitudes towards ethnic difference. These
momentsofengagementaddtotheinformalyetcalmnatureoftheclub.
Findingsfromconversationswithseveralyoungpeopletriangulatedsignificantlywith
myownreadingofthespace.Askingyoungpeopletodetail theirexperiencesof the
drop‐inclubIfoundthattheoverallthemesthatemergedwerethatthatyoungpeople
feltlikeitwas‘agoodchilloutspace’,‘aplacetogothatkeptyoufromgettingbored’,
‘afriendlyatmosphere’,‘achancetogetawayfromMum/Dad’or‘aplacejusttorelax
withacupof tea’.Forsomeyoungpeoplecertainrelationshipsbetweenthemselves
andEdenvolunteers/staffappeared tobekey. Interviewing twoyoungdrop‐inclub
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attendees,DianaandRobert,eachspokeofhaving‘afavorite’:amemberoftheEden
team that they just felt totally relaxedaround; ‘someonewho listens’when lifewas
‘getting hectic’ orwhen thingswere ‘toomuch at home’. Similarly, talking to Peter,
anotheryoungattendee,attheendofasessiononeeveningheexplained:
“Themainthingisthatwearealllikefriends.HeatherlovesBandHeroandtheWii
andIcanplayGarethandLukeforhoursatFifa.EverynowandthenGarethwillask
mehowIamandlistentome.WecanjustjokeandIcantakethepissoutofhimfor
beingrubbishatFifa.But,lol,noitsjustbeingmates.”
SimilartoJonathanDarling’sanalysisofadrop‐inspaceforasylumseekers,theEden
drop‐in club could easily have been described as a ‘constantly demanding
environment,oneinwhichone’sverypresenceisstructuredaroundanexpectationof
response.Thedemandtolisten,thedemandtotalk…allbombardyoufromanarrayof
angles,yetitisinthemomentsofopennesswhichrespondingoffersthatresponsible
ethical gestures come to be actualized’. (2011, 252). The responsive ethics of the
youth drop‐in space were assembled out of the ‘varied relations, encounters and
negotiations’ between youngpeople, staff and volunteers (Darling, 2011, 252). This
relational assemblage could easily be conceptualized such that the performative
nature of the space led to an ‘ethics of dispositional cultivation, an ethics of active,
practiced and embodied work, wherein ethical judgments are recognized as
responsive,situationalprocesses’(Ibid,255).Thissituationalethicsofresponsewas
notonlysimplyperformedinthisdrop‐inspace,butrather,thisdrop‐inspace‘played
anactivepartinperformingsuchanethicsingivingitlicense,potentialandpresence’
(Ibid,256).
Inasmallcollectionofofficesonthemiddleoftheestatetheseactsandinteractions
brought a new affectual and psychosocial spatial texture into being (Conradson,
2003).AsBondi (2003)argues, rather thanplacebeingsimplyabackdrop inwhich
caringrelationsareenacted,carewasrelationallyproductiveofaparticularemotional
space.Endowedwithcertainpositiveregistersthisparticularmicrogeographyonthe
estate was relationally productive of an affective environment in which the
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psychogeographies‐ortheembodiedexperienceofcertainspaces‐wastranslatedas
open, friendly, welcoming and peaceful. ‘Not only did the space create an ever
changingspaceofencounter’betweenyoungpeopleandEdenvolunteers/staffitalso
became a space in which ‘ ethical dispositions could be attuned, worked up and
practiced’(Darling,2011,256).Theselocalisedperformativespacesofencounterand
hospitality(seeClokeetal,2008)werefeltandtestifiedtobyotherswhovisitedthe
drop‐in club. This experiential texture (Conradson, 2003)was notably not only the
viewpoint of volunteers, staff, or of myself, as an embedded researcher‐in‐
participation, but also featured in the testified experience of other regular visitors
whosupported this sense ofplace.These testimonialaccounts support ‘theaffective
potentialitieslurkingwithineventsandencounters’,depictinghowsuchmomentscan
become ‘constituted as the locus of a shared sense of conviviality and solidarity’
(Darling, 2011, 256). One of the local PCSOs (Amanda) provided this description
abouthowshefeltwhenshevisitedtheEdendrop‐inclub:
‘…itisalwaysverywelcoming,andtobehonestwithyou,Lukereallymakesme
laugh; its justpersonalities. IgetonwellwithGarethaswell.Andeventhough
they are a faith based group, in that the Eden project is run by the Salvation
Army,theydon’tthrowtheChurchinyourfaceoranythinglikethat,theydon’t
try and change you, you arewhat you are, they treat everyperson as you are
whatyouareandIdobelievethatthekidshavemorerespecthereandstufflike
that.Whenyouareintheyouthclub(statutoryprovision,)youaredealingwith
issues,whenIcomehereIcanrelaxandIcanplaypool,thereisjustnoissues,
it’sdeadchilled,Icouldsitonthecouchandthekidswouldcomeroundme,you
seeifIsatinthere(statutoryprovision),youwouldnothaveanykidsroundyou,
yougottagotothekids,herethekidswillcometoyou,speaktoyou,itisalot
morechilled,itisalotmorelikefamily,youknowwhatImean?’
Amanda’s testimony of the club as always ‘very welcoming’ matches my own
description and analysis of the nature of the space as hospitable and friendly.
Similarly, attributing the dynamics of the club to ‘just personalities’ confirms my
argumentthattheclubgaineditscharacterfromtherelationalperformancesbetween
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volunteers,staff,youngpeopleandregularvisitors.Amanda’sdescriptiondrawsupon
acomparisonwiththestatutoryrunyouthcentreanditisinterestingtohearhowshe
drawsoutdifferencesbetweenthe‘feel’ofthetwoclubs.
Contrastingthetwoclubs,Amandamakestwointerestingcomparisons.Amandafelt
the young people’s attitude and levels of respect towards her differed significantly
between the two clubs. She also felt prompted to respond differently in the two
settings.IncontextoftheEdendrop‐inclubAmandaclaimsthattheyoungpeopleare
morerespectful,enablinghertofeelrelaxedandabletorelationallyengagewiththe
youngpeopleoveragameofpoolorthroughconversation,whileinthecontextofthe
statutory club,Amanda expresses that shehas todealwith ‘issues’, givingher little
chancetorelaxorrelationallygettoknowtheyoungpeople.Thismarkedtestimonial
difference between the two youth‐spaces is intriguing. Evoking a certain ‘ swirl of
relations,emotions,affectsanddispositions’(Darling,2010,246),Amanda’sdifferent
experience of the two intersubjectively created spacespromptsher to respond in a
differentmanner.WhileinthecontextofthestatutoryclubAmandafeelsprovokedto
bring about order and deal with ‘issues’, in the context of the Eden Drop‐in club
Amanda can present a different sense of public identity, one that is more open to
engagingandrelaxingwiththeyoungpeople.
Theexperientialcontrastsbetweenthesetwoyouth‐spaceswerealsoexplainedtome
bysomeoftheyoungpeoplewhoattendbothclubs:
Diana:‘Whatsdifferent?Urm….yougettoast!’
Me: “yeah, Ido lovehavingagoodmunchontoastatclub,buthowwouldyou
describethedifferencesinhowyoufeelvisitingtheotherclub?”
Robert:“well,like,itscalminnithere,Imeanatyouthclub(statutoryprovision)
you have to look out for yourself a lotmore, you know,watch that no one is
tryingtothreatenyaornuffin’
Diana: ‘yeah like people throwing cue balls across the room and stuff, its just
164
hecticsometimes’
Me:‘Butcan’tthisclubgethecticsometimes,afightbreaksoutorsomething?’
Robert: ‘Yeah it does, but Luke and Gareth are pretty good at breaking it up,
sittingpeopledown,sortingitout,youknow,gettingtothebottomofthewhole
thingandbeingfair,like’
Diana:‘itsjustknowingpeoplebetterhereIguess’
Robert: ‘Yeah, youknow, like Luke is always there for yawhen youneedhim,
like,evenafterclub, likeyoucanknockonhisdoorandstuffandhewilloften
comeoutandplayagameoffootyonthestreet,cricketonthesquare.’
ThisshortdialoguewithDianeandRobertexemplifiessomething Iheardtheyoung
peoplevoiceonmanyoccasions:thattheEdendrop‐inclubfeelscomparativelymuch
‘safer’thanthestatutoryyouthclub.Comparingthetwoacontrastappearsthatmarks
the‘vibe’oftheEdenclubassignificantlymorefriendly. JustasAmanda(thePSCO)
felt she couldmore comfortably let her guard down at the Eden drop‐in club, both
DianeandRobertcontrasttheEdenclubtoamore‘hectic’andunsafestatutoryyouth
club.Alargepartofthesetestimoniesappearstohingeonthreeparticularcharacter
traitsoftheEdenstaff.
Firstly, theyaredescribedas friendly,makingAmanda thePSCO laugh,orbygiving
extra timeandsupport toyoungpeople likeRobertafterclubhours.Secondly, (and
this was bought up in conversation on a regular basis throughout my time on the
estate) the young people attending the Eden drop‐in club felt they knew the
boundariesofacceptablebehaviorwithinthesettingofthedrop‐inclub.Frequentlyat
theEdendrop‐inclub Iobservedaquietwordorawarningbeinggiven toayoung
personbeginning tomistreatotheryoungpeople.Throughoutmy timehelpingstaff
theEdendrop‐inclubtherewasonlyoneinstancewhenayoungpersonwasbanned
fromtheclubfortwoconsecutiveweeks.AndwhiletheEdendrop‐inclubreceivedits
praiseforbeingstaffedbyfriendlyandapproachablestaffitisinterestingtonotethat
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theactiveintentionsofstafftoimmediately‘gettothebottom’ofdisputes,arguments
or fallouts, helped create a spatially constituted dynamic within which the young
people felt comfortable. Setting boundaries, following up warnings and ‘being fair’
instilled the clubwith a culture of respect. Thirdly, the approachability of staff and
volunteersbothinandbeyondthesettingofthedrop‐inclubhadaconsiderableeffect
on how relationships with various ‘hard to reach’ young people developed. As the
above quotes fromRobert andDiana demonstrate, themarked difference that they
expressedbetween the two clubswas in the currencyof thedepthof relationships.
The ideaof ‘going theextramile’wassignificantlygalvanizedamongEdenstaffand
volunteers, as were the discourses of proximity, presence and perseverance (see
chapter2and4). Similarly, asoneof themain tenetsof ‘incarnationally’ expressing
ones Christian faith on the estatewas to be generously other‐focused,many of the
staffworkers andvolunteers foundmoments to engagewith theyoungpeoplewho
visitedtheclubinotherwaysbeyondtheconfinesoftheclubsetting.Thesebeyond‐
clubencountersweresignificantintheconstitutivemakeupofwhathappenedatthe
Eden drop‐in club. The fact that relationships between staff, volunteers and young
people extended beyond the spatial confines of the drop‐in club had a marked
difference on the interrelations between both club providers and young people
attendingtheclub.IwasveryawarethatstaffandvolunteersoftheEdendrop‐inclub
knewtheintimatehighsandlowsofdifferentyoungpeoples’lives.Aweeklyregular
prayer letter sent out to all the 614UK faith community brought resonance to the
issues different young people faced. In this vein, the active ‘spiritual capital’ of the
faith community (see Baker and Skinner, 2006) was often a catalyst for creating
sensibilitiesofsolidarity,compassionandempathytowardstheyoungpeopleasthe
lives of young‐others were aired and discussed with the faithful hope that
unfortunate,tough,orfarfromidealrelationalcircumstanceswouldimprove.
Section2:Publicsectorprovision,neoliberalismandpostecularstirringsInthissecondsectionIcriticallyexaminetheinvolvementofEden/614UKvolunteers
and staff in local public sector welfare provision as a result of their incarnational
expression of the Christian faith on the estate. This looks specifically at the
involvementofvolunteersandstaffinthelocalsecondaryschoolandinthesettingup
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andprovisionof ahealth carepracticeon the estate. Examining the involvementof
Eden/614UK staff and volunteers in both of thesepublic services I argue that their
participationandcontributioninthissectorwassignificantforanumberofreasons.
Firstlytheirinvolvementledtothecreationofparticularservicesthatwereotherwise
missing on the estate. Secondly, considering the increasing neoliberalisation of the
publicsector(seePecketal,2002),theinvolvementofEden/volunteerswithinthese
spaces of provision led to a resistance of certain neoliberal values and to the re‐
valorisation of provision through certain alternatively framed discourses and
performances (see Williams et al, 2012). Thirdly, while being motivated by the
Christian faith to see local transformation through the public sector, themanner in
whichfaithwasenrolledanddrawnuponinthesetwosectorsofprovisionincreased
the opportunity for progressive partnership and postsecular rapprochement (see
Cloke,2010;Beaumontetal,2011).
Imaginingahealthiercommunity
Hilltop health surgery opened in July 2009, seven months before I joined the
Eden/SA614UK faith community for my ethnographic placement. With a board of
trustees, Amanda, thewife of the project leader, felt compelled to compete for the
tender toprovidehealthcareon theestate.Once thenewlyestablishedcommunity
interest company ‘Hope Citadel’ found out that they had won the tender to run a
healthsurgeryonFittonHillAmandatemporarilyshelvedherownmedicaltraining
tooverseethelaunchofthehealthpracticeonFittonHill.
Amanda’s imagination to envisage something better for her neighbours and her
family drew upon her first hand insight and frustration of the current state of
provisionontheestate.TheangerandfrustrationthatAmandafeltwasreflectiveof
the injustice she explained she witnessed holding her community ‘captive’ (see
Craddock,2004;EylesandWood,1983).‘Livingamongst’ledhertobeinginfuriated
withthelackofdecentcareherneighboursreceived:
‘I justgotreallyangryatthehealthcaremyneighbourswerereceiving.Itwas
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substandardanditmademeangrytothinkthatthiscommunity,thecommunity
thatIamnowapartof,gotlumberedwithcrappycareandmedicaltreatment.
Everybody knew that the doctors were crap and they gave prescriptions for
ridiculousthings,andtheywerejustreferredon,butnobodycoulddoanything
aboutit,thesystemjustdidn’tseemtocare’
RepeatedlyadvocatingonbehalfofotherresidentsAmanda’s frustrationswithhow
little the ‘systemseemed to care’quickly translated frompersonal frustrations into
other‐centered action through the arduous process of setting up a community
interestcompanyandtenderingforthebidtoopenahealthcarecentreontheestate.
Amandaretoldthestoryoftenderingforthisbid:
‘WewenttotheinterviewandwewenttotheboardroomatOldhamandthey
werereallyquiteaggressiveandoh,theywerelikeohwehavetolistentothis
communitygroup. Ihadbeenannoying thePCT(PrimaryCareTrust) foryear
about the fact there wasn’t a GP on Fitton hill and I’d fallen out with lots of
different people there about it and they were drilling us on lots of different
polices:Whatwasour infectioncontrolpolicy, fire, referrals,and itwasreally
difficult, butwe had this opportunity to do a presentation and as part of the
presentation I showed this video that Mike had made, I had put the words
togetherandMikehadputittoavideoforme,andalltherestofthebidteam
were really nervous about showing the videobecause it is ‘just cheesy’, and I
waslike‘yeah’,butweshoweditanditcompletelychangedtheatmosphere’
Amandaexplainedthatthevideoclipwasacombinationoflotsofphotosofthelocal
community:communityfundaysEden/SA614UKhadarranged;youthevents;alocal
parentandtoddlergroupsandspecificlandmarksontheestate.ItwassettotheTake
Thatsong:‘Shine’.Amandarelayedaversetome:
“The song just fitted our scenario, it was all about people being lifted out of
difficultcircumstances.Youknow,thereisthatversethatgoes:
‘Socomeon,socomeon,getiton.Don’tknowwhatyou’rewaitingfor’and,
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‘Butyou’restuckinabigholeandIwantyoutogetout.Idon’tknowwhatthere
istosee.ButIknowitistimeforyoutoleave.We’reallpushingalong,tryingto
figureitout,out,out…’
Amandawentontoexplainthatshe feltshowingthevideochangedthetoneof the
meetingcompletely.Suddenly thePCTboardwasengaged inacompletelydifferent
way:
‘ThethingisthatallthePCTworkinofficesand‘talk’aboutcommunity.Theygo
toworkintheirsuitsandeverything,buttheyjustdon’tgetit,andIknowitwas
cheesy,butbecauseitwascheesyandcos’itwaslo‐tech;itmadeitabitmore
real.When the video finished they didn’t laugh,whichwas really funny, they
obviously took it really seriously. But their eyes were like this: (showing
surprise), lookingateachother, like: ‘what theheckdowedonow?’butafter
that the whole thing lasted a quarter of an hour longer, and the discussion
changed from like, all these different targets into like people and community
andhowoneofthemwaslike:‘ohyeahIwalkedthroughFittonHillonce’,sothe
whole atmosphere changed, and that is themandate that they have given us,
that iswhy.Wedidn’twin ‘coswehadthemostslickpresentationorbecause
wehad themost figures from thepast or becausewehad25other practices,
that are doing really well, the reason that we won is ‘cos they have taken a
gamblethatcommunityandmedicine,anddoingitinthatcontextmightwork.’
Theheartofthisapproachtohealthcarewasaboutembeddingprovisionwithinthe
context of the local community. Amanda was passionate that ‘living amongst’
marginal‐otherswithveryinadequatehealthcareprovisionsomethinghadtochange.
Sheexplainedhow themandateofHopeCitadelwas toundoembeddedsystematic
injusticesinhealthcarebyprovidingqualitylocalhealthcaretolocalresidents.For
Amanda part of her commitment through Hope Citadel was about undoing the
normative trend that the availability of goodmedical care tends to vary inversely
withtheneedforitinthepopulationserved.(Hart,1971;seealsoCoburn,2004)
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Tocounter this trend inmedical careHopeCitadelhad several aims listedon their
organizational website: they aimed to address this unjust situation locally by
‘employing brilliant doctors, supporting them with a brilliant team of highly
motivatedstaff,employingcounselorsandcommunitynurses ‘tounlockthestrands
offamilydynamics,lifeevents,andcomplexsocialissues’(HC,2012).Theyalsoaimed
to employ reception staff who are passionate ‘to see patients get well’ and who
‘genuinelylovetheirjob’.
Whilebeingaseparatecharitableentity fromthe localEden/SA614UKpartnership,
HopeCitadelwasverycloselylinked. PartandparcelofwhatAmandaenvisagedas
delivering good community‐basedhealth carewas reliant ongenuine support from
SA614UK/Eden as this organisation offered ‘valuable support, friendship and
chaplaincy’. Throughoutmyethnographicplacement itbecameexplicitly clear that
while there was a separate board of trustees overseeing the governance of Hope
Citadel,theboardoverseeingtheworkoftheEdenand614UKinitiativeswerevery
interestedintheprogress,sustainabilityandissuesfacingHopeCitadel.Attendinga
quarterlyreviewmeetingwiththeGareth,theleaderofEden/SA614UKonFittonHill,
Irealisedjusthowimportantthehealthsurgerywasintermsofthesynergybetween
whatEden/SA614UKasawholehopeswillberealisedforFittonHill,andwhatwas
beingworkedoutthroughHopeCitadelatHillTopsurgery.However,abigpartofthe
battle for Hope Citadel and Eden/SA614UK was resisting being co‐opted by the
neoliberal agendas of neoliberal governance and regulation explicit within local
healthcareprovision.
Beyondneoliberalstatistics:prioritizingthelivesoflocalpeople
WhilethesuccessfultenderhadgivenmembersoftheEden/614UKteamachanceto
put their idea of just and successful health care into action, it also meant that a
numberoftheEden/SA614UKvolunteerswerenowcaughtinthetensionofworking
outhowtheywouldbemorethanjust‘pawnsoftheneoliberalstate’(seeWilliamset
al,2012).Wantingneithertobesimply‘providingpublicservicesonthecheap’orto
beenrolledintoaformofprovisionthat,beingtightlyregulated,wouldamounttothe
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authoritative control and management of local ‘deprived’ residents lifestyles (see
Williams et al, 2012) the team of doctors, health care workers, nurses and
administrationstaffcarefullyhadtoreflectonhowandwhytheyweremotivatedto
improvehealthcareprovisionontheestate.Itbecameclearthroughmyresearchthat
key to Hope Citadel’s approach to community‐based health care was the
prioritization of the lives of local people over statistical outcomes and neoliberal
measurementframeworks. Beingpresentatapracticeretreatdayhalfwaythrough
my ethnographic placement itwas clear that for Steven, themain general practice
doctor,his ‘heart’ for the localcommunityasa localresidentwasaboutnot loosing
focusonthe‘mainthing’:thelivesandlivelihoodsofpeopleinthelocalcommunity.
Stephenremindedeveryonepresentofhis journeyintodiscoveringthathispassion
inmedicinewasthepeoplewhoarehispatients:
‘WhenIwasgrowingup,you’veallseenmyboffinside,Iwantedtolookdowna
microscopeandcurediseaseandsortofignoresickpeopleandjusthavealittle
whitecoatandmyglasses.Butalongtheway,becomingaChristian,Isortoffell
outoflovewithdiseaseandIjustfellinlovewithpeople.Ijustreallyenjoy
peoplealotmorethantheselittlethings…’
Drawing on a quote from the film Patch Adams, Steven went on to explain that a
quoteinthefilmreallyresonatedwiththewayhefeltabouthealthcare:‘youtreata
disease,youwin,youlose,youtreatapersonIguaranteeyou’llwinnomatterwhat
theoutcome’.
Giving a brief introduction to the purpose for the day of reflection Stevenmade it
clearthatasthepracticedoctorhewantedthemainthingatHillToppractice(here
afterHTpractice),andforthestaffwhoworkedthere,tobethelivesofthepatients.
He highlighted that rather than focusing on the illness, the targets, the QOF
assessments7hewanted the surgery to focuson the livesof thepeople andadeep
7QOFistheQualityandOutcomesFrameworkthatmeasuresgeneralpracticeachievementthroughoutcomes.
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understandingoftheirlives:
‘Ifwe talkaboutbloodpressureanddiabeteswearegoing towinandweare
goingtoloose,butifwetalkaboutthepeopleandthepeopleslivesandwhere
theyfitintotheircommunitiesthenwearealwaysgoingtowinbecauseitisnot
theoutcomeitisthepeoplethatwehaveturneduptoserveandhelp.’
This themeofpatientsas real localpeoplewithpersonalcontextsembedded in the
local estate community was also a pertinent theme for Amanda the director and
founderofHopeCitadel.OnseveraloccasionsAmandasharedhowimportantshefelt
it was not to get side tracked by the up and coming QOF assessments. The QOF
assessmentcamerightinthemiddleofmytimespentlivingandvolunteeringonthe
estateandIwasmadeveryawareofthefrustrations,dilemmasanddistractionsthat
QOF presented to the team at the HT Practice. Having dinner one nightwith both
GarethandAmanda,daysbeforeQOFwasdueinforassessment,Amanda,ventedher
frustrationstome:
‘QOFisn’teasyforushereonFittonHill, itseasytoshowhowyouhavebeen
combatingdiabetesinawealthyareawheredealingwithdiabetesisn’tasoften
connectedtoabunchofothersocialandphysiologicalissues,itsasifsometimes
QOFhasitinforpoorerareas,Imeanitsnotthemainfocusforusreally,yeah
its important to measure, yeah its important to account for changes and
progress,andtofindareastoimproveon,butthenumbersaredefinitelynotthe
mainthing.’
To Amanda, QOF put the patient second and the outcome first, and she found this
particularlyfrustrating.Furthermore,consideringthecontextofmultipledeprivation
from which much of the health care needs of the local community emanated, the
natureoftheQOFstatisticalframeworkcausedAmandatofeelthattheverydesignof
themeasurement framework ‘had it in’ for the local community’ (seeWright et al,
2006; Johnson, 1990). Being a public provider of health care and taking on the
responsibility of being regulated by the primary care trust created numerable
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tensionsforAmandaandthehealthcareteam.
IncontrasttotheprioritiesofQOF,thatemphasizedstatisticalchangeandmeasured
improvement, Stephen explained that one of themost importantmoments for him
was the actual encounter with a patient. QOF measured ill health and patient
improvementwhereaswhatwasofmore importancetoStephenwastheencounter
moment with the patient when he began to understand the person behind the ill
health.Stevenwasconvincedthatthebestmedicalcaretheycouldofferasapractice
wouldcomefrom‘addressingkeyissuesthatarebehindtheillhealth’.Heexplained
theseattheretreat:
“Iseeillhealthinpeoplewhodon’tputthemselvestowork,theyjustsittheirat
homeandwatchTVallday,thatisoftenwhereillhealthcomesfrom.Youdon’t
needajobtowork;youworkraisingafamily,lookingafteryourneighbour,you
workrunningamultimillion‐poundbusiness.Thatisoneofthemainreasons
whyourpatientshavegotillhealth...alotofourpatientsweseetheyhavenot
learnthowtotakearest,thereisnonightanddayandnorest..alsotheydon’t
knowhowtodealwiththeirguilt,someoftheillhealththatIseeispeoplewho
cannotdealwithaloadofstufftheyhavedoneoraloadofstufftheyhavehad
donetothem…andalsotheycannotdealwiththeirexpectationsofthemselves
asmumsanddads…”
Criticallyexamining thepositionofStephen,Amandaand theotherEden/SA614UK
volunteers who worked at HT health practice there are however several power‐
relation issues that emerge. In as much as Stephen counters the mechanisms of
regulation such as QOFwith a focus on the actual experience of encountering and
treatingthepatient/neighbour.Thesuccessfulbidtopubliclyprovidehealthcarefor
localresidentsmeantthatcertainrelationalpowerframeworksshiftedbetweenEden
volunteers ‘living amongst’ the community and other residential occupants. Now
beingprovidersofhealthcarepositionedEdenvolunteersinaconsiderableplaceof
authority and power over other local residents. Stephen knew and grappled with
thesetensionsasheexplainedtomeinaninterview:
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“It’sastrangepositiontobein.InoneinstanceIamafriendandneighbourand
inanother,professionalcontext,Iamsuddenlygivingthemadviceonwhatthey
shouldcutoutoftheir lifestyleandwhatpersonalchangestheycanmakethat
will enable them to bemore healthy, fit andwell. I’m never just a neighbour
now,I’malwayssomeonewithabitofclout.”
Trying to counterbalance these dynamics Stephen placed an emphasis on being
personallyreflexiveaspublicprovidersofcareontheestate.Stephenmadeitclearon
thepracticeretreatdaythatwhileheempatheticallywantedhisstaffteamtofocuson
the lives of others, he was also adamant that providing good health care in a
community setting would depend upon putting a reflexive emphasis on their own
lifestylesandidentities.
Communityhealth,reflexiveselvesandpostsecularrapprochement.
Providing health care on the estate was not only about patient‐others it was also
about care‐giving selves. Amanda was convinced that the lives and health of local
peoplewasonlygoingtobeimprovedsignificantlywhenthepracticetooktheideaof
communityhealthveryseriously.Amandaexplained:
“Ireallydobelievepeoplegetrestoredandhealed incommunity, it is justnot
possible on your own, all these Americans that go off to detox centres and
therapy. Tiger Woods has gone off for what two months to some hideaway
thing, it is justnotreal,andourcommunity is incredible.PeopleonFittonHill
arequirkyandbizarre,but theyarealsoreallybeautifuland theyhave lotsof
potential, and often that potential doesn’t get unlocked unless it is like, with
otherpeopleroundthem’
This ‘unlocking’, Amanda explained, involved lots of differentpeople standing side‐
by‐side and deeply caring for others in the community, a deep contradiction in
comparison to the neoliberal ideology that enamored the ‘autonomous individual’
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(Fries,2008;seealsoCoburn,2006;Pratt,2006).Whilehealthtransformationrelied
on structures and attitudes being changed beyond the confines of the estate, on a
localscalehowever,asinhabitantsofthelocalcommunity,bothAmandaandStephen
sketched out how central the attitudes and actions of staff as care‐givers were to
seeingcommunitytransformation.Stevenwasadamantthatthebestwaytoengage
withthe livesofotherswastoreflexivelyengagewiththeirownselves.Thismeant
carefullyquestioningwhatpurposeandplacegroundedeachandeveryoneofthem.
Stevenhighlighted that rather than just ‘knowing theright stuffwehave toanswer
thesequestionsasindividualsandasanorganization…questioninghowwecanbea
partofbuildingcommunityonFittonHillandweneedtofindoutwhatwecandoand
whatisourpurpose.’
This sense of self reflection and character questioning was something that Steven
wanted his staff to do for themselves first before they attempted to engage in the
complexmedicalandsocial livesofothers livingontheestate. Illustratingthiswith
referencetohisownlife,duringtheHTpracticeretreatdayStevenwentontoexplain
thatifhewasgoingtohaveanyimpactinthelivesofothersstrugglingwithalcohol
then it is something that hewas going to have to try and empathisewith himself.
Telling the storyofMattmaGhandi and a little boywhosemother askedGhandi to
helppersuadehersontostopeatingsomuchsugar,Stevenexplainedtothestaffthat
Ghandi’s approach was to give up sugar himself so that he could experience
somethingofwhathewasaskingof theyoungboy.Stevensharedhowforhimthis
meantchoosingtotemporarilygiveupdrinkingalcohol:
“Ifeltreallychallengedabouttellingourpatientstogiveupalcohol,Ifeltreally
challenged, so I gave up alcohol for February. It is the shortestmonth of the
year,but ithaskilledme togiveupalcohol foramonth,butactuallydoing it,
during the month I have noticed that I have spent a little more time with
patients, it has given me a little more understanding and we have had our
successes recently haven’t we. So we need to answer these questions for
ourselves.”
175
ForSteven,apartofthebestapproachwithpatientswastosincerelyandreflexively
bewillingtoputthecaring‐selfinthesituationofthepatient‐other.Whatwasitthat
wasbeingaskedofthem?Andwasthereapersonalself‐commitmenttotakeonthe
samesortofchallenges,adviceandre‐direction?OntheHTpracticeretreatdayitwas
obviousthattoStephenandAmandahowtheythepracticeadministeredhealthcare,
andwhateffectithad,wasintrinsicallylinkedtohowtheythemselvesasotherlocal
residents ‘placed’ themselves in the local context of the neighbourhood. Stephen’s
exampleofbeingwillingtogiveupalcoholwasbackedupwithsomequestionstothe
staffteamfromAmandaaboutlivingwithintegrity:
“Forme,workinginthehealthpracticeandlivingontheestateitisaboutasking
myselfrepeatedlyamIlivingwithintegrityhere.Ifweasapracticearegoingto
beofferingmedicaladvicethatsuggeststhatpeoplechangehowtheylive,what
theyeat,howtheylookaftertheirchildren,arewewillingchallengeourselves
to livewith integrity? Arewe searching to be a significant contributor of the
communityandareweopentobeingchanged?”
As the short challenge from Amanda suggests, seeing change in the health of the
communitywasaboutbeingwillingtobeopentochangeandchallengeinonesown
self. Transformation in this regard then relied on a dialogical and self‐reflexive
processanddoinghealthcareontheestatewasasmuchaboutquestioningonesown
position, posture and purpose of living (see Halter et al, 2008) as it was about
questioning the lifestyles and circumstances of others. This was clearly a virtuous
process that the HT practice wanted to encourage whether the member of staff
involvedwasaChristianoranon‐Christian.Stephenwasexplicitabouttheplaceof
faithintheorganisation:
“We have a Christian basis butwe haven’t got a Christian bias. That is really
important. I have seen loads of Christians and they haven’t got any love or
humility in them. Yes for many of us our foundation is a belief in Jesus, and
tryingtofollowhisteachings,butourfoundationistobecompletelyinclusive,
behumbleenoughtorecognizethatanyoneandeveryonecanbehealedandbe
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ahealer.Wewannaworkwithpeopleofgoodheartwhatevertheirfaithis”
Transformationofthelocalcommunitywasbroadlyconsideredtobesomethingthat
couldbeenactedbyallstaffregardlessoftheirreligiousbeliefsand,asthequotefrom
Stephensuggests, itwasaboutthedisplayofvirtuousbehaviorthatmatteredinthe
contextofthehealthsurgery.Stephenhighlightedthatsuchvirtuewasnotabounded
capabilityofthe ‘Christian’.Heemphasizedthispointbydrawingontheexampleof
an absent staff member who did not profess to be a Christian and yet cared, was
integral,andcommittedtothecause:
“ThinkaboutourdistrictnurseNaomi,sheisthemostcaringdistrictnurse,and
I don’t think she has a Christian faith, but shemight just have a faith in the
communityor inthepeople,whateverit isshehasagoodheartandwewant
hertofeelshecanbeahealerwithusinthisorganisation”
Being a healerwas clearly Stephen’s label for being someonewho could positively
impact the local community by working to see the health and wellbeing of local
residents improved. Naomi’s inclusion was based simply on her display of virtue,
beingdescribedas‘mostcaring’andwith‘agoodheart’.
However,whileStephenandAmandadidnotplacetheChristian‐selfabovethenon‐
Christianselfintermsofonescapabilitytoactandworkforthegoodofthebroader
community, an emphasis was put on the recognition of the motivational value or
‘spiritualcapital’(seeBakerandSkinner,2006)thatbeingChristianboughtto‘living
amongst’ and serving the community through the health practice. Stephenmade it
clear to staff that beingChristianwas something that shouldnot behidden andhe
encouraged his fellow Christian colleagues that they should not loose sight of this
centralmotivatingfactor:theirChristianFaith.
VolunteeringinSchool
TheinformalpartnershipbetweentheEden/SA614UKandthelocalsecondaryschool
177
started in 2006. The Eden youth worker, Luke, approached the school to suggest
starting a breakfast club. According to Maggie, the school’s head of learning and
support, livingamongstmanyofthe localstudentsLukebecameveryawareoftheir
situation:
“Luke new that some of the children were not having breakfast, dragging
themselvesoutofbed,whileotherswhodideatsomethingwerestoppingoffat
thelocalcafeeatingreallyunhealthyfoodonadailybasis.”
Lukedescribedthesefeelingstomeinalaterinterview:
“Iwasquite indignantandthat, Imeanyouchattothem, likeohhaveyouhad
yourbreakfastandtheyarelike,‘no’ortheyarelike‘yeahIhadonesausageand
onepieceoftoastfromthebuttieshop’anditwasaquidodd,soun‐healthyand
damaging,youknowwhat Imean,so Isetupabreakfastclubwhichhad forty
kidsgoingtoit”.
However the school soon found internal funding for the breakfast club and it was
takenoverbyanewlyappointedmemberof staff. In thisparticular instanceLuke’s
situation living ‘incarnationally’within the local community prompted him to ‘fill a
gap’inpublicwelfare.Eventhoughitsoonbecamesomethingthatwasincorporated
intoschoolprovisionthekeyherewasnotthatLukeboughtsomethingdifferenttothe
publicsectorbutthathehadtheinsightandthepassiontoinitiatesomethingthatwas
originallymissingfromtheschoolsetting.Thisinitialvoluntaryinterventionsparked
a range of commitments to the local secondary school, all ofwhich appeared to be
built upon Luke’s particular ability to engage students that were labeled ‘hard to
reach’.
WiththehandoverofthebreakfastclubtoaninternalmemberofstaffLukewasasked
if he felt there was any other way he could continue to contribute to ‘school life’.
Having previously been a chef Luke proposed an after‐school cooking club for
studentsatriskofexclusion.Likemanyafter‐schoolinitiativesthisgaveLukeandthe
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teachers involved a great opportunity towork alongside young people in a context
beyond the classroom (see Halpern, 1995) and provided a space of continued
participation,supportiverelationships,learningandsafetyforstudentsontheriskof
exclusionfromschool(seeStrobeletal,2008).
Theafterschoolcookeryclub
LuketheEdenyouthworker,NathantheEden intern, twoassistingteachersandon
occasions myself staffed the after‐school cookery club. The extract below is taken
from my research diary and it gives an indication of the nature of these types of
sessions:
Diaryextract:makingMoroccansoup
Nathan, the intern, oversaw this particular session, as LukewantedNathan to have
ampleopportunitiesatrunningandbeingresponsible for thesessionswhilehewas
‘underhiswing’.Run inoneof thehomeeconomic roomsat thebackof the school
therewerenineyoungpeoplepresent.Allsixoftheyoungpeoplewhohadbeenasked
to attendwere at risk of permanent exclusion.Theother threewere accompanying
friends. The two teachers assisting told me they were on a rota of teachers who
expressed an interest in helping Lukewith the cooking club. Both had a particular
fondnessfortheseyoungpeopleandfelt thattheclubgavethemabitmore ‘quality
time outside the context of the normal lesson with each young person’. The two
teachersKatrinaandMarkhadagoodrapportwiththeyoungpeople.Forthecooking
exerciseitselfeachsupervisorwasaskedtooverseatwoyoungpeople.
Ourrecipe to followwasMoroccansoup.Clearly theyoungpeople feltvery familiar
withLukeandNathan.Duringthedeliveryofinstructionsmanyoftheyoungpeople
chippedinwithjokes,laughterandquestions.LukeandNathanweresomethingofa
doubleactasmyselfand the two teachers tookabackseatapproach.Youngpeople
half listening, half wishing to begin, fiddled with utensils and chatted through
whispers.
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Thesessionwasagreatsuccess,andapart fromablenderbreaking‐thecontentsof
whichhadtorapidlytransferredintoanotherblender‐allgroupsproducedsomething
nearly resembling an autumnal coloured thick and spicy soup. Varying in thickness
andquantity‐mygroupmanagingtopourhalfitssoupdownthesink‐everyoneofthe
youngpeopleleftthesessionwithacontainerfull,orsufficientlyloadedwithsoup.
Betweenchoppingvegetables,blending,andinterpretingtheseasoningratherloosely
ontherecipecard,mostofthesessionwasfilledwiththechatterofsupervisorsand
students.Responses toquestionsabout thedayweremetwith supervisors steering
studentsawayfromlongextendedmonologuesaboutwhichteachertheydetestedor
which other young person they had a vendetta or a grudge emerging against. The
conversationandthegroupdynamics,whileattimesappearing likethekitchenwas
no longer controlled by the adults supervising, was joyful and full of conversation.
Encouragement,informalcounseling,andgeneralstudent‐supervisorbantergavethe
sessionitsfeel.
Theafterschoolcookeryclubwasnot‘overtly’faith‐based.ItsimplywasaboutLuke
usinghispreviousvocationalskillsasacheftocreatearelationalspacewhereyoung
peopleon theriskofexclusioncouldbegivena littleextra timeandattention inan
environment that was creative and productive. The diary extract illustrate how,
similartoLitke’sresearch(2009),theinitiationofthecookeryclubcreatedroomfor
subtle encouragements, lifts in confidence and friendly one‐on‐one engagement
betweenadultsandyoungpeoplepresent.Thiswas alsoclear intheexperiencesof
severalyoungpeoplewhoattendedtheclub.
In informal discussionwith students attending the cookery club the general theme
thatemergedwasthattheclubprovidedthemwith‘somethingfuntodoafterschool’,
othersarticulatedthat ‘itgavethemachancetohangoutwithLukeandRachel’(an
assisting teacher),’ something they looked forward to’ each week. Asking students
whytheyenjoyedthecompanyofLuke,andteachers likeRachel, theresponsefrom
Muhammad during the cookery club typified the response I heard from many
180
students:
“It’saboostyouknow,goinghomewithsomethingyou’vecooked.Tim’sagood
Chefandreallyencouraging.Rachelisjustoneofthoseteachersthathelpsyou
too.”
SimilarlytalkingatthecookerycluboneafternoonwithayoungstudentcalledJames
heresponded:
“Igetthingswrongalot.I’mnotverygoodwiththemeasurementsandstuffbut
Lukeisgoodatsortingthingsout. I’malwayschuffedwhenheis inourgroup,
he’salegend,reallyfriendlyandhe’shelpedmebelieveinmyselfmore.”
InterviewingLukeaboutthecookeryclubheexplainedhowandwhyhewentabout
searchingforopportunitiestorunafter‐schoolactivities:
“I think it isabitrelationalreally, I thinkformethat iswhyIhavedoneallof
them(school‐basedactivities)asagatewayintorelationshipswithkids,orout
ofmutualsortoffriendshipandpurpose,likethiswouldbereallygoodforthem
so,shouldwedosomething?Sotheschool,thatwastomeetkidsandthat,Ican
cooksoIwentinandcooked.”
Luke’srationalforengagementwasto‘meetthekids’andbecausehethoughtitwould
be ‘really good for the kids’. Secondly, the partnerships thatwere formed between
himselfandthelocalschoolweredoneonthebackofhavingacommonaim:starting
somethingthatwouldbegoodfortheyoungpeople.
EncouragingLuketoreflectuponhowhisfaith‐inspiredconvictiontoliveamongstthe
local community shaped his vision for school‐based interventions Luke’s response
referredbacktohisinitialconcernforstudentsnotgettingtherightaccesstohealthy
foodorhavingtheknowledgeofhowtocookit.Howeverhewentontoexplainthat
allofhisschool‐basedvoluntaryworkwasmotivatedbyabroaderethosandvision:
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“myvision is thatasmanypeopleaspossibleexperienceandknowthe loveof
God,therestisjustloveasmuchasyoucan,andIdon’tthinkthatwouldchange
iftheyweren’tinterestedinGod”
The critical examination of Eden/SA614UK biographic narratives in chapter four
illustratedhowthefaith‐fuelledconvictionto‘liveamongst’wasnotnecessarilyonly
inpursuitofanevangelisticvisionbutitwasalsoaboutacertaincareethicthatcame
fromlovingthemregardlessofwhethertheywereinterestedintheChristianfaith.In
the particular case of Luke, building relationships and caring for young people
throughvoluntary school‐based interventions like the cookery club thismandate of
abundantcareandlovewascentral:
“Cookeryclub,forinstance,yeahofcourseononelevelit’sisjustaboutcooking
withthekids,butactuallyunderneaththatit’saboutsomethingdeeperitsabout
contact time with these young people who need extra attention, a bit of
encouragement,supportandlove,yeahlove.”
Luke’svisionwasgrounded inahope that throughhisactionsand involvement the
youngpeoplewouldexperiencethe‘loveofGod’,buthealsoclarifiedthatwhetheror
not they came to put his actions and his Christian faith together and make the
connection he would still continue to keep loving them. In the school‐based
interventions the voluntary role of Luke was significant not because it necessarily
madefaithexplicitbutbecausehisfaithandconvictiontoliveamongthosehewished
to serve and support prompted him to start things up for the young people, loving
themregardlessofwhethertheywereinterestedinhisChristianfaith.
His commitment to live in the local community also enabled him to engage with
studentsinawaythatwasrecognizedandappreciatedbytheschoolstaffteam,many
ofwho,whilepassionateaboutthestudents,hadchosentoliveoutsideoftheschool’s
catchment. Living in the same community as many of the students on the risk of
exclusionpresentedLukecertainadvantages to theschool. Asmanyof the ‘hard to
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reach’ and ‘at risk of exclusion’ students attended Eden/SA614UK youth services
beyondtheschoolgate,Lukeheldagoodlevelofrapportwithmanyofthem.Knowing
particular students well and leading certain activities Luke had the opportunity to
increase participation in school‐based activities as ‘hard to reach’ students quickly
became‘easytoreach’studentasMaggieexplained:
“Hejusthasawaywiththesetypesofyoungpeople,whatIwouldterm‘hardto
reach students’. They knowhimwell, he puts thehours inwith them through
differentEdenactivitiesandsowhenheisinschooltheywouldcomewithonlya
littleencouragementneeded’.
Livingincloseproximitytomanyofthestudentsandbeingveryfamiliarandfriendly
withmanyofthese‘hardtoreach’studentsinandoutofschoolmeantLukewasalso
abletoupdateteachersofstudentscircumstancesandreduceanygapsinknowledge
ofthecircumstancesfacingstudentsasthequotefromMaggie, theheadof learning,
illustrates:
“Lukecomesinandheknowsthem,coshelivesintheircommunity,hecangive
usaquickbitofadviceandsaythischild,thishashappened,orcanyoukeepan
eyeonthem…”
Sharing in the ups and downs of their daily lives as a youth worker on the estate
meant Luke could pass on important information to teachers on how best to
individually support this or that young person. It alsomeant concern and care for
particularyoungpeoplecouldbecarefullypassedonastheseyoungpeopleentered
theschoolgate,connectingtheirlivesandcircumstancesbeyondtheschoolwiththeir
behavior and attitude within school. Working alongside other teachers Luke’s
presence in school also helped reconfigure how some of these students saw and
related to some of the teachers and how teachers related to students; re‐shaping
teacher‐studentself‐otherrelationsinotherarenasofschoollife.
Shapingteacherstudentrelationsandmovingbeyondneoliberalagendas
183
SchoolteacherswhoworkedwithLukeappreciatedthequalitiesandcharactertraits
heboughttoschoollife.Inmyinterviewswithschoolteachersseveraltestifiedofhow
Luke’scharacterandapproachwith theyoungpeoplechallenged them in theirown
interactionsandrelationshipswith thestudents.Teachersappearedunderpressure
torelatetostudentsinaparticularwaytomaintaingradequotasandschooltargets.
The neoliberalistion of school agendas and the discursive positioning of ‘at risk’
studentstobeseenaslittlemorethantheresultofpersonalfailureandachievement
(seeFrancis,2006;Hilletal,2009)meantthatteachersworking ‘withinthesystem’
foundLuke’sapproach refreshingand inspiring.Luke’sapproach in schoolsand the
appealofhismannertootherteachersworkedtohelpco‐constituteanalternatively
framed set of performances and discourses in school. Rather than simply
individualizingblameandresponsibilityonstudentsatriskofexclusionthisapproach
started fromaplaceofcareandsupportoverandaboveaneoliberaldiscourse that
saw these students as simply ‘failing themselves’. Margaret’s experience illustrates
thissuccinctly:
“IhavelearntalotfromLukeinthewaythathecomesacross,thewaythathe
workswithyoungpeople,urmandifanythingheisquiteinspirationalforme.”
ForMargaret, apersonal learning journeyemerged fromhavingLuke in the school.
Shewasimpressedwith‘justthewayheapproachesthechildren’.Thisapproach,she
explainedwasbuiltuponthewayheencounteredtheyoungpeople:
“IlearntfromLuke,thesympathy,theempathy,urmthepatience,thekindness,
urmreallyhecameacrosssopositiveallthetime,thereisneverneveranegative
commentaboutthekids,youknowwhichreallyinspiresme.”
Margaret’s account of Luke’s work with the school students illustrates that Luke
related to the young people in school through an approach that centered on other‐
focused displays of virtue while also not casting negative connotations onto these
student‐others.Havingapositiveattitudeandrelatingtothestudentsinthismanner
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inspiredMargaret to seek to knowher own students in a differentway: embracing
something of the circumstances facing them, searching to know and appreciate
somethingof theirotherness.ShedescribedtomehowworkingalongsideLukehad
changed theway that she appreciated her own role in the school and theway she
relatestoherstudents:
“I do have a responsibility of ticking boxes, getting kids to achieve and attain,
GCSEs,etc,arealheadache,andIsupposeconsideringmyrole inschool, Iwas
verymuch,‘thisiswhatIdoandthisisverymuchmyjob’,Ididnotreallytake
theneedsofthestudentsandwhathappensintheirhomelifeseriously.Ifthey
(students)haveabadday,orabadmorning,Ijustsawitasnegativebehaviour,I
did not used to look at the negative behaviour in terms of what contributed
towardsitandwhyitwashappening”
WorkingwithLuke,Margaretexpressedachange inherapproach.Whilepreviously
Margaret had seen her role as ‘just a job’ and did not connect the behaviour of
studentsinschoolwithsomeofthedifficultcircumstancestheyfacedathomeandin
the local community, in time some of the ‘strategies and the way Luke worked’
‘rubbedoff’onMargaret:
“Lukehelpedmeappreciateandunderstandthatthenegativebehaviourwasa
symptomof something else going on in their life, I started to search forwhat
contributedandwhyithappened”
InthisexampleLuke’sinfluenceinschoolcanbeseennotonlytofillgapsinprovision
for the students but to influence teachers in their own approach with students:
something that led to teachers likeMargaretwanting to searchout andunderstand
the social and communal circumstances facing ‘at risk’ students beyond the school
gate. Margaret’s testimony of working alongside Luke shows that he was clearly
influential in helping to enact and encourage an approachwith students that went
beyondneoliberalwaysofrelatingandteachinginasecondaryschoolcontext.
185
Another important factor in the joint partnership of the local secondary school and
the Eden/614UK churchwas theways inwhich the Christian faithwas andwasn’t
expressedbyLukeandotherEdenvolunteersinschool.
Talkingaboutanddoing‘faith’:postsecularstirrings
Schoolteachers did not appear to have any concerns with Luke’s Christian ethos.
Several teachersexpressed that they feltateasewithhiswayof ‘beingChristian’ in
theschoolenvironment.Lucy’scommentsillustratethisquitesuccinctly:
“Luke being Christian, and working for a faith‐based organisation, has never
croppedupasanissue.They(Edenvolunteers)havecomeinanddonesessions
formeandtheyhavetalkedaboutbeliefsandthings…”
LukeoccasionallycameintoschoolwithotherEdenvolunteers,orinpartnershipwith
thebroaderMessageTrust to runRE lessons, take school assembliesandhelpwith
the ‘activities week’. The general feeling amongst staff interviewed was that
Christianity was never imposed upon the students or the teachers. As Lucy, a
humanitiesteacherexplained:
“I’minnowaysreligiousbutthentheyarenot‘biblebashers’,wehavehadquite
goodopendiscussionsaroundthat(faithandbelief)andwhypeoplebelieve.”
WhileMargaret,theheadoflearning,alsocommented:
“Itisneverpusheddownourthroatsoritisneveranissue,butitisalwayson
theperipheryofthesessions.ItissomethingIhaveneverfeltthreatenedbyor
worriedabout.”
AsbothTeacherscommentsillustrate,thewaytheChristianfaithwasexpressedand
verbalisedintheschoolenvironmentwasnevertakenasa‘threat’.InsteadMargaret
acknowledged the location of faith as something that was on the periphery. The
Christian ethos of Luke and other volunteers, while being there on the fringe, was
186
never something coercively presented, being ‘pushed down throats’, or being
expressedinsuchawaysoastomerittheteamtheterm‘biblebashers’. Instead,as
Lucy testifies, althoughnotherselfapersonof faith, faithandbeliefwerediscussed
openlyandwithoutanyhintofcoercion.AskingLucytodescribewhatshemeantby
goodopendiscussionsshewentontoexplain:
“Whether it’s with students or us teachers it’s respectfully done, no one is
adamantlytoldthattheiropinioniswrongorthattheirChristianviewistheonly
one worth listening to. In fact Eden volunteers like Luke are very good at
listeningtoalternativeviewpoints,theydon’tclosethemdownormakeyoufeel
insignificant”
Lucy’sexplanationillustratesthat,whetherinaclassroomcontextorinthestaffroom,
themannerbywhichfaithdiscussionsoccurredwasonethatwasnotbasedonlyon
one opinion being worthy of attention, instead, viewpoints were exchanged and
listened to by different parties. When faith was discussed and bought into
conversation it appeared that the main reason for schoolteachers not having any
concernwas that thesediscussions tookplace inamanner thatwasbothrespectful
and adherent to difference. Luke was cited as being very good at listening to
alternativepointsofviewwithoutbeingreactionaryorobnoxious.
ThesecondmajorreasonforteachersnotbeingcautiousofpartneringwithLukeand
the Eden initiative was bound up in the way the teachers perceived the broader
influence of the Eden initiative on their students. Margaret, not religious herself,
explained that she had seen a vast transformation in a number of the schools
renowned ‘trouble makers’ after they had got involved with Eden. Margaret was
ambiguousastowhethertheremarkedchangewasdueto‘theChristianbit’buteither
way students had shown themselves to be wholly different in their behaviour at
school:
“Kidsthataremisbehavingatschool,droppingout,gettingintotroublewiththe
police, urm those sort of kids have gone along to the Eden sessions and their
187
whole way of thinking has been changed, you know their whole being has
changedinrespectthattheydon’tgetintotroubleanymore..’
WithexclamationMargaretalsosharedinaninterviewhowfantastic itwastoseea
number of young people who had attending the Eden clubs becoming confident
enough to stand up on stage and express their own thoughts and feelings on
Christianity:
“NowIwouldnotcallmyselfaChristian,orputmyselfforwardstoknowmuch
about the Christian faith but I have been pretty impressed with kids who’ve
embraced it.We had one of theMessage Trust bands in and a number of our
students actually stood up on the stage and talked about their faith, I was so
proudofthem,theygavereasonsforwhytheyareinvolvedintheEdenproject
andbelievinginGodandwhatitstandsfortothem..”
Thesummativepointtomakehereisthatthestrongpartnershipthatexistsbetween
theschoolandEden/SA614UKisnotonlybuiltontheneedandeffectivenessofLuke
workingwith‘hardtoreach’students.Itisbuiltupontheparticularmannerinwhich
faith is performed and enacted by Eden/SA614UK staff and volunteers, and the
positiveinfluencetheworkoftheEden/SA614UKinterventionsseemtohavehadon
studentsengagingwiththeiractivitiesinthecommunity.Fromthetestimoniesofstaff
partneringwithLukeand the localEden/SA614UK initiative these two factorshave
ledtoatrustingandtransparentcontextforpostsecularpartnership(seeCloke2010;
BeaumontandBaker,2011).
Section3:BeyondwelfareprovisionIn this third and final section I focus on the involvement of Eden/614UK staff and
volunteersinthelifeofthelocalestatebeyondorganisedpublicandvoluntarywelfare
provision.Thissectionhastwoparts.Thefirstconsidersaweeklygrouporganisedfor
localyoungpeopleinterestedintheChristianfaith.Unlikethedrop‐inclubexploredin
the first section of this chapter this youth‐specific space is much more explicitly
188
Christian;meaninginthiscaseitisconstitutedbyanumberofovertperformancesof
volunteers and staff to encourage young participants to embrace and develop a
Christian faith for themselves. In this first part I turn an analytical eye to how
evangelism is performed in this space. I argue that beyond these performances of
evangelismakeyfeatureofthisspaceistheencouragementofcitizenryrelations.The
second part looks specifically at neighbourly relations between Christian‐self and
neighbourly‐otherontheestate.Firstlythissectioncriticallyexaminesthemotivations
that underpin a number of these friendships and it argues that in some cases these
friendships were primarily motivated by the desire to evangelise the neighbourly‐
other, expecting certain responses from friendshipswith local neighbours. Secondly,
this final section examines how some friendships forged between Christian‐self and
otherontheestateareimbuedwithunevenpowerrelations.Thiscriticallyexamines
the tensions that arise from Eden/SA614UK staff and volunteers trying to build
friendships with other neighbours while they hold dual identities in the local
community. As Eden/SA614 staff and volunteers are recognized as both a local
neighboursandaserviceprovidersthissectionexamineshowandwhythisbecamean
issue for Eden/SA614UK staff. Thirdly, and finally, this section explores how acts of
generosity, care, and service emerge out of local friendships between Christian‐self
and neighbourly other, and it examines how such neighbourly relations re‐shape
Christian‐selves;athemethatresonateswiththebiographicnarrativesandencounters
exploredinthepreviouschapter.Drawingoutthesethreeanalyticalpointsprovidesa
critical view on how such relationally enacted spaces of care and friendship can be
consideredtobepartconstitutiveofanemergentethicallandscape.
Cellgroup
CellwasheldonceaweekintheEdenoffices.Alongsideafewgames,anopentimeon
thepool table, or an organized trip the cinema, thewoods, or the football pitch, an
informalpresentationwassometimesgivenabouttheChristianfaith.Cellwasclearly
part of the ‘evangelistic’ aims of the Eden/SA614UK partnership. In review of the
evangelistic discourses discussed in the fourth chapter, Cell was intentionally
structured around evangelistically sharing faith and supporting young people who
189
hadmadefaithcommitments.ThiswasclearfromthedescriptionofCellontheEden
FittonHillwebsite(EFH,2012):
“EdenisaSalvationArmyChurchandweloveGod.Wearereallyupforpeople
to ask their ownquestions about life,who theyare andwhy church isboring.
Cellistimeforyouandyourmatestoaskthesequestions.Butwedon’tsitabout
singingkum‐by‐yah,wedoa loadofmadactivities, taketripsand learnonthe
move.IbelieveGodiseverywhereandisinterestedineveryone,youwillnotjust
findhiminchurch,butonthestreet,withyourfriendsandinallyoudo.IfGodis
everywhere, at all times,whatdoeshewantwithme?Andhowdo I respond?
Youdon’thavetohavegonetochurchbefore,orhaveanyideaaboutGod,infact
ithelpsifyoudon’t.”
Cellwasdesignedasan informalsetting inwhichyoungpeoplecouldaskquestions
abouttheChristianfaith,andasthequotefromthewebsitehints,Cellwasintendedto
bea learningspace inwhichquestionsof identityandpurposecouldbeconsidered
from a Christian perspective. Frommy ethnographic observations it was clear Cell
was intended as a relational bridge between the young people and thewider faith
community. Therewas an intended expectation by both volunteers and staff of the
EdenprojectthatCellwasameansbywhichlocalyoungpeoplecouldprogressfrom
havingnoawarenessandunderstandingoftheChristianFaithandJesus,tobeingan
activememberinthefaithcommunity;wherepersonalfaithreorderseveryaspectof
life,actionandthought.IntheCellgrouptherewereclearlyyoungpeoplewithvarious
levels of interest in the Christian faith. Some of the young people I recognized as
regular faces at the Sunday meetings, prayer events and bible discussions, while
others quite openly explained to me that they attended the Cell group because it
simplypresentedthemwithsomethingextratodoontheestate.
Thetwovignettesthatthissectiondrawsuponaretakenfromoneparticularevening
approximately halfway through my four‐month placement. The content of these
vignettes is the amalgamation of my research diary notes and IPhone voice
recordings.
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TheroutineoftheCellgroupwasthattheyoungpeoplegathertogetheratthesmall
office building on a Tuesday night at 7pm. Luke would explain whether we were
planningonstayinginthebuildingfortheeveningorwhetherwewereplanningon
heading out for an activity or trip out. Some of the trips out included a trip to see
HuckleberryFinatthelocaltheatre,acinemavisitandmanytripstothelocalfootball
quadrant. On the evening described in the two vignettes Luke had explained tome
thathehadplannedabitofaworkshopwiththeyoungpeople,firstlytoavoidtherain
andsecondlytoleavethemwithsomethingtothinkaboutovertheEasterweekend.
Performingevangelism
Vignette1:‘That’smyking’
Iarrivedbeforetheotherstaffandvolunteers.Twooftheyoungguyswereplayingon
the wall, bmx bikes laid strewn on the ground. The weather was atrocious, water
pouredofftheroofoftheoffice,limefromtheoldroofingtilesbuiltupontheground.
TaylorandRobertdidnotseemedconcernedstandingoutintherain;theyseemedto
rather enjoy it. The three of us waiting for the shutters and the three bolts to be
routinelyunbolted.Thetwoladsrepeatedlyattemptedtopushmeunderthetorrent
ofwaterrushingofftheoverloadedgutter.Iwasonlysavedfrombeingsoakedwhen
Luke,theEdenyouthworker,arrivedmomentslater:unlockingtheboltsandletting
us in to theoffice.Thestrip lightsbrieflyhummedandflickeredasLukeandIwent
aboutgoingthroughtheroutineofsettingup.Lukesetupthelaptopandprojectorin
thesecondroom.UnderLuke’s instruction I seta loadof chairsout,persuading the
two ratherwet guys tohelpout.Othersquickly turnedup.Boysheavilydominated
tonight, only two girls appeared. The noise of laughter, teasing and general
conversationwasbarely containedby the small back room.A total of fifteen young
people were expectantly seated surrounding the projector. I actively called the tea
orderandoneoftheyoungpeoplehelpedmakethetoast.Someoftheyounger lads
hadfoundapileofsportsconesandwerethrowingthemateachother;Lukequickly
interjected,breakingawayfromtryingtogetaYouTubecliptoplay.Lukecalledoutto
theyoungerboys:
191
‘RememberwhatIexplainedabouttheline?Welltheconehittingsomeoneintheface
orsmashingthelaptopthatwouldbeoverit.’
Lukedimmedthelights.TheYouTubeclipwasreadytostream.Littleexplanationwas
given;Lukejustbrieflyexplained:
‘ThisisjustsomethingtothinkaboutovertheEasterweekend.ForusChristiansthis
weekendiswhenwerememberallthatJesushasdoneforus’
Lukepressedplay;mostyoungpeopleweresettled.Teashadbeenpassedaroundand
the toastwas alreadybeingquickly consumed.Thevideowas amontageof a short
refraintakenfromthemostwellknowsermonbyAfricanAmericanpastorandcivil
rights activist Dr S.M Lockridge. Modern graphics scrolled the words over screen,
quickly the words of the sermonwere built onto screen capture images and short
movieclipsfromMelGibsons’ ‘thepassionoftheChrist’.KeyboardSynthesizersand
electricguitarmusiccontinuedtobuild.TheoratorypassionoftheDrS.MLockbridge
wasfiery:
‘ThebiblesaysmyKingistheKingoftheJews,he’stheKingofIsrael,he’stheKingof
righteousness, he’s the king of the ages, he’s is the king of heaven.He’s theKing of
glory. He’s the king of kings and the lord of lords. That’smyKing! Iwonder if you
knowhim?MyKingisasovereignKing.Nomeansofmeasurecandefinehislimitless
love. He’s enduringly strong. He’s entirely sincere. He’s eternally steadfast…’ His
passionate sermon continued to build for just over three minutes and finished
triumphantlywith:
‘Deathcouldn’tholdhim.That’smyKing!ThatismyKing!’
Lukeminimized theYouTubewindow: “Well, that is something to think about over
Easter’.
Muchhasbeenwrittenabout theuseofcontemporarymediabyChristians toshare
192
thestoryof JesusChrist.SchultzeandWoods(2008)havedocumentedhowprinted
literature, television, videos, dvds and new forms of public visual media on the
internetsuchasYouTube,havebeenappropriatedbyChristianstosharethestoryof
Jesus with non‐Christian others. As Heathershot (2004) has argued, public
consumptionofthesetypesofmediahasnotonlybeenaboutproducing ‘conversion
tools’butaboutconsumingandperformingChristianevangelicalidentity,establishing
and instilling a sense of truth through the daily uptake of media messages and
narrativesthatrepeatedlyreaffirmasenseofChristian‘truth’andpurpose.However,
as theworkof scholarsexamining theproductionof thenumberof ‘Jesus films’has
argued (see Dwight, 2012; Peperkamp, 2005; Johnson, 1998), a major point of the
distributionandscreeningofthesefilmsbyChristiansinthelastfiftyyearshasbeen
to produce appropriate and relevant methods of evangelism; something Johnson
(1998) has termed ‘videoevangelism’. In fact suchmethods are not that recent, as
even since the production of Cecil Millers’ Jesus film entitled ‘the King of Kings’ in
1927, film has been used to communicate the narrative of Jesus to others (Dwight,
2012).Whilethemostpopularofthesewassignificantlythefilmpopularlyknownas
‘the Jesus Film’ produced by Krish and Sykes in 1979 (Ibid, 2012). Translated into
overathousandlanguagesthisfilmhasbeenshowninover200countriesacrossthe
world and it has reportedly led to over 200million conversions (JesusFilm, 2012).
MostrecentlyMelGibsonsfilm‘thepassionoftheChrist’hasbeenusedwithsimilar
purpose(seeDwight,2012).Furthermore,whilesomefilmshavebeenusedtoshare
theliveandpurposeofJesusevangelisticallywithothers,therehasbeenanincrease
in the use of broader secular films within the ‘emerging church’ to engage non‐
Christianothers indiscussionabout thebroad ‘Christianstory’ through ‘evangelistic
film discussion groups’ (see Smither, 2007). This method of ‘appropriation’ (see
Johnston,1998)has led to abroad rangeof filmsbeing suggestedas good tools for
creating and provoking discussion on various biblical and theo‐ethical topics (see
Barsottietal,2004). Inmyownanalysisof ‘Cell’ and thecriticalexaminationof the
useof theYouTubeclip,described inthevignetteabove, therearevariouspoints to
highlightthatrelatetothesebroaderacademiccommentariesontheuseoffilmasan
‘evangelistictool’.
193
Firstly,asImadeclearintheopeningofthissectionofthechapter,thelocalEdenand
614UK church on Fitton Hill is the most explicit evangelical space. As a space
designatedforquestions,discussionandteachingonthemaintenantsoftheChristian
faithitdoesnotcomeasmuchofasurprisethatavideowasusedtopresent‘theJesus
story’ to those who regularly attended the weekly group. Questioning Luke, the
groupsorganizer,onhispurposeofthefilmclipinthesessionhecommented:
‘Well its justaboutaseedreally inmanycases,urmIguessyouknow,Cell isabout
puttingthestoryoutthereinaprettystraightforwardway,andyouneverknowwho
inthegroupmightbeprovokedbythevideo.It’sachancetousesomethingrelevant
andinspiringtochallengetheyoungpeopleabouttheirownbeliefsandrelationship
withJesus,andyouknow,everyyoungpersonwatchesYouTube.’
InterestinglyinthisquoteLukedrawsparallelstoa‘seed’andheframestheuseofthe
video as amethod of ‘putting the story out there’. For Luke, showing this filmwas
aboutmakinguseof a contemporary ‘evangelistic tool’. Communicating the storyof
JesustoyoungpeopleontheestatethroughthemediumofashortYouTubeclipwas
donewiththehopethatitwaswould‘challenge’and‘provoke’theyoungpeople.This
challengewould lead them to question for themselves their own belief system and
where the Jesus story fits into this. It clearly had evangelistic intentions. However,
Lukeenvisagedthefilmasa‘seed’:somethingthatpotentially,hencehisreferenceto
not knowing who in the group might be provoked by the video, would grow into
something bigger if the young people viewing it were indeed ‘challenged’. Luke
finishedtheclipannouncingthattheclipgavetheyoungpeoplesomethingto ‘think
about over the Easter weekend’. He envisaged the media clip as a relevant and
inspiringprovocateurthatwouldengageandculturallyfitthenatureofyouthculture.
Secondlythecontentofthemediaclipissignificant.Itwasextremelyemotional.The
oratorDrS.MLockbridgewaspassionateaboutwhathewassayinginhissermon.The
toneofhisvoice,theinflectionandpaceofhisshortsentenceswereproductiveofa
resonatingpieceofpublicspeaking.Repetition,repeatedrhetoricalquestioningofthe
listenerandthedramaticpauseculminatedinapublicsermonextracttowhichitwas
194
hardnottopayattention.Likewisethecombinationofspeech, imageandmusichad
dramatic effect. Combining the speech extract with edited scenes and freeze frame
stencil images fromMelGibson’sThePassionof theChristgave the speechavisual
focalpoint–themanofJesus.IntheseclipsJesuswaseitherseenasbeingmutilated
andexecuted, or as aman robedand smiling; encounteringmembersof the crowd;
acting compassionately and caringly for others. The star of the production, Jim
Cavielzel, who played Jesus, had an affectionate smile. Moreover, rising keyboard
synthesizes andelectric guitars throughout the clip createdabuilding senseof awe
andwonder and a heightened sense of exultation. The clipwas extremely dramatic
and provocative. As the diary extract below details, watching it among the young
peopleIfeltaseriesofemotions:
‘ImmediatelyIwaspersonally‘taken’bythevideo.ButIactuallydidnotlikethefirst
fewminutes.Ifounditemotionalandoverbearingbutdecidedtogiveitalittlelonger
beforeIpersonallywroteitoff.DependingonyourownpositionontheChristianfaith,
it could have easily been interpreted a number ofways: propaganda, dogma, truth,
scripture,moving,enticingoremptyemotionalism.Ihadmyownviewsonit,asIam
sureothersintheroomdid.WhenitendedafterabriefthreeminutesIhaddecided
thatevenamongstitsheavyuseofemotion,graphicmutilationofthebodyofChrist,
affectualimagesofasmilingman,supposedlydepictingJesus,thecentralpointforme
was that thevideoaskedwhether theviewernew Jesus likeDrLockridge fervently
andvigorouslyexclaimedthatJesuswashis‘King’.
Observingtheyoungpeopletheyallrespondeddifferently.Someseemedsilencedby
thevideo,othersjoked,figgetedandseemeddisinterested.OnappearancesaloneIfelt
liketheroomcouldbereadindifferentways,contrastfilledtheroom.Oneoftheolder
lads sincerely raised his voice for others to be quiet, some settled into the video,
others remained dis‐interest or fooled around. Everyone used their own agency to
respondhowtheyfeltmoved,indifferent,orrepelled.Thevideowasaclearstatement
of the Christian faith and the atmosphere around the room suggested opinionwas
divided.My responsewas going to be different from those aroundme that did not
havethesamereligiousfaith.BytheendofthevideoIfeltanoverwhelmingsenseof
195
gratitude,tearswelling,somethingofwhatIcanonlydescribeasknowledgeofdivine
forgiveness, redemption and reconciliation took overme for amoment. Inmy own
senseofself,itwasamomentoftakingstock,questioningwhatIstoodfor:whowas
‘myKing’?Whoandwhatthingsdefinedme?’
There are several things to draw out of this diary extract and several things that
neededtobe triangulatedagainst itas itwhollyrepresentsmyownsubjectiveview
and readingof theevening’s events.Analyticallyunpackingmyownexperienceand
theexperienceofotheryoungpeoplepresentthatnighthelpstomakesenseofhow
the performance of evangelism enacted through the media clip was received and
experiencedbydifferentlysituatedpeople.
ThiswasthefirsttimeIhadeverseenthismediaclip.Astheextractrecallsmyown
first reactions were to be somewhat initially uncertain of the clip as I found it
‘overbearing’. Iwasskepticalof theoveruseofemotional imagery.However,as the
reflectivepiecenarratesIfeltoverallthatthemediacliphadapointtomakeandthat,
forme, it waswhether the viewer knew the Jesus Dr Lockbridgewas dramatically
recalling.Mysubjectiveresponsewasemotionalasthediaryextractillustrated.Ifelta
personal affinitywith the video. It re‐affirmedmy personal faith convictions and it
culminated in a feeling of thankfulness and gratitude. As the piece describes I was
‘takenover’bycertainembodiedfeelingsandwatchingthemediaclipitemotionally
resonatedwithme.Ittookmetoaplaceofreflection,theapexofwhichwasaseriesof
reflexive ontological musings. However, this was clearly my own experience and
response.WhilemyinterpretationofthevideoanditsaffectonmewaspositiveIhad
an inclinationeven throughmyownethnographicobservation that theopinionand
feelingofotherswatchingdiffered.
WhilethepurposeofCellwastoexploretheChristianfaith,throughoutmyvoluntary
commitments at the Cell group it became clear that the Cell groupmeant different
thingstodifferentyoungpeople.Someweretherefor‘thewholepackage’,sotospeak:
thegames,socializingandtheexplorationoftheChristianfaith,otherswerejustthere
tohavefunandsocialize.Thiswashighlightedinmyethnographicobservationduring
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theshowingofthemediaclip;itwasalsomoreobviousinthetestimonialaccountsof
young people interviewed. The accounts of Mark, Alex and Sophie show a
considerablespectrumofopinion.
DuringmyethnographicplacementitwasclearthatfromtheperspectiveofEdenstaff
and volunteers Alex was held up as an example of someone who had ‘really
discovered Jesus for himself’. Alex attended the Sunday gathering with the wider
Eden/SA614UKfaithcommunityandaccordingtovariousEdenvolunteersshoweda
realinterestinlearningabouttheChristianfaithandgrapplingwithwhatitmeantto
him. Interviewing Alex and questioning him about his own experiences of Cell he
explained:
“Iwouldn’tmiss it. It’s Luke, innit.He’s a local legend. It’s a good thing Cell. I
havelearntalotandyouknowandthatshowmyfaithstarted:throughCell.Its
importantthatwearechallengedaboutwhatwethinkandstuff,andthat’sCell
for you. It gaveme a lot to think about and all the Eden teamhas been great
answeringmyquestions.”
Reviewingwhathefeltabouttheparticularnightunderanalysisinthissectionofthe
chapterAlex’sresponsewasfairlysimilartomyown:
“I lovethatvideo.I’veputitonfacebookafewtimes.Somepeoplehavedissed
me for doing it but I’m proudman. Luke’s has shown it to a few of us before
when Cell wasmuch smaller but Cell’s grown recently. A lot of the guys play
footballwithLukeonaWednesdaysoIguessthis isanothernighttohangout
withhim.Itsirritating‘cosnotthatmanyofthemarebotheredaboutthewhole
Jesusbitandthatpissesmeoffabit.Imean,I’mherecosI’mseriousaboutthis
youknow.Butothersjustcometomessaround.’
UnlikeAlex,interviewingMarkitwasclearhefoundthevideo‘prettyintrusive’:
“youknowdon’tgetmewrongIloveLuke,he’saqualityguy.Alwayslistensand
197
isrightfunny.It’sjusttheGodstuff.Imean,sometimesCellisgreat,wegoona
trip,havearightlark,butothertimesitsoneofthoseeveningsintheofficewhen
wegetoneofLuke’sspeechesorvideos.He lovesthembutIcan’tstandthem.
They’rereallysoppyandwet.EmotionalcrapthatharpsonabouthowJesusdid
thisandJesusdidthat.It’sintrusivetoo.Imeannotallofusbelieveinthatkinda
religious stuff. Luke ain’t in ya face, he’s chilledwith it you know its just like
whenhegiveshislittletalksorplaysussomethinglikethatblackman’sspeech
it’sabitmuch.’
IheardMark’sviewonCellrepeatedbyseveralotheryoungmenwhoattendedCell.
Theygenerallyexplainedthattheycamefortheactivitynightsandwereuninterested
inthe ‘Godbits’or ‘Jesusspeeches’.Mark’sexperienceof theDrLockbridgevideo is
remarkablydifferentfrombothAlex’sandmyowninterpretation.ClearlyMark’sview
ofCellwas that itwasbestwithout the evangelical interventions.His experienceof
what Ipersonally found inspiringwas instead interpretedas ‘soppy’ and ‘intrusive’.
Interestingly,however,hedistinguishedbetweenthecontentofthevideoandLuke’s
‘speeches’andthenatureandcharacterofLukehimself.Thiswassomethingthatalso
wasdistinguishableinSophie’saccountofCell:
“There isnothingaboutLuke Idon’t like.He isamazingandCell’sgoodtoo, in
someways.Ireallylovegoingtodrop‐inandCell’sprettysimilar:reallyfriendly
and inviting, space tohangoutwithmymates. It’s just theblatantGodpitch I
don’t get they justmakeme uneasy. Its not like you knowwhen it’s going to
happeneither‘coseachweekisdifferentatCell.It’saguessinggameifoneofthe
talks isgoingtobedone.Don’tgetmewrong it’snotLukethough; it’s just the
talkbit.
ForSophieherpositiveexperienceofCelliscomparedtoherenjoymentofthedrop‐in
club described and analysed earlier in this chapter. In her view it was what she
describedasthe ‘blatantGodpitch’thatshedidnotappreciate, insimilarregardsto
the experience of Mark it was not Luke’s personality or character that she found
unsettlingitwastheenactmentoftheseshortevangelicaltalks.
198
Lukehimselfexplainedthathehadnoticedthatnumbersdroppedsignificantlywhen
theyoungpeopleontheestateknewthataspecialactivityoutof theofficewasnot
happeningandsoasaresponseLukehadpurposefullynotmadeitclearastowhether
thegroupwheregoingoutorstayingintheoffice.KeentokeepthenumbersatCell
Lukeusedthisasatactictokeeptheyoungpeople‘guessing’astowhatstructureCell
would takeonaweeklybasis.However, on reflectionof Sophie’s experienceofCell
thismadeheruncomfortableasshedidnotknowwhetheraChristiantalkwasgoing
tobegivenornot.ThistacticofLukes,whilenotovertlybeingusedto ‘trick’people
intostaying for theevangelical talkwas inhisview justareflectionon the fact that
someyoungpeoplewere just interested in the excitingbitsheldbeyond the estate.
HoweverastheviewofSophieillustrates,thisleftsomeyoungpeoplefeelingslightly
uncomfortablewith the lackof transparencyoverwhatwashappeningonaweekly
basis. In some regards the fact that there were these overt performances of
evangelismwas tobeexpectedconsidering thatCellwasanoptionalactivityclearly
marked as exploring the Christian faith, critically speaking however this process
lackedtransparency.
Encouragingcitizenryrelations
Vignette2:‘Shineyourlight’
‘SoyouallknowthatmyrelationshipwithJesusisthereasonwhyIloveyouguyslike
Ido’
‘AhthanksLuke!’Someonecalledout.
‘’Noseriousthough”,Lukepressedon:“YouhaveallheardoftheMessagebandLZ7,
wewenttoseethemwithCelllastyearincentralManchester.Welltheyareonthis
campaignandIwantustojoinin,thisvideoexplainsitbetterthanIcould,Johncan
youflickthelightsoffagain,actually,sodoestheirwebsite.Sowe’vebeentothis
websitebeforehaven’twe?Wellit’scalled‘shineyourlight’andLZ7arejustbasically
199
onacampaigntogetyoungpeopletoembracedoinggoodstuff.So,anywayletme
playyouthisshortclip,andthenwewilllistentothesongthatLZ7arereleasingtogo
withthecampaign.”Thevideocontaineddialogueandamixofillustrations:
‘2000yearsagoJesussaid ‘youarethe lightoftheworld, letyour lightshinebefore
men,thattheymightpraiseyourfatherinheaven.’Shineyourlight isallaboutthat.
Plugging inthepower,rippingof the lampshades,shiningbrightlyanddoingallwe
cantomakeGodfamousandgoodfashionable.Wewanttoseemassivechangesinour
schools, communities, friendsand familiesandyoucan joinus. It is simple.Youcan
startmycheckingoutthechallengesonthewebsite.Clickonaclipandwatchit,then
doit.Onyourown,withyourmates,whatever,useourideas,addyourownideas,just
get stuck in. Thenext step is film it,maybe an interviewwith someone afterwards.
Don’tworryaboutthequality.Justgetitoncamera.Thenpostit.BecomeaFacebook
fan,postacommentaboutwhatyouhavedone.LoadacliponourYouTubepage.Just
makesureyoutelltheworldwhatyouhavebeenupto.Thatisit,foursimplestepsto
shineyourlightandcutthroughthedarknesswithwordsandactions.Whenyouadd
whatIamdoing,whatmyyouthgroupisdoingandwhatthousandsaredoing,maybe
millionsmore,thelightstartsgettingstrongerandtogetherwehavegotachanceto
reallymakeadifference.’
Lukepitchedin:“Oksoyougetit,right?LZ7areencouragingyouto:doit,filmit,and
post it. I’mwell up for us being a group of peoplewho just become known for the
positivewayweactinourcommunity.Anyway,toremindyou,cosImsurewehave
lookedattheseoncebeforeinCell,LZ7haveputtogetheralistofsuggestedactivities.
Iwillgetthewebpageupandmaybeyoucanexplorethemmoreinyourowntime,but
basically,whathavewegot?Iwillplayafewfirst.Whichoneshallweclickon.”
Someoneshoutedout:“Checkoutchat”Thevideoplayed:
“Checkoutchat.Notonlydotheyhavetowearthatuglyuniformandanametag.But
mostofthepeoplethattalktothemjustgruntorgroan.Givethemasmile,askthem
howtheyaredoing.Makethatcheckoutgirlorburgerblokesday.”
200
Figure1.2:ShineYourLightCampaignCredit:TheMessageTrust.
Martin,oneoftheregularsatCellshoutedout:‘Whatyoumean,talktothePakiinthe
shop.Nothanks!’
Lukewasquicktoreply,clearlynotwantingtogetofftrackandstartoneoftheusual
conversations that is vindictive against the local convenience store assistant: “Yeah,
chattohim,askhimhowhisdaywas.HowmanytimeshaveIbeeninthatstorewhen
oneofyoufornoreasonisjustgivinghimslack.Thisisabouttakingthetimetotalkto
him.Don’tjustgetwhatsweetsyouwantandgetoutofthere.
“Nothanks!”Martinreplied.
Lukecontinued:“Anyway,so,next:HangoutwithGran”.Lukeclickedtheshortvideo:
“HangwithGran,itmightbeyourGran,itmightbesomeoneelse's.Heyitmighteven
be a granddad. Play scrabble or teach them to text. Hanging out with another
201
generationrocksorfoxtrots,orwhateveritisoldpeopleareinto.”
“Prettyselfexplanatory”Luke insistedbeforehecontinued: “What Iwantyou todo
withacoupleofmatesyoursittingwithiscomeupwithaplanofwhichoneyouare
goingtoencourageeachothertodo.Thereisawholelist,Iwillleaveitupontheweb,
justcomeupandclickthevideooftheoneyouwanttoseeandthengetplanning.We
willwatchthevideoofLZ7’ssingleinaminute.“
Groupsbegantochatamongstthemselves;ladsatthebackcalledouttosomeonenear
the front to click the ‘BlessaBobby’ video.Amidst thebuildingnoise thevideo clip
played:
“Blessabobby.Itisnoteasyworkingforthepolice.Peopleswearatyou,punchyou,
butthepoliceputalotofeffortintokeepingussafe.Buysomechocolates,athankyou
cardanddropthemroundatyourlocalcopshop.”
Luke interjected again: “That’s a great one. Has anyone ever said thank‐you to
AmandaforgettingthefundingtogetherforWednesdaynightfootball?”Wewouldnot
havebeenabletodothatwithouther.
Thegroupscarriedon,smalltalkaboutfootballechoedaroundtheroom.Lukeasked
me and the two other volunteers to work with a group each to come to the point
wheretheyhaddecidedonasuitabletask.Mygroupneededlittleprompting,having
asked themwhichone theyhad chosen todo theyexplained theyweregoing todo
‘letters to legends’.Mark, theyoungestof thegroupenthusiastically toldme thathe
wasgoingtowritealettertoBobbywhorantheboxingclub.““Heisatruelegend”
Markannounced. Iencouragedthemtodraft their letters, the teacher inmecoming
out,IcheckedeveryonehadapenandsomepaperthatLukehadgotustohandout.I
askedMarkalittlemoreabouthisboxingclub.Othergroupsmeanwhilewereeither
writingonpaper,filmingthemselvesgivingeachotherhugsorjustplayingwiththeir
Camera phones. I caught Lauren, one of the Eden volunteers, chatting to her group
202
about the ‘forgive and forget’ task. Luke was nowmaking himself a piece of toast
havinghandedafewpiecesouttohisgroup.Soonallgroupshavinggotsomewherein
their planning or execution of which goodwill gesture theywere going to embark
upon,Lukefelt itwastimeheplayedtheLZ7single.Nearlyeveryone listenedwhile
they chatted, planned, or just goofed around. The song was set in the streets of
Manchester,scenesofayoung ladclimbingatowerblockstairswereedited inwith
thebandsingingthesong,ayoungmanperforming,snippetsofayoungmumbeing
comforted by friends on a park bench and an older lady opening the door to be
greeted by the youngmanwith a glass bottle ofmilk. The hip‐hop lyrics held the
videotogether.IknewsomeofthesonglyricswellfromtheHollywoodfilmSisterAct.
Originally composedbyHarryDixon in the1920s the lyrics from ‘this little light of
mine’hadbeenadaptedbyLZ7butthefamiliarchorusremainedthesame.Therewas
somethingresonantbetweenthecontemporaryrenditionby theChristianbandLZ7
andtheversionbySamCooke,FannieLouHamerandotherswhosungitasaprotest
songduring thecivil rightsmovement.LZ7hadclearlywanted toportray that their
motivationtomakeapositivedifferenceintheworldcamefromtheirChristianfaith
andthevideo’spurposeseemedtobeaboutencouragingyoungpeopletopartakein
similargoodwillgestures.Astheshineyourlightcampaignwebsitestatedtherelease
ofthisvideowasabout‘makinggoodfashionableandGodfamous’(SYL,2012).
Inrecentyearsnotionsofyouthcitizenshiphavebecomeconceivedofasbeingmore
thanjustactiveparticipationinlegalandpoliticalcivicframeworks(Halletal,1999).
Citizenshipamongyoungpeoplehasbecomeworkedupthroughpoliticalprocessesto
beaboutcompetency,responsibilityandactive(community)participation(Halletal,
1999).Thispoliticalprocesshasbeenmostprominentthroughtheintroductionofa
Citizenship curriculum in secondary schools across England in 2002. Pykett (2007;
2009; 2010) has carefully analyzed this political process and its pedagogical
outworking in different school spaces. Pykett (2007) has questioned how the Crick
report, the main policy behind the introduction of the Citizenship curriculum, is a
productive piece of governmental technology in the formation and governance of
citizen‐subjects and whether, considering poststructural theory, such
conceptionalisationsofeducation,citizenshipandthepolitical,areadequatelybroad
203
enough.Furthermore,complicatingtheideaofcitizenshipineducationfurther,Pykett
(2010)hasarguedthatthepedagogicalperformanceofteachingcitizenshipinschools
iscomplexandfulloftensions,accordinglyshehasalsoarguedthatcitizenshiphasto
be understood to be outworked differently in different place‐based school contexts
dependingonclassandsocialdifferences(2009).
Beyond the classroom, spaces of informal education have also been scrutinized for
how recent governmental notions of citizenship have been put to work in youth
provision. Many of these scholarly interventions (see Smith, et al. 2005; Hall et al.
1999) have critically evaluated the value of current governmental andpolicy based
understandingsoftheyoungcitizentoarguethatconsideringthepotentialofinformal
educationasspaceofencouragingcitizenryactionsandvirtues(seePackman,2008;
Hall et al. 2000), current conceptualizations are inadequate and narrow‐minded.
Considering citizenship‐as‐practice, Lawy and Biesta (2006) have argued that
rethinkingyouthcitizenshipasapracticedprocessreworkscurrentunderstandingsof
citizenship to be reordered around workwith young people rather than on young
people. In this vein notions of citizenship are understood to bemore inclusive and
relational.
SteppingbackfromtheethnographicpiecepresentedinthevignetteaboveontheLZ7
campaign, I want to draw out various points from this performance of Luke
encouraging the young people present to ‘embrace doing good stuff’. From this
ethnographicvignetteseveralpointscanbesaidaboutthenatureoftheCellgroupon
the estate and how through the space of the Cell group certain citizenry ethics are
encouraged. Making this argument and illustrating it with reference to this one
eveningatCellgivesaclearpictureofhowthespaceofCellcannotjustbeenvisaged
as a ‘evangelistic space’ but how throughLuke’s ongoingwork alongside the young
people the space is productive of both a tacit and an explicit encouragement of
everydayvirtuousliving. Tacitlythespaceofcellwasproductiveofcertainvirtuous
and citizenry ethics through play in and beyond the Eden office, through relational
encountersbetweenEdenvolunteersandyoungpeopleandintheencouragementof
particular attitudes and ways of relating to other young people attending the Cell
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Group. Similar to the argumentmade in the first section of this chapter on drop‐in
spaces, volunteers and Eden staff accommodated the young people through being
hospitable and open. Listening, responding and building relationships with young
people that attended the group. In comparison to the drop‐in group however the
nature of the Cell group and its explicit Christian stance meant that sometimes
workshops, discussions or presentations were given and explicit citizenry ways of
being and relating encouraged and these were linked into the Christian faith. The
eveningdescribedaboveillustratesthisquiteclearly.
InthesecondethnographicvignetteitisclearthatLuke’shopewasthatthecollection
of young people attending the Cell group would be a group of young people who
becameknownforthepositivewayinwhichtheyactedintheircommunity.Hewas
certainthattheyhad‘achancetoreallymakeadifference’.AskingLukeaftertheclub
whyhechosetousetheLZ7campaignheexplained:
“WellfirstlytheCellgroupconnectwithLZ7,theyhaveseentheminconcertin
Manchester and they really liked them. And you know, young people around
here are repeatedly told they are doing the wrong thing, being anti‐social,
causing problems, and instead, I think this campaign goes about it a different
way.It’snotaboutthenegativestories,thewaggingthefinger.Plainandsimple
it’s about suggesting a few fun everyday ways of making a difference in our
community.Little tasks,notmassive things, just small considerations,but they
addup.”
Luke chose to use the campaign in the Cell group for two main reasons. Firstly
because he felt the young people in the group would connect with the band LZ7,
havingseenthemperforminManchester.Secondly,andmostimportantly,becauseit
presented Luke with a campaign that emphasized the positive potential of young
peopleanddidnotpresentamoralized‘waggingofthefinger’,oranegativeaccount
ofyoungpeoplethatlabelsthemas‘anti‐social’and‘causingproblems’.Thisdifferent
approachwassomethingLukesawnotaspartofcorrectingyoungpeoplewholived
on the estate but of encouraging them. As the campaign focused on ‘small
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considerations’ Luke envisaged the campaignwouldbeboth fun and effective:with
smallactsthat‘addup’.
The LZ7 campaign encouraged Cell group participants to undertake small acts of
consideration forothers in community.Theexamples that thecampaigndrewupon
promotedactsofgratitude,generosityandempathy.Someoftheexamplespromoted
by the campaign encouraged young people to reflexively consider the position of
othersintheirvocationalroles,bethisasapolicemanoracheckoutassistant.Inthese
everyday encounters with others the campaign encouraged young people to
empathisewithtasksandthereceptiontheseothersreceivedonaday‐to‐daybasis.
Forexample,encounteringthecheckoutassistantthecampaignencouragedtheyoung
people to gobeyond thenormof consumerbehaviour, acknowledging the checkout
assistantasanotherperson,smiling, interactingandactingwithconsideration.Luke
drewuponthisexampletochallengeandencouragetheyoungpeopletostepbeyond
normativeinteractionswiththelocalPakistanishopassistant.Inotherexamples,the
youngpeople inCellwereencouraged through the campaign to consider those that
hadpositivelyinfluencedthem,writing‘letterstolegends’.MyinteractionswithMark
in the vignette illustrate how suitable this task was for a number of young people
positively influenced by key individuals in the community. Turning feelings of
gratitudeintosmallactsofwrittenencouragementwasawayofdrawingoutofyoung
people like Mark the gratitude they held for people like Bobby, the boxing club
organizer. Similarly, Luke’s comments about the input of the local PSCOAmanda in
findingthefundingfortheweeklyfootballclubhighlightedtothegrouptheinputof
others in the local community. Encouraging the young people tomake connections
betweentheirownlivesandthelivesofotherswasabigpartoftheCellgroup’stask.
In drawing out connections between self and other this campaign promoted an
awarenessandanactiveengagementwithothers thatwasbaseduponencouraging
Cell groupparticipants to embody certain virtues: being kind, being thankful, being
considerateandsoon.Luke’suseofthiscampaignturnedthespaceofCellintoaplace
ofencouragingandpromotingwaysofrelatingthathadpositivecitizenryimplications
for how the local young people lived and interacted with others in the local
community. Rather than envisaging the Cell participants as empty immoral young‐
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subjectsinneedofbeingfilled,orbanked,withknowledgeofwhatisgood(seeFiere,
1993)theuseofthiscampaigninCellstartsfromthepointofconsideringtheimplicit
potentialwithintheyoungpeopletoenactandembodycitizenryperformanceswith
othersinthelocalcommunity.Comparingthistotheanalysisformulatedaroundthe
first vignette this analysis illustrates quite clearly how Cell was built around a co‐
constitutionofbothevangelisticandcitizenryperfomances.Movingnowtoconsider
friendshipsbuiltbetweenEdenvolunteers,staffworkersandotherlocalresidentsitis
clearthatamixofevangelisticandcitizenrymotivationsalsoplayamajorpartinthe
makeupofthesefriendships.
Neighbourlyrelations:Friendshipwithamotive?
In chapter four the analysis of Eden/SA614UK staff and volunteer’s biographic
narratives illustrated how the original evangelistic expectations of staff and
volunteershadbeenreshapedthroughtheirongoingparticipationandserviceinthe
local community. Looking at two particular friendships it is clear that these same
original expectations played a key role inmotivating Eden/SA614UK volunteers to
initiallybuildfriendshipswithlocalneighbours.
Interviewing Rebecca about her friendship with a local neighbour, Julie, Rebecca
made it clear that when she first moved onto the estate her reason for becoming
friendswith Juliewas in the hope that Juliemight ‘become a Christian’. Julie lived
opposite Rebecca and together with three other female Eden volunteers Rebecca
explained that she often prayed for Julie. Rebecca explained that during the first
coupleofyearsofgettingtoknowJulieshewasgoingthroughadivorceandRebecca
had felt concerned for Julie’swellbeing. Julie’s thenhusbandhad specialneeds and
Julie was his sole carer. As well as praying for Julie’s impending divorce and her
wellbeingthegroupofvolunteersoftenprayedthatJuliewouldbecomeaChristian.
Rebecca explained in the interview that Julie was something of a ‘guardian of the
street’andRebeccamadeitclearthatprayingforJulietobecomeaChristianwasin
the hope that there would be a ‘break through’ in the rest of the street. Rebecca
explained that because of Julie’s social status on the street, Julie’s ‘acceptance of
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Christ’wouldhopefullyresultinanattitudeshiftintherestofthestreet.
Criticallyexaminingthedynamicsoftheearlystagesofthisfriendshipitisclearthat
Rebeccaoriginallyhadcertainevangelistic intentionswithher friendshipwithJulie.
WhileRebeccaexpressedconcernandcareaboutJulieasshewasgoingthroughher
divorce, this friendship came with certain strings‐attached. Rebecca went on to
explain in the interview that her hopewas that Juliewould start attending church
withheroncetheirfriendshiphaddeveloped.RebeccainvitedJulietoattendoneof
theEden/614UK’sSundaygatheringsandsheacceptedtheinvitation.However,Julie
madeitcleartoRebeccathat‘itwasnotforher’.IntheinterviewRebeccaexpressed
her frustration that she felt a number of other Eden/SA614UK volunteers had
perhapscomeacrosstoooverbearingandattimesrude. Questioningheraboutthe
current status of their friendshipRebecca explained that she had just undergone a
significantturningpointinherfriendshipwithJulie.Rebeccafeltsheneededtoletgo
ofherevangelisticexpectationtoseeJuliebecomeaChristianandjustbefriendswith
no expectations. Struggling to manage this change in expectations Rebecca was
struggling to re‐balance the friendship. ‘Easing off on the church bit’ meant that
Rebecca had to rework how andwhy theywere friends. Rebecca explained in the
interviewthatalargepartofherfrustrationwasthatthefriendshipfeltconsiderably
one‐way:
“myissuewithbeingfriendswithJulieisthatnowitisstillalwaysmehavingto
gotoher,andtherewillbetimeswhenIamgoing,Iamimposingonher,there
willbetimeswhenIamlikeIhaven’tseenherforages,Imustgoround,Ican’t
quitework out the balance, summer times are best cos she is usually out the
front smoking so I tend to see her more in the summer, and then feel
embarrassed,italwaysbeingmewhoinitiatesit.”
As well as reflecting on how the friendship felt quite imbalanced Rebecca also
explainedthatshehadtocometotermswithwhatshehadtoofferinthefriendship:
“IhavegotpastthepointthatanyconversationIhaveisactuallygoingtomake
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themaChristian.It’sbeenhard,IwouldhavelovedJulietoattendchurch,feel
accepted,andgrowinfaith,butthathasnothappened.NowIjusthavetothink
ofitdifferently.I’dratherbeapeoplepersonandgettoknowherasaperson;I
justwant tobe there forher.Bea listeningear,haveacupof tea, thatsortof
thing.”
Rebecca’soriginalviewof the friendshipwasclearlybuiltuponcertainevangelistic
expectationsandRebeccahadhadtodealwiththerealityofJulienotshowingmuch
of an interest in the Christian faith. Interestingly, coming to terms with what the
friendshiphadnot led to,Rebeccahadbeguntore‐envisagethe friendshipasbeing
more about support and presence, something she felt was one of her natural
strengthsasapeopleperson.Thisre‐negotiationofexpectationswassomethingthat
hadalsofacedRobert.
RoberthadfirstmetTristanattheEden/SA614UKyoungdrop‐inclub.Robertwasa
music teacherataschool inSouthManchesterbut livedon theestatewithhiswife
Toni. Theywerebothregularvolunteersatthedrop‐inclubandaccordingtoother
Eden/SA614UKstaffandvolunteersTristanhadgrownclosetoRobertandhiswife
Toni. Tristan had a passion formusic and as a horn player Robert offered to give
Tristan free tuition on the trumpet. Robert explained in an interview his original
thoughtsonthefriendship:
“GettingtoknowTristanatthedrop‐inclubwejustclicked,hewasgoodlad,no
issues really and we both had a common connection through music. Quite
quicklyitbecameobviousthatifanyonewasgoingtomentorTristanIguessthe
teamfeltIwasmostsuitedtothejob.Tristanwasaprettyregularattendeeat
Cell and seemedkeen to learnabout theChristian faith. I suggested toGareth
that I did somemusic coachingwith Tristan as away of building a bridge to
sharemy faith. In thoseearlydays Iwascertainhehaddevelopeda faith, I’m
sure itwasaprettynewonebuthealwaysrespondedprettypositively to the
discussionswehad aboutGod and Jesus in ‘Cell’. Tristanused to come to the
Eden office after school on a Thursday and I would teach him the basics of
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Trumpet.Itwasgreat.HecontinuedtocometoDrop‐inandCell;heevenstarted
attending theSundaygatheringwitha small groupof lads fromCell. I started
doing this mentoring programme organized through the Message Trust and
Tristan went from strength to strength with his Christian faith. Then he
suddenlylostinterest.”
Robertwaskeentousemusictobuilda‘bridge’withTristanandhesawthis‘bridge’
asagoodopportunitythroughwhichhecouldsharehisfaith.Astheinterviewextract
illustrates, Robert felt Tristanwasmaking lots of progresswith his Christian faith
untilhesuddenly lost interest.Similar to the friendshipbetweenRebeccaand Julie,
Robert’s friendship with Tristan has certain parallels. There was clearly certain
intentionalityinthefriendship. Thisfriendshipwasbuiltonthehopethatengaging
Tristan through music would hopefully provide a bridge for faith to be
evangelisticallysharedandencouraged.Robertclearlyplacedalotofexpectationon
TristanshowinganinterestintheChristianfaith;attendingtheChristiandiscussion
groupandtheSundaygathering.QuestioningRobertabouthowthingschangedwhen
TristanlostinterestRobertexplained:
“Tristanhad really fallen in lovewithplaying trumpet. Itwasnot thathe just
gaveuptheinstrumentlikesomanyotheryoungpeopledowithmusic.Itwas
hisinterestinChristianity.HejusttotallystoppedattendingtheCellgroupand
didn’twant to knowwhen it came to thementoring scheme. I can’t placemy
finger on it. He would occasionally come to the drop‐in club if we had an
organised outing but would never be at the Sunday gathering. It was a bit
difficultatfirst,allthesuddenchanges.Ididnotknowreallyhowtodealwithit.
IntheendwearrangedtocarryonwiththeTrumpetlessonsashewastotally
keenbutIgaugedthattalkingaboutGodandJesusjustbecameanogo.’
Thedynamicsandpurposeof friendshipbetweenRobertandTristanhad to totally
changewhenTristanlostinterestinChristianity.FromRobert’spointofviewtalking
aboutChristianityandfaithwerenolongereasysubjectstobringupwithTristan.In
Robert’sexperiencethismadetheirfriendshipdifficulttodealwithatfirst.Asmuch
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of Robert’s time and energy had gone into supporting Tristan as he explored the
Christianfaith,suddenlyrelinquishingallinterestleftRobertfeelinguncertainofhow
to progresswith the friendship. Asking Robertwhat had become of the friendship
since Tristan had stepped back from showing an interest in Christianity Robert
explained:
“It’s actuallyworkedout reallywell and thingshave settled intoplace. I have
hadtolearntoadjustwhattoexpectandnotwhattoexpect.Iguessamassive
part of it is that as much as possible I have had to learn to come to this
friendshipwithoutanagenda.ImeanIwouldloveTristantobefullyinvolvedin
Eden;comingtochurchandgrowinginfaith,butattheendofthedayIstillget
theopportunitytohangoutwithhimandinputintohislifehowIcanthrough
themusiclessons,soIguessthatisareallypositivething.’
Roberthasclearlyhadtore‐adjusthisexpectationsofthefriendship.Andalthoughhe
stilldesires toseeTristangrowin faithandbe fully involved inEden, likeRebecca,
Roberthasrealizedthatthereisstillasignificantplaceforfriendshipbeyondonethat
comeswithparticularevangelisticexpectations.
Negotiatingthecomplexitiesofbeingbothaserviceproviderandneighbour.
Living inoneof themost renowned ‘problemspots’ of the estate, known locally as
‘the Spur’, Hannah’s focus became how she could improve both the feel and the
reputationofthearea.HannahlivedwithNatanotherEdenvolunteerandafewdoors
down, Tom and Ruth, Eden volunteers and Hope Citadel health practice staff also
lived on the corner of ‘the Spur’. On the estate ‘the Spur’ was perceived as where
many of the ‘problem families’ lived. The local housing association community
developmentofficer,Trudy,hadtoldmeinaninterviewhowshewasquitesurprised
to initiallyhear that these fourvolunteershadspecificallywanted torenthomes in
whatshedescribedasthe‘toughestspot’ontheestate:
“When they first got here Eden came tome and said that some of their new
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volunteerswanted tobeplaced in themore troubledareasof theestateand I
said thatVillages (the housing association)were happy to oblige. Actuallywe
were quite taken a back; anyway, we suggested they use a couple of empty
housesontheSpur.Thespurwasrenownedthenforanti‐socialbehaviour:drug
dealing,andwehadaparticularproblemwithafew‘problemfamilies’.Thishas
improved since thepolicehave targeted crimeand criminal behaviour in that
squarebutitstillhasthereputation,whetherornotitdeservesit.”
BythetimeIarrivedonFittonHilltoundertakemyresearch,Hannahandtheother
volunteerslivingontheSpurhadbeenthereforfiveyearsandhadmadeanumberof
significant friendships. In some cases however getting to know local neighbours
throughtheremitofEdenactivitiescamewithcertaindisappointments.Thiswasthe
case with Hannah and a teenager called Tracy who lived two doors down on ‘the
Spur’. Hannah was disappointed with how the dynamics of their friendship were
perceivedaftershehadspenther free timesupportingher throughherown family
issues:
“TracyandImetwhenEdenhadarrangedacommunityhangingbasketevent.
ThreesummersagothoseofusfromEdenwholivedontheSpurdecidedthat
we could get the local residents together by painting the fence along the
pathwaythat leads throughto theothersideof theestate. I cameupwith the
idea that we all make hanging baskets as well, we got some funding from
somewhere for this.Anyway, that’swhen ImetTracy and she started coming
alongtotheoddEdenevent,nothingexplicitlyChristian justthedrop‐inclubs
andtheoddsummerholidayevent.Wereallygotonwell,andthenherdadgot
summonedtocourtandstuff forrobbery,soIagreedtogivethemalifttothe
courtsandback.AfterhewasjailedIusedtodrivehertotheprisonforfamily
visits. Thiswent on for somemonths andwe really got to share each other’s
liveswitheachother,itwasprettyhardforherhavingherdadinprisonandher
mum is an alcoholic. But, anyway that’s when I felt gutted, one day she
introducedmetoafriendofhersandwaslike:‘oh,Sharron,thisisHannah;she
iskindofmysocialworker.”
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Coming into contactwith local residents under the banner of ‘Eden’ had particular
connotations forHannah.Hannahviewedthedevelopmentof friendshipwithTracy
assomewhatdidactic,sharingaspectsofeachother’slives.Howevertheintroduction
of Hannah to one of Tracy’s contemporaries as ‘kind of my social worker’ made
Hannah realise, disappointingly, that she was considered more as a ‘professional
person’whocaredforTracy,thansimplyanotherlocalresidentcaringforTracy.As
wellasdepictingsomethingoftheassumedpowerrelationsintrinsicintheseactsof
care, this response from Tracy interestingly indicates as much as it does about
perceived networks of care on the estate as it does about the actual relationship
betweenHannahandTracy.Professionalised relationsof careareembedded in the
social landscapes of ‘marginal estates’ and the increasedmoralisation of ‘marginal
neighbourhoods’ through the enactmentof contemporary governmental policy (see
Ward, 2011) hasmeant that both statutory and voluntary servicesmap onto such
spacesrelationsofcarethatarestructureduponconventionalwelfarenotionsofcare
performedby‘caringprofessional’to‘localclient’.Thearrayofservicesforparticular
marginal populations means that public sector care agencies like social services,
statutory youth provision, children’s centres and community centres, ascribe these
placeswith particular structures and relations of care. These ascribed networks of
care,whetherintentionalornot,arequicklymappedontoothervoluntarycommunity
basedorganizations, staffandvolunteers.Thishadconsequences for thewayTracy
viewedherfriendshipwithHannah.Whilewantingtoperformdifferently,caringfor
others incommunity fromthegroundedperspectiveofa localneighbour,Hannah’s
supportandfriendshipwithTracywasassumedtobesomethingdoneoutofasense
of professional obligation rather than as a personally motivated performance of
ordinaryethicsinextraordinarycircumstances(Clokeetal,2007)).
Duringmyethnographicplacementitbecameclearthatmanyofthelocalresidents
viewedstaffandvolunteersofEdenaspartofanagencyratherthanpurelyaslocal
neighbours forged together under the banner of a faith community. The lexicon of
‘Eden’wasusedbylocalresidentstodescribeasetofservicesratherthanacollection
offaithmotivatedpeoplewholivedinthecommunitywhohappenedtorunseveral
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servicesforotherneighbours.Althoughonfirstconsiderationthismightappearjusta
pragmaticlabeling,bytheendofmyplacementvolunteeringforEdenitbecameclear
that ‘Eden’ was used either to describe a set of youth services or to describe the
churchmeetings.Acceptingthislabelandalltheconnotationsitimpliedwasclearly
anuncomfortable reality for certainvolunteersandstaff trying tobuild friendships
withothersontheestate.Hannahillustratedthispointsuccinctly:
“Iguess that is thedifficultywithEden is thatyouarenever justaneighbour,
you know, like a friend or something you are always associated with an
organisation,notthatEdenisabadbadgetohaveatallhereontheestate, its
well respectedand, like, its just that I feel reallydisappointed thatTracydoes
not seemeas just a friendhelpingout someonewhocares forherand loves
her.”
CrucialtohowHannahwishedthedynamicsunveiledbetweenherandTracywasthe
notionof‘justafriend’,howeverthiswascontradictedonmanyoccasionsbytheway
thatEdenwasviewedinlinewithotherorganisationsandagencies‘seekingtohelp’.
While Eden/SA614UK was ideologically built on notions of ‘being‐alongside’ and
‘mutuality’,wherebydistinctionsbetweenselfandotherintheneighbourhoodwere
ideallynotarrangearoundprovider‐receiverorclient‐professional,sometimessome
of these assumed power relations were inescapable. Interviewing several young
people about their relationshipswithEdenvolunteers and staff itwas clear that in
some cases the young people viewed the relationships as having clear distinctions
fromotherlocalneighboursontheestate.Inanumberofcasesyoungpeoplereferred
toEden/SA614UKvolunteersandstaff as ‘the team’, and inoneparticular instance
questioning one young person about his friendship with Luke, the Eden youth
worker, it was clear that he saw Luke as similar to his school teacher and
distinguished between youth workers and other neighbours explaining that ‘Luke
waspaidto liveontheestate’.However, interviewingother localneighbours itwas
clearthatsomeresidentsdidnotmakeanyobviousdistinctionnordidtheyappearto
comprehend of Eden volunteers and staff as different or in anyway superior or of
differentstatustothemselves.ThiswasclearlythecasewithSusanandNicolawhoin
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theirownviewspokehighlyoftheEdenvolunteerstheygottoknowasfriendsonthe
estate,especiallyAndrew.
Lendingahand,listeningandhelpingout:Generosityandselftransformation.
InterviewingSusanaboutherfriendshipwithAndrewitwasclearthatAndrewwasa
supportive and key figure in her life. Susan explained that on several occasions
Andrew had volunteered to get a team together to clear out the gardens and that
Andrew and a friend had re‐painted her kitchen. She also gave an account of how
Andrew had used his contactswith thewider Salvation Army to help organise for
somesecondhandfurnituretobedonatedanddeliveredtoherhouse. Questioning
Susanonherexperienceofthe‘Christianbit’Susanexplainedthatshewasmorethan
happy to discuss different views on God and that ‘being such a kind youngman it
obviousAndrew’sfaithprovideshimwithagoodbitofgetupandgo’.
LivingwithAndrewIsoonlearntthatheregularlyhelpedSusan.Hehadaccompanied
her tocourtseveral timeswhenshewas trying togetcustodyofhergrandson.He
would regularly receive phone calls asking for advice, a listening ear or prayer.
Andrewexplained that inhiseyes itwas justaboutbeing there forSusan,however
frustratingitsometimeswas:
“IregularlygetphonecallsfromSusan.Susanhaslivedontheestateallherlife
andhashadtolivewithanumberofchallengesallherlife.HerSon’sfatheris
extremely abusive and for a long time Susan was hated on the estate for
marrying a Pakistani man. You have got to remember this is a very white
workingclassestateandracismstillrunsdeepthroughitsveins.Anyway,since
Susan’shusbanddeathshehasfoundthingstough.EveryoneknowsSusanbut
shestillhasherdowndays.It’sjustphonecallscanbereally,really,long.Imean
really long. I’ve been phoned up in themiddle of the night to pray for some
distantrelativeIhaveneverheardoformet.Butcaringforhermeanslistening
andrespondingtoherrequests,evenifIimmediatelyfeellikeputtingthephone
downornotanswering. Ineed toknowmyownweakness; I’m impatientand
215
cangetgrumpy.It’sastretchbutthatislovingothers;it’sastretch.”
InmanywaysAndrew’s view epitomizes and representsmany of the relationships
between Eden volunteers and Staff and other local neighbours. Andrew’s
understanding of loving others is something that involves a ‘stretch’. Seeking to go
beyond what comes naturally to Eden Volunteers like Andrew was a big part of
enacting friendship with others on the estate. Self‐other relationships were
intentionallybuiltuponarelational ‘stretch’,andengagingandperformingtasks for
and with others to meet their immediate need was often provoked by an initial
affective encounter and reworked through the exposure of being alongside and
journeyinginfriendship.
Acknowledging his own inability to constantly feel able orwilling to help, Andrew
subsequently moves from a position of ‘self‐positing subjectivity’ to a position of
‘exposure’(Zizek,2005,pg138).Havingbeen‘exposed’bythedemandofthe‘other’
Andrew’s awareness of his own limitations becomes a positive condition. As Zizek
argues,‘thismutualrecognitionoflimitationthusopensupaspaceofsocialitythatis
the solidarity of the vulnerable’ (2005, pg 138). Rather than being a strong and
continually competent individual able to help at any turn or time, Andrews own
reflexiveadmissionofhisownfallibilityenablesthis‘stretch’tohappen.
LivingwithAndrewheexplainedthathehadlearntalotfrombecomingfriendswith
Susan.This learningprocesshadextendedtohowheviewedandmadesenseofhis
owntheology.OneeveningAndrewtoldmeaboutan incidentwithSusanearlier in
theyear:
“IgotaveryflusteredphonecallfromSusanoneevening.Iwasshattered.Ihad
hadalongdayatUniversityandthelastthingIwantedtohavetodowastobe
on thephone to Susan. Susan toldmeverydirectly that I had topray for her
‘cousin’ssoninlaw’ssomeoneorother’.Itwasridiculous,Ihadnoideawhoshe
was talking about but she continued to explain that I needed to pray for him
becausehewasveryillandneededtohaveaheartoperation,buttheycan’tdoit
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whereheisatthemoment.Withoutshesaidhe’ddie.Ihadhadsomanyprayer
requests that week from Susan and I was feeling a bit like ‘oh Yeah ok’. We
prayedonthephoneandhalfwaythroughtheprayershetoldmeshehadtogo.
She later rang me back and said ‘ they’re scrambling the air ambulance and
flyinghimtoNewcastle,they’regoingtooperatetoday.You’vegotaline!.’Iwas
reallysurprised.Ididn’texpectanairambulanceandIdidnotexpectaninstant
solution. God had challengedme through the faith of someone I thought had
very littleunderstandingofwhoGodwas,but said ‘weshouldpray’. Shewas
right!ThisinstanttaughtmetoacknowledgethatGodcaresaboutallofus,even
someoneIhavenevermet.God ispowerful.Hehas fargreaterresources than
the air ambulance at his disposal! God cares enough to answer our prayers.
MaybeSusanknewmoreaboutGodthanIthoughtshedid,shedidnothavea
fully formed theology and she still has a lot to learn about God. But this
remindedmesodoI.Iamstillgrowingandchanging.’
AstheshortaccountfromAndrewillustrates,hisfriendshipwithSusanhadnotonly
taughthimthathehadanumberofpersonallimitationsandweaknesses,butthathis
own theological assumptions and conclusions were not always right. Andrew’s
friendship with Susan was didactically shaping his theology; particularly his
understanding of prayer and God’s unbounded care for others, even distant and
unknownothers. In living alongside Susan, being there to hear and respond to her
ownjoysandtrials,somethingofAndrewwaschanged.Inthiscoming‘facetoface’a
‘dancebegins’:aninterplaybetweentheself’sandtheother’sconflicts(Brewin,2010,
170). To emphasise with Susan, Andrew had to look on her with compassion and
attempttoseehimselffromherperspective(Brewin,2010).Followingthethoughts
of Brewin (2010) in melding together both a Levinasian and a Zizekian approach,
Andrewsencounterswereaboutacknowledgingthatthe‘other’,Susan,hada‘face’;a
particularity,andyetalsohebegantoacknowledgethatlikeSusan,hewasvulnerable
andincomplete.BeingopentothevulnerabilityoftheseencounterswithSusanand
facinguptoherparticularity,somethingofAndrew’sownselfwasdrawnintoaspace
ofenigmatictension.Livingamongstparticularsocio‐economicneedAndrewbecame
moreawareofhisownneedasheexplainedoverdinneronenight:
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“Ihavequitesignificantdyspraxia,andwhenIget tiredInotice itmoreand it
effectsmylifemore:Imakeamesseating;Igetmoreimpatientwithmyselfand
others;Ihaveatendencytotriporfall.Ihavetoreallymanagemysleepandmy
routine. I have my own querks and quarms and, you know, getting to know
Susanhasbeennodifferent.Shehassomeinfuriatinghabitsanddemands,she
canbereallypushywithyou,butIamnobetter.Itakeoutmyownfrustration
on others around the neighbourhood. I can get easily frustrated with certain
youngpeopleat thedrop‐inclubandI loosemyrag.Living inthiscommunity
andrubbingshoulderswithothershasmadememoreawareofmyownissues
andhowdependentonGodIam.’
Conclusion:
Thischapterhascriticallyexaminedhow‘livingamongst’leddifferentvolunteersand
staff of Eden/SA614UK to engage with a number of very different arenas of local
communitylife.InthecaseofthisoneparticularFBOcasestudy,whatemergedoutof
adoptingan‘incarnational’approachwasbothaseriesofinvolvementsinpublicand
voluntarywelfareprovision.Beyond this, the ‘incarnational’approachalso led toan
involvementinthelivesoflocalresidentsthroughneighbourhoodfriendshipsand,in
the case of young people, a Christian youth club. The overall argument that has
emerged fromthischapter is thatwhileeachof thesearenasofengagementareco‐
constituteddifferently,withineacharena the involvementof staffandvolunteersof
Eden/SA614UKhas led to several significant contributions. These contributions are
evidence of how the praxis of ‘living amongst’ might be considered as an ethical
landscape. Attending critically to the involvement of Eden/SA614UK staff and
volunteers across and beyond the local voluntary and public sector highlights the
nuancedandcomplexnatureof‘incarnationalgeographies’.Faithwasperformedand
constitutedinnumerouswaysindifferentspatialsettingsandthemixofactorsmeant
that self‐other relations were assembled differently across this spectrum. Having
examinedthisvariationthereareseveralconclusionstomake.
218
The first conclusion tomake is that ‘livingamongst’ led toagap inyouthprovision
beingfilled.However,moreimportantly,theinvolvementofEden/SA614UKinsetting
upandrunningayouthdrop‐inclubfor11‐14yearoldlocalresidentsopenedupthe
opportunityfortheperformativeemergenceofaspaceofcareandhospitalityonthe
estate. Turning to analyse the performative way this particular drop‐in space was
relationally assembled it was clear that the varied relations, encounters and
negotiationsthatconstitutedthedrop‐inclub,ratherthanbeingaperformanceofpre‐
givenmoral tenants,was in factrelationallyassembled fromthe intersubjectiveand
co‐producednatureofrelationsthatledtotheemergenceandcultivationofparticular
ethicalsensibilities(Darling,2011).Constantactsofattendingandrespondingtothe
young people present, often including enactments of assymetrical generosity,
performatively bought a space of care and hospitality into being (see Barnett and
Land, 2007). Not only was this space of care and hospitality made explicit in the
testimonies of young people participating in the club, it was also clear in the
testimonies of other agency representatives that visited. Accordingly, the place of
drop‐in club was not simply a backdrop for caring relations (Bondi, 2003) it was
infusedwith a particular psychosocial spatial texture (Conradson, 2003) that were
translatedandfeltasopen,friendly,welcomingandpeaceful.
The second conclusion to make is that ‘living amongst’ led different individuals to
draw upon a combination of faith‐fuelled passion, local insight and personal
frustrationtobothprovideandpartnerwiththepublicsector.Incontributingtoboth
localhealthandsecondaryeducationprovisionsignificantgapswerefilled;enhancing
after‐schoolprovisionforstudentsonthevergeofexclusion,andestablishingalocal
communityhealthcentreontheestate.Ratherthan justbeingseenassimplypublic
gap fillers I argued that both these two faith‐motivated ventures led to significant
contributions.Inthecaseofthehealthcentrethiswastwo‐fold.Firstly,inresistance
toneoliberaltechniquesandrationales(seePeckandTickell,2002)theprovisionof
healthcarewascentredfirstandforemostonthelivesofpatientsaboveandbeyond
statistics. This meant a significant focus on the actual encounter with the patient,
understoodasalocalpersonfromthecommunity.Secondly,providinghealthcarefor
the communitymeanta search forbothempathywith thepatient and self‐reflexive
219
engagementswithcare‐givingselves.Thisputafocusonpersonalintegrity,character
andvirtueanditprovidedastartingpointforprogressivepostsecularpartnershipsin
the health practice as staff were valued first and foremost for their ability to keep
focusedonthelivesofthepatientsoverwhethertheyweremotivatedbyaparticular
religious faith. In the case of the secondary school this contributionwas three‐fold.
‘Livingamongst’notonlymeantLuke,theEden/SA614UKyouthworker,wasableto
initiateparticularformsofprovisionbasedonhisproximateinsight,hewasalsoable
tousehisgoodlevelofrapportwith‘hardtoreachstudents’toincreaseparticipation
and reduce gaps in knowledge of the circumstances and difficulties facing students
beyondtheschoolgate.Secondly,hisapproachandcharacterplayedasignificantpart
in encouraging the relationships between certain teachers and students to be
redefinedandredrawn; leading towaysof relating thatextendedbeyondneoliberal
agendas. Thirdly, the manner in which faith was performed and displayed in and
through the involvement of Eden staff and volunteers in the school meant that
teacherswereunperturbedandopentothefaith‐basedethosofEden/SA614UK.This
helpedtofacilitateprogressivepostsecularpartnerships(seeCloke,2010)acrossand
betweenpeopleofdifferentideologicalpositions.
Thethirdandfinalconclusiontomakeemergesfromtheanalysisoftheinvolvement
of Eden/SA614UK volunteers and staff in the local community beyond organized
publicandvoluntaryprovision.Thisfocusedontwoarenasofengagement.Inthecase
of the Cell group the analysis highlighted how, performatively speaking, the space
becameasiteofbothevangelismandthatofencouragingcitizenryrelations.Turning
ananalyticaleyetotheseperformancesofevangelismanddrawinguponanumberof
differentyoungpeoplesexperiencesitbecameclearthattheyoungpeopleinterpreted
the performance of evangelism differently. One young person found themedia clip
inspiring while others testified it was over emotional and unsettling. Critically
assessing the dynamics of these evangelistic performances it became clear that a
numberofyoungpeoplefeltthereneededtobemoretransparencywithwhetherthe
eveningwasgoingtoinvolveanexplicit‘Godslot’.Turningtoexaminehowthesame
spacecouldbeusedtoencouragecitizenryrelationstheanalysis foundthattheLZ7
campaignwasusedtoevokeandpromotecitizenrywaysofrelatingbetweenyoung
220
people attending the group and other members of the local community through
various articulated ‘good deeds’. Lastly, examining several different Christian‐
neighbour relations I have highlighted how a number of these friendships were
underpinned by evangelistic motives and imbued with unequal power relations.
However this section also illustrated how the formation of particular neighbourly
relationsinsomecasesledtothere‐shapingofbothmotivesandChristianselvesfor
theother.Holdingthesetwosetsof findings incontrastwithoneanother illustrates
thecomplexdynamicsofthesefriendshipsandhowsomeoftheseneighbourrelations
involvedmoreofagoing‐beyond‐the‐selfthanothers.
221
Chapter6:Conclusion
Thisfinalchapterprovidesaconclusiontomythesison‘incarnationalgeographies’.It
firstlydrawstogethermyresearchfindingstocommentontheircontributiontothe
overall argument of this thesis and it then critically reflects on themethodological
approach used throughout this research. This chapter ends with a number of
suggestionsonhowthisresearchmaybetakenforwardinthefuture.
Section1:Keyresearchfindings
IntheintroductiontothisthesisIpositionedmyworkwithinbothasocietalandan
academiccontext.InarratedhowBritishsocietyhasseenaresurgenceofreligionand
faithinthepublicarenaandIattributedthistobothincreasingmulticulturalismand
the increasing involvement of faith‐inspired people and organisations in public
welfare.Thewholeofthisthesishasbeenpositionedwithinthesecondofthesetwo
societal contexts. Turning to the academic context I reviewed geography’s
engagement with religion and I argued that geography’s examination of the place,
purposeandpraxisoffaith‐inspiredinvolvementinpublicwelfaredidnotsufficiently
reflect the breadth and depth of this public phenomena. I then put forward three
provocations as to why faith‐praxis in the public arena needs to be given greater
attentioningeography:firstthatfaith‐praxisisoftenpromptedandshapedbyitsown
particular theo‐ethics, second that faith‐praxi is a very real public phenomena, and
third,thatfaith‐praxisformsoneco‐constituentofemergentpostsecularlandscapes.
Themainbodyofthisthesishasaimedtoextendgeography’scurrentunderstanding
oftheinvolvementoffaithmotivatedpeopleandorganizationsinpublicwelfareand
care by focusing solely on one arena of praxis: incarnational expressions of the
Christian faith in socio‐economicallydeprivedneighbourhoods. Focussing inon this
arenaofpraxisthisthesishasproducedare‐readingof‘incarnationalgeographies’by
presenting a more complicated and nuanced picture of the nature, dynamics and
impactoftheChristianfaith‐inspiredpraxisof‘livingamongst’.
222
Questioningessentialistreadings
This argumentwas founded by questioning two overly simplistic readings of faith‐
praxisinactsofpublicwelfareandcare.Thefirstreadingthatwasquestionedwasthe
assumption that thepurposeandpresenceofChristianschoosing toembrace ‘living
amongst’ ismotivated and structuredwholly by thewill to convert and proselytize
others.Thesecondwasthatthepracticeof‘livingamongst’ispurelyaself‐moralising
process where what appears to be going‐beyond‐the‐self is properly explained as
reinventingtheself,withcharitableaffects.(Clokeetal,2005,387).Intheearlierpart
ofthisthesisthesetworeadingswerecritiquedintwoways.FirstlyIarguedthatthe
proselytisation reading does not take adequate account of the complex and diverse
ways in which faith is shared and performed. Secondly I argued that the self‐
betterment reading neglects to take account of the spectrum of how and why the
charitableandcaringself is involved inother‐focusedactsofwelfare,and that such
involvement cannot be considered in an essentialist manner; either being read as
simplyaltruisticoregotistic; self‐orientatedorother‐orientated.Thedeconstruction
of these two readings and the alternativemore complex account ofwhat, how and
whyChristiansmightembrace‘livingamongst’contributedtotheestablishmentofthe
central tenets of this thesis by developing five core questions to draw through the
ethnographicresearch.
MakingsenseoftheempiricsTheethnographicresearchonEden/614UKhasrichlycontributedtothedevelopment
ofmyre‐readingof‘incarnationalgeographies’.Anumberofthesecontributionshave
emerged from building a socio‐temporal understanding of incarnational landscapes
(chapter4)andothershaveemergedfromananalysisoftheactualperformancesand
practices of the volunteers and staff involved with Eden/614UK on Fitton Hill
(chapter 5). Although I do notwanting to repeat the actual argument of these two
chapterstherearenumberofkeypointstodrawoutinthisoverallconclusion.Similar
totheresearchofBakerandBeaumont(2011)myresearchfindingshaveemphasized
howimportantitistoacknowledgethecomplexandfluidnatureofreligiouspraxisas
itisperformedandgroundedinlocalcontexts.
223
1.Incarnationalgeographiesasprocessualanddynamic
Buildingasocio‐temporalunderstandingofincarnationalgeographiesdevelopedthis
thesis’sre‐readingbecauseitrevealedthedynamic,processualandcomplexnatureof
thefaith‐inspiredpraxisof‘livingamongst’.Fivekeyresearchfindingscontributedto
thedevelopmentofthisaspectofmyargument:
i)TherationaleandactualpracticeoftheFBOinquestionshiftedanddevelopedover
time as it adopted an incarnational approach in socio‐economic deprived
neighbourhoods.Eventhoughtheinitialadoptionofanincarnationalapproachbythe
MessageTrustandtheEdenNetworkwasclearlyasaformofevangelismthegradual
development of the network indicated how the rationale behind the incarnational
approach underwent a process of reinterpretation that included a holistic blend of
‘citizenryaction’andevangelism(GrahamandLowe,2009).
ii)Themotivation to signup to theEdennetworkasa staffmemberoravolunteer
was often a complex mix of wanting to see others come to faith and wanting to
embracetheradicalandextendedopportunitytoserveandsupportlocalcommunity.
This was illustrated through the biographic narratives, which in many cases drew
uponcomparisonsbetweenwhatothermodelsof churchhad tooffer andwhat the
‘incarnational’ approach had to offer. From this I argued that Eden/SA614UK could
thereforebeenvisagedasanorganizational ‘device’(seeBarnetetal,2010)through
which faith could be more deeply put into action for the sake of others in the
community.Ialsoarguedthatsubsequentlyinsomecasesembracinganincarnational
approachre‐enchantedfaithandbeliefasitpromptedparticipantstoreinterprettheir
ownfaiththroughamorecommunalandlessindividualisticlens.
iii) Through grounded participation alongside the local neighbourhood community
manyof the subjectivities of those ‘living amongst’ changedover time.Through the
ethnographic research I was able to illustrate how the proximate involvement of
Christiansenactingatheologyofincarnationinadeprivedneighbourhoodoftenledto
a shifts in ways of relating to others. Encountering others, being alongside and
224
figuring out how best to support local neighbours, led to the reconfiguration of
rationalesforengagement,theologies,hopesandexpectations.
iv) The practical and emotional hardship that faced volunteers and staff gave an
indicationofhowoften suchanapproachwasgrounded in a going‐beyond‐the‐self.
Exploring these emotional experiences helped ‘to create more lively and creative
accounts’ of involvement (Conradson, 2003, 1989) and it illustrated the ‘everyday
interactions, practices and feelings’ involved in the faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living
amongst’(Jupp,2008,341).
v)Thepracticalandemotionalhardshipsthatfacedvolunteersandstaffalsogavean
indicationofhowthese faith‐inspiredpracticeswere imbuedwithacomplexmixof
concerns for the self and concerns for the other. Theburnout narratives in chapter
foursupportedthisre‐readingastheyillustratedhowparticularindividualsfeltthat
theylackedpersonalsupportandmissedcertainexpressionsofchurchthatcentered
onpersonaldevelopmentandpastoralcare.Similarly,theexperiencesof‘doingEden’
provided a key illustration of how the faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’ was
imbuedwith a complexmix of self‐orientated and other‐orientated concerns as the
biographic narratives revealed the continual struggles that faced practitioners in
comingtotermswithpersonalexpectationsoftheproject’soutcomesandpurpose.
2.Incarnationalgeographiesasethicallandscapes?
Questioninghowthefaith‐inspiredpraxisof ‘livingamongst’mightbeconsideredto
be co‐constitutive of an ethical landscape has significantly extended the re‐reading
this thesismakesof incarnationalgeographies. In chapter five therewere threekey
developments that helped produce a re‐reading that went beyond the essentialist
readings founded in the proselytisation and self‐betterment debates. I will briefly
concludehoweachofthesethreedevelopmentscontributedtothethesis’sre‐reading.
225
i)Incarnationalgeographiesandarenasofengagement
Chapter five of this thesis has explored how the faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living
amongst’ has led to engagement in both voluntary and public sector local welfare
provision.Exploringtheselocalizedinvolvementsitwasclearthattheseinvolvements
ledtoseveralsignificantactsofserviceandsupportto,forandinsomecaseswith,the
localneighbourhood.Focusingonthisinvolvementillustratedanumberofkeypoints.
Firstly it illustrated how adopting an incarnational approach led to several key
individuals drawing upon a combination of faith‐fuelled passion, local insight and
personal frustrationtosee localcommunitywelfareprovisionenhanced.Secondly it
illustrated that rather than the motive of such engagements being to see others
convertedortobettertheself,theseengagementsoftenillustratedthatthemotiveof
those involvedwas to serve and transformed the local neighbourhood. Thirdly the
involvement of volunteers and staff in local community could be considered as co‐
constitutiveofanethical landscapebecause it ledtoan intentionalresistanceto the
logics of neoliberalism. In the case of the health sector this was embodied in the
searchtoput the livesofpatientsbeforestatisticaloutcomesand in theeducational
sectorthiswasepitomisedintheapproachtakenwithpupils.Fourthlyanalysinglocal
friendships between Christian‐self and neighbourly‐other illustrated that in many
cases these friendships were not built on purely other‐orientated and altruistic
motivesbutacomplexanddynamicmixofself‐interestandselflessness.
ii)Incarnationalgeographiesasperformative
Thegeneralargumentofthisthesishasalsodrawnmuchofitssubstancefromhaving
turnedacriticaleyetohowfaith‐praxisisactuallyperformed,constitutedandenacted
in the context of different local arenas. This analytical lens has complicated and
bought nuance to essentialist readings levied against incarnational geographies
because it has paid attention to how care is performed and self‐other relations
enactedinandthroughlocalspacesofprovision.
226
Thiswasclearlyillustratedinattendingtothenatureofinterrelationsbetweenstaff,
volunteersandyoungpeopleinthecontextoftheyouth‐drop‐inspace.Farfrombeing
abletointerpretthisspaceasaspaceofcoerciveproselytisationIarguedthismicro‐
publicspaceofencounterwasbetterperformativelyenvisagedasaspaceofwelcome,
care and hospitality. Self‐other relations were asymmetrically structured in and
through these performances and what emerged through this assemblage was the
cultivation of ethical sensibilities that valued moments of generosity and open
engagementswithdifference(seeDarling,2010).Triangulatingmyownobservations
and participatory experienceswith the testimonies of young people and partnering
agencyrepresentativestheresearchfoundthatthespacewasinterpretedinasimilar
experientiallight.
iii)Incarnationalgeographiesandthepostsecular
‘Livingamongst’ ledtoanumberofprogressivepostsecularpartnerships(seeCloke,
2010). The involvement of staff and volunteers of Eden/SA614UK in both the local
voluntary and public sector led to a rapprochement of different positionalities
mutuallyworkingtogethertosupport,serveandempowerlocalpeople.Inthesetting
ofthelocalsecondaryschoolmyresearchillustratedhowtheparticularwayinwhich
theEdenyouthworkerperformedfaithwasacatalystformutualpartnership.Luke’s
performanceof faith in schoolwas interpreted asneither threateningnor imposing
butinsteadwasattributedtobeingrespectfullyopentodifferences.Inthecontextof
local health provision it was the reflexive focus on care‐giving selves that was
influential in facilitating postsecular partnerships. Rather than an emphasis being
placed on the distinctiveness of faith the emphasis was placed on the ability and
integrity of the person to give something back to the local community. The
significanceofbothofthesepostsecularpartnershipstomyoverallre‐readingisthat
suchpostsecularcompactsillustratedhowfaithcouldbegenerouslyenrolledintoacts
of service for the sake of the common good without being either coercive or self‐
fulfilling(seeVolf,2011).
227
Section2:CriticalreflectionsonresearchingincarnationalgeographiesHaving concluded how my research findings contribute towards the general
arguementof this thesis Inowwant to turn tocriticallyreflectonmymethodology.
This involves a critical examination of my participatory approach and my
positionality.
ParticipationThisthesishasemanatedfromaparticipatoryethnographicapproachthatcombined
a mix of observation and participation. In chapter three I articulated why this
approachwasfittingconsideringthenatureofmytopicandmyownpersonaldesire
to enact a faith‐fuelled form of ‘quiet’ activism. Without repeating this argument I
want to reflectively stand back and draw out two points that relate to how such a
methodologicalapproachcontributed tomy thesisandhow it thereforeallows faith
andreligionto‘speakback’togeography(Yorgsonetal,636).
Firstly, this approach enabled me to build a nuanced and complex account of
incarnationalgeographiesbecauseaparticipatoryapproachenabledmetoattendnot
only towhatvolunteersand staffofEden/SA614UK toldmeabout their livesbut it
enabledme towitnesswhatactuallyhappens inpractice.Thismixofdiscourseand
performance enabled me to build a re‐reading of incarnational geographies that
incorporated the experiential and the affectual. This enabled me to encapsulate
somethingoftheactuallivedandimmanentnatureoffaith‐praxisanditmaderoom
for the non‐verbal, the phenomenological and the embodied. Secondly, being a
participant in this particular arena of faith‐praxis enabled my research to become
highlyrelational(Gobo,2008).ThismeantthattheethnographicmaterialIgathered
was more detailed because, on the one hand, I developed and gained the trust of
others,andontheotherhand,becauseIwasabletoreflectwithothersasanotherco‐
contributer(Stoller,2004).
Itmustbenotedhoweverthatmyparticipationwasshortlived.EventhoughIbecame
a ‘fulltime’ volunteer itwas still first and foremost a researchplacementwhereby I
hadastartdateandafinishdate.Iflippedinandflippedoutofpeople’slivesandmy
228
own ‘incarnational’ approach and ‘quiet’ activism was very temporary. With the
limitedtimeallowancegivenforaproductionofaPhDthesisitwouldbeunrealisticto
suggestIhadspentmoretime‘inthefield’howeverthereareanumberofotherways
that I hope to ‘give back’ to the field now that the research and the write up are
coming to a close. My own personal next steps8 are very much as a practitioner
workingwithinthecontextofalocalYMCAandthisaction‐basedcontextallowsmeto
take forward some of the critical reflections and personal lessons I have learnt
through this participatory research into this next opportunity. Having also become
somewhat embedded in a growing national network of reflective Christian welfare
practitionersmyaimisalsotocontinuetoplayanactiveroleincontributingtowards
these‘conversations’.
Positionality
In chapter three I outlined how my research was built upon both a balance of
embracing critical proximity and searching for critical distance. I argued that it is
naïvetoassumethereissuchathingasasingularChristianhomogenousidentityand
suggested that my own position might differ quite dramatically from another
Christian, something I termed: ‘distance‐within‐proximity’. I also argued that my
Christian faith could be productive of a form of critique that is ‘grounded‐in‐
proximity’astheemicpositioninitselfalsohasparticularvalue(seeKnott,2010).In
searchofcriticaldistanceIsuggestedthatIrelieduponfourkeymaneuvers:attending
totheviewsandexperiencesof‘others’fromthelocalneighbourhood;askingcritical
questionsthroughouttheresearchprocess;leavingandreturningtothefieldseveral
timesandbuildingcriticalintersubjectivedialoguewithparticipants.Inotedthatthis
‘search’createdanumberofethicalandpracticaldifficulties.Howevergrapplingwith
thetensionbetweenproximityanddistanceledmetoacknowledgeboththeexplicitly
positiveandtheimplicitlyquestionable.Italsoledmemovebeyondthefrontedgeof
whatissaidandtestifiedaboutChristian‘mission’intheincarnationalarenaandwhat
actuallyhappensinpraxisovertimeandindifferentcontexts.
8IamnowworkingatExeterYMCAcoordinatingvolunteersandleadingateamofgraduateinternsthroughthefirstyearof‘Ten:10’seewww.ten‐10.org.uk
229
Futuredirections
There are a numerous ways in which this research can be taken forward and
extended.
i)Theethnographicresearchinthisthesishasfocusedononeformof‘livingamongst’.
InchaptertwoofthethesisIoutlinedhowthereisawholespectrumofincarnational
re‐engagementwith themargins, stretching from individuals to organizations. This
thesishasthereforedevelopedaparticularviewofincarnationalgeographiesandthis
view could be extended by further research into other Christian organizations and
individualswhohaveadoptedanincarnationalapproach.Howforexamplewouldthe
faith‐inspiredpraxisof‘livingamongst’differifitwasnotbackedbyabroaderFBOor
did not have an explicitly evangelistic ethos? Similarly, it would be interesting to
compare the re‐readingdeveloped in this thesiswith research that could be drawn
from studies of the established church and its historical presence within similar
deprivedareas.Furthermore, lookingbeyondBritainandthe ‘developed’world, this
research could be extended by turning to make sense of similar contemporary
‘mission’initiativesandapproachesintheGlobalSouth(seeBessenecker,2006).
ii)ThisresearchhasfocusedsolelyonChristianaccountsof‘livingamongst’.Inorder
to build a comparative approach between religions and to extend this research
beyondreligionandfaithitwouldbeinterestingtoseefurtherresearchdelveintothe
place,purposeandpracticeofsimilarproximatepracticesof‘livingamongst’thatare
motivatedbyothernon‐Christianfaithsandideologicalstandpoints.Theresearch in
thisthesishasshownhowincarnationalgeographiesarepromptedandpassionately
fuelled by Christ’s incarnation and the post‐Christendom context in which the
contemporary Christian church finds itself. It has also illustrated how such theo‐
ethical praxis leads to certain postsecular rapprochments. However, the potential
contribution of non‐Christian theologies and ideological standpoints within such
compactsstillremainstobeunderstood.
230
iii)Asthecurrentconservativegovernment’sBigSocietyplansareunfolded, further
research crucially needs to be undertaken into the impact such policies have on
incarnational geographies; will these faith‐inspired landscapes for example be
drasticallychanged,andifsohowwilltheinterconnectionbetweenBigSociety,faith
andthepublicsectorshiftandre‐shapeemergentincarnationalinvolvements?
iv) Further research needs to be undertaken into how incarnational geographies
mightbeconsidered ‘spiritual landscapes’(seeDewsburyandCloke,2009).Muchof
thisthesishasfocuseditsattentiononsociallandscapesandtheagencyofthosewho
enactatheo‐ethicalvisionby‘livingamongst’,thereishoweverstillfurtherworkthat
can be done into how the ineffable and divine might be performatively and
phenomenologicallyinterwovenintothefaith‐inspiredpraxisof‘livingamongst’.This
would bring further insight into how the faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’
drawsonspiritualbeliefbynurturing,nourishingandevokingaconsciousnessthatis
alternative to the consciousness and perception of the dominant culture (Cloke,
2009). Drawing upon Dewsbury and Cloke’s notion of spiritual landscapes as ‘co‐
constitutingsetsofrelationsbetweenbodilyexistence,feltpracticeandfaithinthings
thatareimmanent,butnotyetmanifest’(2009,696)wouldalsocontributetothere‐
readinggiveninthisthesisbyattendingtotheinterconnectionsbetweenfaith,place
andpowerandhowthesuchdiscernmentpromptsan‘engagementwiththespiritual
interior’andleadstoanalternativeinterpretationofthe‘innerspiritualnatureofthe
political,economicandculturalinstitutions’(seeCloke,2011).
231
Appendix:
Appendixi:Researchitinerary
Eden/SA614UKOldhamresearchundertaken
5monthsEthnographicplacement:January2010‐June2010:Over400hoursofvolunteeringandparticipantobservation
6staffinterviewsvaryingbetween1‐3hours10volunteerinterviewsvaryingbetween1‐2hours6partneragencyinterviewsbetween45mins‐1.5hrs6interviewswithyoungpeoplebetween10‐30mins5localresidentinterviewsbetween30‐45mins
SA614UKAstonResearchundertaken(notusedinthesis)
2.5monthsEthnographicplacement:
200hoursofvolunteeringandparticipantobservation2staffinterviewsvaryingbetween1‐2hours
6volunteerinterviewsvaryingbetween‐1‐2hours3partneragencyinterviewsbetween30‐60mins3interviewswithyoungpeople10‐30mins2localresidentinterviews25‐60mins
232
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