SO303 Special Research Topic- Third Year Sociology

“How has austerity impacted on a local music scene and

how is this issue being addressed or explained?”

David Coffey

13314626

Third Year Sociology

Special Topic Leader: Colin Coulter

Submission Date: 29/4/2016.

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Table of Contents

Acknowledgements (page 4)

Abstract (page 5)

(1) Introduction and Research Question

(1.1) Introduction (pages 6-9)

(2) Literature Review

(2.1) Contextualisation: ‘Make it a pop song so we can sing along’ (pages 10-13) (2.2) ‘Come back to the house where nobody lives’: The rise, fall and anticipation of Drogheda’s music scene (pages 14-17)

(3) Research Question, Methodology and Methods

(3.1) Aim (page 18)

(3.2) Qualitative Methods (pages 18-19)

(3.3) Data Sources (page 20)

(3.4) Ethics (pages 20-21)

(3.5) Positive and Negative Aspects (pages 21-23)

(4) Discussion of Findings

(4.1) Introduction (page 24)

(4.2) “Working for a livin’”: Singing on the job (pages 25-30)

(4.3) “Pay me my money down”: The financial struggle (pages 31-34)

(4.4) “Build it up, tear it down”: the rise (again) of dance music and reflections on where the scene is heading (pages 34-36)

(4.5) Conclusion of Findings (page 36)

Conclusion (pages 37-38)

Bibliography (pages 39-43)

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Appendices (pages 44-52)

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank everyone who has helped me throughout the last few months in

completing this research project. I would like to thank all the interviewees who gave up their

time and provided me with some invaluable information and insights. In addition, I would

like to thank my thesis supervisor, Colin Coulter, for his steady guidance and patience over

the course of the year. Finally, I wish to thank my parents, Mary and Pat for their unwavering

support in all my pursuits. The early morning lifts and scrambled egg breakfasts mean more

than you’ll ever know.

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Abstract

This piece of research addresses the lived experience of the musical community in the town

of Drogheda during the most recent period of economic recession and supposed recovery.

For all the media attention that has focused on Irish international musical exports and

historical musical tradition, little to no investigation has been carried out regarding what is

an integral part of every Irish town and village- a music scene. Through the use of

qualitative interviews with selected figures, ranging widely in age, a picture will be

constructed of the sharp decline and now apparent improvement in such a scene, in a town

consistently noted for its musical and artistic prowess. The course it has taken correlates

with existing literature on music scenes in times of economic downturn and in addition, is

reflective of recent academic and political commentary on the state of the nation.

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Chapter 1: Introduction and Research Question

(1.1) Introduction

‘I still owe money to the money to the money I owe’- The National, ‘Bloodbuzz Ohio’

Not so long ago, while scrolling mindlessly through the political host of comedy gold that is

the Journal.ie article comments, I stumbled upon one of the strangest yet thought-inspiring

websites I have encountered in some time. It’s called ‘Free Ireland’, and its two most

prominent features are entitled ‘Bailout and Recession Songs’ and ‘Punk Economics’, a video

blog created by renowned economist and broadcaster David McWilliams. Both of these titles

jumped out immediately to this suddenly intrigued final year undergraduate, whose ideas for

a thesis seemed to have run as dry as the taps that were beyond repair in a crumbling

Maynooth student house. The woes of the Irish economy and its people have been given

ample column inches and media coverage since the fateful issuing of the bank guarantee on

30th September 2008 by then Minister for Finance Brian Lenihan- a sum which amounted to

€440 billion, ‘more than twice the value of the Irish economy’ (Coulter 2015: 7). This, from a

country that had been ranked third on an economic Index of Freedom only one year

previously and had, from 1994 to 2001 ‘registered economic growth of around 8 per cent’, an

unprecedented figure (Allen and O’Boyle 2013: 4; Coulter 2015: 5). McWilliams emerged

during the so-called Celtic Tiger (a phrase actually coined by a UK economist, Kevin

Gardiner, who compared Ireland’s rapid economic growth with that of the Asian ‘tiger’

economies) as a staunch critic of the rapidly expanding and ultimately unsustainable housing

bubble that lasted from 2000 to 2007. His expert opinions, after years spent working as an

economist in the Central Bank of Ireland and Banque Nationale de Paribas to name but a few,

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expounded in the form of ‘not thousands, but hundreds of thousands of words’ remained a

constant irritant to politicians, bankers and others who continued to gain immeasurably from

exceptional economic expansion (McWilliams 2015). However, as ‘an old Irish psyche

replaced a new one and ‘post-nationalist ideals’ began to express themselves strongly in the

new millennium, voices like McWilliams’ were shunted to one side and only recalled ruefully

when the damage was already well and truly done (see the Report of the Joint Committee of

Inquiry into the Banking Crisis- David McWilliams – Early Warnings, Divergent &

Contrarian Views) (Coulter 2003: 14-15). Currently, you would be hard pressed to find avid,

total support for the governmental regime (or lack thereof) in place. There is widespread

revisionism promulgated throughout Irish politics, where the ‘section of people who grew

comfortable, prosperous and powerful in southern society’ during the boom who were

reluctant to challenge prevailing ideologies of greed and excess are now the same characters

set to form a new government, advocating the tightening of belts to a country that once again

was living ‘way beyond its means’ (Ferguson 2011; Hogan 2011).

The huge injustices that the majority of Irish citizens have had to endure since the

bank guarantee and the subsequent IMF-negotiated bailout two years later has led to a

cacophonic response but one without unity. My question to you is: in a time of economic and

social upheaval that this country has not experienced since perhaps its formation, where is the

unifying voice of song to express the blatant anger and frustration felt by so many for the last

number of years? Regarding the second feature of the website mentioned earlier, the ‘Bailout

and Recession Songs’, whose titles include ‘Session thru the Recession’ and ‘Brian Cowen

song’, their corresponding meme-based, political caricature videos are more reminiscent of

Liveline’s ‘Funny Fridays’ segment than a serious artistic expression of revolt against

societal injustice. Historically, music has served as a unifying expression of emotion towards

a particular event or existing structure and can act as ‘a powerful means of recruitment and

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strengthen a sense of community’ (Pieslak 2015). The research I have carried out draws on

the experience of a variety of people, some who I have built relationships with over the last

few years and others who I sought out to provide me with greater insight into an aspect of

local community that has intrigued, involved and excited me for most of my teenage years. I

have played in different bands for almost five and a half years at the time of writing, but have

been raised and surrounded by music from a much earlier age- it is a central ingredient of my

day-to-day life. As someone who had just begun secondary school when Minister Lenihan

made the momentous decision to save the ‘big six’ banks at the expense of the Irish taxpayer,

my understanding of gargantuan policy decisions was limited to quick scans of newspaper

headlines- there was probably a new album on release that I had a much keener interest in

buying. Now, my aim is to unite a newfound knowledge of how this country entered into

such a dramatic financial meltdown with my ever-present interest in all things musical.

Music and politics have for centuries been intertwined, from the proclamation in 1734

of then-governor of New York, William Cosby, promising a reward for the ‘detection of

“Scandalous Songs or Ballads” and the subsequent public burning of broadsides collected’ to

the biting protest songs of Bob Dylan, campaigning for justice for wrongly imprisoned boxer,

Rubin Carter (Dunaway 1987). My intention is to cast some light on how political decisions

have had repercussions for musical expression on a much smaller, much less celebrated scale.

As will be explored further in this work, it will become clear that music has meant something

very different to each of the people I have been in conversation with. For some it is merely a

passionate pursuit, a hobby that they indulge in away from work and family commitments.

For others, it is their primary source of income, whether through gigging, organising gigs or

on a grander scale, stemming away from a purely local setting, radio work, public relations

and marketing. For the rest and for so many others, it is something that they are aware of in

the background, existing as noise to be shouted over- much like the political rhetoric that has

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being spouted for best part of three decades.

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Chapter 2: Literature Review

(2.1)- Contextualisation: ‘Make it a pop song so we can sing along’

Last month, an Irish singer-songwriter by the name of Gavin James won the prestigious

Choice Music Prize for ‘Song of the Year 2015’ with his ballad, ‘Bitter Pill’ (Laverty 2016).

He did this in the face of stiff competition in an eclectic category, which included songs by

artists experiencing phenomenal success presently, such as Hozier and Kodaline, and

promising upcoming artists like Mullingar-based band The Academic and stalwarts of the

Irish music scene, Fight Like Apes. The winning song deals with the familiar subject matter

of a failed relationship, which James cited travelling and touring as the reason for its demise

(ibid.). The track is a fairly run-of-the-mill, four-chord ballad and James’ voice is indicative

of the current trend in the transatlantic charts which have shot male personalities to stardom,

such as Ed Sheeran and Sam Smith. Something feels out of place however. As Ed Power

(2016) wrote recently in the Sunday Times, the musicians of, but not confined to Ireland

seem ‘obsessed with being liked by everyone and selling albums.’ This is not an outlandish

statement nor a particularly original one. Since the birth of popular music and its

commercialisation, artists make records to generate money. According to Bagguley

(1991:154 as cited in Longhurst 1995: 38), the characterisation of a culture industry, as

defined by Adorno, is ‘mass production articulated to mass consumption.’ This approach has

been employed since the post-war period and has been changed and reshaped and repackaged

to keep up to date with rapidly-changing technologies but has not digressed massively, at

least in terms of the aims of the popular music industry, whose maxim is to generate profits

(ibid. 29-30). Nonetheless, as a nation of ‘rebels, upstarts and awkward outsiders’, the current

musical trends do not reflect this widely-held stereotype (Power 2016). As Georgina Born

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(1993) notes, ‘the overwhelming forces for centralization and standardisation in the

production and dissemination of popular music’ assert their control, thus creating an insipid,

apolitical musical cultural policy (267). As Power further remarks in his excellent article,

‘Bring on the Bland’, twisting the knife into the field of up-and-coming artists and already

established ones, it is a ‘demographic that regards blandness not as character flaw but as

virtue’ where ‘a fluffy, let’s not offend philosophy has apparently been inculcated in an entire

generation’ (ibid.). Although I do not agree with the author entirely, his description of the

prevailing tastes among the majority of music-consuming public reflects an ideology that has

permeated through the country as a whole, with particular regard to the leadership in

government we have experienced for the past 20 years or more. This is a statement that

requires validation and is not without objection.

In 2007, a now infamous publication entitled, Best of Times? Social Impact of the

Celtic Tiger, produced by researchers almost all employed by the Economic and Social

Research Institute (ESRI), drew a picture of boom time Ireland that, ‘in terms of material

conditions has been to the advantage of nearly everyone’ (Fahey et.al 2007: 276). There were

holes to be picked in the findings presented by the researchers, not least the enumerating of

‘social phenomena’, such as the population’s morale, where it shouldn’t or couldn’t have

been quantitatively assessed (Coulter 2015: 20). Colin Coulter dissects the reciprocal

relationship that existed between institutions such as the ESRI and other social science

research bodies during the Celtic Tiger and the ‘neoliberal orthodoxies’ of the period- namely

governing bodies. The ‘fluffy, let’s not offend philosophy’ became something more sinister,

and cataclysmic- a you scratch my back and I’ll tell you whatever you want to hear strategy.

In its Medium Term Review, published less than a year after the self-appraising Best of Times,

the institute predicted a growth rate for the Irish economy of 3.75 per cent per annum and

declared that the ‘fundamentals of the Irish economy are sound’ (Fitzgerald et.al, as cited in

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Coulter 2015: 21). As it transpired, nothing could be further from the truth. Nevertheless, as

Coulter notes, the ‘fog of cultural amnesia’ that has descended upon Ireland post-Celtic Tiger

has enabled incompetent and subservient researchers, economists and other figures in a

position of academic influence to skulk in the background, their misguided (or downright

foolish) forecasts consigned to the dust of decadence and excess (ibid.).

The ‘insularity and self-referential provincialism’ of the findings presented in Best of

Times? are scathingly deconstructed by Kieran Keohane in his review article on the

publication. He notes the damaging effect modernity and the apparent progress it begets

poses for this country, a fact glossed over by the ESRI. Modernity, he states, ‘replicates

perennial problems in new guises’ and is defined by the ‘co-existence of dialectical

oppositions’ (Keohane 2008: 119). This undermines the tendency to enumerate social

transformations by addressing their ambivalent nature. For example, as the State becomes

more secular and the shackles of McQuaid and DeValera loosen ever rapidly – a good thing,

in many respects- it brings with it ‘existential anxiety, inner loneliness and boundless egoism’

as a ‘transference of allegiance from institutions to self’ is set in motion (ibid; Breen and

Reynolds 2011: 3). The reality is much more complex than the ‘cheerleading’ campaign the

ESRI performed for the political party in power- for every element of perceived progress or

improvement appearing to occur, there is a negative impact elsewhere. Keohane published his

article in Spring of 2008, a mere few months before the ‘Galway tent’ mentality and

cronyism of the Fianna Fáil government and its loyal puppies would come under huge

scrutiny from the media and the general public (Kelly 2015). The decision to guarantee the

banks a mere number of months later would prove to be, arguably stated by Donal Donovan

and Antoin E. Murphy in their book, The Fall of the Celtic Tiger- Ireland and the Euro Debt

Crisis, ‘the single most controversial action in Ireland’s short economic and financial history’

(2013: 172). How this affected people’s livelihoods and family structures by way of

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emigration and suicide was tumultuous and heart-breaking. The latter issue is addressed in

Michael Cronin’s excellent chapter ‘Ireland’s disappeared: suicide, violence and austerity.’

His commentary on the effects of the EU/IMF bailout in 2010 once again highlights the

‘group think’ mentality that was prevalent amongst the authority figures in Anglo-Irish Bank,

the ‘let’s not offend philosophy’, so to speak, that derived from a ‘fear of censure’ (Cronin

2015: 144). This ‘fear of censure’ let to a far greater fear, with much further reaching

consequences- a culture of fear ‘centred around debt and dispossession’ (ibid. 146). It is the

personal stories, particular to each community, that are often overlooked in the creation of the

grand narrative detailing the global recession and even the implementation of austerity in this

country. The correlation between ‘unemployment and alcohol consumption among younger

males’ for example, is a theme that arose during the interviews that I carried out for this

research project, a fact that presented itself tangentially to my line of inquiry. Even now, the

apparent ‘statistical’ recovery we are supposedly experiencing does not account for a

continued ‘human’ recession- GDP rates and job prospects may be slowly improving but as

Cronin points out, for all the ‘single occupant’ cars that have driven ‘into walls in the early

hours of the morning’, what does that mean to families that can never speak to their loved

ones again? (McNally 2010: 24; Cronin 2015: 149).

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(2.2)- ‘Come back to the house where nobody lives’: The rise, fall and anticipation of

Drogheda’s music scene

There is an urgent need therefore, to address the personal stories of those ordinary citizens

whose lives that have been impacted upon incalculably from decisions made by people they

will never meet. The town of Drogheda, where I was born and have predominantly lived for

the last 21 years, is a visual microcosmic representation of what austerity has meant for any

large, or indeed smaller town in Ireland. Located less than 30 miles from Dublin, it is one of

the most popular places of commuter residency in the last 15 years, its population

increasingly sizeably in that time. According to the last census, it possesses the southern part

of the country’s largest urban area population (standing at 38,578), with a further

approximate 10,000 citizens residing in its hinterland (CSO 2011). It is traditionally noted for

its industry, in particular the linen mill which employed thousands of workers when in

operation, situated in Greenhills on the outskirts of the town. It is also celebrated for its

historical heritage, notably the Anglo-Norman built St. Laurence’s Gate, which is still erect

and the preserved head of St. Oliver Plunkett, kept in St. Peter’s Church on West St

(Wakeman 1848). In contemporary times, the town has experienced the economic benefits

that came with economic expansion and attraction of foreign investment during the Celtic

Tiger years. Famously, the Coca-Cola plant situated in an industrial park on the south side of

the river was generating profits of up to £400m with a workforce of only 200 people (Coulter

2003: 19). This was typical of the ‘disproportionate’ attraction of mostly US multinational

companies to Ireland, whose absurdly low corporation tax rate of 12.5% enabled companies

such as Coca-Cola to sell components required in production to their Irish branch at cheap

prices and then sell the completed product at much higher rates (ibid.) Critics of the

neoliberal regime in Ireland, like Coulter, Keohane and Kirby to name but a few, who

advocated at the beginning of the last decade, a ‘cautious and critical spirit’ was what was in

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fact needed in tandem with unprecedented growth. As Kirby (2001: 2) remarked in his review

of former Finance Minister Ray McSharry and former Managing Director of the Industrial

Development Agency Padraic White’s self-congratulatory account of social partnership and

economic expansion, The Making of the Celtic Tiger: The Inside Story of Ireland’s Boom

Economy, the issues of ‘poverty and inequality’ were unlikely to be eradicated by the

economic model being implemented by Bertie Ahern’s government. These words now appear

wastefully prophetic.

With a brief background now illustrated of the Irish context in the lead up to and the

subsequent chain of events set in motion by the bank guarantee, it is now pertinent to focus

specifically on the issue I have isolated at the start of this piece. The town of Drogheda, in

addition to being renowned for its historical and industrial heritage, is also celebrated for its

strong musical tradition. Like most towns in Ireland, it is home to a collection of pubs and

bars whose sheer amount over-generously reflects the amount of business they do. Currently,

there are over 40 licensed bars and pubs in operation, not including establishments in the

town’s surrounding areas. There are two nightclubs in constant competition, with one of the

two undergoing rejuvenation every eighteen months or so in an attempt to lure the majority of

revellers from whatever establishment is most popular at a given time. There is a hub of

social nightlife and artistic talent to be given attention, something that in credit to local

authorities and government, is widely recognised. A realisation of Drogheda’s huge potential

to attract tourism because of its location as an ‘important strategic urban settlement…within

the Eastern Economic Corridor’ was outlined in the development strategy drafted by the

Drogheda Borough Council in 2009, working in alliance with the Louth County Council. It

had as its main objective the ‘(development) of the economic potential of the town core

through physical regeneration of the public realm and…enhancement of tourist attractions

and facilitation of artistic and cultural activities’ (Louth County Council 2009). Nonetheless,

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as this strategy was drafted to begin implantation from 2011-2017, no further development

has essentially taken place to facilitate such an enhancement. In fact, the largest-scale

projection for the town, an estimated €20m, NAMA-backed injection into the quayside area

to build a new cinema, a restaurant and an extension of retail space where the Scotch Hall

shopping centre is situated, never materialised, a disheartening but nonetheless typical

setback common to the property crash (Comyn 2012)

One development that was given the green light though was the €500,000 release in

2012 by the National Asset Management Agency for the construction of a gastropub also

located at the quayside- W.M Cairnes. Known colloquially as the shortened ‘Cairnes’, it set

about establishing itself as an alternative to the long established venues and watering holes

who provided musical entertainment for so many decades. It was an opportunity to shake the

old guard down and attract a new generation to experience a multi-faceted social experience,

with food, entertainment and other assorted cultural events, not purely an alcohol-driven

occasion. Personally, it gave myself and others with similar interests as me (namely,

desperately attempts to secure gigs for fledgling bands) and opportunity to ‘get our foot in the

door’, as it were (Hodge et.al 1997). In the last month, the establishment has suspended all

live music scheduling until the end of this calendar year, maintaining only a DJ for

entertainment on weekend nights, until their financial situation becomes clearer. This is an

aspect of the scene I wished to explore in some detail in carrying out this research. By

interviewing people who have both performed in live bands and DJ’d for years, whether in

Drogheda or beyond, I felt that their experience in dealing with pub staff/venue promoters

and general people in positions of authority to negotiate payment and secure gigs would be

invaluable to my understanding of how the scene has changed throughout the years.

The word ‘scene’ itself is a hotly-contested term as David Hesmondhalgh argues in

his truly fascinating article ‘Subcultures, Scenes or Tribes? None of the Above.’ He sketches

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the origin of the term, which he accredits both to an ‘influential’ article by Will Straw and a

book by Barry Shank on the ‘“rock and roll music scene”’ (Shank 1994, as cited in

Hesmondhalgh 2005: 27). The former contends that what constitutes a ‘scene’ is a balancing

point between a ‘community…with a heritage of geographically rooted forms’ and the

influence of a ‘larger international music culture.’ Shank on the other hand, claims that a

‘productive anxiety’ takes hold as ‘temporary identifications’ among people manifest

themselves as an interchangeable fluidity of roles i.e. ‘fans become musicians, musicians are

always already fans’ (ibid). Both offerings can be drawn upon in order to gain an

understanding of the term but in this postmodern era, where the distinctiveness of boundaries

are made abundantly less clear, in the Baudrillardian sense, Straw’s account is perhaps more

appropriate. French philosopher and sociologist Jean Baudrillard’s theory of simulacra and

hyper-reality is germane in this respect, as in an age of ubiquitous social media and online

file sharing, bringing with it a host of instantaneous yet artificial composition, the “residual

distinction” between what is real and what is a simulation has become “radically uncertain”

(Ransome 2010: 363; Baudrillard 1981). With instant access to music from all across the

globe, especially as we see the unstoppable rise of electronic dance music, a ‘cosmopolitan

transcending of place’ has occurred, which means to separate the distinctions between one

scene or community from another has now become extremely difficult (Hesmondhalgh 2005:

28). The findings that emerged from the interviews that were carried out in creating this

research project make this porously clear. Whatever ‘scene’ has existed up to this point,

whether it be in the town of Drogheda or any town in this country and probably beyond, the

‘cozy intimacy’ it might once have enjoyed is now all but eradicated as each actor in the

community must adapt to a rapidly changing but uncertain cultural landscape (Hesmondhalgh

2005: 30; Straw 2001: 248).

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Chapter 3: Research Question, Methodology and Methods

(3.1)- Aim

The aim of this topic is to gain an insight into the lived experience of people directly affected

by the impact that austerity had on the music scene in Drogheda and what the existence of a

music scene means for the town from a sociological and economic standpoint. Qualitative

methods were employed during my research, namely the use of semi-structured interviews

and documentary analysis. Qualitative research methods have a number of distinct elements

that mark themselves apart from other types of social research, like surveys or experiments

for example. In this case, as will become apparent, they ‘focus on human subjectivity’, that is

the experiences people have and how they give meaning to such experiences (Chambliss and

Schutt 2016: 200) In addition, they focus on ‘previously unstudied processes and

unanticipated phenomena’, which enables the researcher to use to his or her advantage the

exploratory nature of such research methods as a means of explanation, in a way that highly

controlled or structured experiments cannot (ibid.).

(3.2)- Qualitative Method

Seven in-depth, wide-ranging semi-structured interviews with a variety of people associated

with or actively involved in the Drogheda music scene were carried out in order to gain a

comprehensive insight into the changing nature of its existence and determine how austerity

impacted directly on each of these respondents in this capacity. They ranged in age from 19

to 48 and all, bar one, had lived in Drogheda for either most of their lives or for a significant

period. These specific people were chosen because of their wealth of individual experience

relating to the town’s musical community and also because each one offered a different

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aspect of the scene to examine- from the impact of austerity on the pub industry to the

processes involved in promoting bands and attempting to generate income through organising

gigs. Before contacting my potential interviewees, I visited the local newspaper offices and

then the town library in an attempt to uncover any secondary material pertaining to my

chosen topic, however limited in relevance. I was able through the use of microfilm to access

over 40 years’ worth of archived newspaper material which proved useful for establishing

how the music scene has diminished in stature over the last few decades, particularly the

closure of a number of venues levelled for other developments, such as car parking spaces

(Reynolds 2004).

After this initial gathering of background information, which enabled me to set the

scene (no pun intended) and assemble ideas I would draw upon in conducting interviews, I

then made contact with each of my intended respondents. Each interview lasted between 30

and 40 minutes approximately, which although were focused around pre-ordained questions I

had made did not dictate the entirety of the conversation. These type of interviews can be

referred to as ‘intensive’ or ‘depth’ interviewing (Chambliss and Schutt 2016: 215). Their

aim is to generate a ‘comprehensive picture’ of the interviewee’s background and attitudes to

the matters being discussed, which requires ‘active listening’- suspending one’s judgement

and ascertain the ‘subject’s views and feelings’ (ibid. 216). The people that I interviewed

came from a range of socio-economic backgrounds and their current employments varied

hugely, from a marketing executive to a barber. Hence, each set of questions were tailored to

determine the respondent’s own experience growing up in Drogheda, how the age of austerity

had impacted on them and their families personally and then more common questions were

posed concerning their experience and knowledge of the music scene.

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(3.3)- Data Sources

The interviewees for this research project were composed of a sample of seven people, aged

between 19 and 48. Only two of the seven relied directly on the music scene of Drogheda as

their primary source of income, that is, by way of gigging or gig promotion/organisation. The

remainder of the sample had other means of employment that was subsidised by their

involvement in the music scene. Their jobs varied greatly, showing the heterogeneity of the

sample- a barber, a publican, a local councillor, a marketing executive (one of a number of

positions held at the time) and a retailer. The other data collected and analysed as mentioned

above were collections of microfilm from the Drogheda library and local newspaper offices,

although these yielded minimal useful results.

(3.4)- Ethics

The four general principles as outlined by the Sociological Association of Ireland were

adhered to while carrying out this research project. They are as follows:

(I) Professional Competence:

According to the guidelines, all sociologists and social researchers are to maintain the

‘highest levels’ of competence in their work. This includes, but is not limited to, the

requirement to undertake tasks only for which their education or training enables them to. As

this is this researcher’s initial attempt at a piece of work involving participants outside of the

university realm, it was important not to put oneself in a position, perhaps of a sensitive

nature, that my education could not prepare me for.

(II) Integrity:

Again, under the guidelines, including but not limited to these elements, researchers must be

‘fair and honest in their conduct’ and must do their best to ‘protect the reputation’ of the

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discipline of sociology.

(III) Respect for Human Rights, Diversity and Equality:

The most apposite aspect of this principle was the duty of the researcher to ‘acknowledge the

rights of others…to hold values, attitudes, and opinions that differ from their own.’

(IV) Social Responsibility:

The researcher has a ‘general duty to safeguard the confidentiality of privileged information.’

This principle was adhered to strictly over the course of the project, in particular regarding

information divulged by the respondents.

This researcher obtained ‘informed consent’ (Chambliss and Schutt 2016: 51) from all

respondents prior to the interviews taking place. A consent form was presented to each

interviewee, with ‘clear and understandable’ information yet was ‘sufficiently detailed’ to

explain what the research encompassed. A copy of the consent form that was presented to

each respondent is included in the appendices (see appendix 1).

The above ethical codes are as described by the Sociological Association of Ireland.

(3.5) Positive and Negative Aspects

The use of qualitative methods, as Chambliss and Schutt discuss in Making Sense of the

Social World, are excellent for their allowing the researcher to understand how ‘social

processes unfold over time’ and by way of interviews, can help to reveal what people ‘really

mean by their ideas and allows you to explore their feelings at great length’ (2016: 317). This

became evident throughout the course of the interviewing process of my research. By

recording each interview, simply through the voice memo application on a smartphone, and

experiencing said interview face-to-face, ‘social cues’, such as tone of voice and body

language are easier to recall during transcription and ultimately, during analysis (Opdenakker

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2006). Face-to-face interviews also allow increased spontaneity which can give a more direct

and accurate reflection of the respondent’s thoughts and feelings towards a question with

minimal delay.

On the opposite side of the coin, due to their interactive nature, the carrying out of semi-

structured interviews requires of the researcher a ‘double attention’- the ability to listen

carefully to the respondent’s answers while concurrently formulating reactive questions yet

still covering the issues needed to be addressed in a particular time frame (ibid.). Another

negative aspect of using in-depth interviewing is that it is time-consuming. The period spent

organising meeting times, modifying questions to suit each interviewee, carrying out the

interview itself and then transcribing and analysing the data afterwards is taxing on the

researcher, particularly in a limited amount of time. In addition, ‘generalizable results’ are

difficult to produce from such a small number of cases, in this instance seven interviews

(Chambliss and Schutt 2016: 317).

Personally, the most positive aspect of my methodological approach to this research topic

were the intimate levels of detail disclosed over the course of the interviews from the

respondents, from what I found to be a well-intentioned and genuine position of interest in

discussing their experience of the Drogheda music scene. As this was an area of discussion

that each person had a great level of passion towards, I felt there to be full disclosure over

concerns, past experiences and advice, either for my research methods or in general terms,

when in conversation. Conversely, on an administrative level, it was quite difficult to

organise meetings that would suit the schedules of both myself and a number of interviewees,

because of college and work commitments on my part and work and family commitments on

the part of the respondents in question. Likewise, some potential interviewees I had made

contact with initially declined to take part in an interview, for reasons undisclosed. This again

created time pressures to obtain the requisite amount of information needed to create an

22

accurate portrayal of the scene as a whole. In addition to this, the sample interviewed were all

male, bar the final interviewee, which although probably didn’t affect the findings drastically,

was not conducive to a gender-inclusive approach.

23

Chapter 4: Discussion of Findings

(4.1) Introduction

The aim of this research project was to gain an understanding into how the most recent period

of economic recession, the implementation of austerity and its rhetorical conclusion has

impacted on the once-thriving music scene in the town of Drogheda. More specifically, as

discussed earlier in the literature review, there is a need to explore the way in which this

period of time has impacted on those actively involved in the scene, in other words their lived

experience, while the scene has undergone noticeable changes. The literature referred to

previously briefly described the national economic and social impact a culture of greed and

excess meant for this country. While the issue I am focusing on may be considered a trivial

topic in many respects, it has had a significant impact on the sample I chose for interview and

many more I didn’t, in terms of the financial support it generates, the communal aspect and

its stature as an integral element of the town. The three main issues that arose during the

interviews I conducted over the last few months were that of the employment the scene

provides, payment and the changing tastes of the music-consuming public, particularly in the

last three to four years, reflected in the rise in popularity of electronic-dance music (EDM)- a

finding that produced more insights than I would’ve believed before undertaking this

research. See the appendices for a table of interviewees.

24

(4.2) “Working for a livin’”: Singing on the job

As mentioned previously, with such a large quantity of venues, in the way of bars, nightclubs,

community halls and even an arts centre, Drogheda has no shortage of places to

accommodate small to large groups of people, from events such as stand-up comedy gigs and

white-collar charity boxing nights to acclaimed band tribute nights and intimate acoustic

sessions. For many people in the town, involvement in culture and the arts is a voluntary

pastime, a weekend pursuit outside of work and family commitments. It can serve as an

opportunity to make some extra money, or it may simply present a way in which to inspire

young kids and teenagers from disadvantaged areas to learn musical instruments (as one of

my interviewees has done, completely free of charge). My first interviewee is someone

whose lifeblood and soul is poured into the local music scene. It completely sustains him

financially, which as a career choice is something that he recognises attracts criticism.

“There’s no point in pretending that it’s easy to live comfortably from pursuing this path. It

involves putting yourself out there, you know, constantly looking for gigs, getting your name

on the door for the Friday or Saturday night. You can sit on your hole for days at a time if

you want, but at the same time there’ll be some other fella out taking those bookings you

could’ve got…it’s easy if you’re not doing it all the time to say it’s a pisshead kind of attitude

but it can be quite a slog, especially in winter.” (Interview 1)

This was a person that I have known for quite a while, from gigging with, attending gigs and

just generally from having made acquaintances, in a town that despite the statistics, is really

quite small. Especially in the scene itself, there is not quite a comradery but a sort of mutual

respect exists between those associated with it.

25

“Even being out and about on the town, you’ll always run into someone you know who

probably is playing somewhere that night or during the week…I know I’m probably doing it

so long that it’s become second nature to stop and have a chat, even, you know, if you’re not

that close, but people are still genuinely interested as to where you’re playing, if there’s a

late bar…usual craic you know yourself but it’s nice to keep on the pulse.” (Interview 4)

As the interviews progressed, particularly by talking to people who had played or currently

played in bands or assorted groups, the securing of work relied immensely on the motivation

and commitment of the group as a collective. This was a sentiment echoed by the acclaimed

professor of popular culture, Andy Bennett, in his book Cultures of Popular Music. He states

that being a musician is not simply ‘about being able to play a musical instrument’ but rather

that it is a ‘special commitment…a belief that music should come before everything else’

(Bennett 2001: 139). As someone who has played in bands for over five years now, this

certainly rings true. Because of the fierce level of competition in the town to secure gigs, the

people doing so must be self-motivated as well as talented.

“Anyone can play something half-decent so it’s up to at least one person, if it’s a band or just

someone on their own to make the contacts that you need to keep work coming in regularly.

It’s not enough to just make a Facebook page and hope that a few of your friends are gonna

share it to get a crowd big enough to make McPhails (local pub, regarded highly for its

quality of live music) look lively. It’s all about the effort and sometimes you mighn’t be

arsed…but if manage to get a calendar year of gigs from one or two spots, you’re in

business!” (Interview 5)

Another of my interviewees was someone who acknowledged his passion for music and

26

decided to think big in his projects. He established a small record label just under a year ago,

initially started out of his bedroom, and what was originally a college project has now

become a full-time venture.

“I wanted to put music out for my friends and just bands I like and didn’t have the money to

do it. I had connections and I had some hardware at home and some equipment so I said I

could do it then…” (Interview 2)

This respondent had recently organised a series of charity gig nights in order to raise money

for mental health awareness. This is an extremely relevant topic at the moment, as news

emerged this week of the decision on the part of the Department of Health and the HSE to

divert €12m of the €35m mental health budget to ‘shore up funding shortfalls’ elsewhere

(Irish Times 2016). Although acting on a much smaller scale to the formation of ‘proactive

socio-political movements’ started in the UK as a result of ‘spatial and official’ authoritative

pressure placed on alternative groups, such as the anti-road building movement, there is an

element of political dissatisfaction here helping to mobilise a group or groups of people

(Bennett 2001: 130). Political interest and involvement is also another factor that reared its

head throughout the course of the interview process, with two respondents in particular.

“I work as a barber and run my own business here on Peter St, or Barber’s St as we all call

it! (Peter’s St is home to no less than five barbers). My week is usually hectic enough, with

family ties and other commitments too…I’m also sitting on the local borough council for Sinn

Féin for more a decade, something that I take very seriously…At the weekends then, as you

know, I DJ in Fusion (local nightclub) once a month or so now but I used to do more regular

gigs, just don’t fancy the late nights so much now!” (Interview 4)

27

This interviewee provided wonderful insights into the town in days gone by, with his

extensive historical knowledge of the town and with a wealth of DJing experience, was able

to encapsulate Drogheda’s transition from pre- to post-Celtic Tiger perfectly.

Myself: “I came across an article recently, I think it was just from the Drogheda

Independent, and it named the town as a ‘mecca’ for live music. What would you say to

that?”

Interviewee: Oh definitely, especially going back to the 80s and that. You had the Subway,

where the Central is now- a fucking dive but it was deadly buzz…they used to have loads of

class nights on there…they had an Ian Curtis tribute on once, which had all these candles lit

and that- nothing like you’d have now…the old Boxing Club too, that was hopping and you’d

get quality Irish bands down, like The Stunning and Hothouse Flowers at the end of the 80s

into the 90s…yous are missing out now, there’ll be nothing like that again, too many

rules…” (Interview 4)

This response calls to mind the attitudes uncovered in “Punk’s Not Dead”, a qualitative study

examining how older punk rock fans ‘articulate their continuing attachment to the music and

its associated visual style (Bennett 2006:219). This interviewee, because of his age and his

interests and lifestyle, embodies the spirit of punk articulated in Bennett’s article. In his

capacity as councillor for Sinn Féin, themselves now positioned as perhaps the strongest

opposition to the stationary political regime still trying to decide who to get into bed with, he

is identifying with a political stance that wishes to oust an outdated, tried and tested

administration. In his role as DJ, heavily involved with various ‘retro’ nights hosted in

Drogheda, including punk, ska and reggae-themed occasions, he assumes the role of

‘forefather’ alluded to in ‘Punk’s Not Dead’, introducing to younger generations and keeping

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alive for those who were there the first time round the music of a now distant era (ibid. 228).

This spirit was also being kept alive by another of the interviewees, who is benefitting from

the renewed interest in vinyl collection that has become very popular. Like another industry

associated with a ‘hipsterdom’, it has become known as the ‘craft beer of music formats’

(Brewster 2015). He runs a vintage shop, opened four years ago when many small and

medium sized businesses in the town were closing their doors or downsizing. He attributes

the shop’s success to a number of factors, but one in particular struck a chord.

“…you know, there’s this huge buzz about the town for all things musical. I’m not from here

originally but there’s this, kind of, burgeoning sense, if that’s the right word, of something

happening here. I’ve people from 15 to 65 coming in here looking for everything from John

Lennon and Beach Boys to Pet Shop Boys and house mixes right back to Miles Davis and

Chuck Berry…I’m travelling up North or to the UK at least once a week to get original vinyl

in to sell here. Our demographic is mostly 30 or under and you can see a real interest in

everyone that comes in to enquire about getting their hands on a particular record…

disposable income may not be what it used to and things like streaming have taken over but

nothing beats getting the physical copy and a lot of the youngsters realise this.” (Interview

6)

A recurring theme from the conversations was the sense that the golden age of music in the

town had gone. With tighter pub regulations and the cost incurred in socialising in pubs and

clubs, there seems to be a yearning, especially from the old guard, for a time gone by. The

quality and attractiveness of the nights on offer seems to have diminished in recent times but

this has to be taken with a pinch of salt. Nostalgia for days of yore and for the people who

29

were teenaged or in their early twenties during the times being described will naturally lead

to a skewed interpretation and remembrance of what actually happened.

“We grew up through it so, eh, ya know it has affected us but we haven’t noticed it because

it’s all we’ve ever known…they give odds on horses but when it comes to the race, the horse

doesn’t know what its odds are, it’s gonna run as fast as it can…When we start up bands we

don’t think, “oh this was better 10 years ago”, we just fuckin’ get on with it.” (Interview 2)

“I personally think that people want to live in what they remember as being good more so

than what’s coming ahead.” (Interview 3)

“There’s no point hanging onto the past ‘cos it’s gone…let’s get with it and fucking move

on…well, definitely remember it but always keep thinking what more can we do and what

more can we bring in” (Interview 1)

With two new venues after opening in the town in the last 12 months, one designed

specifically to cater for live music, the thirst for the live experience has definitely not gone

away. The question remains however: can the symbiotic relationship between the pubs and

the musicians generate enough pulling power to get the punters in the door? This question

was also addressed in the interviews, with varying responses, as seen below.

30

(4.3) “Pay me my money down”: The financial struggle

The essential aim of this research was to investigate the direct economic impact that austerity

had on Drogheda’s music scene. Within this, it was necessary to understand the effects from

a dualistic viewpoint. This included, for the musicians, any notable detrimental (or increased

as the case may be) rates in payment for gigging/performing over the last few years. In the

case of the venues housing the entertainment, it was important to examine was there a

significant reduction in accommodating said performers and how their budget for

remunerating musicians and entertainers was reshaped by cutbacks and reduced footfall into

their premises. One of the respondents, who works as a barber full-time and DJs at the

weekends, gave the most useful insight into the matter on the side of the performers and my

fifth interviewee, who has worked as a bar manager for nearly the last 20 years was best

placed to comment from the other side.

“The recession has had such a massive impact for the town and live music…I’ve seen four

venues open and close since I started getting into music, just going to nights, then Djing

meself…It’s made a big impact on the wage of a person in the music industry; before ’08 we

would all have been on great money, whether you were a band, whether you were a DJ,

whether you’d be an entertainment fella- price was no object…” (Interview 3)

In order to endure this dip, people in the music scene had to adapt drastically. This involved

working longer hours and playing for less, in order to remain attractive enough for venues to

keep them in consideration. It was a fact that presented no alternative to those who wished to

keep earning through music, but it was by no means an easy choice. This respondent

established a sort-of collective of DJs in the town, after spotting a “niche” in the market, as

he put it. They are probably the most well-known group in the town, that are not a band or

31

solo act, by way of a strong social media presence and well-established contacts. The

collective grew out of a personal response towards the closure of certain venues, that would

have been conducive to the type of music they were playing. Their current success is

symbolic of the ascension of popularity of dance-orientated nights, something to be revisited

shortly.

“When ’09 hit it went back then in 2010 it hit rock bottom…we survived because we weren’t

charging as much as others at the time…we played longer hours and tried to give people

more value for money and that eventually led to us growing and the start of the ‘casual’

scene as I call it- your phone calls in from people instead of pubs and clubs.”

“When the Purple Room closed, there was nowhere for us to go to express that type of music

(on the recently established house-orientated club night ‘Deep Inside’, brainchild of the

respondent)…it grew out of a house-branded internet radio station called Phever…

we’ve gotten two international acts so far- Fish Go Deep and Justin Robertson, a godfather

of house music…but on the night we’re they’re ourselves, it dwindles and it’s so hard to get

the average Joe Soap to follow what we do’ (Both Interview 3)

On the other side of things, the pubs and clubs must negotiate a balancing act between

covering overhead costs while still marketing themselves attractively enough to get punters in

the door, beyond the regulars. This is exemplified in the publican’s response to my question

on the matter.

“I’ve been here the guts of 20 years and the last four, maybe five years have definitely been

some of the quietest I’ve experienced. People aren’t willing to come out and spend as much

32

money in pubs as they did during the Celtic Tiger, that sort of cash just isn’t there anymore…

it’s also the sort of thing with younger people now, they’re thinking ‘why would I want to

hear a cover band when I can listen to it at home; why would I want to drink in a pub if I can

drink cheaper at home?’ (Interview 5)

The rise in popularity of ‘pre-drinking’ among Irish people, especially the 18-24 age bracket,

before a night out, has been well documented in the last few years, with alarming levels of

alcohol consumed in short spaces of time in order to save money when out in the pub or

nightclub later on and to become inebriated faster (see ‘Quantum Change in Irish Drinks

Culture- Report September 2010 http://banda.ie/wp-content/uploads/Quantum-Change-In-

Irish-Drinks-Culture-Rport.pdf).

“You see all the 18, 19 year olds, only starting to go out- they’ll get cheap cans in Aldi or

Lidl and tank up and head straight to the nightclub…they don’t care what’s playing so long

as it’s something they can dance to, for most of them anyway…it’s sad really but I suppose if

you’re working off a weekend job or mam and dad’s pocket money, you make the most of it.”

(Interview 1)

One thing becomes apparent from all the quips and comments- a massive drinking culture is

intricately linked to the music scene and socialising done by all ages in the town, which is not

surprising given the amount of media coverage devoted to the over-extension of emergency

departments every night, purely related to alcohol abuse incidents. One thing that is striking

is the large shift in attitudes and tastes in the town towards the type of music on offer- namely

dance-orientated. This is not a new phenomenon by any means, as one only has to look at the

rave culture that swept Britain in the early to mid-1990s. However, it is interesting to view

33

the time at which it has become popular again. For Britain in the 80s, the rise of dance music

and rave culture was inextricably linked to the last strands of Thatcherism, a ‘mass

collectivity…revolting against the normative values of English culture’, with drug use,

particularly that of ecstasy and amphetamines exploding in terms of popularity and

subsequently infamy (Gilbert and Pearson 1999: 152). While such a scene existed in Ireland,

in more covert forms and on a much lesser scale, it is unreasonable to suggest that this is now

the Irish version of reaction to the Fianna Fáil mess and Fine Gael’s inability to clean it up- a

politics of sound?

(4.4) “Build it up, tear it down”: the rise (again) of dance music and reflections on

where the scene is heading

As outlined in Jeremy Gilbert and Ewan Pearsons’s very accessible and enjoyable account of

the history of dance music and the politics associated with it, Discographies, there are

striking similarities between the politics of dance culture and the political mandate being

enforced in Irish society today. The stultifying effect that the neoliberal regime imposed by

the political powers and their institutions for the last three decades or more has undoubtedly

now in the context of Drogheda’s music scene served as a ‘liberating and democratizing

force’ in some respects (1999: 161). With regard to the aforementioned growing success story

of a dance music night (inclusive of all relevant subgenres- house, techno, drum ‘n’ bass etc.)

being held on weekend nights in the town presently, this move from a previously

underground movement to one of notoriety is a classic example of the rejection of the

shackles of ‘bourgeois modernity’ and ‘hegemonic political ideas’ in favour of a ‘liberatory

jouissance’, however fleeting this trend may turn out to be (ibid. 161-66).

My first interviewee, whose full-time pursuit is entirely musically-orientated,

34

recognised the benefits of embracing such a mass collectivity. As someone who has

campaigned in the past for social justice with movements such as ‘Occupy Dame St’, the

power of collective energy, without necessarily being subversive, is something that he felt is

yet to be tapped into fully in the local context. His current project, which is an online radio

show, was devised in attempt to bring together the main competing venues in the town under

one project and give all budding and existing local musicians the chance to get recognised or

be given greater exposure.

“‘The aim of it was to create a logo that everyone (venues) could kind of get behind…to try

get them all in a room together and promote Drogheda as one, like, synchronised town

rather than competing against each other in this small kind of bubble’ (Interview 1)

At the older end of the age spectrum, the respondents who had experienced the jouissance of

electronic dance music when it initially emerged are now excited, but also wary other in

respects as to what it will mean for Drogheda’s music scene, specifically the pub industry.

“There’s no doubt that dance music is on the rise again…these things always come in

circles…bands will get big again like after the last time it happened, like look at England

with Blur, Oasis and those bands being born out of acid house and all that scene in the 90s…

the big thing with it all, which you’d have to be concerned about is the drug culture

associated with it, bad enough as the drinking is watching bands in pubs, it’s a different

atmosphere entirely.” (Interview 6)

“It’s so easy now for anyone to make music…you can do it in your bedroom, you could do it

on your flight over to feckin’ anywhere, make the tune, boom, two hours and finished,

35

exported, in the deck, ready to play…and that’s why that dance music is evolving so much

right now- it’s easy and it’s quick” (Interview 3)

So what does it all mean for the scene itself? Would a celebration of community through the

ubiquity of dance music ‘encourage a return to collectivist politics’? (Gilbert and Pearson

1999: 182) The answer is probably no. The scene is very much a youth-driven one and with a

culture focused more on having a good time in the moment rather than creating something

perhaps more sustainable, its improbable that this current trend really amounts to anything

more than youthful exuberance and just having a good time. The current political guard have

little to fear from this wave of ravers, only the half-empty pubs and concerned parents do.

(4.5) Conclusion of Findings

In conclusion then, the impression that is created of the music scene in Drogheda is quite a

mixed one. Evidently, it is not necessarily harder to obtain gigs than it was in the past but a

real passion shines through with those who do actively seek them out, with a decrease almost

universally in pay rates in exchange for longer hours now standard fare. There are

movements and ideas in constant generation, as seen by the creation of an independent label,

an online radio station and various events and themed nights being hosted consistently. A

definite shift in taste has occurred, as discussed above, but whether this will be a passing

trend or shall remain in situ for the foreseeable future is difficult to determine. What is clear

nonetheless, is that despite the setbacks imposed by less disposable income in an age of

austerity, it hasn’t appeared to dampen the spirits of those who adapted to meet the challenges

it faced or stifled the creativity that is alive and well in a thriving musical town.

36

Conclusion

This research project has allowed me to reconcile my passion for all things music-related

with a university course and specific module, in the form of the class supporting this thesis,

that has enabled me to understand the complexities of Irish politics. As someone who was

perhaps a few years too young to fully appreciate the seismic events that were occurring

around him in terms of a shifting political culture and landscape, it is only in the last few

months while conducting extensive background research on the glaring short-sightedness of

those in positions of power, that I’ve come to understand the abundant anger and great

frustration felt by the ordinary citizens of Ireland. The mentality that was prevalent, even as

the economic crash was incumbent, that ‘no Irish bank be allowed fail’, neatly encapsulated

the rapaciousness and unscrupulousness that permeated Irish corporate and political culture

(Donovan and Murphy 2013: 174). The widespread effect that this policy had was untold in

its damage. In bailing out the banks, government debt was racked up from ‘25% of GDP to

118%’ and the estimated loss to the national pension fund ‘was estimated to come to a total

of €17bn’- astronomical figures, beyond comprehension to most of us (Allen and O’Boyle

2013: 8). We, as a nation, will suffer the consequences for generations to come, as a result of

a crippling neo-liberal regime whose ‘fundamental faith in the generative power of capital’

has left thousands unemployed, homeless and has decimated families by way of emigration

and suicide (Coulter 2015: 25).

In terms of my own motivation for carrying out this research topic, I chose the module

‘Ireland under Austerity’ with a view to informing myself in a structured and guided setting

about how our fair nation has come to be in its current situation, which at this point could be

described as an incredibly gradual recovery, though only in some respects. The marrying of

my field of interest and the broader module background was difficult initially, but pointers to

relevant literature and possible avenues to explore ignited an enthusiasm for research

37

previously untapped. I wish to sincerely thank my thesis supervisor in this respect again.

With regard to the research itself and the findings uncovered, there is great inspiration and

hope to be drawn from the entrepreneurial spirit that is visible within Drogheda’s musical

community. The main findings that emerged in the hours of conversation I have recorded in

the last few months shows an energy present in the town, that is almost tangible. Issues

surrounding payment and supporting oneself financially, purely from the music scene, are

touched upon and could be investigated in further detail, but the sensitive nature of personal

finances is always an issue that can be difficult to probe. In addition, the conspicuous lack of

secondary material and media focus devoted to local music scenes in Ireland, at least from

my extensive trawling of online libraries and sources, highlights a niche for potential further

research into the phenomena. As mentioned earlier, what may well be regarded as an area of

trivial concern to many concurrently seems to ignite the passions of those in the know.

In conclusion, the age of austerity has impacted on Drogheda’s local music scene,

mostly in ways that mirror the effects that the economic downturn as a whole. It’s not a case

that ‘money’s too tight to mention’, but rather that people are more selective in their

expenditure of disposable income in terms of choosing nights out and who they go to see and

local artistry suffers because of this (Valentine 1985). The rise of electronic music in the

town reflects its growing popularity on a global scale, reproduced in a local context but as

discussed earlier, it is yet unclear whether this will remain as the dominant trend. ‘The

future’s uncertain and the end is always near’ (Morrison 1970).

38

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Appendices

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(1)- Letter of Consent

Letter of Consent for Research Participants

Please read this consent document carefully before you decide to participate in this study.

Purpose of this research study: This research is being carried out by David Coffey as part of a final year project in an undergraduate sociology degree at Maynooth University. This research project has been approved by the Sociology Department of Maynooth University.

What’s involved? The research will be carried out through interviews with the researcher, David Coffey. The interview should take 20-30 minutes approximately. David may have to contact you after the interview in relation to something mentioned in the interview but this will be done through email/Facebook or via phone call.

Participant’s Rights: You may decide at any point during the study/interview that you no longer want to take part, without any explanation. You have the right to ask that any data you have given to be withdrawn and/or destroyed. You have the right to omit or refuse to answer or respond to any question that is asked of you in the course of the research. You have the right to have your question in regards to the research answered. If you have any questions as a result of reading this information sheet, you should ask the researcher before continuing with the research.

Agreement:

I have read the information described above. I voluntarily agree to participate in the study and I have received a copy of this information

Name of Participant:

Contact No:

Date:

Researcher contact information:

David Coffey

44

Phone No. 0862673029

Email: d.coffey95@gmail.com

Facebook: David Coffey

45

(2) Table of Interviewees

Interviewee Age Gender Occupation

1 26 Male Full-time musician

2 19 Male Student/ Gig

promoter / Running

an independent label

3 32 Male Barber/ DJ

4 48 Male Barber/Councillor/DJ

5 40 Male Publican

6 45 Male Retailer (vintage

shop owner)

7 29 Female Marketing executive/

band manager/ public

relations

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(3) Interview Transcript

Interview 2- Student/Gig promoter/Running an independent label

So a nice general one to kick us off firstly. When and how did you first get into music?

Who did you listen to/how did your tastes change/who have you always loved?

“I first got into music ‘cos it was never not playing in our house. It wasn’t exactly the kind of

music I liked or ever would like, it was a lot of country music but my Dad was big into

collecting vinyl, he was huge into the Sex Pistols, loved Jethro Tull and stuff, so, em, true

that I kind of…once the Internet kind of, was in the house, that’s where it all started. I was

able to find my own music and stuff. I got really big into ska, listened to metal for a while,

still do- I listen to all kinds of music but yeah, the thing that kind of kick-started it all was

having the Internet in the house.

So a fair mix of vintage and a modern introduction to it all really. You’ve played in

bands too, a good few really?

“Yeah, loads over the years.”

And what kind of stuff were you playing?

“Eh, we were mostly cover bands up to the age of about 16 or so, I started when I was 12 or

13. We were doing like, pop-punk covers and stuff like that and then we started to try write

our own music and the first band that I was in that wasn’t doing covers, we did all our own

originals and eh, set out to record a 12-track album. We rushed it so fast...”

Where’d you go to record it?

“We went to Kildare to record it, a mate of mate sort of thing got us set up. When we were

gigging in that band, we were playing in The Purple Room and stuff like that, which I’m sure

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you’re gonna be talking about…”

Haha, yeah at stages anyway, you’re jumping ahead of me

“Haha yeah, we’d be playing there a lot and we decided, fuck it, head towards Dublin so I

started looking up event pages and stuff on, I think it was…so far back it was like Bebo event

pages. Anyway, we found The Mezz and Irish Film House, I think it was but we were gigging

there in Dublin a lot and through the other bands that were playing there, there was this band

called Slap and their bassist had his own studio. So we went up there for four days to record.

We tried to beat out 12 songs and maybe only three of them were actually worth, you

know…”

Recording?

“Yeah, well no, not even worth recording but only three of them came out okay cos we

rushed it so much but sure…we were young and we saved up €400 between us and we

wanted to get our money’s worth- we just didn’t know what that worth was at the time so…”

A good experience all the same though I’m sure?

“Yeah, it was a lot of sleeping on floors and stuff like that, good parties haha.”

Nice one, good stuff. Right so, you have grown up through the recession like myself that

has affected this country massively, in terms of job loss, emigration and so on. What

impact, if any, do you think it has had on the music scene here in Drogheda, regarding

live music in pubs, venues, different nights being organised and the type of music that is

most popular?

“It’s strange cos as you say, we grew up through it so, eh, ya know it has affected us but we

haven’t noticed it because it’s all we’ve ever known, like…you know they always say they

give odds on horses but when it comes to the race, the horse doesn’t know what its odds are,

it’s gonna run as fast as it can so that’s what we do and that’s what we try to do as best as we

can. When we start up bands we don’t think, “oh this was better 10 years ago”, we just

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fuckin’ get on with it. And yeah, there were a lot more gigs back 10 years ago and I started

doing gigs because I thought it was just a lot of cover bands and there wasn’t enough so…I

was kind of, putting forward this whole thing of, there wasn’t enough gigs for us when we

were kids, we were playing all-ages ones so I decided to start organising over-18s gigs with

original music…”

Like Machine Gun Baby and those bands?

“Well Machine Gun Baby, they’re a Drogheda band but they moved to Germany because…

well you probably know, that’s where a lot of people say you make it and there’s where a lot

of people do make it…like obviously The Beatles were bigger in Germany before the UK or

the rest of the world. Same with Ed Sheeran. Anyway, I think Machine Gun Baby are

something to do with NuMu, who manage or have something to do with a Drogheda band,

Featuring X…”

Yeah that’s dead right. That’s a cool thing they’ve got going on there actually, a little

offshoot of, I think Universal, correct me if I’m wrong?

I think that people running NuMu are employed by Universal but that is their own project-

that’s their brainchild, you wouldn’t wanna quote me on it like.”

Of course, something for meself to look into. Actually, just on part of that same

question, do you feel like there’s less venues for live music now than there used to be?

“I think the amount hasn’t changed but the actual goals of the venues has…when a venue

opens, it’s not to have good live music or you know, not even to have a bar at this stage, it’s

to get the crowd out of other places that are more popular and people are trying different kind

of nights, there’s always gonna be trends and stuff like that but em, I don’t think it’s changed

at all, I just think people’s attitudes have changed dramatically…”

Towards going out or?

“Well if you think about it, not even with going to hear live music or anything, but just going

49

on days like St. Patrick’s Day or St. Stephen’s night, now its pre-drinking. It saves money

and if people aren’t willing to go to their local to pay for a few drinks, why pay into a cover

band? So when you introduce original music it kind of makes it more interesting but it’s

actually about putting towards to people that it is original music…a lot of people won’t

understand that but people who do are very passionate and they will bring their friends and

that too, works out grand…”

But this is the thing, and I’ve thought this before, with people that are working Monday

to Friday, the vast majority just wanna go out and hear all the songs they know and get

pissed for the weekend and then a small minority are like ‘I wanna hear good or

original music’ or whatever- it’s hard to get the majority on board cos most people just

want to blow off steam.

“Oh that’s absolutely true. Like I’m running this label in my spare time, I’m trying to put

music forward as much as possible…but I’d be lying if I said I didn’t skip out on gigs that

could’ve been important…like it’s a bad attitude to have but it’s human.

Bang on. Well, we’re after covering a load of questions unintentionally here but I

wanted to pose this one anyway. Drogheda was regarded as having a thriving music

scene all throughout the 1980s and into the 90s- the last major recession. What do you

think is so different nowadays or is that just people looking back with fond memories?

Do you think the scene is really failing or not?

“The people who say the scene is failing or whatever aren’t involved and don’t have any

interest in being involved, they just want something to bitch about. Like, I’ll tell you about

the last gig I had, it was great for the people who did come but it was really annoying…

heartbreaking actually, these people, I had it on Facebook, blagging their way into a charity

gig, and for, not even the live music but a cause like that, mental health awareness, that’s

disgusting. Even that status, more than 100 people liked it but not even an eighth of them

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probably would’ve been there…”

Liking the sentiment really is all. I know myself, I’m living away and you try to keep up

to date with what’s going on at home and for people who are away longer, is there a pull

there to come home?

“I live in Ballyfermot as well as here and sometimes I don’t want to come back to Drogheda

and the only nights I do end up coming home were all either going out on the piss or I’ve a

night organised…it’s a selfish thing really.”

That’s another thing, people are always gonna go out and we can say there’s less money

but people…

“There’s a big difference between not having money and not having disposable income and

people treat them as the same thing which is ridiculous.”

Agree with you big time there, if I say I’ve no money, it’s there’s nothing until I get paid

again, simple. Right, onto the money-maker of a question. You recently started the

Yeah Meng label in the last year. What’s its aim and how has it worked out so far?

What’s the story with funding/attracting/promoting bands? Do you think it’s going to

ignite people’s interest in what’s going on in musically in the town etc.

“It’s done a hell of a lot. There weren’t many original gigs, I’m not saying oh I kick-started it

but…there was a really, really good response from it and other people have started doing

similar nights in other venues and stuff but why I started it up it I wanted to put music out for

my friends and just bands I like and didn’t have the money to do it. I had connections and I

had some hardware at home and some equipment so I said I could do it then. It got to the

stage where I said even if I have the knowhow, it’s gonna cost money so I started running

gigs to make the money. I’ve never made any money from this, all the money goes into either

the next gig or putting out music for people, Facebook advertising- tryna get bands bigger

that deserve to be big that they might have an unconventional sound or won’t be a pop sound

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now…you now bands that need that bit of a push just to get out there. That’s just what I’ve

being trying to do. We’ve signed some artist but we’ve worked with a lot more. I don’t really

believe in signing anyone, it’s just having trust in each other. If I do something for them and

it makes money, so long as I get my share back, that’s alright. I’m not in this for money at all,

it’s just to get my friends’ bands out there you know. We’ve blown up, bands like Modern

Baseball who have 110,000 followers on Facebook and over a million Youtube hits are on the

label…I’m working with bands I used to fanboy over…”

So is it a managerial type thing or what?

“Ah it’s a real two-way thing. Like it’s just pure love for it. Because it’s such an

unconventional career choice, people are like ‘Yeah that’s a cool hobby, when are you gonna

get a real job?’ but I think I’m doing really good work…it’s not here’s where I can make

money, it’s here I can make a difference.”

Excellent. Right, the last question is a bit, well you might challenge it I’d say. The rise of

electronic dance music nights has gotten so popular, because they’re cheap admission

wise, cheap to run etc. Is this an overall shift in taste or just a sign of the times?

“It’s a cheaper way to run things, that’s right. But although I’ll never say a DJ isn’t an artist,

there is a lack of artistry in the whole thing that’s happening. Live bands are really absent at

the moment because of it, it’s kind of the opposite of hang the DJ- no one wants to see a live

band, it’s all DJs. I think a lot of bands are learning to rolling with the times though now…

there’s a lot of bands incorporating synth and that into their sound and that’s cool, if you like

it, you like it- it’s just the thing that’s popular at the moment. But stick to your guns either

way, things go in and out of fashion so don’t be afraid to say what you like even if it goes

against what’s in at the moment.

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