Chapter V
Relations of Power in the Village
In order to understand the dynamics of relations of power in which the ruralites are
incorporated, it is necessary that we situate the same in a historical context. This chapter
attempts a historical reconstruction of relations of power with focus on the agrarian sites.
The data collected from various sources has been classified under four historical phases
and each of this period is covered under a separate section.
Section A
Section B
Section C -
Section D -
TraditionallFeudal Phase: Prior to the British rule
Beginning ofthe 20th Century: Under British rule
Post Independence Phase from 1950's to Mid 1970's
The Contemporary Village Scene (1995 and 2005)
To begin with many significant sites of relations of power prevalent during each
historical phase are covered with emphasis on the agrarian sites of relations of power.
The salient features of relations of power covered in the analysis are as follows:
• Forms of power
• Patterns of Asymmetry
• Strategies and Practices
• DiscourseslTruth claims
• Resources/Capacities
• Objects and Effects
• Resistance.
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Chapter V: Section A
TraditionaIlFeudal Phase: Prior to the British Rule
Introduction
Traditional Villages in the Tuluva society assumed their distinctive character, through a
long period pre-dating the Christian era. Along with certain commonalities, which they
came to share with other regions in the Indian sub-continent, Tuluva villages had their
unique characteristics. Various factors of social change and the processes that become
operational as a result since the establishment of village settlements had their impact on
the village (Annexure VI: Factors of Social Change -1).
Attempts can only be made to reconstruct a historical picture of relations of power in the
village as they prevailed in the past based on fragmentary evidence such as ethnographic
data, place and territorial names, archaeological remnants, inscriptions, genealogies of
established kin-groups in the village and oral histories of the elderly and knowledgeable
inhabitants. Materials such as folk tales and ballads of Tulunadu called Paddanas, the
ceremonies and festivals associated with Bhuta or spirit worship, myths stories and
residues of earlier cultural practices, writings and survey reports of early colonial
officers, provide some useful insights in this regard. For the region as a while, besides the
sources listed here, other literacy sources and research reports are also available.
There is some evidence to indicate the prevalence of particular type of feudal relations of
dominance in village Mudusede. The sources of evidence are mainly three fold.
• The paddana or folk tale/song commemorating Jarandaya - a Bhuta cult of Tulunadu
that is said to have originated in the Jara region of Mudusede and some ethnographic
and archaeological evidence to corroborate the events which are claimed to have
occurred then (Annexure III: A version of the Paddana of Jarandaya). Some
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evidence regarding Bailupete in the neighbouring zones and ethnographic materials
associated with it (Annexure IV: Bailupete - The Historical Trading Centre).
• The ethnographic evidence associated with guttus and manes (territorial units)
within the village which were leased out by feudal overlords to matrilineal kin
households and functioned as production, distribution and surplus appropriation as
well as semi-autonomous politicaUjuridical units under the leadership of the guttu
yajamana (male) in the past. These guttusfmanes have undergone many changes but
the vestiges of the past remain.
• Official records of the colonial period, including reports of British officials.
The Sites of Relations of Power
The major sites of relations of power during this period for which some information is
available are sites of agrarian production, Bhuta worship, local governance, education
and health which are integrally connected. By focusing on salient features of relations of
power in the agrarian sites, an attempt would be made to bring out the co-relation
between relations of power in the agrarian sites and the sites of Bhuta worship as well as
local governance in particular.
Agrarian Sites
The villages being agrarian settlements in their origin, any historical study of relations of
power in the village has to focus on agriculture and agrarian production relations.
Mudusede was part of a wider geo-political region (Tulunadu) and as such shared with it
the features of the agrarian patterns of settlement as well as land relations.
Guttus - A Distinct Site of Agrarian Production: A distinct form of hierarchical
organisation of agricultural production in the village localities known as 'Guttu system'
had come into being in the Tuluva region. Village under study is no exception. The origin
of the system of organizing production has not been adequately explored. The term
'Guttu' was used to refer originally to the territorial unit under the control of a matrilineal
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kin-group, whose very identity inclusive of name became associated with the territory.
GuttuS-<JT territorial units in the village (comparable to the Theravadas of Nayars of
Kerala) -historically formed the sites of agrarian production units in the village
(Annexure V: Tulu Concepts, Concept oJGuttu).
The guttus were not only spatial or geographic locations, but were also economic
production, distribution and surplus appropriation units which functioned as semi
autonomous, politico-juridical zones in the past. These territorial units were inherited
through matrilineal lines and were controlled by the matrilineal kin-groups usually
belonging to the dominant peasant Jati of Dakshina Kannada (the Bunts) and some upper
intermediary peasant Jati (the Pujarys) and others such as Mogaveeras (fisher folk). Some
of the Guttus were also linked to Jain kin-groups. The broader territorial units controlled
by Jain matrilineages are usually called beedus (i.e. the Kuluru beedu of the Jarandaya
tale). The guttus may have been originally the sub-territories leased or gifted by the
rulers/chieftains (i.e. sub-feudal) to those capable of managing or organizing agricultural
production and revenue collection. The deconstruction of the term guthedar (the holder of
the guttu right) or guthige (implying leased property) suggests such a possibility. The
larger territorial units under rulers were ranked as Desa, Rajya, Nadu, Seeme and Megane
and Grama and Uru. The guttu was a unit of the grama or uru (Gowda, 1991 :15).
Characteristics of Guttus: In order to understand the relations of power within the
agrarian society of the traditional times, it is necessary to explore the characteristics of
guttu/manes as agrarian sites or production in the villages of Tulunadu
i) Matrilineal pattern of inheritance was a predominant characteristic of the guttu.
Traditionally many of the Jatis in the Tuluva region under consideration including
Bunts, Pujarys and Mogaveras followed a matrilineal form of inheritance - both
property and lineage (Annexure V: Tulu Concepts, Kutumba) name were inherited
from the maternal side. The marriage within the kin-group was common. Although
such relations within exogamous clans or baris (bali Kannada - or lineage), were not
105
I
looked upon with favour. There were many exogamous and endogamous baris
within each jati group. As per one account the Bunts traced their affinity to as many
as 16 baris (another account gives the number as 20 baris). Cross-cousin marriages
were encouraged to ensure that the territory property did not move out of the hands
of the consanguine and their descendants. Infact the family genealogies collected by
the researcher of guttus/manes in Mudusede reveal many such kin marriages (the
older the generation, the more such marriages).
ii) Tlte Differential Size of tlte Kin-Group: The number of kinsfolk settled on the
guttu or territory or associated with it as holders of rights over land and its produce
differed from one guttu to another. Because of the differential proliferation of kin
within matrilineal kin households and variations in female birth rate from one
generation to the next, guttus had relatively small or large number of kin. In other
words, the size of the kin-group varied because of the number of branches (locally
called Kavaru) it produced. For example, in one of the guttus/manes studied in
Mudusede, a female head had three daughters. Each daughter had varying number of
children and grand children. Each daughter became one Kavaru or branch of the
matrilineage.
iii) Tlte Yajamana. Male Yajamana or Male Leadersltip of Guttu was anotller Major
C1,aracteristic Feature: Although the property was inherited through female lines
under the Aliyasanthana system or Aliyakattu (literally meaning inheritance through
the nephew or Aliya), the leadership or headmanship of the matrilineal kutumba or
household vested with the male (usually the eldest or youngest brother of the mother
or female inheritor - her children's maternal uncle (or Mama-Tulu or Mava
Kannada) and was inherited by his nephew or sister's son). This element brings out
the similarity between Aliyasanthana system of Tuluvas.and the Marumakkatayam
law of the Nayars of Kerala wherein Karanavar (brother of he female inheritor)
exercised power. Traditionally the maternal uncle had a position of predominance
and authority in all matters pertaining to the kin-group. He managed the undivided
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These characteristics of GuttuslManes make it clear that these were sites of complexity
of relations of power in the past. The relations of power between members of the kin
group themselves, especially the kin-group yajamana and other members (seniors or
juniors, female and male) and relational proximity and distance between males and
females (seniors and juniors) and between females themselves (seniors and juniors) are
significant here. At the same time the relations of power between Vargadar/landlords and
their tenants and attached agrarian labourers are also equally significant. The inter-guttu
relations were also based on domination. From the historical sources and evidence
collected from a large number of oral histories or genealogies of a cross section of the
inhabitants of the village, it is possible to construct the relations of power that were
prevalent in the past within the guttu/mane context.
The Site of Bhuta Worship: Ritualistic Representation of Relations of
Power
Bhuta worship is a cult of spirit worship particularly found in the Tuluva region. The
roots of Bhuta cults appear to lie very deep within the cultural heritage of the region.
Understanding of relation of power in an agrarian society of this historical zone is
incomplete unless one studies the Bhuta cult which symbolizes in a ritual form not only
the relations of domination but also the relations of productive power along with
resistance against the processes of domination and subjectification. According to some
researchers the Bhuta cults appeared to have originated in Tulunadu during the period of
transition from a kin-based social organization to a feudal one (D'Silva, 1983). Available
historical records indicate that Tuluva society was already feudal during the early
centuries of Christian era (Ramesh, 1970). Some assert that Bhutaradhana emerged prior
to the incursion of religious groups into the region and was later co-opted into the Vedic
scheme. Yet others associate Bhuta· worship with emergence of Saivism in the region
(said to be from the 5th century A.D) as Bhutas, are labelled as Ganas of Siva.
There are various types of Bhutas or spirits. Some are heroes or heroines who died
fighting for the rulers, some others are spirits of heroes and heroines from oppressed
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class/Jati, who died fighting against injustice and oppression to which they and their Jati
counterparts were subjected by the rulers and their intermediaries (i.e. Koti-Chennaya
brothers and Thaniya). Yet others like Jarandaya (a spirit in the form of a stone) could be
interpreted to symbolize the spirit of protest or resistance of an oppressed class/Jati
against upper class/Jati domination during the feudal period of Tuluva history. There are
also Bhutas that symbolize animals such as wild pig (panjurli) and tiger (Pilli).
AU the village residents except Brahmin, Gowda Saraswat, Christian and Muslim are
propitiators of Bhuta in Tuluva Society. However tenants and labourers of Guttu/Mane
territories from the Christian and Muslim groups used to participate in celebrations
organized for the Bhutas in the past, until most of them were brought more strictly under
the disciplinary gaze of their respective religious leaders cum other adherents to the faith.
Even today there are persons from other religions who associate themselves with these
rituals resisting all attempts made to dissuade them from such practices by their priests
and co-religionists, Brahmins associate themselves as performers of specific purification
rituals at the time of Kola or Nema (festivals associated with Bhutaradhana) and on other
special occasions associated with propitiation ceremonies for the Bhutas.
Certain significant functions are associated with the Bhuta cult. The function of providing
a sense of security: Benevolent Bhutas are said to protect the worshippers against pain
and sorrow. The village and the territorial units are held to be secure under the all
encompassing gaze of the respective Bhuta or Bhutas. The malevolent ones punish those
who transgress the morals and codes of the society. Bhutas provoke fear among the
villagers. Any misfortune affecting the village, matrilineage or client household is held to
be caused by the displeasure of the respective BhutalBhutas. Anyone who steals the
produce from the territorial units under the guardianship of spirit incurs the displeasure of
Bhuta, so also those who violate the customs and conventions or rights and duties of the
agrarian society. Bhuta worship acted as a parallel system of political administration. The
hierarchical administrative units were represented by hierarchies of Bhutas. The Seeme
Bhuta was called Arasu Bhuta (royal Bhuta). The Bhutas of Seeme, Megane, Grama,
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territory on behalf of the matrilineal kin-group (both living in the territory/or living
outside it).
IV) Partitiollillg alld Alienatioll of Rigllts: All the rights related to land and its produce
including the Varg and Inam right could be inherited, transferred, sold and
mortgaged by the respective holder of the right. As a result of land grants (Inams),
partitioning, sale and mortgage as well as purchase of territory (partially or fully),
sub units of guttu territory called Manes had been established in the village. The
alienation through land grants, sale, mortgage and other means had brought in many
new elements into the villages. For example, in the village studied, Brahmins as
Inamdars were placed above the agriculturists. Jhati Pujary's guttu became
subordinate to the Brahmin Inamdars. Similarly many territorial units originally
under the control of Pujary and other intermediate jati matrilineages came under the
control of Bunts who become superior lease holders (Guttedar), landlords and
Vargadars of vast village territories (The process of when and how the process of
land alienation and establishment of multiple rights over land occurred in Tuluva
villages requires further investigation).
v) Gradatiolls or Economic Differentiatioll amollg ti,e Vargadar Kin due to
Inequities in Access to and Control over Land alld its Produce: The customary
inheritance practices partitioning and alienation of rights had led to the emergence of
inequalities even among the kin of each guttu. There was also partitioning, sale or
mortgage of territories or portions by the new elements. As a result some portions of
territories had seen more or less frequent change of ownership. There were
inequalities among the kin of even the new lessors or purchasers of territorial units.
vi) The Variation in Numerical Strength of Agriculturists' vis-a-vis their Clients ill
guttulmalles: The number of Vargadars (kin and non-kin) with right over the
territory, and that of the tenants as well as attached agrarian labourer households
living on the territory differed from one guttu to another.
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Guttu and Mane are ranked one below the other, with layers below being subordinate to
those above. The Bhutas of lower ranks reportedly obey the Bhutas ranked above them.
So the power of the Bhutas was limited to the concerned geographic region (Gowda,
1991:17). Like the King, the Bhuta of the Kingdom had equivalent royal seat (patta). The
roles associated with rulers such as that of a protector, punisher and judge are performed
by Bhutas at the respective level of their jurisdiction at the ritual level. Thus Bhuta cult
symbolized ritualistically the prevalent patterns of hierarchical rule, patriarchal,
patrimonial relations of feudal domination as well as the associated jati hierarchy. Most
importantly it contributed to the reinforcement or fixation of historically constituted
identities such as Ballalas, Brahmins, Guttedars and all distinct vocational, Jati identities
in the traditional agrarian society.
Temples, Basadis, Churches and Mosques: As Sites of or Priestly Power
The religious sites such as Devasthanas (temples), Basadis, (places of worship of Jain),
Churches and Mosques had emerged as sites of power from early times in the history of
Tulunadu. These served as venues of ethno-religious identity construction by exercising
specific forms of domination, control and constructive influence on its adherents. All
places of worship had also become receivers of land grants or inams (fully or partially
revenue free) from the rulers and village notables in Tulunadu, i.e. the Ballalas and the
GuttulMane Yajamanas respectively. The revenue records of the British period reveal the
presence of Bhutasthanas and temples (Daivasthanas) as receivers of land grants. Rents
from the tenants attached to the temple lands went to the temple. The contributions in the
fonn of gifts, (i.e. cash, gold, grain, vegetables, fruits on a regular basis and on special
occasions (festivals, ritualistic celebration) and free services to the temple were the other
modes of surplus appropriation in all the si tes of religious worship in Mudusede.
The priestly class began to exercise considerable dominance over those who came to be
incorporated as its adherents as well as others who came within the milieu of its influence
in one way or the other. Through religious discourses and practices (inclusive of rituals)
and forms of religious training and various forms of disciplining, the priests themselves
llO
were constructed as superior identities vis-a-vis the believers or faithful. The Jain Indras,
Vedic purohits, Pujarys or Swamiji's, Islamic Khajis or Maulavi (Mullah) or Imams,
Catholic and protestant priests/pastors and Bishops who were constituted through specific
historico-cultural processes came to acquire superordinate role in Tuluva society. By
exercising domination and control and accessing share of the surplus from the differently
ranked faithful, they emerged quite influential. They started exercising control over
practically all events in the life cycle of adherents, such as birth, initiation, marriage,
family life and death (a form of pastoral power). This enabled them to gain control over
the religious beliefs and rituals in the locality/region.
In the village under study, as per the records available, adherents of Jain religion the
Ballalas, appear to be the most dominant religious group to exercise control at supra local
level from a specific phase in its history. Presence of a Jain Basadi towards the eastern
boundary of the village has been reported. The Saivite Brahmins too had established a
temple in Jara under the patronage of Ballalas. However with the revolt of Jhati Pujary of
Jarandaya fame, the Saivite presence appears to have been eliminated. However villagers
came under the influence of Vedic cults through temples situated in various parts of
Tuluva society near and far including some distant pilgrim centres. Vaisnavite Brahmins
come in much later into the village at the invitation of the village notables. It is also not
clear when exactly the Muslims and Christians arrived on the village scene. There is
every reason to believe the Muslims presence in the village predates many centuries.
Bailupete, the trading centre that emerged historically was just across the narrow river
stream to the northern part of the village (Annexure IV - Bailupete). British census report
of 1901 reveals the presence of Muslim traders in the village. The land records also show
that there were two prominent Muslim landlords with control over large territories. The
mosque situated next to the famous Durgah of Sheikare Pandit (meaning Sheik are - Arab
Sheik referred to with respect locally, pandith meaning a person of learning or an expert
healer or both) in Bailupete was the place of worship for the resident Muslims of
Mudusede as well.
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The Christians appear to have come into the village much later and taken over lands for
tilling as tenants of the established landed households. Some of the tenants present in the
village are able to trace their history to four or five generations. The British records 1904
show the presence of a Christian Pattadar but he was on absentee landlord who had his
land cultivated through a Mulgeni tenant, a Bunt. The villagers came under the influence
of these religious cults to a greater or lesser extent. Attempts at constructing,
reconstituting and fixing religious identities, has been a continuous process in the history
of the village as elsewhere.
Site of Governance in the Traditional Village
The village inhabitants were associated in relations of power in the site ofIocal as well as
supra-local governance.
Supra-Local Level: At the supra-local level the governance of the village was with the
Balialas from a particular point of its history (Jarandaya legend). The Ballalas were
responsible for the overall maintenance of law and order. They provided legitimacy to the
hierarchical agrarian society. They defended the interest of local groups especially the
high ranking agrarian groups who were the revenue payers to the treasury. Ballalas
functioned as the chief judiciary in case of disputes that could not be resolved at lower
levels. Jaranadaya legend reveals that the Ballalas could become ruthless when their writ
was opposed.
Village Level: It is not clear what the traditional governance structures at the village level
were. The presence of village headman (in the case of Jara territory - the Brahmin) is
noted in the tale of Jarandaya. A Jain was probably the headman or Patel in the Sede
region. The position of Patel was assumed by the yajamana of a Bunt lineage which
acquired this territory through purchase, about three generations ago. It could be
hypothetically stated that the council of elders of all the guttus/mane's or representatives
of more prominent of the matrilineal yajamanas with the headman of the village or the
Patel may have formed the local governance body. Inter-guttu or village based disputes
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were settled at the Oru Chavadi or Nyayakatte (village courtyard of Justice), a venue set
aside for the purpose.
The Patel the headman of the village and yajarnana of one of the most prominent
matrilineage (guttulmane) was the link between the supra local Ballalas and the village
residents. Such hereditary positions reinforced the supremacy of not only the matrilineage
but also the Jati to which the headman belonged (in the case of village under study the
Brahmin in the Jara region and probably the Jain landlord in the Sede region were the
headman of the respective locality during the traditional times). There were also position
holders such as Shanbhags or accountants. They were not present in all the villages, but
helped the royals by maintaining the accounts of the revenue. This was also a hereditary
position. There were also village servants at the lowest level of the local administration
who were responsible for cleanliness and other tasks given to them by the village
headmaniPatel.
Territorial Level: At the territorial level, the yajamana of each territory guttulmane were
responsible for governance. Maintaining order within the territorial unit between and
among kinsfolk, tenants and labourers was their responsibility. The Chavadi or Nyaya
chavadi-an open courtyard or verandah-attached to the residence of the
landlord/employer or amidst the guttu kin houses became the venue where all parties
would gather to resolve the dispute under the leadership of the yajamana or senior lineage
heads.
Jati Level: Council of elders or Gurikaras of Jati groups was a traditional structure of
governance concerned with the affairs of many Jati groups in the village. The earliest
dwellers in the Tulunadu - the region of thick forests and rich bio-diversity - are said to
be food gathering groups such as Koragas (now categorized as a scheduled tribe), other
ethnic groups such as MayiJJas, Adi Dravidas, Madigas (Now brought under Scheduled
caste list), Paravas, Nalikes and Pambadas (associated with Bhuta dance - now coming
under S.C category, the Pujarys (or Billavas -literally meaning people with bows/arrows
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also labelled as Murthedars or toddy tapers in traditional times) and the Mogaveras (the
fisher folk) in the coastal villages of the region (now brought under the label other
Backward castes). Historically these social groups lived in contiguous territories,
practicing swidden (swift and Bum) cultivation. They had their own internal systems of
governance. The Gurikaras or elders of senior lineages representing different geographic
locations within the broad territory of settlement were responsible for upholding the
customs/rules of each Jati. All matters such as rituals/practices and festivals associated
with Bhuta worship, marriage, child birth, death ceremonies and intra-Jati conflict
resolution were handled by the Gurikaras. As enforcers of customs and traditions and
adjudicators of intra-family, intra-Jati disputes, the Gurikaras were able to exercise
traditional authority over the members of their respective Jatis. The Gurikara system was
also retained by Christians of the region in a new form (a parish is divided into
wados/wards and a Gurkar is appointed for each wado, who together form the parish
council).
All these governance structures at various levels were sites of relations of domination as
well as identify construction and reinforcement in the traditional village. These sustained
and legitimized the hierarchies that were prevalent in the other sites such as agrarian, Jati,
household and ritual sites of the village.
The Sites of Health Care
The traditional site of health appears to have been predominantly that of folk medicine.
Those practising folk medicine were known as Baidya in Tulu (Vaidya -Kannada).
Baidya male healer, Baidyathi - a female healer, Abu Baidyathi of Jarandaya fame
appears to have been a respected traditional healer or medicine woman. There were such
Baidya or Vaidyas among Pujarys and other earliest ethnic groups to dwell in the region
of Tulunadu. The oral narratives speak of the presence of other healers - i.e. Sheikare
Pandith (The Arab Sheik who was a popular Pandith residing in a village to the North of
Sede across the narrow river stream).
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By the time of British rule, the Brahmin dominance in the field of health care in the form
of Ayurveda along with Unani system of health care (Arabic origin) in certain pockets
appears to have gained predominance, subjugating the former folk based healing
practices to a position of inferiority. The Ayurveda and to some extent even the Unani
Pandiths who had been able to collect and further refine knowledge of healing, accessed
by them from folk systems from various locations near and far because of their mobility
and literacy, emerged as an influential group. Their medical knowledge further
strengthening their domination. Most traditional healers held their medical knowledge as
a secret and passed it on to the next generation or one or more of their chosen disciples.
Sites of Education
Brahmins and Jains of the village sent their children to formal sites of education such as
ashrams which were situated in centres of religious worship or run by learned Brahmin
gurus. In these sites literacy skills were imparted along with knowledge of religious
scriptures. These sites reinforced the Dvija or so called twice born identities. Similarly
military training was imparted in formal centres of training. No organized educational
facilities were there for others. Learning by living and working and at times through
apprenticeship (i.e. to skilled artisans) were the major modes of acquiring
education/competence during the early phase of history.
Languages such as Tulu, Kannada, Byari Bhasa and Konkani along with dialects spoken
by various ethnic groups were the major modes of information exchange and cultural
transmission in the village as in other parts of the region. Rich in words proverbs,
sayings, tales, songs and riddles, the language was a major medium through which the
distinct world views of the Tuluvas and other settlers in the region could be passed on
from one generation to the next. Not only the lived experiences and beliefs of many
generations but also the prejudices and biases along with syncretic notions were
transmitted through the language. Bayalata a form of dance drams was widely used to
enact the tales of Bhutas and later other vedic deities. It took the form of Yakshagana
under the leadership of Brahmins. Tala Maddale and Harikatha forms of oral recitation of
115
tales of heroes and epics were other cultural practice in vogue (Joshi, 1991: 22; 32).
There were also other art foons and games such as Cenne (Claus, 1986: 265-293).
Traditional Society had evolved a highly complex system of signs and symbols as a mode
of communication to pass on the cultural heritage from one generation to another.
In short mUltiple sites of relations of power had emerged in the traditional/feudal society
incorporating village residents into various fonus of domination. The nature of power at
work in the agrarian sites in association with other sites is the thrust of analysis in the
following pages.
Forms of Power in Historical Times
Foons of power associated with relations of domination as well as facilitative power were
found to be in operation at the sites of agrarian production, governance (local and supra
local) as well as site of Bhuta and other sites of religious worship.
A dominant foon of power prevalent in the traditional society was sovereign power, the
power of the king or ruler exercised through the Ballala or feudal overlord above the
village SUbjects. It was a patrimonial form of power exercised through the semi-feudal
inteonediaries such as the Brahmin headman of the village in Jara and other semi-feudal
yajamanas. Unlike in the western society it was not episodic in nature exercised just
intenuittently. The Ballalas not only claimed surplus in the fonu of revenue, taxes and
free labour at regular intervals, but also sought to exercise control over the belief and
rituals of the village level subjects (See Paddana of Jarandaya- Annexure - III). Similarly,
the yajamanas not only claimed rents at regular intervals from clients but kept watch over
the tenants and their actions. The mane okkalu or attached agrarian labourers too were
under their control. They were not free to sell their labour to others when the yajamana
required the same.
Secondly, it was also a patriarchal power. The patriarchs were the central figures here.
The king or the monarch when they were strong, were at the top of the patriarchal ladder.
Supra-local overlords or Ballalas came next to them, followed by village headman and
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and inferior), labourers (attached and casual, males and females). These relations based
on asymmetry or hierarchy have been further explored in this research with the help of
historical records and oral traditions.
Hierarchy among Rulers: There were gradations among rulers in the traditional society.
There were Maharajas or superior kings who were representatives of ruling dynasties at
the supra-local level who established supremacy over Tuluva region during different
periods of history. Ballalas who were followers of Jainism were the sub-feudal overlords
in most parts of Tulunadu for centuries prior to the arrival of British. They were
chieftains of beedu or budu (territorial units usually associated with J ains in Dakshina
Kannada), which were more or less extensive, covering more or less number of villages.
When central rulers of Megane, Seeme, Nadu, Rajya and Desa (in an order of ranking)
were strong the Ballalas tended to be subordinate to them. When central authority of the
kings was weak or not present, the Ballalas themselves were the predominant figures.
The Jara territory of Mudusede village along with contiguous territories of
PadusedelPachanady villages to the West of Mudusede village came under the
jurisdiction of the Jain Ballalas of Kulur beedu in the feudal past. The Ballalas were
subordinate to superior rulers such as Vijayanagara emperors and Sultans of Mysore
during the centuries preceding British rule.
The lain Ballala chieftain and his kin-groups had superior claim on surplus produced by
the actual tillers, a share of which was given by them to the central rulers of higher level
administrative units whenever such rulers made their presence felt. They collected the
surplus in the form of revenue through village level intermediaries who belonged to the
Brahmin caste in the case of Jara territory. They also exercised cultural dominance on the
village residents. The ideological independence of the actual cultivators/peasants was not
tolerated by the rulers and their intermediaries and steps were taken to suppress them. As
per the paddana of Jarandaya, the villagers could not worship any spirit or deity without
pennission from the Ballalas. It is reported that Jhati Pujary and his sister Abubaidyathi
did so secretly, fearing the Ballalas (Annexure III).
Hierarchy of bran/dars: There was hierarchy among inamdars or land grantees during
the British period. Many inscriptions discovered in other parts of Dakshina Kannada
reveal that such grants were made to Brahmins, temples and deities and others who
served the overlords (for i.e. in their anny) from 7tt. century A.D. and these grants were
known as Inam or Umballi (locally). Land grants were also made to the village based
artisans and village servants but these were very small in extent. As per the Pad dana of
Jarandaya, the more superior inamdar in the Jara region during a specific historical phase
of traditional society was a Brahmin, who had been appointed the headman of the Jara
territory which came to be a part of the Mudusede village later. His title Tiruvadi Chite
(literally translated as chite meaning headman, vadi-hamlet, Tiru-sacred or holy could be
interpreted to imply that he was the headman of a territory associated with some deity (in
this case Lord Siva). There is every reason to believe that he was a receiver of a land
grant made by the Jain ruler to the temple or deity. He reportedly lived with his kin in the
Jara house in the midst of Jara territory (Western side of Mudusede village). The temple
dedicated to Lord Siva officiated by the Brahmins under the patronage of B allal as was on
the hill towards the right of the Jara house.
'Inam' or 'Umballi' was a revenue free (full or partial) land. When giving villages or
large territories to the Inamdars such as Brahmins or temples, the rulers transferred the
right of collecting revenue and rents from the actual cultivators living on the said
territories to the Inamdars either partially or fully (The revenue records of the British
period prove the presence of many inam right holders with claims on revenue of the
village Mudusede). The superior Inamdars appropriated considerable surplus and
exercised influence or authority over the actual cultivators who lived on the land. Inferior
Inamdars had small plots of land which was provided to them in lieu of their services to
the village as artisans or village servants. They received only a small portion of the grain
heap as a payment for the services rendered by them to the members of the landed elite
and other agrarian households as well as to the village as a whole.
territorial yajamanas who functioned as patriarchs for the village as a whole in the former
case and for the kin and clients who came within their territory in all cases. As patriarchs
they had to provide protection and security to those who came within their respective
jurisdiction and assist them in times of need and crisis. At the same time all those who
were subject to the patriarchs had to be loyal to him and obey his commands.
Thirdly, there was a form of priestly power in the traditional village. The Brahmin, as
the priest of the templelbasadi claimed for himself the highest rituals standing. All other
villagers belonging to the subordinate jatis came under the ritual dominance of Brahmins.
The priestly power also came to be a dominant power among the Muslims as well as
Christians.
Fourthly, Patriarchy namely male dominance and female subordination was a
predominant form of power prevalent in the traditional society. Males were the authority
figures at all levels (supra-local, local to the household) despite the fact that the
traditional village practiced matrilineal system of inheritance.
Asymmetry or Hierarchy
Asymmetry or hierarchy was a predominant feature of relations of power in the agrarian
and other related sites of the feudal village. Relations between Ballalas or Supra-local
lords, the inamdars or holders of land grants, the guttus/manes yajamanas and
yajamanthis, the guttu kinsfolk (superiors and inferiors, seniors and juniors, women and
men), the Mulgeni and Chalgeni tenants, the mane okkalu or attached and other agrarian
labourers (men and women labourers) were asymmetrical. At the top of the agrarian
hierarchy there were the feudal rulers or sub-feudals known as Ballalas. The
guttus/manes themselves were hierarchically graded with the yajamanas of prominent
guttus ranked high followed by yajamanas of guttus/manes of other territories ranked one
below the other. Within each guttuJmane the relations between the yajamana and among
the kin elements themselves were asymmetrical. Hierarchy characterised the relations
between guttu yajamanas and his kin and other self-cultivating raiyats, tenants (superior
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Hierarchy amol1g the Guttus/Mal1es Territorial ullits: The guttus/manes (territorial
units controlled by a matrilineage) were ranked in a hierarchy depending on the
reputation and status, economic prosperity and political prominence of the kin-group at
the intra-village as well as supra local level. Variation in the size and prosperity of the
territory, extent of surplus appropriated from the subordinate groups within the territory •
and the kinship links to the superordinate rulers/kings were significant factors which
determined their ranking among the village guttus/manes. The territory could be more or
less extensive and more or less productive or fertile. The size of the guttu territories
varied depending on various factors. Some were very large or small from the time of
origin. Some others because of partitioning, sa Ie, mortgage of portions to others had been
divided between the kin or alienated to non-kin elements and so differed in size. The wet
lands which could yield two or three crops of paddy a year and garden lands were
considered most productive, and dry lands the least productive. The more the extent of
lands (especially the wet lands), brought under cultivation, higher was the number of
clientele associated with the territory i.e. tenants (Mulgenidars, Chalgenidars), artisans
(such as pot makers (Moolyas), carpenters and Smiths-Acharis) and agrarian labourers
and higher was the productivity. Accordingly the reputation or influence of kin-groups
and their yajamanas in the village varied from one guttu to another (The names of these
territorial units, the Jati identity of the Matrilineage that controls them at present and the
relative rank ascribed to the original guttus/mane by some key informers is provided on
page 122).
The most prominent territorial unit in the Sede zone of the village was known as Guttu
house. The village had many other territorial units such as Kalkarabettu,_ Arbi, Kottara,
Botikere, Ballike, Megina Mane that were highly prosperous. So was Jara territorial unit
under Jhati Pujary and his kinsfolk in the Jara zone of the village. There was consensus
among the informants concerning those guttus/manes that came at the top of the
hierarchy but no such agreement was there concerning Manes or sub-tcrritorics that were
ranked at the intermediate or lower level. There were some guttus/manes of Pujarys
mentioned by the inhabitants. But some of these guttus/manes or portions of these are
under the control of Bunt land owners and attached to their own territories at present. As
a result it is difficult to ascertain their ranking. In the Jara region however the J ara guttu
retains its position of prominence because of the historical reasons as explained by the
legend of Jarandaya. There are no other Pujary guttus in that part of the village.
Due to many changes that have occurred in guttu territorial units in the village, especially
change in ownership of lands because of sale, mortgage and other fonns of land
alienation, it is very difficult to clearly identify the original guttus in the Village. The
residents gave a Jist of large number of territorial units, only three of which are titled
'Guttu' and some others as 'Mane' (literally meaning house). The later namely 'Mane' is
a partitioned portion of land linked to an original territory or a sub-divided unit of the
original guttu. Some territories or portions of territories were also probably alienated to
others during certain phases of village history. For instance the guttu house territorial
unit, which had come to be under the control of Arasas a matrilineage, had been probably
alienated by the Arasas to the Kodialbail Guttu in later years, while they continued to till
the land as tenants.
Kodialbail guttu which held best portions of Mudusede territory had a high reputation.
This guttu was a matrilineage of Bunts from the centre of Mangalore (some lands within
the city of Mangalore continue to be under the control of kinsfolk of this matrilineage to
this day along with lands elsewhere not alienated or claimed by tenants). This
matrilineage which owned the most fertile territory in the centre of Mangalore in the past,
had started controlling vast amount of lands in a number of villages near and far and
enjoyed very high reputation in the region (The Bunts to this day consider it a privilege to
be associated as consanguine or affine of this kin-group). The saying goes that this kin
group had been able to reap golden paddy shoots in their territory, implying the
prosperity of the territory and the reputation and prestige of the kin-group associated with
it. It is not clear when and how this matrilineage came to acquire the portions of the
territory in Mudusede village. Did the Arasa ancestors mortgage the territory to the kin of
Kodialbail guttu as they were not able to repay the debts or meet the revenue demand?
There are residents who say that this may have been the case.
Relative Ranking among the Territorial Units
Linked with the Bunts Linked with Pujarys
Guttu House (Arasara Guttu) Jara Guttu (Portions with Pujarys and others)
Arbi House Jara Mane (Associated with Tiruvadi chite the Brahmin
Kalkerabettu headman earlier - now with Jhati Pujary kin)
Kottara Mugila (with Bunts now)
Mugera Guttu Didupe (with Bunts now)
BaUike Botta (portions with Pujarys and Bunts)
Moodumane Dota (with Pujarys)
Botikere Bongamane (with Pujarys)
Gudemane Arenthota (with Pujarys)
Meginamane
Nadumane Other Territories
Sthanadamane Udupara Mane (Brahmins/purohit household)
Hosalakke Achari Bailu (Associated with artisans earlier - now
Hosamane portion with Acharis, Bunts and Pujarys).
Yalangoor Genada Mane (Associated with oil extractors earlier -
Choutaramane now with Bunts)
Achemane Kiram (with Pujarys earlier - now Christians and others
Thalekadakoodi - erstwhile tenants, now vargadars).
Ganadamane Sabera Bailu (with Muslims earlier - later with Bunts
Note: Ranking of Guttus! Manes under portions sold to Christians in 2006, portions with Bunts)
Bunt control as per the key informers. Byari Bailu (with Muslim earlier - now with Bunts).
Note: Ito IV, are considered traditionally the most prominenllerritorial units in the village. All four trace themselves to the Jain feudal rulers. All fa ur worship Arasu Gudedar a Bhuta or spirit said to be associated with the Jain rulers and keep the ritual objects of this Bhuta in their house to this day. However it is not clear whether the original matrilineal kin or others have control over the central lerritory in all cases.
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AsymmetrylHierarchy within each GuttulMane (Intra-Guttu)
The intra-Guttu relations, both between Yajamana and kinsfolk, (seniors and juniors and
matrilineal and patrilineal) and between women and men were characterized by hierarchy
or asymmetry. Further the relationship between the kin yajamana, kinsfolk, tenants and
labourers were also asymmetrical. Such asymmetrical relations are dealt with in more
details in the following pages.
Asymmetrical Relations between Kin Elements: The relations within kin-group between
Yajamana and others, Matrilineal Yajamanthi and others and between the members of the
kin-group were asymmetrical.
There was asymmetry between the yajamana and kinsfolk. The traditional rights
bestowed on the yajamana did playa significant role in this regard. The position of the
yajamana was an inherited one. It was inh.erited as per matrilineal principle by mother's
brother or father's sister's son who could at the same time also be son-in-law (locally
both are addressed by the kinship term aliya) because of cross cousins marriage. The
synonymity of the word for both types of relations is thus very significant. Traditionally,
yajamana had only a life estate in the property and the right to live in the house along
with his wife and children till his death. The guttulmane yajamana during his tenure of
office which could last till his illness/death or partitioning of rights was a very powerful
figure in the past like the Jajman of Gujarat and other northern states. The yajamana had
the right to enforce obedience from all who live on his territory. His authority was based
on the ranking of the guttu/mane at the intra and extra - local levels, its prosperity, the
reputation of the kin-groups and also his ability to organize and manage the affairs of the
household and agrarian relations both intra - kin and kin and client. If the yajamana was
married, the reputation and prosperity of his wife's matrilineage and territory (Guttu)
could add to his clout in the eyes of his own kin, client groups and other villagers
including other guttus. Yajamana was the link person between the guttu and the Ballalas
or overlords. He was responsible for revenue payment to the Ballalas. His authority had
supra-local recognition and legitimacy.
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The authority of the yajamana derived not only from customary authority and economic -
status, but also ability to manage kin and territorial affairs. Ideally speaking all kinsfolk
male and female accepted the customary authority of the yajamana and gave him respect
and behaved differentially in his presence (i.e. not talking or laughing loudly in his
presence, not sitting in his presence, especially when outsiders are present, and generally
manifesting postures and gestures of humility). But in reality, the relations of power
between the Yajamana and kinsfolk varied depending on his economic dominance,
political position, relational proximity to the kin, the position of various kin in relation to
the matrilineage (there being superior or inferior Kavaru or branches of the lineage), as
well as age and sex of members. Some kin with inferior rights over portions, especially
widowed females and their children may have suffered discrimination while their
superior kin, may have received preferential treatment.
Asymmetry in Relations between Kinsfolk themselves: The relations between the
kinsfolk themselves were asymmetrical. The relations between superior kin and inferior
kin and female and male kin were asymmetrical. In this regard let us look at the relations
between guttu yajamana and yajamantbi (matrilineal female head). A very prominent
figure in the guttu household was the senior female especially one on whom the Vargadar
right was vested. These women vargadars were subordinate to the yajamana by custom.
However when these women were seniors they had considerable equity in relation to the
yajamanas. Many yajamanas would consult such women mother, elder or younger sister
in affairs ofthe kin-group and territory. Some yajamanthis themselves had to assume role
of managers of the territory Goint or portioned) on behalf of the kin-group or household
as the case may be in the event of death, or illness of the yajamana or his absence from
the household. Such Yajamanthis or female heads were obeyed by both junior males and
females.
Asymmetry in Relationship between Kinswomen and Kinsmen: But by and large
kinswomen behaved as subordinates to the males who were their superiors i.e. fathers,
husbands or bigger brothers, father-in-law and elder brother in law. Traditionally they
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refused to even say the names of their father-in-law or husband as a mark of respect (The
researcher came across a few women who adhered to this norm in \995/2005).
The junior females were more strictly controlled. Their mobility was under constant
surveillance. Inter caste marriages were not tolerated and force was used to prevent any
such alliances. While sexual transgressions among men were tolerated, the women's
sexuality was kept under strict control as the prestige and reputation of the kin-group and
Jati was dependent on the purity of its women. However, remarriage of women was
encouraged. Young widowed women with or without children were remarried.
Researcher came across such instances in the village. The puritanical conceptions of
Vedic pativrata dhanna (where once married the women became the property of her
husband and had to remain unmarried even ifhe died or deserted her) had not entered the
world view of Bunt, Pujary and such other kin-groups in the villages of Tulunadu during
the traditional period. However patriarchy was strongly entrenched. Women were
disciplined to behave in subordinate ways and adhere strictly to Jati as well as kin-group
norms among the landed elite Jatis in the village.
Traditionally matrilineal kinswomen had the right to reside in her marital home. The day
her husband (even if he is the yajamana) died, his wife had to move out of her marital
home with her children and her personal belongings and move into her maternal home.
She and her children had customary right to reside and share in the produce as well as
right over portion of the territory when it is partitioned in her maternal home. The
husband's portion of the property reverted to his sisters' and their children. There were
rare cases of polygamy among the yajamanas and other kinsmen.
Asymmetry in Relations between Kinsmen: Relations between kinsmen themselves
could not be disassociated from power. However when the matrilineal inheritance rules
were strictly followed in traditional times what form such relations between male kin
took is difficult to hypothesize. But these were oral reports of violent conflicts between
male kinsfolk over the territory in some cases during the later historical periods.
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,
Hierarchical Relations between GuttuiMane Kinsmen and Subordinate Client Groups:
The relations between yajamana, kinsfolk and their client groups such as tenants and
labourers were also characterised by hierarchy. Relations between landlords and tenants
(superior and inferior) and labourers could be analysed here.
Hierarchies of Landlords and Tenants: There was widespread and graded tenancy
arrangement in traditional villages of Tulunadu as per the folk tales and Paddanas of
Bhutas. Buchanan in his reports of the journey in Kanara in 1807 has reported that
tenancy system was extensively prevalent in the region. These were oral tenancies. The
Brahmins and temples had been allotted extensive lands (full or partially revenue free) by
the kings and overlord Ballalas, which were leased out to tenants. Both Jains and Bunts
who had assumed superior control over vast territorial units (Beedu, Guttu) had also
leased out portions of their land to others. The Pujary Guthedars also similarly leased out
lands. Many of the erstwhile Pattadars were subjugated to the level of tenancy because of
sale or mortgage of their lands to the Brahmins and Bunts. Tenancy arrangements may
have also risen as a result of partitioning of the matrilineal territorial units. The
matrilineal portion holding kin living in the village or other villages leased out their
portions to their own kin in the village, to the kin of other guttus or members of other Jati
groups (Such tenancy arrangements were prevalent in the village up to 1974).
A complex gradation of superior and inferior landlords and tenants had come to prevail
from a certain phase in Tuluva history. The fonns of tenancy contract that were
constituted in the Tulunadu were primarily of two types, Mulgeni and Chalgeni. The
Mulgeni right was a superior right assumed by the tenant directly from the Pattadar on a \
permanently fixed rent. Whereas Chalgeni was an inferior and temporary fonn oftenancy
either assumed directly from the PattadarNargadar or indirectly from the Mulgenidar
which had to be renewed on a yearly basis. There were also other inferior forms of
tenancy such as ola-Chalgeni (internal Chalgeni) where in a Chalgenidar himself/herself
allotted a portion of the land assumed by him/her to another tenant. There were also
vayide genidars (time bound tenants) who had to give up tenancy as soon as the time
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period for which they were allotted land had lapsed. There is every reason to believe that
many of the older settlers had been gradually subordinated to the roles of inferior or
Chalgeni tenants by those who assumed superior control and Muli or Varg right over
larger territorial units as well as Mulgeni right over considerable portions oflands.
The relations of power between the land rentiers and tenants differed depending on
various factors, the nature of tenancy, extent and fertility of lands, types of crops grown,
the relative prominence of the Guttu or Mane, the reputation, and positions of authority
associated with the landlord yajamana, kinsmen or women Pattadars and the Guttu and
Jati affiliation of the landlords vis-a-vis the tenants. Generally, the Mulgenidars paid rents
in perpetuity and relatively lower rates to the land rentiers or Pattadars, whereas the
Chalgenidars paid higher rent that was increased from time to time. Rents were paid in
kind as share of paddy grown. Besides paying rents, the inferior tenants had to work on
the self-cultivated farms of the landlord during the agricultural season. Free labour and
gifts were also associated with tenants. They had to go with fruits and a fowl to request
the landlords for the renewal of tenancy from one year to another. The tenants who were
unable to meet the obligations were evicted from the land. As the tenants had to depend
on the plough animals and other inputs of the landlords, they had to pay in grain for the
same.
The tenancy (both Mulgeni and Chalgeni) was a right that was passed on from one
generation to the next. In other words, it was inherited either on matrilineal or patrilineal
lines, depending on the tradition practiced by the Jati group to which the tenant belonged.
The superior Mulgenidars including some Chalgenidars or tenants, usually belonged to
the dominant peasant Jatis (for example Bunts). They were in a position of advantage
over the land rentiers or Vargadars. In some cases, superior tenants could effectively
reduce the payment of rent. They were not obliged to render or refused to render other
services to the land rentiers. Whereas the inferior tenants were from the subordinate Jatis
and much surplus was appropriated from them.
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Artisans and Vii/age Servants in tile Agrarian Hierarchy: Artisans were also placed at
the lower levels of hierarchy in the agrarian sector. Dakshina Kannada villages as
elsewhere did have more or less number of artisan households living within its borders,
such as weavers, oil extractors, iron smiths, carpenters and pot makers. Besides, there
were also village servants such as village guards, forest guards, dhobi or washer men,
barber and Bhuta dancers. Some guthu territorial units had artisan households within
them.
As far as Mudusede is concerned names of certain territories such as Acharibailu
(' Achari' --carpenter or Smith, 'Bailu' -Territory or farm land of the 'wet' category), the
ganigaramane (oil extractors house), suggests the presence of artisans. There were
Moolyas or pot makers too in the village. A Christian was appointed by the agriculturists
to guard the commonly held village forest during the later decades of the colonial period
in the village.
The artisans and village servants were engaged in various types of patron client relations,
that remind one of the Jajmani system in North India explored by Wiser (1936) and
Breman (1974). They were allotted Inam lands by the GuthedarslPattadars and had the
right to claim a share of the grain heap at the time of harvesting from each of the
Pattadars. They received remuneration which was not commensurate with their services.
For instance for a little share of the grain heap a barber had to render services to all the
Pattadars and members of their household through out the year. It was a relation of
domination between the artisans, village servants and Pattadars. Surplus was extracted
from these groups in terms of low paid products and services by the landlords/proprietors.
Some of the artisans and their family members were engaged as labourers during the
agricultural season.
Asymmetrical Relations between Landlord/Cultivators and Labourers: The relations
between landlord/cultivators and various types of labourers were based on asymmetry.
The agrarian labourers were the lowest ranked group in the agrarian sites of the village.
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In the traditional society attached labourers known as Mane okkalu-literally meaning
mane-house and okkalu-tenants were usually found in the larger agrarian sites. The
number of such labourers differed from one territorial unit to another depending on the
extent of land under personal cultivation of the landlord/proprietor. Whenever the lands
were partitioned, inherited, gifted, sold, leased out to tenants and mortgaged, the attached
labourers tied to the lands were not disturbed. The attached labourers had the hereditary
right to live and work on the land. They had the obligation to serve the landowner by
rendering labour related to agriculture and other services. There were various types of
labourers in the traditional Tuluva villages: called Mannalu (labourers attached to the
soil), Honnalu - debt bonded slaves or bonded labourers, (called jeetadalu as well)
Gandalu (male labourers) and Hennalu (female labourers) and Holeyalu or the
untouchable slaves. They were among the significant surplus generators in agriculture.
Some of these labourers had a relatively better standing compared to others. The payment
differed for various categories of labourers. For instance, the debt bonded labourers
(Jeethadalu) or Honnalu were made to slog only for their upkeep. They were not paid any
wages. They were the most oppressed and exploited categories of labourers at the bottom
of the agrarian hierarchy.lfthe labourers were indebted, the labourer could not labour for
other landlords. When a labourer was unable to return the loan, his sister's children could
be sold by the landlord to recover the due. If not he could transfer the labourer to another
owner and recover the dues (Buchanan, 1807:35-36). Such practices reveal that the
labourers were highly exploited in the villages of the region. The surplus generated by
them through years of hard work was reaped by the pattadars. The labourers were
primarily from the lower Jatis including those treated as 'untouchable' castes. The
bonded labourers usually belong to those jatis that were subjugated as outcastes and
subjected to various practices of untouchability by the dominant Jati groups.
Gender disparity was also prevalent among the labourers. For instance, evidence
available towards the end of 18th century reveals the prevalence of disparity in wages paid
to men and women labourers in Tuluva villages. A male labourer was paid at the rate of
2anas (half a rupee) per day, 21% bushels of grain per annum. He would receive clothes
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worth Rs.I.50/- and a hut to live. A women labourer was paid :y. of the wages paid to men
and clothes worth Rs.I.SO/- per annum (Buchanan, 1807). There is no reason to believe
that this situation was different in the village under consideration.
Asymmetry between Traders and Agriculturists: Traders comprised an important
component of the village population. The presence of Baiiupete, a trading centre just
across the narrow river stream, towards the north of the village of Mudusede reveal, that
the village had trade links since historical times. The 190 I census of colonial period
reveals the presence of traders in the Village. There is no evidence which could be used to
construct the relations of power between the traders and the growers in traditional village.
The traders' presence was essential for agriculture. It could be hypothetically stated that
the agrarian units could sustain relatively large kinsfolk, agrarian labourers and tenants
because the villages had its trade links. There is reason to believe that village had trade
links with the marketing centre of Bunder in the city of Mangalore and perhaps with the
Guilds of traders from near and far situated there and linked with Bailupete. Further
historical investigation in different villages is required to throw light on the relations of
power that prevailed between various categories of village residents in general, farmer
producers in particular and traders.
Toddy Tappers (Murlhedaras) in lite Agrarian Hierarchy: One of the major means of
livelihoods practiced in the agrarian society was toddy tapping from the palm and
coconut trees. Those from the Pujary Jati (also known as Billavas) were skilled in this
task. Toddy tapping was a significant means of living for a number of rural households in
traditional times along with agriculture (Paddanas of Tulunadu including that of
Jarandaya also highlight this fact). Skilled toddy tapers called Murthedaras (Tulu) tapped
toddy from the trees in their own lands and as well as trees taken by them on lease from
the land of other Pattadars and genidars. There were fixed rates that the toddy tapers had
to pay the owners of the trees depending on the productivity of the tree/trees concerned.
While the owners appropriated share of the gains made by the murthedaras, the later had
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to engage in climbing the tall trees and perform the necessary tasks needed for collecting
the today from the same. More the number of trees in the possession of a land controller,
higher the surplus he could collect from the toddy tapper.
Hierarchies of Bhutas Reinforced Social Ranking or Asymmetry: The ritual ranking
associated with the Bhutas co-related with the socio-economic ranking in the agrarian
society. The Bhuta associated with the supra-local feudal has the highest rank. For
instance, the Kalkarottu territory, one of the most affluent territories of Mudusede could
be traced to the kin elements who were Jain by religion (now under Bunt Matrilineal kin).
They were propitiators of Arasu Gudedar a Bhuta who is considered Satvic (vegetarian),
in other words no animal sacrifice is associated with him and so he is considered to be
high on the ladder of purity. Arasu Gudedar is the principal deity in Sede part of the
village. He is propitiated as Rajan daiva or the king spirit. All the prominent Guttus and
associated sub-territories i.e. Kalkarottu (relatively new owners), Guttu house, Arbi house
and Kottara worship Arasu Gudedar. All residents of the village are required to honour
this spirit.
Jarandaya as a principal deity is associated with Jara territory which probably was a
distinct territory under the Ballalas of Kuluru Beedu (Besides Jara in the Western side of
village Mudusede, Jara constituted big portions of Padusede and Pachanady villages as
well). Jaranadaya is propitiated by the Pujarys of Jara region. The Jain Ballalas of Kuluru
are invited to be the guest of honour since historical past at the time of specific festivals
organized to propitiate this spirit in the Jara side. Later Bunts of Sede also started holding
separate Kola and Nema for Jarandaya by building a Bhutasthana for Jarnadaya.
All the matrilineages, their tenants and attached labourers both with longer history of
dwelling in the village or relatively new propitiate one or more Bhutas such as Jumadi,
PanjurIi, Dhumavathi, Kalurti, Kalkutiga, Thaniya and Kordabu who are also placed in
an hierarchical order based on their association with variously ranked guttus and jati
groups in the village. The Bhutas worshipped by the top guttus/ma!les;,,qr~onsidered to
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be superior and Bhutas worshipped by those who are lower in the ladder are considered
as inferior.
Bhuta worship reinforced the agrarian hierarchies in another way. When festivals (Kola
or Nema) to propitiate the Bhutas are held the man possessed by the Bhuta calls the
names of the Brahmin priest, the Ballala and guttu yajamanas in an order of ranking
associated with each territory. Such a practice symbolically reinforced the relations of
domination and subordination especially those based on hierarchical ranking among
varied supra local and local agrarian and jati groups.
Convergence ~etween Asymmetrical Relationsb~tween Agraria_n Class
and Jati Groups ~"" I
The description of the asymmetrical relations attempted thus far reveal gradations based
on agrarian production, Bhuta worship, local governance and jati affiliation. This section
summarises the link between the agrarian production based groups and the jatis in the
village under study. The supra local overlords were from a dominant lineage/jati of Jains
and they had the supreme control over lands, which could be given as grants by them or
leased out to the collectors of revenue. They practiced vegetarian diet and held a
relatively high position in the ritual hierarchy. The local revenue collecting intermediaries
with lease rights (Guttige) over the land belonged to the Jain, Brahmin and later Bunt
Jatis/lineages. Brahmins were also priests, (purohits) and astrologers who were
considered by others as having higher ritual status. The Mulgenidars were either Bunts or
Pujarys, Chalgenidars belonged predominantly to the Pujary and other intermediary Jati
members, artisans belonged to intermediate and backward. Jati groups such as Acharis
(carpenter, masons), Mulyas (pot makers), Moilys (drum beaters and musicians) and
Shettigars (i.e. weavers), Ganigas to name some. Pujarys were also medicine men/women
(Baidya, Baidethi in Tulu) and Toddy Tappers (murthedaras). They were considered low
in ritual ranking. The agrarian labourers belonged to the backward Jati groups as well as
those Jatis categorised as ati Sudra or 'untouchables'. They had only the right to live and
work on the land. Those subjugated to the lowest levels of Jati hierarchy included people
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belonging to the Nalke, Parava and Pambada Jatis. Besides being attached labourers, they
functioned as paddana reciters and dancers during the Bhuta festivals.
Strategies or Practices of Power
Various strategies and practices of power were in operation in the agrarian sites of the
village. The strategies of domination that were put into operation by various agents in
situations of relative dominance included threats of physical violence and actual physical
violence such as torture, beatings, (by using men armed with metal weapons), destruction
of goods and properties belonging to the subordinate groups, exile from the territory and
the village and verbal abuse. The ballad of Jarandaya brings out the extreme forms of
cruelty that could be perpetrated on the subordinate groups (See Annexure III- Paddana
of Jarandaya). The type of strategies used in sites of agrarian relations differed based on
the relative position of those on whom these were being used. The yajamana could
behave either strictly or leniently to enforce discipline over the kin depending on the
standing of the kin (superior to inferior). He could use repressive strategies which
included physical beatings usually in the case of younger members and or verbal abuse in
the case of both the young and the old. The tenants and the labourers were subjected to
various negative sanctions if they failed to meet their obligations and perform their
duties. Those who violated the Jati norms were punished through isolating them (by
preventing others from having any interaction with such an individual and hislher
family). The local term Bahishkara was used to label such a process of social isolation.
Practices of social discrimination inclusive of gender discrimination (both overt and
subtle) that were followed in various sites of relations such as households, work sites,
sites of worship could also be considered as strategies of power. Adoption of such
practices - led to the enforcement of unequal access to essentials (food, clothing and
health care), unequal hold over resources (such as land, water, forest bodies, finances,
knowledge and competencies), unequal access to benefits of production and opportunities
available for acquisition of education, employment and positions of authority and unequal
access to private and public space. Such discriminatory practices undermined the dignity
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and self image of those discriminated against (i.e. women, those subjected to
untouchability) and made them develop inferiority complex.
At the same time the strategies or practices of facilitative power such as the
performance of daily routines based on a historically evolved and normalized patterns of
division of labour, enforcement of traditional customs and norms and adherence to rituals
associated with Bhuta cults and other religious worship sites were at work reconstructing
and fixing the already constructed vocational, jati and gender identities. Some of these
strategies of facilitative/productive power are dealt with in the following pages. '\ I , I I ! I ~ ',' ••
i) Division of labour or task was a major strategy associated with facilitative power. All
the hierarchically constituted subjects in the related sites of production, local governance
and Bhuta or religious sites of worship had their specific tasks or routines to perform. In
the agrarian site the tasks/responsibilities associated with yajamana, yajamanthi and other
male and female kinsfolk, tenants and labourers (both males and females) in relation to
agricultural production, the household and the Bhuta worship were quite specific and
clearly spelt out. The Yajamolla and the superior kinfolks performed the tasks related to
organization and management of production activities. All decisions pertaining to
farming were made by them, by themselves or in association with other superior kin
(male and sometimes even female). He was the top manager, coordinator of the self
cultivated farms which involved tasks of engaging, organizing and controlling agrarian
labourers. He had to handle all affairs pertaining to tenants (collect rents, raise rents,
engage new tenants, evict those who failed to meet the demands, resume the leased lands
fully or partly for self-cultivation. He handled the finances and distributed the surplus
among the kin-group members. They wou[d distribute responsibilities to their labourers -
and sit or stand under a tree or under the shade of an umbrella when there is hot sun and
monitor the work of farm labourers. The yajamallu was the chief decision maker in all
matters pertaining to the matrilineage. He had to maintain order and harmony within
undivided Kutumba or jf divided over inter and intra household affairs. He had to
represent the guttu in all the external affairs whether of the J ati, village or ritual of
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Bhutaradhana. As a yajamana he also functioned as a chief in all the rituals and
ceremonies associated with the Bhutas ofthe guttu or territory, or that of the matrilineage
(kutumba Bhutas). The elite yajamanas not only collected revenue on behalf of the
Ballalas but also took part in the coronation ceremonies of the new Ballala. So the
yajamana of a guttu could be considered the chief elite of the guttu. The yajamana also
handled the task of settling intra-kin and intra-client disputes. Such dispute settlements
termed panchayatige. Those yajamanas who performed their duties and met their
obligations towards kin and the clients were highly respected. The elder inhabitants both
kinsfolk, tenants and labourers of Mudusede speak of some such yajamanas of the past
with awe and continue to eulogize the competence manifested by them to increase the
prosperity and consequently the reputation of the kin-group. At the same time there were
yajamanas who were criticized for being inefficient, vice-ridden, ruthless and selfish.
The yajamanthi usually supervised and managed the food preparation work for the
kinfolk and the farm labourers with the help of other kinswomen and more or less
number of labourers depending on the number of persons (kinsfolk and labourers) to be
catered to. In some cases, when Yajamana is dead, disabled or sick or not efficient the
Yajamanthi or matrilineal heads did assume the role of managing or monitoring the
farming activities (few such competent women yajamanthis/landladies were present
during the 1995 and 2005 in the village).
The division of labour incorporated the kinsfolk as well. All the tasks of territory
management as well as household management were differentially shared by the
yajamana and kinsfolk. In prosperous territories, both male and female kin had to assume
different tasks related to cultivation and household. In some territories, one or the other
kin also assisted the yajamana in the tasks of managing farm operations. If the territorial
units were less prosperous and unable to afford extemallabour, the kinsfolk, both males
and females had to perform tasks related to cultivation.
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Superior kinsfolk usually abstained from direct manual work. The women folk of such
households were mostly engaged in tasks associated with the houselkitchen for example
management of food preparation and in some cases certain post harvest operations.
Inferior kinsfolk were often engaged in direct work. Some of them rented out their •
portions of the territory and were dependent on rent. Many tenant landlords abstained
from manual work, as they cultivated the lands leased in by employing labourers or sub
leased it to other tenants. The inferior tenants some small Malgenidars and Chalgenidars
performed the tasks associated with fanning by themselves with involvement of their
family labour.
The marginal cultivators, inferior tenants and agrarian labourers perfonned all the
manual tasks related to cultivation. There was gender division of labour here. The males
would do the digging, land preparation, ploughing, sowing of grains, women would be
engaged in weeding, transplanting, pounding of paddy, de-husking the same with crude,
wooden devices operated by hand or leg and winnowing the grains. Manually irrigating
the lands by pulling water from the wells. with the help of certain crude hand operated
devices, was a highly laborious task performed by men and women of the labouring
households or tenants as well the small and marginal cultivators. Even the children from
tenant and agrarian labourer households were engaged in farming operation from a very
young age. Both boys and girls were engaged to clean the cowsheds, work in the houses
and kitchen (of their landlords) and perform many farm and households related tasks.
Usually boys and sometime girls too were sent to rear cows.
ii) Enforcement of Traditional Customs and Rules as Strategies and Practices of
Facilitative Power: Facilitative power was exercised through the enforcement of
traditional customs and norms related to rights and duties of various agrarian social
groups.
Customs associated witlt Rights and Duties of Patrimonial Rulers/Yajamanas: During
the early periods of history, there were customary rights and responsibilities attached to
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the Ballalas the supra-local overlords. The tribute due to them had to be given by the
village residents. In times of conflicts or wars with other overlords - the territorial units
had to send men to provide military service to these rulers. Whenever there was a
celebration or festival in the household of the rulers, the villagers had to provide their
share of gifts (in kind) and labour. At the same time the rulers had the obligation to
provide protection to all the people within the villages under their jurisdiction and
support them in times of emergency or crisis. The Yajamanas of the guttu also had their
rights and obligations in relation to their kin, the tenants and labourers as well as the
village as a whole. Weber's notion of traditional authority could be found reflected here.
Customs associated with Matrilineal System: The majority of Jati based identity groups
in the geo--political zone inclusive of the village under consideration followed matrilineal
system of descent and inheritance of property (land cum house, cattle wealth and other
movable property). This meant that the matrilineage Yajamana had to strictly follow the
customs and traditions of matrilineal system. The superior rights over inheritance, that
were held by his mother, sisters and nieces and their children over that of his own wife
and children had to be recognized and respected by him. He had to function as a
patrimonial figure keeping the wellbeing of the matrilineage in mind. Arranging the
marriages of his sister's children (girls and boys) by adhering to the traditional norms of
intra Jati lineage endogamy was also his responsibility.
The Customary Rights over Land and its Produce and Customs Associated with
Alienation of these Rights: The historically constituted agrarian society organized
into production/surplus distribution units (guttus/manes) recognized the customary rights
of all the kin and non kin-groups associated with the territory. The overlords had
customary right to procure share of the surplus in the form of tribute, rents, revenue and
levies from all the joint and single holders of the agrarian territories. This also meant
customary right to demand services from the subjects during the times of wars,
ceremonies and other celebrations. Jarandaya tale speaks of the demand for fresh
vegetables by the Ballala from Jhati Pujary as the former was celebrating a wedding in
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his household. The tenants as well as attached labourers had their customary rights to live
and work on the land as tenants and labourers.
AIl the groups in the agrarian hierarchy could alienate their respective rights as per
traditions and customs of the Tuluva region. This meant they could inherit, partition,
purchase, sell, lease out and mortgage their own rights only and not the right of others on
the same portion of the territory. For instance, a vargadari right holder could only sell
hislher varg or muli (original) right, the Mulgenidar could sell his Mulgeni right and the
Chalgenidar could seIl his Chalgeni's right. Such transactions which brought in various
new elements into the agrarian production units were not uncommon in traditional Tuluva
society. As land rights were orally partitioned from time to time as per the rule of
matrilineal inheritance, both women and men and children of the matrilineage held rights
over lands and its produce both in residence and absentia (a fluctuating status-as some
could return to reside on the land for various reasons i.e. widowhood among women).
The customary rights of the superior Mulgeni and inferior Chalgeni tenants meant that
they could not be evicted from the land as long as they paid the rents fixed through oral
contracts (permanently in the case of the former and temporarily in the case of the latter).
The Chalgeni was in theory a temporary right. However customs had been evolved
wherein the Chalgenidars right to continue the tenancy and pass it on to his descendents
was respected as long as the Chalgenidars adhered to the obligations of tenancy.
Customs associated witll Kumki lands: In the traditional village, all the agranan
households including the Vargadars, Mulgenidars and Chalgenidars (superior and inferior
tenants) had Kumki rights to lands. Kumki rights meant the rights related to collection of
green manure, fodder for the cattle, fuel wood, grass for their thatched houses and other
essential products from clearly specified portions of the lands attached to their farms
usually on the hill slopes. The extent of Kumki land co-related with the extent of land
under farming especiaIly paddy crops in traditional times. The Kumki right accompanied
the right over the farm land. When portions of the farm lands were alienated, portions of
Kumki had to be given too. The tenancy contracts incorporated the rights of tenants over
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not only the farm lands but also Kumki territory which was clearly demarcated and
allotted to them. The Kumki right could be inherited, transferred, purchased partitioned
and leased along with the cultivable land, Kumki lands usually had wild growth of
biologically diverse species, which sustained the ecological health of the village/region.
Customs alld Rights related to Commoll Property Resources: In earlier times, Customs
and rights related to common property resources such as water, grazing lands and forests
were also prevalent. The villagers could use such lands for grazing their cattle or claim
differential share of the produce (i.e. grass for their thatched roofs and green leaves for
their farms) and medicinal herbs (leaves, roots, fruits, flowers, seeds, husks of plants or
trees)from the common property resources. The villagers appointed a guard to safeguard
the forest wealth. On particular days in a year the green leaves could be cut. Water was in
abundance and freely available for all. Wells, tanks and rivers were the source of water.
Rain water was also tapped by building temporary water storing structures called bundhs
(katta in Tulu). The customary rights associated with water, whether wells, tanks (Kere),
streams (Thodu) and river were recognized and no one could block the water source to
those who had customary right to its use for domestic and irrigation purposes. However
access to water varied depending on the territory and availability of traditional devices to
pull water and the labour to fetch water from near and far for consumption purposes.
Customs Related to Illtra-Jati alld Illter-Jati Illteractiolls: In the caste based feudal
Tuluva society, customs regulating interaction within Jati and inter-Jati were also equally
important. The interactions between the kinsfolk and Jati members (men and men, men
and women and WOmen and women) and the interaction between members (women and
men) of various Jatis were custom bound. The inter-Jati marriages were strictly opposed.
Tradition associated with purity and pollution in relation to other jatis and women and
men of the same jati were followed strictly by the upper caste groups such as Brahmins
and Jains.
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Customs Associated witlt Gender Relations: In the traditional Tuluva society, women of
matrilineal communities had inheritable rights to matrilineal properties (both lands and its
produce). The women of patrilineal communities did not have such rights. Bride price
was a norm in most Jati groups (both superior and inferior). Herein bridegrooms had to
pay a price or a levy (locally called Tera or Sirdosi) to the bride's party. This practice
continued for a long time until the mid 50's of the twentieth century and even later in the
viIJage among some of the Jati groups. The position of women in the matrilineal
household despite having superior rights of descent and inheritance was that of a
subordinate being to the Yajamana or patriarch (mother's brother or maternal uncle in '~
most cases). However, they had right to residence and share ofJand and produce in their
matrilineage. In the marital homes as housewives and mothers, women were not only
subordinate to the Yajamana of the matrilineage to which their husbands belong but also
to the Yajamanthi or other matrilineal kinswomen who held superior claims to the
matrilineal properties. The wife's right to the marital home and property, ended the day
her husband died. She had to return with her children to her matrilineage with all her
belongings immediately after the funeral ("Your stay here has ended, you may pack and
leave" a widow was told). The cross--cousin marriages being common, matrilineal
territorial unit could be retained with the kin of the matrilineage itself. There was no bar
on widow remarriage. Birth of girls was a welcome event, as it contributed to the
perpetuation of the matrilineage which would otherwise' end with the death of sons,
whose children would not be a part of the "Kutumba" (the kin-group tracing its descent
from the maternal side).
iii) Rituals as Strategies and Practices of Power: Rituals associated with the worship of
Bhuta and other religious rituals could also be considered as strategies of facilitative
power.
Rituals of Propitiation of Bllutas as Strategies of Facilitative Power: All the superior
rituals connected with Bhuta worship are performed by the yajamanas. The role of priest
or pathri (pujary) is associated with the Guttu/Mane yajamana and it is usually passed on
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through matrilineal lines. Bhuta worship programmes known as 'nema' and 'kola' are
collectively organised by the kin of the matrilineage under the leadership of the
Yajamana. Other villagers may be invited for the public celebrations depending on the
prominence of the Bhuta and the prosperity of the matrilineage. For instance all are
invited to participate when Jaranadaya Bhutaradhana festivals are organised in the Jara
region. The seating arrangements are made depending on the customary norms wherein
the superiors or guttuimane yajamanas get the top priority. The women including the kins
women and members of the subjugated jatis are required to occupy clearly demarcated
places from where they can watch the celebrations as they are held to be ritually impure.
Tenants, agrarian labourers too propitiate the Bhutas in their own houses and join in
celebrations of Bhuta festivals at village and guttuimane levels. Even among them it is
the lineage headmen or Gurikaras who perform the superior rituals associated with Bhuta,
while women are associated only in peripheral tasks related to the worship. Bhuta
worship thus represents as well as reinforces in a ritualistic form the relations based on
economic, Jati, political and gender domination in the village and could be considered as
a very effective strategy offacilitative/productive power in the village.
Facilitative strategies and practices of power were also at work in other religious sites of
worship. For example the men and women folk of Brahmin priestly households inclusive
of children were subjected to various forms of purity and pollution practices in their
everyday lives. Infact the Brahmin themselves were the products of the Brahmanical
disciplinary practices of purity and pollution. Similarly the catholic priests, Muslim
mullahs are products of disciplinary practices in seminaries or centres of training for
priesthood. Through rituals/pujas associated with various stages of the life cycle such as
birth, initiation, death, the priests (Vedic, Christian and Muslim) were able to exercise
facilitative power on the adherents to the respective faith.
Discourses/Truth Claims
The discourses or truth claims that provided the knowledge basis required for the exercise
of power in traditional Tuluva society were, (i) the discourse of the divine right of the
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king to rule, (ii) Discourse associated with the Bhutas, (iii) the patriarchal discourse
which was implicated in the dominance of men over women, (iv) the Brahmanical
discourse of vamadharma and other religio-cultural discourses or truth claims which
provided legitimacy to the prevalent hierarchical relations in the society. These
discourses/truth claims are briefly dealt wi th here.
(i) The discourse of the divine right of the king to rule: The king, the Ballala and the
yajamana were considered to be agents chosen by the divine power to rule over the
people of their respective territorial jurisdiction. As per this discourse their rule
could ensure order in the area. They were there to protect their subjects from
invaders and provide them certain essential facilities such as construction and
maintenance of water tanks (kere). Because of such truth claims, these
patrimoniaUpatriarchal figures could place legitimate claim over a share of the
surplus generated by subjects and command their obedience.
(ii) There are discourses/truth claims associated with the Bhutas especially Jarandaya.
The Pujarys of Jara zone hold that Jarandaya emerged in Jara. Infact as per the
version of the larandaya collected by the researcher there is no mention of Bunt
GuttuslManes of Sede zone of the village. Bunts of Sede have their own truth claims
in this regard. They hold that Jarandaya first arrived and dwelt in a particular
territory in Sede part of the viIlage and later was found by the Pujarys in the river in
the form of a stone. The version of the Paddana collected by the researcher appears
to reinforce this claim. However all the personages and evidence associated with
Jarandaya in the Paddana as well as in reality appear to link the spirit with lara and
Jhati Pujary. So it could be said that the claim of Bunts of Sede zone in this regard is
probably an effort to safeguard and reinforce their position of superiority vis-it-vis
the Pujarys of Jara and Sede. Discourse of Bhutaradhana or Bhuta worship lays
emphasis on the traditional obligations and customary duties of all the inhabitants,
thus constituting them into obedient followers of traditional norms.
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(iii) The discourse of patriarchy was implicated in the dominance of men over women: In
the traditional Tuluva society, the sllperiority of men over women was discursively
upheld though the matrilineal traditions were prevalent among many ethnic groups.
Such discourses and their effects on gender relations need to be explored further.
(iv) The Brahmanical discourse of vamadharma and other religio-cultural discourses or
truth claims: The Brahmanical discourse by involving the authority of the sacred
scriptures such as Vedas sought to provide the basis for the hierarchical ordering of
persons and groups based on their occupational, ethnic and gender identities.
Vamadharma discourse invoked the divine authority to rank order the various ethnic
groups that were present in the Tuluva region at the time of Brahmin arrival into the
region at the invitation of feudal rulers. The varnadharma ideology widely diffused
in the northern part of Indian sub-continent had penetrated deeply into the Tuluva
society from a particular historical phase. The Brahmins were able to evoke the
legend of 'Parasurama' to make the claim that it was they who were the first settlers
in the region reclaimed from the sea by lord 'Parasurama' by throwing the axe across
the sea. Such Brahmin pro-discourses were widely diffused in the vilJage as in other
parts of the region.
Resources and Capacities
In the traditional village, land or the territory was a very significant resource which
included the extent of lands under tenancy and under self-cultivation. The claims over
land and its produce differed. Those who held superior rights over the territory as tribute
collectors (Ballalas), as Vargadars and Mulgenidars (superior or permanent tenants) were
able to appropriate higher amount of surplus. Those who held inferior rights such as
Chalgenidars (temporary tenants), Ola Chalgenidars (internal temporary tenants), and , attached labourers and village servants received much lower share. The access to surplus
was dependent on the quantity and quality of land owned and cultivated. From the land
records of the early years of the British p.eriod, it can be ascertained that the best type of
wet and garden lands were under the control of certain Guttus or portion holding kin of
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those Guttus (sub territorial units referred to as manelhouse). The manner in which lands
were utilized for production purposes could increase the economic dominance of one
Guttu/Mane and agrarian units over a less efficient one. The established agrarian
households including tenants had rights over Kumki lands. Kumki lands provided the
much needed fuel, grass, green leaves and other products for the owners and to a much
lesser extent to their tenants and labourers.
In the traditional/feudal society, water was a most important resource. The classification
of lands into wet (1't, 2nd and3rd quality), dry and garden (once again into 7 types in terms
of quality) highlight the fact that the availability of water source, made a big difference.
The bailu territories were turned into agrarian productive units mainly because of the
availability of water. Access to open wells, ponds, tanks (Kere), streams, and river with
perennial supply of water, added value to the territory. Tanks (Kere) were constructed by
the prominent Yajamanas in alliance with the Ballalas by using the labour of the
subordination groups to preserve water inclusive of rain water for irrigation. The map of
the village makes a mention of two such tanks on the lands of portion holding kin of two
reputed local guttulmane. Pillikula (the tiger's pond), the large natural pond formed on
top of the hilly terrain was a permanent source of water for wild animals and later for the
cattle of the villagers. The water that flowed from this lake downward even during the
non-rainy season made certain territorial units or guttus/manes prosperous. Conflicts over
water between the various matrilineages and tenants and their landlords were not
uncommon.
In the past, the cattle wealth especially number of pairs of plough animals, milch cattle
and the effective utilization of these animals for productive ends, the natural manure
produced by these animals and its utilization in farming added to the resource pool. There
were local breeds of fowls, goats and in rare cases pigs raised by some village residents.
Village had a very large cattle population with variety of breeds. Not only land owners,
landlords, but also tenants and in some cases attached labourers owned cattle. The
prosperous and middle level landlord/proprietors and larger Vargadars had relatively
144
more good quality milch cows, pairs of plough animals such as bulls and buffalos. Others c
had relatively few. Buffalo race was a sport annually held in the village to showcase the
relative superiority of prosperous landlords/vargadars.
Common Property Resources (CPR's) was another significant community asset. In
principal, these resources (CPR's) were meant for the collective use of all, and all had
access to them. However the prominent matrilineal kin could access more benefits from
it. Obviously because they had more cattle to graze, more labourers as well as kinsmen
and women who could cut the green leaves from the reserved/guarded forests on pre
fixed days. The CPR's were used by the villagers for collection of fuel wood, medical
herbs, fruits, nuts and edible plants. The inferior tenants and labourers during lean
seasons when they had no work could assuage their hunger by eating jackfruits and other
forest edibles of nutritive value collected from such common property resource zones.
The CPR's provided grass for the thatched huts of the village landlords, tenants and
labourers in the past (before the tiles were manufactured) and later for many subordinate
groups. The villagers could use these green covered areas for sanitary purposes.
Medicinal herbs found here, provided the villagers remedies against common ailments.
The laterite and black stone resources wjthin the village territory remained untouched
during the traditional period.
The positions of authority such as that of Guttu yajamana, Patel, Shanbhag, yajamanthi,
Guttu kin, Gurikars or leaders of specific Jatis ritual positions were also important
resources. Reputation associated with Jain rulers, various matrilineage and various
positions of authority were also significant resources. The privileges granted in the form
of Inam lands (Manya-partially revenue free and Sarve Manya-fully revenue free)
ensured higher retention of surplus in the hands of the grantees.
Alliances and Networks could be considered as resources that facilitated the exercise of
power. Alliance with supra-local political forces did serve as a major resource in the past.
Various kin-groups belonging to a jati forged alliances based on exchange of women.
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Such alliances were spoken of between Bunt households of the village i.e. Mugila and
Gudemane, Ballike, Hosamane and Meginamane, Hosalekke and Hosamane; Arbi and
Ballike and between Pujarys of Bota and Jara. Alliances enabled the superior kin-groups
or jati groups to forge unity as well as project an image of solidarity, to all their vertically
ranked client groups. The guttu kin of various territories would unite whenever their
interest was threatened. Protesting or dissident tenants or agrarian labourers of one
territorial unit were usually not supported directly by the kinsmen of other territorial
units. The presence of numerically large number of tenants or labourers who shared
common Jati identity, made it hard for the landlords and supra-local overlords to abuse
their authority, as the tenants could align against such an effort. Similarly the tenants and
labourers could not demand reduction of rents and increased perquisites respectively as
landlords/employers could align against giving into such demands.
In earlier times, weapons, such as swords and other means of violence possessed by the
Ballalas as well as the local landlords, the number of kinsmen, labourers/tenants settled
on their territory that they could mobilize to fight on their behalf, enabled the superior
groups to exercise domination over the subordinate groups by instilling fear in them.
In the past, the differential competencies or skills the landlords/proprietors, tenants and
labourers possessed, placed them in a position of advantage in relation to others. The
landlords/Yajamanas with competence to manage the territory as well as human
resources such as tenants and labourers and retain them on the soil could maximize
production in the territory and access surplus to a higher extent. Similarly competent
tenants who could raise the production and pay regular rents could acquire more lands
under tenancy. Attached labourers with higher levels of competence could raise their
worth in the eyes oftheir masters.
Knowledge of Farming, Crafts and Folk Medicine: There was traditional knowledge of
farming, arts and crafts and healing in the village as in other areas of the geo-political
zone. Knowledge and techniques of farming, use of green manure, J~opping to
" \~L/~~ 0'1!.'/~ -......:\'9~ .I .-,;' or T.1.~).s.:n 146 \:Jl "I;
~J\,.. d}, *
rejuvenate the soil, rain water harvesting ensured sustainability of agriculture. Even
leaves collected from the Kumki lands and village commons (at fixed intervals) were
used as organic manure. The cow dung and urine, two of the rich sources of manure were
extensively used in farming. The village had diverse varieties of paddy, vegetables and
breeds of local cattle as in other parts of the district. Seeds were exchanged among the
agriculturists or were provided to the marginal farmers and inferior pure tenants in return
for a share of the paddy after the harvest. A very sophisticated calendar called the Tuluva
Panchanga was in use. This Dravidian calendar that had been evolved from the
experience of natural life cycles, seasons and observation of various life forms and events
was a significant resource for the Tuluvas in scheduling agricultural operations as well as
certain life cycle and Bhuta rituals. The knowledge of folk medicines quite diffused
among the people facilitated resort to self-healing practices.
Cultural Symhols: Cultural symbols inclusive of religious ones had been evolved in the
agrarian society of the traditional/feudal times and utilized to a variable extent in the
exercise of power. Examples of such cultural symbols are linguistic (concepts mantras,
slokas, bhajans, proverbs, sayings, tales), written (i.e. scriptures, inscriptions, palm leaf
documents), visual such as colours (i.e. saffron associated with sages), pictures and
images of deities, heroes and heroines, monuments and objects (palaces, temples,
mosques, Basadis, chariots, statues, flags, beads and other ritual objects such as masks,
dress, jewellery associated with specific Bhutas and other deities, clothes, rings, chains,
bangles and other objects associated with men and women; sacred symbols and deities
associated with life forms both flora and fauna (serpents, cows, monkeys, plants such as
tulasi, trees such as ashwatha , flowers such as lotus, parijatha, rivers, mountains and
forests) and names and quotes of charismatic figures. These symbols were selectively
utilized within specific sites of relations {)f power to exercise not only domination but
also facilitative/ disciplinary power by various individuals and groups in the village and ,., at the supra-local levels. -
\
,
147
ObjectslEffects of Power
Objectives of relations of power in the traditional society inclusive of the village under
study were mainly two fold. One to gain access to the surplus produced in agriculture in
the form of revenue, gifts, rent and low paid and free labour as wel1 as to further increase
ones hold over the lands and other prodl;lctive resources. The other object of relations of '\ '-
power was to preserve or safeguard once rights, privileges and benefits and strengthen the
already posited or socio-culturally constructed identities vis-a.-vis others.
The relations of power manifested divergent effects in Tuluva villages. While the
prominent guttuimane kinsfolk lived in comfort, the subordinate groups within the
agrarian units such as small and marginal Vargadars, inferior/pure tenants and various
categories of labourers lived a hand to mouth existence, dependent on landed elite for
survival. Especially during the non-agricultural season the subordinate groups did not
have adequate food security and had to depend on whatever edible items they could find
around besides foraging for food in the forests. While the prominent landlord/proprietor
elite lived in spacious well-built thatched one to two floor houses, the subordinate tenants
and labourers lived in small thatched huts.
The identities constituted in Tuluva villages were also effects of relations of power in
divergent sites of social relations. The supra local Arasas or Kings, the Ballala, the
guttulmane yajamana and yajamanthi, the geni okkalu (Mulgeni, Chalgeni and
Vayidegeni) or tenants, the Mane okkalu or attached labourers, the various types of
labourers such as Hennalu (women labour), Gandalu (men labour) and Honnalulleetadalu
(debt bonded labourers) had been constituted and fixed in the traditional Tuluva society.
Various ethnic identities based on religion such as Bhuta worshipers, lains, Vedic
Brahmins, Christians and Muslims, tracing their origin to various jatis and gotras
established themselves in the villages of the region. Alohg with superior jati/vama groups
such as Brahmins, Pujarys, Bunts, Mulyas, many other intermediary peasant, artisan and
subjugated untouchable identities had also been constructed and fixed as effects of power
during various phases of Tuluva history. Positional identities such as Pateis, Shanbhags
148
were also constituted as superior identities in the villages of the region. As shown earlier
these identities had been ranked as superiors and inferiors in the agrarian sites of relations
of power.
Resistance in Traditional Society
Resistance against relations of power in the villages of Tulunadu occurred in every site of
relations of power namely agrarian production, households, Bhuta worship and
governance. Both overlord Ballalas and local feudals did not have absolute power over
their followers. There were limits laid down by customs and conventions which they
could not cross. No evidence can be collected concerning the day to day acts of resistance
put up by those subjected to power in the traditional society. There are certain sources of
evidence such as the ballad of Jarandaya that brings out clearly that the subordinate
groups may have resorted to violent forms of resistance against domination at a particular ,
juncture during the feudal period. When the practices of subjugation, surplus extraction
and untouchability perpetrated by the dominant forces became too oppressive to the
subordinate groups, they rose in revolt. Abubaidyathi and Jathi Pujary of Jarandaya tale
perhaps led one such revolt which resulted in violent backlash against the local Brahmin
headman and his patron the Ballala.
The Cult of Jarandaya: Resistance against domination and subjectification: The Jara
territory in Mudusede is said to be the location of the origin of Jarandaya, a spirit
worshipped as a chief village deity in Mudusede to this day (See Annexure III for a
version of the story associated with Jarandaya). The story in short is that Jhati Pujary -
the yajamana and Abubaidyathi, the matrilineal female head lived and cultivated the
lands in Jara. The blessings of Jarandaya the spirit they found in the form of a stone
enabled them to reap rich harvest of vegetables and toddy and they prospered
economically. Seeing this, Brahmin headman of the village was envious and complained
to the Ballalas. The story in short is that the Ballala annoyed by the audacity of his
subordinate subject to worship a spirit without his approval and envious of his new found
prosperity subjected Jhati Pujary to tests which could inflict on him excessive physical
149
harm. Jati was able to withstand all this and demonstrate his courage, valour and healing
power. Possessed by the power of Jarandaya, he broke the nonn of untouchability
imposed on him by jumping into and bathing in the well used by the Brahmins. Jhati
Pujary made the Ballala recognize the power of Jarandaya - the spirit, demonstrated
through his own body (the descendants of Ballala chieftains reportedly retain in their
house the ritual objects of Jarandaya (i.e. a hanging cot) and worship him to this day).
The struggle which ensued led to the destruction (Maya) of some Brahmin kin elements
and eviction of the rest, as they were seen as being directly responsible for the oppression
and exploitation of village subjects.
What is important here is that since the revolt the inalienable direct right of Jathi Pujary
and his descendants over the fertile Jara territory has been recognized by the ruling
Ballalas and all the other state powers that followed. No intermediaries were placed
above them. As per the 1904 (Fasli 1314) land settlement records, the matrilineage of
Jathi Pujary controlled more than 175 acres of land. The land title continues to be in the
name of the matrilineal female head to this day (The kinsfolk of this matrilineage
continue to retain control over some of the best or most fertile part of Jara territory even
now, despite alienation of much of their territory to the erstwhile tenants, and other
settlers including a Brahmin (priest by profession) and loss of a major portions of their
territory in other villages because of land acquisition by the government for the
Mangalore Harbour Project). In comparison, the major share of almost all other
territories or guttus in the village of Mudusede including most of those associated with
Pujarys are now under the control of Bunts (here again there is some alienation of
properties to the erstwhile tenants because of land reforms). The descendants of Jhati
Pujary have also retained their superior position in the Jarandaya rituals and propitiation
ceremonies held in the Jara region, whereas the control and management of such
rituals/festivals is concentrated in the hands of Bunts in the non-Jara region. The
Jarandaya tale makes it clear that when the domination, exploitation, repression as well as
manipUlation by the feudal overlords, village headman and other yajamanas went beyond
tolerable limits, the village residents manifested their resistance. The tale of Jarandaya
ISO
reveals that such resistance could take even violent protest leading to the annihilation of
those seen as being responsible for the injustice.
Further investigation is needed before one can establish the historical veracity of the
struggle between some of the agrarian classes/castes of Mudusede village which perhaps
led to the origin of Jarandaya cult. A hypothetical attempt at deconstruction of the
discursive and non-discursive (i.e. rituals) elements associated with Jarandaya cult
however makes it clear that centuries earlier, the village under study had hierarchical or
unequal relations. This led to economic exploitation and cultural subjugation of the
subaltern classes/Jatis by the dominant classes/Jatis. The domination was based on
superior rights over the land and its produce, political authority, ideological dominance
and status of ritual purity. There were layers of intermediaries within the agrarian
hierarchy who claimed share of surplus from the peasantry. However, such domination
and control was not total. It was contested by the subjugated groups. The subordinate
groups in the agrarian hierarchy were able to exercise their counter power through
specific strategies (in this case-the possession by a spirit or Bhuta) and were able to resist
attempts at constructing them as economically and socially subordinate and ritually
inferior identities.
Subjugated Knowledge of StrugglelResistance
The struggle of the oppressed peasantry which may have occurred under the leadership of
Jhati Pujary was soon neutralized through its ritualization. Along with many such
struggles led by the subaltern groups elsewhere in Tulunadu, the memory of the
resistance at Jara has been subjugated Annexure VII: Clarification of Other Concepts -2).
There are many other popular Paddanas of Bhutas such as Koti and Chennaya, the two
brothers who revolted against Ballalas and their Brahmin intermediaries, Kalurti -
Kalkutiga - the sister - brother duo, who rose in revolt against the highly oppressive acts
of Ballalas who cut Kalkutiga's hands to prevent him from sculpting the beautiful statues
of Bahubali for any other ruler; The tale of Thaniya Bhuta from an untouchable caste,
151
who revolted against the practice of untouchability; Ali Bhuta and Babbarya (both traders
from Arabia), who became heroes in the Tuluva region because of their valorous deeds in
the sea and generous acts. The knowledges of such struggles against domination,
exploitation and subjectification or construction of oppressive untouchable and sectarian
identities and traditions have been violently repressed. All the heroes who revolted, met
untimely death or were killed (became Maya or disappeared as per the Paddanas). The
Paddana reciters give voice to the anger and agony of repressed people during the Bhuta
worship (Gowda, 1991: 13). Recovery of such memories as Foucault suggests, may have
tactical implications for political action of the oppressed groups in the contemporary
region of Dakshina Kannada. This task is not easy, because the actual genealogies of
struggle behind myths and systems ofBhuta worship have been totally subverted to serve
the interests of the dominant groups. Reinterpretation of these belief/ritual systems from a
subaltern perspective may provoke violent backlash. The very people who have been
constructed through such ritual practices and myths to interpret the struggle of their
oppressed ancestors in the service of the dominant power (which includes elements from
these erstwhile oppressed castes) and not; in favour of the subjugated may resist such
reinterpretation. The reluctance of scholars who have undertaken research on Bhuta cults
of Dakshina Kannada to openly engage in such reinterpretation or deconstruction of the
dominant discourses around Bhuta cults could be understood from this angle, although
they subtly and directly dwell on it through their writings (Gowda, 1990; 1991).
Conclusion
In the traditional period under consideration the villages which were primarily agrarian
localities manifested certain distinctive characteristics with regard to the salient features of
relations of power. The sites of relations of power were few. All the major sites of
relations of agrarian production, kin households termed Guttus/manes, sites of Bhuta and
religious worship and local governance remained highly integrated or intertwined at the
village locality level. The relations of domination and relations of facilitative power
took on various forms. While the former namely relations of domination assumed
patrimonial, patriarchal, feudal forms all of which were faces of sovereign power, the
152
later namely facilitative relations of power assumed the fonn of social conditioning social
control.
Asymmetry characterised the agrarian sites (Guttus/Manes). These sites differed in
tenns of extent and types of lands held under direct cultivation, within and outside the
village, leased out to tenants (superior and inferior tenants) and lands leased in from other
territories within and outside the village. Consequently the agrarian sites themselves
manifested variable asymmetry. There were relatively large territorial units partitioned
between kinsfolk but jointly cultivated and there were those that had not been subdivided
but held by a single pattadar on behalf of his/her matrilineage. In such agrarian sites
complex asymmetrical relations could be noted between the yajamana, yajamanthi, other
superior kinsfolk - male kin and female kin both junior and seniors. There was asymmetry
between the yajamana and matrilineal kinsfolk (superior and inferior) on the one hand and
non-kin pure tenants and landless labourers on the other, who were at the lower levels of
agrarian hierarchy in such sites. Secondly there were very large number of agrarian sites
that were self cultivated by both the portion holding kinsmen and other vargadars to whom
portions of land had been alienated. There was asymmetry among these sites. There was
asymmetry even among the pure tenants, with the pure mulgenidars ranked above the pure
chalgenidars within the agrarian site. There was asymmetry among the agrarian labourers
who were at the lowest rung of the agrarian ladder. Attached labourers held more rights in
relation to the land and an assured share of work and produce from the land. The labourers
such as bonded labourers were the worst off. Agrarian society as a whole presented a
picture of hierarchically graded agrarian groups -large landlords/proprietors or yajamanas
of guttu/mane at the top, medium level vargadars, a vast number of small and marginal
fanners, superior and inferior pure tenants and differently ranked agrarian labourers. The
asymmetrical relations had both ethnic Uatilreligion) and gender dimension. The Jain,
Brahmins and Bunts ranked high in the agrarian sites (one household of jati Pujary being
an exception) the intennediate jatis of peasants/artisans were ranked below them and those
subjugated to the level of untouchability ranked the lowest. There was asymmetry among
the intermediate peasant and artisan jati and the other subjugated jatis with some jatis
153
ascribing relatively higher rank to themselves and lower ranks to others. The ranks
ascribed to Bhutas at the top, the middle and bottom level coincided with the ranks
associated with the ranking of territories and ranking among the agrarian classes and
ethnic groups. These facts highlight the prevalence of multiple hierarchies or asymmetrical
relations in the agrarian society one reinforcing the other. Hierarchy or asymmetry marked
every site of social relations in the village.
Strategies and Practices of domination included threat of arms and use of arms to inflict
injury or cause death of the person, destruction of property, forceful confiscation of
property, strategies or practices of surplus appropriation such as land revenue settlement,
levying of various taxes on villagers, fixing rents for various types of tenancies and
various types of lands, varying rates of wages for varied categories of labourers and modes
of extraction of free labour and bonded labour had been systematised in the traditional
agrarian society. At the same time, strategies and practices of facilitative power such as
division of labour, routine performance of tasks, rituals, ceremonies and festivals,
communication strategies inclusive of folk media such as Bayalata and later Yakshagana,
Tala Maddale, Harikatha and games such as Cenne, Kambla (buffalo race) were used to
incorporate the villagers within relations of power.
Resources such as land, water, cattle, agricultural instruments, weapons, access to
traditional knowledge and skills i.e. astrology, agriculture, traditional healing, kinship jati,
religious, trade and supra local links were variously utilized by the subjects engaged in
relations of power to exercise power over one another. Discourses/truth claims such as
divine right of kings, Vedic Brahmanical discourses of various religions were incorporated
in relations of power. The Objects and Effects differed in traditional society. Power not
only sought maximum access to surplus but also control over the behaviours or acts of the
subject. The effects of power were manifested in variations in the living and working
conditions of various social groups. There were those who lived in situations of high food
security because of the surplus of food stored in their granaries, where as those at the
lower rungs of the ladder led lives of extreme deprivation poverty and hunger. The
154
combined effects of domination and facilitative relations of power were manifested in the
identities that were constructed, altered, fixed or reconstituted in various sites of relations
of power. Yajamanthis, Guttu kin, tenants (Mulgeni, Chalgeni) Agrarian labourers
(attached - mane okkalu and others, variously graded ethnic UatiJreligions) identities and
ritual identities -Brahmin, Sudras, Ati Sudras governance related identities such as rajas,
maharajas, Ballalas, patels, shanbhags. Gurikaras were products or effects of relations of
power. It is clearly established from this analysis that relations of power had already
attained a certain degree of complexity before the arrival of British feudal rule in the
regIOn.
155
Chapter V: Section B
Beginning of the 20th Century: Under British Rule
Introduction
There is much debate around the question of the impact of the British rule (which
spanned a period of 150 to 200 years in various parts ofIndia) on the relations of power.
A look at the literature on the subject reveals atleast four distinct perspectives. According
to one view, British rule led to increased domination (exploitation and oppression) and
resulted in decline and deterioration in Indian society as a whole and villages in particular
as there was drain of wealth from India to Britain. The second perspective associates
British rule with economic advancement. As per this view, British rule led to the
expansion of market economy and technological progress in some parts of India. It
weakened feudal relations and advanced domination of the capitalist class over the
labouring groups. The third view, associates British rule with neither decline nor
progress. The assertion here is that the foreign rulers could not alter the dynamics of
power in Indian society. It left the Indian society without bringing any radical alterations
in the relations of power based on lineage, caste, gender, vocation and wealth. The fourth
notion asserts that the colonial rule had contradictory impact on relations of power in
Indian society. In other words, it led to progress in some ways and deterioration or
stagnation in others. It altered certain forms of domination but reinforced certain other
forms (Noronha, 1991:137-154). Various factors of social change are associated with the
colonial rule in India (Annexure VI: Factors of Social Change - 2). An attempt is made
here to summarise the demographic data and changes in the relations of production in the
agrarian and other related sites of social relations and the modifications that appear to
have occurred in the relations of power by the beginning of the 20th century as a result of
the impact of some of the factors of social change.
156
History of British Governance in Dakshina Kannada
The Kanara territory was annexed by British after the defeat of Tipu Sultan, last of the
supra local Sovereign rulers of Mysore in 1799. The Kanara territory was divided into
South Kanara (inclusive of Udupi district) and North Kanara. Later South Kanara
(present Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts) was brought under the Madras
Presidency, while North Kanara remained with the Bombay Presidency. The first British
Deputy Commissioner, Sir Munro assumed office in July 1799 in Mangalore. Few
official records collected by the researcher provide certain indicators of the demographic
and agrarian trends in the village during the closing decades of the 19th century. The
region was under the British rule for a period of more than 100 years by then.
Demographic Trends: A Summary
The data presented on the demographic situation of the village in Section A of this
Chapter reveal some important facts (Chapter IV, Table IV-I). By the end of the 19th
century, the population of the village was 1,240 persons. There were 595 men and 645
women. 1n other words, the village had totally 1.25 thousand persons. The female
population exceeded the male by 50 persons.
The religion wise composition of the population show that the people labelled as Hindu
were 962 persons, Muslim 173 and all the rest namely Christians, Jains were listed under
the category 'Other'. This reveals that the village had retained the characteristic of
religious diversity in early part of the 20th century. As far as occupation is concerned a
significant majority of workers were engaged in agrarian sector as cultivators and
labourers.
Sites of Relations of Power
The British land revenue settlement records and other literary sources of evidence
provide us some evidence into various aspects of relations of power not only in the
agrarian site but also other more or less rclated sites of the village inclusive of sites of
religion, governance (local and supra-local), school, health centres and legal services to
157
name some. Some of these sites such as agrarian and certain religious sites were old,
where as many others such as schools, health centre, British administrative offices, law
courts were new sites of relations of power. A more detailed analysis of the agrarian site
and brief description of some of the other sites of relations of power are provided here.
The Agrarian Site
The agrarian sites continued to be the most significant production avenues in the villages
during the historical period under study as in the earlier period. After bringing the district
of Dakshina Kannada under the Madras presidency in 1799, the British continued the
Raiyatwari system of revenue settlement reportedly prevalent in Tulunadu from early
times (Buchanan, H. 1807, Noronha, 1991 (a). By 1904, however the surveying of all
lands in the Kanara districts was completed and Raiyatwari Land Revenue Settlement
policy was systematized. As in other parts of Dakshina Kannada district and most part of
the Madras Presidency, the British appear to have executed their more systematised
Raiyatwari land Settlement Policy in Mudusede village in 1904 (Fasli 1312). The revenue
settlement records of the British period, despite their inherent limitations provide us some
glimpses into the agrarian sites in Mudusede village during the early years of the 20th
century.
The Ecological Context of Agrarian Production: Certain ecological characteristics of
the agrarian sites are available from the British Land Revenue Settlements records of
1904 which includes type and quality of land and land use patterns. As per these records
out of 548 acres of land occupied by villagers in 1904, there were various types of lands
in Mudusede village (Table V-I). Nearly 489 acres were considered wet which
comprised slightly more than one-third of the lands under assessment. These areas were
utilized to grow paddy crops twice or thrice a year. There was some area (50.28 acres)
under the garden crop already, in other words, cash crops were being cultivated on
relatively small percentage of cultivated village lands. The village had more than 792
acres of unoccupied land (including the land under Kumki right and nearly 128 acres of
158
paramboke lands Of land under government control). It is clear that considerable portions
of village lands were common property resources during the early years oflast century.
Table V-I
Type, Extent of Lands and Revenue Assessment in 1904
Abstract of the village of Mud use de (Fasli l312)
Extent of land Revenue Assessment Type of Land
Acres cents Rupees Anas
Wet Nanja - I st Class 169.18 1,333.15
Wet Nanja - 2"d Class 183.36 1,025.00
Wet Nanja - 3'" Class 136.27 333.5
Total Wet 488.81 2,691.40
Garden (Bagaithu 2"d sort) 3.91 27.60
Garden (Bagaithu 3'" sort) 6.56 39.60
Garden (Bagaithu 4th sort) 6.09 30.70
Garden (8agaithu 5th sort) 11.80 47.40
Garden (Bagaithu 6th sort) 9.49 28.80
Garden (Bagaithu 7th sort) 12.43 25.00
Total Garden 50.28 197.15
Dry (punja) 8.81 1.30
Total Wet, Garden & Dry 547.90 2,898.30
Unoccupied (Anadeena) 792.33 398.70
Paramboke 127.68 -
Grand Total ofthe Village 1467.91 3,296.10
159
With reference to the quality of village lands, Buchanan appears to have retained the
five fold division of lands of coastal Kanara prevalent in the traditional times. This
division could be applied to the village as well. There were Bayalu or Bailu lands where
atleast three crops of paddy could be raised and so it was known as first category wet
land. The second category of paddy growing wet lands, were known as Majalu where 2
crops could be cultivated. The third category wet lands, were known as Bettu where one
crop could be cultivated with rain water (Aneel crop). Fourth was labelled Thota
(garden), where crops such as areca, coconut and pepper were grown and the fifth type of
land was named Rola, a field where paddy and vegetables were cultivated (Buchanan, H,
1807). Village Mudusede had all these types of lands though varying in extent. As per the
Adangal Fasli 1312, descriptive memoir of Mudusede village (No. 75) dated 1904 the
village had brought nearly 548 acres of land under cultivation. 1 st, 2nd or 3rd class wet
lands (Nanja) were those where three, two or one crop of paddy respectively could be
cultivated. In Mudusede, most Bailu lands could usually be used to cultivate two crops of
paddy only. As the lands were water logged because of the overflow of Gurpur
(Phalguni) river during the monsoons, most BaHu lands could not be cultivated the third
time.
The land survey of the village in 1904 revealed that important facts about the quality of
lands. The first class, 2nd class and 3rd class wet lands were the most important categories
of lands in the village. The village had only 169 acres of I st quality wet lands. Nearly two
thirds (320 acres) of the wet lands were of the 2nd and 3rd quality. The village had no first
class garden lands but had 2nd to 7th sort garden lands between 3.91 acres to 12.43 acres.
Once again more than two thirds of the garden lands were of 5th to 7th sort. The land
tenned dry under assessment was very limited, less than 10 acres. These facts indicate
that village lands under cultivation were by and large fertile wet lands with some
variations in quality.
Crops Cultivated in the ViI/age: There is also some evidence regarding the crops
cultivated in the village. As per the Adangal Fasli 1312 (1904), the chief crops cultivated
160
in the village are paddy, green-gram, horse-gram, black-gram, coconut, areca nut and
betel-leaves. In other words, though paddy was the predominant crop, there were other
crops which provided people access to the market. As per the census of agricultural stock
in the year 1903, the village had 369 ploughs. This fact shows clearly that the lands were
under paddy cultivation to a considerable extent during early years of the last century.
Numerical Strength of Pattadars and Workforce in Agriculture: The settlement records
of 1904 provide some data regarding the numerical strength of Pattadars in particular and
the number oflandholders and labourers in general.
Table V-2
Number of Revenue paying Pattadars, Extent of Land and Assessment of
Raiyatwari Holdings (Year of Settlement 1904 - Fasli, 1312)
Number of Revenue Extent Average
Amount of Revenue Size of Assessment paying Pattadars of Land
(Rupees) Land
Single Joint Total Acres (a\!res) Rs. Anas
10 & less but over I 5 3 8 II. 6 1.38 42 10
30 & less but over 10 II - 11 39.17 3.56 250 9
50 & less but over 30 5 I 6 41.66 6.94 234 9
lao & less but over 50 6 2 8 92.19 11.52 509 7
250 & less but over 100 10 - 10 302.38 30.24 1526 13
500 & less but over 250 1 - 1 61.44 61.44 334 3
Total 38 6 44 547.90 12.45 2898 3
Note: The number of Pal/adars listed in Table V-2 varies slightly from the number of Pal/adars listed in Table V- 3 (51 as against 44). This is due to the fact, that the seven minors or dependents shown as Pal/adars in the Adangal (Fasli 1312) were not listed among the revenue payers, as their elder kinsfolk paid revenue on their behalf.
From the data in Table V-2 it could be surmised, that the number of Pattadars with
whom the British settled land, was very small in 1904 (namely 44 Pattadars) and together
they controlled 548 acres of cultivable land. The largest majority of the Pattadars were
161
listed as single at the time of settlement (38 out of 44). A reading of names ofPattadars in
the Adangal or settlement register also makes it clear that many territories had already
been partitioned between members of a kin-group, who are shown as independent
revenue payers. For example, Devu Shetty of the reputed Kodialbail Guttu is listed as an
independent Pattadar, while his nieces Korapalu and Maire are also shown as being
independent Pattadars. To give another example, there was one Rama Naik, a joint holder
who paid revenue on behalf of self and his four kin who had already been allotted Varg
right over portions of the territory. When we co-relate the type of ownership (single or
joint) with the amount of revenue paid, we find that all the 38 Pattadars including all
those who pay Rs.l 00/- and above as revenue are listed as single Pattadars. Out of 6 joint
Pattadars as many as 4 Pattadars paid Rs.SOI- or less as revenue. When we compare the
average size of land held we find no joint Pattadars in the category of those who own
above 30 acres or more land on an average. It is obvious from this data that joint
households were not the controllers of the largest extent of land nor were they the highest
revenue payers in the village. In short, the agrarian sites in the village differed in terms of
type, quality and extent of land and in terms of type of ownership (single or joint) and in
terms of the amount ofland revenue paid.
The data on workforce in agriculture (Chapter IV, Table IV-I) brings out that, as
many as 479 were listed as land holders or cultivators and 92 as landless as per 1891
census. In 1901, the number of land holders had declined to 370 and the landless had
increased to 263 persons. There is no evidence to explain the reasons for such alteration.
There is reason to believe that all those cultivating orally partitioned portions of lands
may have been included in the category of landholders in the census (revenue settlement
records reveal the presence of only forty four revenue paying Pattadars in the village).
The data however does not make it clear whether mulgenidars and chalgenidars too were
included among the cultivators in the census. It is also not clear apart from children and
dependents which occupational groups were present among those who were brought
under the category 'Others' (who numbered 471 in 1891 and 607 by 1901). What is
162
important here is that there were as many as 633 persons who were engaged in the
various agrarian sites of the village as cultivators and labourers in 190 I.
Sites of Governance
Constitution of Bureaucracy/Officialdom (Revellue, Police alld Law Courts): The
colonial establishment in India consisted of a highly structured and rule bound
bureaucracy. The Deputy Collector at the district level, Thahasildars and other village
level officers took over the functions of revenue collection and maintenance of law. They
were supported in this process by the police and the law courts. The hierarchically
organized colonial government servants (in reality very powerful bureaucratic
representatives of the British rulers) and the unequally constituted village subjects
became associated in new relations of power. The objective was to maintain law and
order and gain control over the surplus in the form of revenue. The revenue collection
was undertaken by the administrators as per the norms. The Pattadars who were unable to
meet the revenue obligations, who were unable to repay their debts taken from the money
lenders cum landlords and all others who were considered as breakers of law including
political activists, had to deal with a new face of state power, the police and the law
courts and at times the army.
Sites of Legal Services: Legal services were established in all the districts of India during
the British rule. Lawyers were constituted as a new category of professionals to mediate
between the litigants and the courts of law. The village residents especially the
landlord/proprietors approached the courts through lawyers for the settlement of disputes
concerning properties and persons, not only against their own kin hut also kin of other
guttus as well as tenants. Lawyers or advocates as professionals, emerged as a significant
group who could interpret and use the laws to defend their clients. The inter-guttu and
intra-guttu based mechanisms for settlement of disputes lost their traditional significance
and legitimacy to some extent, undermining the authority of the feudal forces in the
village.
Department of Forestry: Policies of the British, in relation to Kumeri Cultivation and
forests did not leave the village unaffected. Kumeri (Swift and burn cultivation) which
entailed the clearing of the forest land by fire was a widely used practice in the past all
over the region. This form of cultivation was going on for a long time (Buchanan, 1807
cited in the South Kanara Gazetteer), which quietly altered the character of forest
vegetation in the region as elsewhere. In 1860, the British government passed an order to
stop Kumeri (cited in Government of Kamataka, South Kanara District Gazetteer, 1973:
15 -16). Subsequently, this strict rule was relaxed to some extent in order to meet the
needs of certain forest tribes. In 1898, only limited area was given to hill tribes for slash
and burn cultivation and they were encouraged to plant teak on that land.
After the enactment of Madras Forest Act in 1874, the British Government initiated steps
to demarcate valuable forest land as government property. Only small area of the forest
land in the district of South Kanara had any legal claim to be considered private forest. A
large extent of land under forest cover was held to be government property, subject only
to rights of way; water, pasture and forest produce (Sturrock, 1894 cited in Gazetteer of
South Kanara District, 1973).
Such ac~s did not leave the village unaffected. Much of the forest land over which the
people of the village had collective control, were taken over by the British government
after 1874. A large portion of the unoccupied land on the north eastern side of the village
was brought under the Forest Act. As a result the villagers lost their common property
rights (CPR's) over the forests. Officials and guards were appointed to safeguard forests
or to prevent villagers' access to it. Since then the people of the village continued to have
control over common property resources such as grazing lands and the lands earmarked
as "Devarakadu" literally "God's Forest" only.
The state control over forests deprived the villagers especially the tribals their rights over
major portions of forests. Those residents such as adivasi Koragas (forest dependent
ethnic groups), landless and other groups who depended on forest products such as fruits,
164
nuts and other edibles to overcome hunger especially during non-agricultural season were
the worst affected because of the government control over forests. All the villagers who
were dependent on CPR's for food, herbal medicines, fuel wood and grass for their
thatched roofs were the losers. The British made use of the forests to access timber and
other marketable products which could result in gains for the British treasury.
Emergence of Schools as Sites of Relations of Power
The first formal school under the aegis of District Board of Education under Madras
Presidency was established in the vicinity of the village in 1912 according to the
headmaster of the school who was interviewed by the research scholar during the 1 st
phase of the study (1995). Children of about 5 surrounding villages such as Mudusede,
Padusede, Pachanady, Tiruvail, Mallur started attending this Primary school. This school
situated on slopes of the hill, was not easy for the people to reach from the plain areas of
the village especially from the central and eastern sides of the plains or Bailu zone.
Missionaries (Christian religious congregations of men and women) had established
schools/college in Mangalore by then.
What is important to note here is that for the first time the children of the village
irrespective of caste and gender had access to secular formal education and atleast some
could acquire knowledge of 3 R's. It was the children of the upper and dominant
communities who were able to access education to a larger extent than others during the
first century of British rule. To begin with children of the upper and landlord/proprietary
castes/class started acquiring education in schools established by the Christian
missionaries and government. Some land owners say they used to walk long distances to
reach these schools. Some boys of the village could access education to a much higher
extent than the girls. Many elderly women even among the landlordNargadars of the
village were found to be either non literate or with a minimal education not beyond
primary or higher primary at the time of the study. Even the elderly Christian tenants both
men and women were found to be either non-literate or with little education.
165
,
The schools emerged as new sites of relations of power. The education had been
envisioned as a tool of preparing obedient subjects for the British Empire to serve at the
lower levels of the British bureaucracy. The disciplinary processes set in motion by the
schools including the forms of domination exercised over children, led to the construction
of student subjects with certain forms of knowledge, skills and attitudes. The learners
were not taught to question the unjust realities/the prevalent relations of domination and
divisive and unequal social identities such as Jati, gender, vocation, religion and race.
Docile subjects who obey orders and do n-ot question were needed by the colonial power.
The schools did not encourage critical thinking as this was not in the interest of the )
colonial rulers. The rational thinking imparted through higher educational institutions
was restricted to the Sciences and Humanities that had been generated in post renaissance
European society. School texts were not free of Euro-centric, elite Gati and class) and
gender bias. Both English and Kannada medium schools were established by the
Christian missionaries whereas government run schools taught in Kannada medium. The
English language emerged as a superior language of the elite in the region. Speaking in
English was considered as a sign of superiority. The children of the agrarian elites who
had early access to English education could assume professional positions, administrative
roles and move to distant locations for jobs. The Kannada languages spoken by the
dominant elite became the standard language of education in Kanna,da medium schools.
The spoken languages of vast sections of the Tuluva people (Tulu, Konkani and Urdu)
were relegated to the background. This analysis would hold good for the process of
formal schooling in the village under consideration. Formal education became a valued
resource which could provide access to better jobs and other privileges.
Sites of Health Care
During the colonial rule, the western system of medicine namely allopathy appears to
have emerged as a predominant one. The Wenlock hospital and Lady Goshen were the
first public hospitals that emerged during the colonial period in the city of Mangalore to
cater to the health care needs of residents of Mangalore and many villages near and far.
Homeopathy also made inroads in the City of Mangalore because of a German
166
Missionary Fr. Muller more than 100 years ago. All indigenous healing systems (folk,
ayurveda, unani) and homoeopathy were gradually sidelined. Allopathic physicians
emerged as a dominant force in the health sector with a claim on surplus generated in the
fonn of fees. The other traditions continued to exist at the peripheral levels with people
selectively resorting to various modes of treatment for different diseases. The folk
traditions though subordinate continued to survive in the fonn of village level healers and
home based herbal preparations.
Sites of Worship/Religion
Site of BltUta Worship: The sites of Bhuta worship continued to be significant ones
throughout the colonial period as in the earlier period. The Bhutas continued to be held in
reverence and propitiated. However the villagers were unable to spend much surplus on
festivals for Bhuta, so these could not be celebrated with grandeur as in the past. The
physical structures of Bhuta worship or Daivasthanas remained neglected and in a
dilapidated condition as the patronage for their renovation had not been forthcoming and
the higher share of surplus generated in agriculture was siphoned off by the royal
treasury. But despite this, Bhuta worship continued to provide meaning, security and
identity to the village households.
Continued Dominance of Vedic Temples: The Vedic temples continued being dominant
sites of worship and legitimacy throughout the colonial period. The Brahmins in the
village as elsewhere were able to access new resources generated during the period such
as education and access to salaried jobs, especially teaching and retain their dominance at
the socio-cultural inclusive of ritual level.
Emergence of Churches as Sites of Power Relations: As in Malabar and Kasargod
coast, the traders who had embraced Christianity in the early years of the Christian era
may have come to Mangalapura (the ancient city of Mangalore) as members of the
traders' guild from the Mediterranean countries. Some natives may have accepted
Christianity as their religion, not in a strict sense, but as a fluctuating syncretic identity.
167
There were however no established churches in the region until the arrival of the
Portuguese, Spanish and other European missionaries. These missionaries built churches
and established schools, colleges, hospitals, orphanages and welfare organizations in the
region. The first printing press in Kannada and the 1st publication in Kannada are traced
to the Protestant Christian Missionaries of Balmatta (an area in the centre of Mangalore)
of the Church of South India. First Kannada dictionary was produced by Rev. Kittle, a
missionary of this church). The Christians of Tuluva society were brought under the
relations of pastoral power to a greater extent after the establishment of churches and
church based institutions in the region. The Christians of village Mudusede were linked
for religious services to a Church in a neighbouring village (pachanady - Bondel) about 5
Kilometres away from Mudusede to the North Western side of the village. The distance
made it difficult to exercise continued pastoral control over such Christian households
during the colonial period as a result the Christians of the viIlage may have followed
many ofthe syncretic traditions of worship inclusive of Bhuta worship during this period.
The major sites of social relations that emerged during the colonial period either
reinforced or altered various salient features of relations of power in the village in general
and agrarian sites in particular. A brief analysis of the salient features of power with
focus on agriculture has been attempted here.
Forms of Power
The patrimonial, patriarchal, feudalistic sovereign power forms continued to remain
predominant in the village as in other parts of the region during this colonial phase of
history as in the preceding phase. The British imperialists replaced the Ballala feudal
rulers at the supra local level. The Brahmanical form of priestly power continued to be
strong. The church and its other institutional networks began incorporating the people of
the region and villagers covered by the study inclusive of Christians in certain new fonns
of domination. The traditional facilitative power forms also continued to be present
sustaining and perpetuating identities based on certain issues of salience such as age,
gender, kinship, jati, religion as in the earlier historical phase.
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There were some significant new forms of facilitative/disciplinary power that were
found to have been established in the vi1lage during the period under study. The new ., disciplinary forms of power supported by western philosophies of enlightenment and
social sciences which had been established in the west were diffused in the localities of
colonies to a more or less extent. The agrarian localities did not remain immune to the
influence of these forms of power. The aU pervasive British bureaucracy, the police, the
school, the health centres, and the new agents such as British officials (both foreign and
local), teachers, judges, lawyers, doctors who emerged in these sites became associated
with village subjects in new relations of disciplinary/productive forms of power. Through
these agents the colonial rule incorporated the village subject, in certain forms of pastoral
power relations, somewhat similar to tnose described by Foucault in relation to the
modem western society (1986: 213-216).
In short it could be stated from the analysis of the village scene especially agrarian scene '
in the e~ly decades of the 20th century that the colonial rule had contradictory effects on
relations of power: It led to the weakening of certain agents of domination (Ballalas),
while.reinforcing the domination of certain other traditional elites (sub-feudal landlords).
It did not interfere with the patterns of socialization, social conditioning and social \
control (the mechanisms of informal or incidental education). It led to the emergence of'
certain new forms of facilitative/disciplinary power in the country as a whole inclusive of
the village under consideration.
Manifestations of Asymmetry in the Village
There is sufficient evidence to infer the continued prevalence of asymmetry or hierarchy
in the agrarian and other related sites of social relations during the period under
consideration. By focusing on agrarian sites, attempts will be made to show how the
asymmetrical relations in other sites have reinforced asymmetry in the agrarian sites.
169
Asymmetry in the Agrarian Site
The agrarian sites of production continued being asymmetrical during the historical
period under study. Evidence available from the British land revenue settlement records
provide some facts to understand the gradations based on ownership of land under
cultivation (and revenue assessment). The size of land holdings (in acres) with various
Pattadars, jati and sex-wise in the village is given in (Table V - 3).
The data clearly shows that the size of cultivable land under the control of various
Pattadars is from less than one acre to nearly 100 acres. The majority of the holdings in
the village ranged from I to 10 acres (30 out of 51 holdings) and only 15 of these were
between 10 to 60 acres in size. Only one holding was above 60 acres to be specific it
controlled nearly 98 acres of assessed land in the village.
Asymmetry among the Pattadars is further highlighted by the variation in the revenue
paid by them to the British treasury. Am{)ng the large revenue payers, that is between
Rs,SO/- to Rs.250/-, there were 19 Pattadars. The extent of land settled with these 19
Pattadars was as much as 456 acres out of 548 acres. In comparison, the relatively low
revenue payers (Rs.I/- to Rs.sO/-) were assessed for less than 92 acres of land only. The
variation in the amount of revenue paid by the Pattadars was Rs.l/- to above Rs.250/-.
Out of 44 Pattadars, as many as 25 Pattadars paid between Rs.l/- to Rs.50/- as land
revenue. These facts indicate wide differences in revenue payments.
Such variations in land revenue, reflects not only the inequalities in the extent of land
controlled by various Vargadars, but also variation in the quality of lands held by them.
The second and third quality wet lands, various sorts the garden lands and the dry land
were charged differential rates of revenue as there was variation in productivity of these
lands (Table V-2). These facts highlight that there was asymmetry among the Pattadars.
This data does not indicate how many Pattadars are direct cultivators of all the lands
under their control and how many have rented out their lands either fully or partially to
others. In other words how of many of these Pattadars are actually landlords and direct
cultivators is not revealed by this data.
170
,
It has to be noted here that not only the joint land owners, but also many of the single
Pattadars with whom the British settled revenue were not the individual proprietors or
raiyats in the sense that British made them out to be. They were revenue paying vargadars
of the undivided or orally partitioned matrilineal territories on behalf of the kin group.
Many of them leased out lands to tenants and some of them had leased in lands from
others too, besides having various extent of land under personal cultivation. The surplus
from the land was usually distributed by them among the other kin households who held
variable rights over portions/produce ofthe territory.
Jati and gender asymmetry among tile Pattadars: The data regarding jati and sex wise
distribution of Pattadars is significant as it provides further understanding of the
characteristics of asymmetrical relations among the Pattadars.
Jati Asymmetry among tile Pattadars: The Numerical size of pattadars belonging to
various jatis is a good indicator of the co-relation between agrarian class and jati
asymmetry in the village (Table V-3).
Table V-3 -I Jati and Sex Wise Distribution ofPattadars and the Extent of Land under them (1904)
Extent of land Jati and Sex wise distribution of Pattadars
(acres) Bdnt Pujary Brahmin Muslim Christian Koragas Total
M F T M F T M F T M F T M F T M F T M F T
Less thah one acre 2 - 2 - - - - - - - 1 1 - - - - - - 2 1 3
,1.1 tiJ'5 acres 7 10 17 2 - 2 2 1 3 - 1 1 - - - 1 0 1 12 12 24
5.1 to 10 acres 4 2 6 - - - - - - 2 - 2 - - - - - - 6 2 8
10.1 to 20 acres 2 3 5 - - - 1 - 1 - - - 1 - 1 - - - 4 3 7
20.1 to 30 acres 4 - 4 - - - - - - I - 1 - - - - - - 5 - 5
30.1 to 60 acres 3 - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - 3
60.1 to 100 acres - - - 1 - I - - - - - - - - - - - - I - 1
Total 22 15 37 3 - 3 3 1 4 3 2 5 1 - I 1 0 1 33 18 51
Source: Computedfrom Adangal, Fasli 1312. Archives, Deputy Commissioners Office, Mangalore.
~ r~_~~i) 171
~4~. dJ, '1
Out of 51 Pattadars 37 are Bunts. Only 3 pattadars are Pujarys, 5 are Muslims and one
was a Christian and one a Koraga. It is very clear from this that at the start of the 20th
century, the predominant group among the Pattadars in the village was Bunts.
The amount of land controlled by Pattadars of varied jatis is another indicator of their
relative economic dominance vis-ii-vis the other jatis in the village. This includes lands
under Kumki rights as well. The data is brought out in Table V--4.
Table V-4
Extent of Land Controlled by Pattadars - Jati Wise (1904)
Jati affiliation of Pattadars Extent ofland
held Bunts 486.20 Pujaris 191.97 Muslims 48.54
Brahmins(including Devasthana) 16.04
Christians 11.17
Koraga 3.74
Total Land under private control (inclusive of Kumki) 757.66
Government control (paramhokc) 127.68 Unoccupied lands 582.57
Total 1467.91
Source: Computed from Adangal. Fasli 1312. Archives. Deputy Commissioner's Office. Mangalore.
The Bunts, the dominant agricultural Jati households, held patta and Kumki right over the
maximum amount of land (out of 758 acres as much as 486 acres of land). A Pujary joint
holder namely Jhati Pujary as noted earlier held right over a large territory too, but the
total land controlled by this intermediate peasant group was considerably low (only 192
acres) compared to the Bunts. The lone Brahmin family in the village who were invited to
settle in the village appear to have partitioned its land between a few kin. So, although a
single Brahmin household was there in the village at the time of British settlement,
pattadars are listed as being four. Though five Muslim Pattadars are present, three of
them were minors holding portions of the sub-divided territory of one of the Muslim
172
Pattadars. A lone Christian absentee landlord was also the owner of a relatively large
holding in Mudusede. He may have either taken the land by bidding in an auction (a
common practice when the pattadars were unable to pay the revenue or clear the debts) or
purchased the same. A person named Koraga possessed nearly 3.70 acres of land in the
territory that was in the middle of the Gopalkrishna Temple and larandaya Daivasthana.
As suffix of Jati identity is incorporated in his name, it could be said that he belongs to
the Koraga tribe (listed as a Scheduled Tribe). Koragas though a tribe were treated as
untouchables by other Jati groups and made to perform all types of menial jobs including
waste disposal. Probably the Koraga Pattadar was a village servant who held lnam land in
lieu of his services. It is significant to note here, that not a single person belonging to
other intermediate, backward or the erstwhile Ati-Sudra castes was a Pattadar in the
village during the colonial period.
In short, in the early part of the last century, the super-ordinate elements at the village
level were dominantly Bunt as in the earlier phases, exception being a Pujary who held
patta right over the biggest territorial unit (the historical reason responsible for this has
been revealed in the Paddana of Jarandaya - Annexure III). A very high co-relation
between land ownership and Jati affiliation of the Pattadars could be ascertained from the
British official data. The control over land had emerged as a major mechanism of surplus
appropriation for the rural elite of upper/dominant castes in particular. The data makes it
clear that the patterns of land ownership were highly unequal at the time of Raiyatwari
Land Revenue Settlement. The Pattadars joint and single with whom the British settled
their revenue demand were an economically differentiated group.
Gender Asymmetry among tile Pattadars: Sex wIse distribution of Pattadars does
provide us some clues regarding the gender inequalities in land ownership and control
that had emerged during early part of the last century. The data reveal that out of 51
Pattadars, a significant majority that is 33 were male Pattadars, only 18 were female
Pattadars. Besides, out of 16 holdings of size above 10 acres, as many as 13 Pattadars are
men. These facts indicate that the joint holding matrilineages had already been
173
partitioned or sub·divided between kinsfolk. The male kinsmen of matrilineages had been
able to register their name as Pattadars over most territorial units by the beginning of the
19th century. The guttus/manes as matrilineage controlled territorial units in the original
or traditional sense in most cases had become considerably reduced in size. Much land of
the matrilineages had been alienated to patrilineal kin as well as new purchasers or
acquirers of portions of the territorial unit. The matrilineal rights over village lands
appear to have weakened during the British period further reinforcing the gender
divisions that were quite sharp in the village as elsewhere since historical times. An
analysis of asymmetrical relations undertaken here enables us to attempt ranking among
the agrarian groups of the village that prevailed at the beginning of the 20th century.
Hierarchical Gradations in tile Agrarialt Site: The asymmetry in the agrarian society
during the early part of the 20th century manifested certain modifications in the
hierarchical gradations prevalent in the traditional village. The British rule weakened the
Ballala domination at the supra local levels and at the local level in the village. Ballalas
as supra local overlords could no more exercise. their domination over the village
SUbjects. Number of roles/activities performed by the Ballala rulers such as supra· local
governance and maintenance of law and order were taken over by the British law and
order administration. The British established their network for collecting land revenue
directly from the local Pattadars. As a consequence, the Ballalas could no more have
superior claim on the revenue, nor use their patriarchal/patrimonial authority to claim
allegiance from the villagers as the latter were no more the subjects of the former.
However the Ballalas may have continued being Inamdars with a significant share of
revenue collected by the British from those areas/villages including Mudusede that were
historically under their jurisdiction.
Revenue Appropriating Supra-Local British Feudal Rulers: Revenue continued being a
major source of surplus during the British rule. The facts collected on the issue of
revenue demand and revenue disbursal for the year 1904 provide adequate evidence to
arrive at certain conclusions in this regard. The term revenue demand refers to the total
174
amount of the revenue on the varg lands of the village which includes certain remissions
and deductions. The term revenue disbursal refers to the revenue amount distributed
among the inamdars and remitted to the British treasury (Table V-5).
Table V - 5
Revenue Demand and Disbursal (1904)
Revenue Amount
(Rs.)
Net demand of the year 2416
Remissions and deductions 482
Total Raiyatwari demand 2898
Amount collected within the year 1743
Amount disbursed to Inamdars under Berez deductions 1017
Amount remitted to Treasury 726
SOUTce: Adangal. Fasli 1312. Archives, Deputy Commissioners Office, Mangalore.
Totally the extent of land revenue assessed was Rs.2,898/-. Out of which an amount of
Rs.1,743/- had been collected during the assessment year (1904) by the British
administration from the village. From this amount, the amount that was remitted to
British treasury was Rs.726/-. At the supra-local level the British rulers emerged as the
top ranking feudal class appropriating a significant share of the surplus produced in
agrarian sites of the village as in other parts of India. The revenue rates were considered
exorbitant by the Pattadars. There was variation in revenue on the type and area of land
(Table V - 6),
The data highlights the fact that almost 548 acres of land had been brought under
assessment by the British administration and revenue was collected from the Pattadars
mainly for the 1 sl crop of paddy only. The amount collected for the 2nd crop was quite
low. The maximum amount of revenue came from paddy cultivation and to a much lesser
extent from garden crops. It could be inferred from these facts that the British rulers and
175
their local agents could access and use considerable amount of surplus generated from
agriculture and emerged as the most prominent force of domination on the village
residents.
Table V-6
Type and area of land in relation to revenue 1904 (Fasli -1312)
Type orLand Area of land Revenue
(acres) (Rupees)
Wet 489 2,691.00 Garden 50 198.00 Dry 9 9.00
Total 548 2898.00
Note: Weiland revenue includes Rs. 2751-from 2'd crop.
lnamdars: A Privileged Group witltin tlte Agrarian Hierarchy: Though in South Kanara
the British had undertaken raiyatwari land settlement policy recognising the traditional
raiyatwaripractices prevalent in the region, they accepted the rights of the Inamdars. The .. t '
inamdars held rights over portions of revenue and inam lands that were partially or fully
free of revenue. Grantees of such inams included Ballalas and their intermediaries,
Bhutasthanas, Brahmins and the temples, Patels or village headman and shanbhags or !
village accountants and village servants. Out of revenue collected from the village
(totally Rs.l,743/-), as much as Rs.l,017/- was disbursed to Inamdars under the Berez
deduction system (Table V-6). Further historical research is required to find out who
these Inamdars actually were and how many of them were supra local erstwhile feudal
elements who lived on surplus collected from the villages and how many of them are
from the local landlord, peasant, artisan, village servants and other vocational/jati groups.
There is every reason to believe that a major share of revenue dispersed to the lnamdars
went to the erstwhile overlord Ballalas who held rights over the revenue from the land
(unless they had revolted against the British) and there is no evidence to aver that such
resistance did occur.
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LandlordiProprietors: The agrarian groups situated at the top of the hierarchy in the
village namely landlord/proprietors appear to have been strengthened further by the
British. As a result of Raiyatwari Land Settlement Policy, many male local landlord/
proprietors or Pattadars were able to acquire increased private control over land and
related resources such as water and Kumki lands, as their rights were officially
documented and legally recognized. They continued to have access to surplus in the form
of rents from genidars and low paid and surplus labour from wage workers/inferior
tenants. Some of them continued CUltivating leased lands from portion holding kinsfolk
of their own or other matrilineages or vargadars.
Old and New Categories of Absentee Landlords: A study of land records and the names
of the Pattadars indicate that the Varg rights to many portions of the village territories
continued to be with absentee landlords - kin elements of the local guttus, non local kin
elements of other guttus and non kin purchasers or acquirers (through auctions) of these
rights. The exorbitant revenue demands from the Vargadars during British period and the
inability to meet the revenue demands meant that some of the Patta holders of lands were
forced to mortgage it and the authorities could auction it when the leased lands were not
freed by the indebted. Similarly, portions of land may have been sold by the vargadars to
their kinsfolk or others. As a result the kin of non local matrilineage and other neo-rich
purchasers assumed control over some portions of the territories of the village leading to
the emergence of new absentee landlords. The new Pattadars in some cases may have
granted the Mulgeni right to the old Vargadars themselves (This may have occurred in
the case of Arasas, a matrilineage called guttu house or Arasara guttu in the village. They
became the Mulgeni tenants of Kodialbail guttu, a reputed matrilineage of the region).
\
Emergence of Capitalist Farmers: Did Capitalist farmers (predominantly cash crop
producers for the market by employing wage labourers) emerge in the village by the
beginning of the 20th century? There is no evidence to provide definite answers to this I
question. However, there are facts available to indicate that by 1904 the village had some
lands under cash crops such as areca, coconut and betel. Portions of the surplus of paddy
177
and pulses, may have found entry into the market. Village was linked by boat to
Bailupete and Bunder in Mangalore. The commodities for the market were being
produced not only by the owner cultivators but also by tenants. At the time of land
reforms in 1974, an elderly Christian tenant possessed a geni receipt that had been given
to him by the landlord 35 years earlier and his kinsfolk were paying the geni in areca nut
and cash at that time. However these facts do not confirm that feudal relations had ended
and capitalist ones had emerged in the village. The presence of a significant number of
landlords and tenants in every major territory of the village show that up to mid 1970's,
the village could not give rise to a pure capitalist farming class.
Medium, Small and Marginal Cultivators: Further subdivision and fragmentation of
guttu/mane territories and varg lands occurred during the colonial period. Most
guttus/manes as jointly managed territorial units became further sub-divided due to oral
and legal partitioning between kin elements, as well as sale or mortgage to others. As a
result the number of medium, small and marginal farmers in the village rose significantly.
Evidence however is lacking to arrive at definite conclusion regarding the numerical size
and levels of asymmetry between various vargadars and portion holding cultivators in the
village.
It is reasonable to infer that many of the Vargadars with whom British settled revenue
may have had some lands under personal cultivation. But it is equally important to note
that many of these Vargadars themselves were landlords who leased portions of land
under their Muli or Varg right to Chalgenidars or inferior tenants. Thus the Pattadars with
whom the British settled revenue in most cases were a mix of landlord/proprietors and
not pure raiyats. On the other hand, some of these Vargadars themselves were Mulgeni
and Chalgeni tenants. They assumed lands of other resident or non resident kin for
cultivation on tenancy. The landlord, Vargadars and tenants were an overlapping
category in the village and this does not get reflected in the land revenue records of the
British period.
Mulgellidars: An agrarian group that appears to have entered the British revenue records
is that of Mulgenidars (the permanent lease holders who paid some fixed rents in
perpetuity). The Adangal (Fasli 1312) gives the names of only three such tenants in the
village, (i)Basappa Marla (reportedly a Bunt), who was the Mulgenidar of 11.17 acres of
land under a Christian absentee landlord by name S.F.J Saldanha, (ii) Shankaru and Jaru
Pujary who were Mulgenidars of some portion (1.20 acres) of the land under the
Pattadarship of Jhati Pujary and (iii) Somakke (reportedly a Matrilineal headwoman of
the Bunt caste), who held the Mulgeni right over some portions (1.20 cents) of the land,
owned by an absentee landlady kinswoman (Korapalu) of the Kodialbail Guttu. The total
lands under Mulgeni right was 14 acres and 21 cents only. Thus the land under geni right
registered in Adangal appears to be quite small. Only few Mulgeni right holders in the
village were thus duly recognized and their right was reinforced through the official
document namely "Record ofTenancy and Cropping" (R.T.C).
C1talgellidars: British official records of 1904 do not indicate the presence of temporary
tenants or Chalgenidars in Mudusede. But there is sufficient evidence to suggest that
increasing land in rural South Kanara was being tilled by chalgenidars or inferior tenants
(Census ofIndia, Madras, 1901 and 1951 cited by Damle, 1989:56). Data collected from
other sources reveal, that Mudusede was no exception to this. The position of
Chalgenidars however appears to have been considerably weakened by the British who
failed to recognize their right as tillers over the land. Even during the early years of the
20th century, the British intervention may have also led to the take over of some leased
lands for personal cultivation by Pattadar elements, as they wished to avoid written
contracts with tenants.
Declille ill Rural artisalls: There is evidence to confirm that the decline of rural artisans
may have occurred in the countryside, pushing most artisans towards proletarianization. I
Only 7 weavers are listed as weavers in British records.
179
Agrarian Labourers: There were only 92 landless labourers listed in 1891. But by 1901
their number rose to 263, a jump of 171 labourers within a decade. These facts indicate
that there were considerable number of agrarian labourers in the village and their number
was rising, the decline in number of agriculturists appears to coincide with increase in the
number of landless labourers in the reports of two decennial censuses (Chapter IV, Table'
IV -1). Did the definition of landless labour alter during the later period or did something
happen during the decade to cause this jump? Further research is required to answer this
question. The increasing number of landless labourers is an indicator of the process of
prolitarianisation of the peasantry and perhaps the displacement of tenants as welL
Landless labourers continued to be at the lowest rung of the agrarian hierarchy and
dependent on landed elements for survival. Their traditional rights to live and work on
the lands were not recognized in writing anywhere during the British period, though the
traditional customary rights were not interfered with. The relations of power between the
Pattadars and agrarian labourers remained one of domination, patronage and exploitation. , \. . • ',"'of(' \r-" \- .
... I , ... \ \ \' ') t·) •
These facts reveal that the agrarian society of the time was an asymmetI:ical.Q1!~' There
was high co-relation between hierarchies or gradations based on land ownership, control
and utilization and other rights over the Ian d (inclusive of superior - Mulgeni and inferior
- Chalgeni as well as rights of the attached labourers) and those based on affiliation to the
matrilineal or patrilineal kinship group (GuttulMane) and Jati affiliation of the
households concerned. So the inequalities continued to be cumulative or clustered as in
the past. The overlapping between identities continued to be there as in the traditional
. village, many of the cultivators holding multiple rights as Pattadars, landlords,
Mulgenidars as well as in some cases Chalgenidars. Similarly among some small
agriculturists and inferior/pure tenants there was overlapping of roles.
Strategies and Practices of Power
All the old strategies of domination and discrimination were in operation to a lesser or
greater extent in the village. The strategies of facilitative power also fixed or strengthened
traditional identities as in the earlier historical period. Some of the new technologies of
180
\ ")
discipline however were western innovations which became diffused in Indian villages
since the time of colonial rule. New legislative practices in the form of civil as well as
criminal codes and the institutions for their enforcement (the police, the law courts,
lawyers, and prisons) sought to discipline and govern the colonized subjects. The
surveillance mechanisms in the form of colonial police force and the army provoked
much fear among the villagers though the police station was situated at a distance and the
presence of armed soldiers did not take place unless there was disturbance or law and
order problem in the village. Some village residents became the subjects of strategies and
practices of disciplinary power such as time schedules, routines of the relatively modem
work sites-such as government offices, factories (especially tile factory) and schools.
However not many especially from those at the lower levels of agrarian or occupational
hierarchies could enter schools or get jobs in government offices and undergo the
disciplining process within them. However no villager could escape from the totalizing
disciplinary process set in motion by the colonial state through its technologies of power.
As a result one cannot say that they were left unaffected by the process of disciplining.
Strategies such as surveying and mapping the village lands and creating documentary
proof of superior right holders as pattadars and mulgenidars in the form of documents
such as Register of Tenancy and Cropping (RTC) and patta or Hakkupatra (land
ownership record) meant the claim of superior right holders were legally recognized. The
names of inferior right holders were not included in these documents. Such practices
weakened the rights of categories of inferior tenants and attached agrarian labourers to
the land.
The Discourses of the Colonial Regime
The historical truth claims of divine right of kings which upheld the former rule of kings
and Ballalas and now that of the colonial sovereign and their local intermediaries
remained as a significant truth claim during the early part of the 20th century. The
discourse of imperialism upheld the truth claims of superiority and competency of the
English men (the White people) to rule over the native Indians (the Brown people). The
181
Bhutaradhana and the Brahmanical discourses continued to remain strong in the village
as elsewhere in the region. During the early part of the 20th century, alternative discourses
such as 'anti - Brahmin' discourses of charismatic figures such Shri Narayana Guru had
become diffused generating a new consciousness among the Pujarys in this region as
among their counterparts (Izhavas) in Kerala. It enabled the Pujarys (Billavas) to form
associations which could play a significant role in demanding more privileges for the
members of their caste from the British giving rise to caste based organization among
them and other intermediary groups as well. However such discourses did not alter the
jati hierarchy in the region or the village. The so called discourses evolved in the western
nation states which combined the nationalist and liberal-capitalist discourses, were also
beginning to spread in Dakshina Kannada as in other parts ofIndia. It is not clear to what
extent the people of the village were influenced by such discourses. The legal discourse
based on private property, natural justice and rule of law was considered to be more
objective and scientific over the traditional juridical forms. The village subjects from the
landlord/proprietors to the landless were required not to violate these codes, which sought
to uphold private property and justice (in the restricted legal sense of the term). . . II, ~ , , . ~
"
Human sciences generat~)n !he~estern milieu emerged as new discourses, as bases of
true knowledge undermining seniority, experience, native wisdom and indigenous
____ knowldeges. Such discourses or the truth claims of the western objective knowledges
transmitted through schools/colleges claimed superiority over indigenous knowledges.
For example, HerballAyurvedic and other indigenous healing systems like unani (Arabic
in origin) were gradually sidelined by allopathic and to a much lesser extent by
Homeopathy. The western legal, educational and medical discourses gained ascendancy.
The early-colonial discourse on villages in India summed up by Thakur (2005:25-26) is
of relevance here. According to him, Anthropologists and Historians have convincingly
demonstrated the increasing play of the nexus of colonial power and knowledge in the
conceptualisation of Indian village and caste. Early colonial, scholar - administrators
viewed Indian society as a sum total of its multitude of little repUblics. Such notions
182
about the village did not derive from the realities of the constitution of India society.
Similarly the notions of caste did not reflect the caste realities. Thakur (2005:26) cites
Heesterman (1985:181) in this connection 'neither the vogue of the village or the caste,
seems to derive from any real Indian arrangement, but rather from the needs of the
modem bureaucratic state as it was introduced at the beginning of the last (19th) century.
The village as an autonomous unit filled and legitimised the colonial need for a well
defined basic unit. Further, Thakur adds the village made Indian Territory intelligible and
manageable to the colonial rulers. Not only the people had to be categorised and counted
but land to be mapped out in well demarcated universal units. In any case, "making the
village knowable was part of the enterprise of making it governable" (Smith, 1985: 1 56
cited in Thakur, 2005:26). However after the introduction of decennial census and the
change in orientation of the colonial investigative modalities, the caste view replaced the
village view (Smith, 1985 and Cohn, 1987,1997 cited in Thakur, 2005:26). Scholars such
as Said, E. (I978) have similarly shown how the British rulers projected the colonised
societies in their conceptions of oriental vis-it-vis their own societies. The implication of
such a discourse for governance of village under study as a part of the colonial empire is
obvious.
Appadurai, 1993 has drawn explicit parallels between colonial census taking and
Foucauldian parallels of powerlknowledge. According to him in the second half of the
19th century the colonial Indian census changed from an instrument of taxes to an
instrument of knowledge giving rise to over population discourse. Over Population
discourse gained momentum over the course of 1930's and 1940's. The discourse upheld
the truth claim that the problem of India's poverty is due to over population and it can
only be overcome through birth control (Hodges, 2004: 1161).
Resources and Capacities
The traditionally important resources such as lands, water, milch cattle, ploughs and
plough animals, linkages and associations continued to be significant recourses during
this period of history. The new resources of power generated during the British rule
183
included potential access to fonnal education, new technologies of fanning, new patterns
of cropping, government jobs and other employment possibilities in plantations and
enterprises outside the village, access to infonnation and city markets for fann produce
and new legal measures. The old and new resources were used by village subjects to a
differential extent to empower themselves. Those placed in privileged positions could
access these new resources along with the old resources to a much larger extent to
increase their ability to exert domination over others.
Along with cultural symbols already established, there were new ones that were added
during the colonial period. Cultural symbols associated with Christianity (i.e. cross,
monuments such as churches), written documents (i.e. Record of tenancy and cropping
and other property right documents), buildings (i.e. palatial houses of colonial
administrators, courts) and imperial flag of the British. To cite another example of the
colonial period khaki shots associated with the British soldier and the policemen became ':-
a symbol of power/authority and discipline. Many a cultural symbols were mobilized,
created and utilized effectively by the leaders of the freedom struggle to mobilize masses
during the later part of the colonial period.
Objects and Effects of Power
The object of power as in the earlier period of history was to extract as much surplus as
possible from the subjects. The colonial administration not only undertook a thorough
survey of lands in the village for the purpose but streamlined revenue collection by
establishing very effective administration mechanisms for the purpose. The object of
colonial power was also to maintain law and order so as to minimise the costs of rule. It
was in this connection that the disciplinary apparatuses of the colonial power namely the
police, law courts, schools (inclusive of schools run by the colonial government in the
village) could contribute by constituting the people into docile and obedient subjects. The
British rule lasted nearly 148 years in the region under study. By the middle of the 20th
century the agrarian society that emerged in the Tuluva region had already borne both the
positive as well as the negative impact of the British rule. The variations in the impact
184
7
however, could also be seen depending on the internal dynamics of the particular micro
macro society and the response of the individual and collective agrarian groups to the
forces set in motion by the British. The living conditions of the people and the changes
that occurred in traditional identities and production of new identities provide us some
understanding into the effects of relations of power during this period.
The Effects 011 tlte Livillg Condition: The cumulative effect of the colonial rule appears
to have had a contradictory impact on the living conditions of people of the village. The
agrarian groups situated on top and middle levels of the village hierarchy could meet their
basic needs and have adequate surplus for constructing good houses with tiles, wooden
beams and other ornate pillars. All others lived in dilapidated small tenements or mostly
thatched huts. The infrastructural situation in the villages continued to remain extremely
backward and amenities for transportation and communication were non existent.
Out migration from the village is another effect of relations of power. Shrinking work
opportunities and low productivity in agriculture appear to have facilitated increased
occupational mobility. Oral histories of village residents reveal that the early decades of
the 20th century had increased the mobility of both kin and non-kin elements outside the
village. This was not merely because of marriage and settlements of matrilineal kin in
other regions or out migration of non-kin elements to become tenant/labourers in other
villages, as in the past. The development of certain industries such as tile, cashew peeling
and coffee curing in Mangalore, establishment of plantations by the British proprietors
are responsible for the increased occupational mobility. Many members of landless
households (inclusive of dalits) as well as, some kin elements of marginal land owning
groups moved into districts such as erstwhile Coorg (now Kodagu) and Chickmagalore to
seek work as salaried personnel from among the relatively better educated and wage
labourers in plantations (Relations of power within plantations could be an interesting
subject for future study). The development of cities such as Bombay (Mumbai), Madras
(Chennai) and Bangalore led many enterprising kinsfolk to migrate to these cities, to
establish business ventures such as hotels, shops and transport. They employed persons
185
from the village as well as other villages in such enterprises. This provided increased
work opportunities to the localites in cities.
\ Construction of Identities as Effects oj Power: Colonial rule had impact on supra-local
and local identities. The historical records available and the details collected from the
elderly persons that the research scholar met during mid 1990's, provide some clues
regarding the type of identities present in the village during their childhood days namely
early decades of the 20th century. During the British rule, some of these identities were
weakened, some others were strengthened and new identities were constituted as effects
of power. Decline of Ballalas ended the direct control which they had exercised for
centuries over the village. The traditional hereditary leaders were gradually weakened
as the role of revenue collection was dissociated from the landlords/Guttu
yajamanaslPatels, as Pattadars had to pay revenue directly to the British treasury through
the British appointed agents. Their role as dispute settlers at the village level especially at
the inter-Guttu level and between intra-guttu kin elements became weak in certain ways,
because of the establishment of law courts. Patel however continued to play the role as a
mediator between the local people and the organs of the British state, the revenue and the
police. The elderly residents say that for all purposes Patel still remained the central
figure until 1950. He could influence decisions and enforce his will on others. People
held him with respect. All the officials who entered the village approached him first. The
Patelship continued to be hereditary position. In the village under consideration, the
patelship was with a prominent Yajamana ofa territory (new purchaser of the portions of
a large territorial unit) towards the last decades of the colonial period.
The colonial rule led to the construction ,of new identities. The newly appointed officials
from the district level ,Deputy Commissioner to the village level officials emerged
powerful during the colonial rule. These colonial bureaucratic identities replicated Pax
Britannica identities in English society of that time. The government bureaucrats such as
Deputy Collect%, Assistant collector, T~ahasildar, village level revenue collectors,
judges, lawyers, police, teachers, doctors with varied levels of formal education, were the
186
newly established social identities. All had claims over the surplus, in the form of salaries
(paid from the revenues and taxes collected from the residents ofviIlagers and cities) and
in the form of fees (i.e. lawyers, doctors). The residents of the village under consideration
also were engaged in asymmetrical relations with such new social identities in various
capacities as producers and providers of surplus in the form of land revenue and other
taxes, as receivers of services (education, medical care, legal service) and at times as
litigants and violators oflaw.
Some of these social identities such as government bureaucrats, the police, judges,
lawyers and teachers were discursively constituted social identities. In other words, the
products of powerlknowledge based discursive or disciplinary practices. They were
constituted through a process of educatioo/training to be the docile, obedient servants of
the hierarchical British administration in India and the British Empire at the global level.
They were themselves products of relations of power. In tum they became exercises of
power over village subjects seeking to discipline the latter into useful and docile servants
of the British Raj. Schools and colleges established during the colonial period contributed
to this process. The first doctor from the village was from the Bunt community. Some of
the earliest teachers in the locality were from the Brahmin landlord and Christian
communities from the erstwhile tenant groups.
t I \, ~
Reinforcement and Alteration of Jati Identities: The Jati identity groups and their
ranking could not be altered by the British and it was not their concern either. By
practices such as annual census which counted the people on the basis of their Jati
(termed Caste by the British following the Portuguese term Casta), it could be said that
the British reinforced Jati identities further. Secular system of education, spread of ---- ----western scientific (including human sciences) discourse, increased mobility may have '-------~
ushered in certain changes in the relations among various Jati affiliated identities in the
agrarian site of the village. But the inequalities between the adherents of various Jatis
which were rooted in endogamous marital alliances, control over lands and reinforced by
division of labour and ritual practices of purity and pollution remai ~ wever, the
~I~ (6t~1'§J 187
't*, -'.--"'0 ))
process of questioning of jati inequalities may have received increased momentum due to
the influence of rationalist liberal discourses of the west, leading the members of jatis to
form associations sometimes in alliance with others in similar situations to safeguard
their interests and place claims on state benefits.
Association between Education and Class, Joti and Gender Identities: The more or less
educated identities emerged at the village level among the upper and dominant caste
Pattadars who controlled more land and appropriated higher amount of surplus. Men to a
much larger extent than women were able to access education. Relatively few males and •
fewer females from among the intermediary castes as well as Christians and very few
from the dalit Jatis and Muslims could access education. Vast majority of those,
belonging to the later groups, more women than men continued being non-literate.
Reinforcement of Exclusivist Religious Identities: The practice of census found useful
by the British to govern their own population, was implemented in India to facilitate
governance of the indigenous people. The new exclusionary term - 'the Hindu' was used
in the census. It was a term, historically traced to the Arabs who used it to distinguish
themselves from people of other faiths and worship practices beyond river' Sindhu'. This
term which had been linguistically reinforced by the Muslims, Christians and later Vedic
Brahmins through frequent usage became a part of the official vocabulary. It brought the
numerous Tuluva Jati identities rooted as they were in the worship of Bhutas and nature
worship (i.e. Naga or Serpent worship) under a common label 'the Hindu'. According to
the elderly residents they rarely addressed themselves as 'Hindu' during their childhood
days. They referred to themselves and others including other religious groups as Jatis (i.e.
Christian Jati, Muslim Jati) during this period. The process of Hindu identity construction
however was sustained during the British rule. The exclusivist Muslim and Christian
identities too appear to have been reinforced during the British rule. The villagers under
consideration were also incorporated in such pan India processes. However they resisted
such exclusivist identity construction attempts and retained their syncretic world views
during this period.
188
,.." ..... r \. •
\ . , . ~ Resistance \ .
There is very little infonnation available concerning resistance in the agrarian site of the '
village during this period of history. Did the Pattadars resist paying revenue to the British I treasury and if so what methods did they resort to? Did the Mulgeni and Chalgeni tenants '
resist paying rents to their respective landlords? Who were successful in such attempts? • What techniques were adopted for the purpose? Did the agrarian labourers resist being \
subjected to the low paid labour and unpaid labour? What resistance did various class,
gender, caste, religious identities put up against fixing them as unequal identities? There
are no adequate facts to answer these questions. From the oral accounts collected from
the villagers it could be gathered that there was resistance especially from the inferior
tenants and agrarian labourers against exploitation and domination. Some of them left the
village for cities and neighbouring districts in search of alternative work. Leaving the
village to find a better means of earning livelihood was a tactic that was resorted to by
individuals belonging to all groups in the agrarian hierarchy, from those at the top, to
those at the bottom. Some dalits and tribals reported that their elderly relatives too had
done so. The non-enrolment in schools as well as high drop-out rates among those who \
joined the school could be considered as acts of resistance by parents and children to the
disciplinary processes of the school, though economic and cultural factors played a ,
significant role in this regard. --t '1
Landlords/Pattadars appear to have resorted to court cases against the kin elements as
well as non-kin elements as a mechanism of exercising domination but also as a tactic of
resistance against domination and exploitation. The resistance against facilitative power
especially practices of socialization, social control and construction of identities in the
day to day life continued as in the earlier periods of history. Further exploration is
required to find out how domination as well as facilitative power especially new
strategies of disciplinary power was resisted by village subjects. The high rate of revenue
and diffusion of discourse of nationalism may have contributed to the emergence of
resistance against the British rule in the village. Further exploration is required to collect
evidence in this regard.
Conclusion
The various features of relations of power during the early years of the 20th century reveal
not only continuities from the past but also alterations:
As far as sites of relations of power are concerned agrarian sites continued being the
predominant sites of production as well as employment in the village. Sites of Bhuta and
religious worship remained significant though these suffered neglect due to the decline of
supra-local (patronage except in the form of revenue concessions (inams). New sites of
relations of power such as colonial bureaucracy (District collectorate and its tal uk, hobli
and village level units, police, law courts, legal services, schools within the village (the
village had its I st school in 1912 itself) and in the surrounding villages and city of
Mangalore, factories such as tile, health centres of allopathic medicine brought the village
inhabitants into new forms of domination as well as disciplinary power. Through such
forms of relations of power villages were incorporated to a greater or lesser extent either
locally or from a distance, into disciplinary processes, subjugating them to become useful
and yet docile subjects of British rule which could last nearly 150 years.
Multiple asymmetries or inequalities continued to characterise the relations of power in
the agrarian sites and other related sites with a few modifications in the gradations
prevalent in the traditional society. The British rulers took the position of the Ballalas at
the supra local level. The Ballala overlords, who may have had continued access to a
share of revenue from the colonial administration, could not exercise direct authority over
the villagers nor directly access the revenue or levy any other taxes or mobilize the
villagers for maintaining armed services.
The agrarian units further sub-divided and alienated as they were continued to manifest
variable patterns of asymmetry as in the past. There were layers of vargadars/landlords
both kin based and others and layers of tenants and labourers. The agrarian role
hierarchies continued to be highly co-related with ethnic (jati/religious) hierarchies. Some
of these agrarian sites were relatively large agrarian units but reduced in size compared to
past. Varying number of superior and inferior matrilineal kin with rights over varying
190
portions of the territory and produce, mulgenidars chalgenidars and labourers, mane
okkalu or attached labourers and other types of labourers were found in these sites. Most
of sites were either medium sized or small and marginal sites. Such sites were by and
large under self cultivation or leased out to others (whole or portions of it). These
agrarian sites were either dependent on attached labourers or seasonal labourers or only
family labour. Pure tenants and agrarian labourers remained at the lower levels of
agrarian hierarchy as in the past. Overlapping of roles of vargadars, landlords and tenants
among the agrarian groups both superior and inferior as in the earlier period of history
added to the complexity of asymmetry in the agrarian sites and the agrarian society.
There was high correlation between the agrarian role hierarchies, the jati hierarchies
and the supra local and local governance hierarchies in the traditional village.
Along with the old strategies and practices of domination certain new strategies or
practices of disciplining village subjects to be more productive as well as docile and
obedient were put into operation in the context of disciplinary power during the period
under study. Schools, factories, police, armies with their strict time schedules or time
bound tasks and routines, loud bells, uniforms; assembly lines started incorporating
villagers to a greater or lesser extent in disciplinary modes of control exercised over the
bodies. Village and caste based research studies, decennial census and mapping of village
lands were the new technologies that were put into operation not only to know the village
but also to govern the same. As smith (1985) states making village knowable was part of
the enterprise of making it governable (cited in Thakur, 2005:26).
Along with the old resources new resources such as educational qualifications or
certificates, scientific knowledge and expertise, permanent jobs in the government and
government run institutions were added to the resource pool. Discourses/truth claims old
and new continued to be integrated with power. Western enlightenment philosophies and
human sciences inclusive of agriculture and Biology became additional discourses/truth
claims during this period which undermined the traditional knowledge systems. Diffusion
of liberal so called enlightenment discourses occurred during this period. The discourse
191
or truth claims generated around the village (terming it a little republic) and castes/tribes
in particular and a part of the orient in general, facilitated governance of the colonised
Indian society from the village to the national level.
Objects and effects of power had added dimensions during the colonial rule. The
relations of disciplinary power had the objective of constituting village inhabitants into
submissive subjects to British rulers and their local agents. The power produced widely
divergent living and work conditions for the various social groups in the village. Many
vargadar kin of large and prosperous agrarian sites lived in relative comfort and security
on the surplus generated as in the past. The high revenue demand may have pushed some
of these vargadar elements into poverty and pauperisation forcing them to alienate their
lands to kin or non-kin purchasers from other villages. Some genealogical accounts
reveal that the present matrilineages controlling certain prosperous territories were that of
new purchasers. Vast sections of small and marginal vargadars, pure tenants and agrarian
labourers continued to survive in miserable conditions without food and livelihood
security as in the past. Some moved out of the village to find livelihood opportunities
elsewhere in the cities or plantations that had become centres of economic activities
during the British rule.
British rule had contradictory effects on traditional identities based on wealth, position of
authority, reputation, jati, gender and religion. Some identities such as Ballalas, patels
were weakened. Landlord proprietors, mulgenidars were further strengthened. The pure
chalgenidars and attached labourers were weakened during the period. Enlightenment
discourses, practices of census, caste based reservations in education and jobs and
variable access to educational opportunities in state run and missionary schools had
contradictory effects on Jati identities which were strengthened in some ways and
weakened in some other ways. New administrative and professional identities (i.e. civil
servants, police, lawyers, judges teachers, allopathic and homoeopathic doctors) emerged
in the region during the period replicating such western identities and incorporating the
villagers into new relations power at the supra local and local level. Artisan identities
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especially weavers were weakened. Resistance in the agrarian and other sites of
relations of power, during this phase of village history did occur. Agrarian labourers
moving out of the village, tenants giving up lands and many educated leaving the village
could be considered as acts of resistance. Further research on this subject is required to
find out whether the agrarian elements of the village put up any collective struggle during
the British rule or not, as in many other parts of the sub-continent of India including the
region under study.
It could be surmised from this analysis that the agrarian sites in particular and the
agrarian society in general remained highly asymmetrical and became more disciplinary
during this phase of village history.
193
..
Chapter V: Section C
Post independence Phase from 1950's to
Mid 1970's
Introduction
Forces of social change in different combinations continued to have variable and
contradictory impact on relations of power in the agrarian and other sites of social
relations (both old and new) since Independence in late1947. A number of factors of
social change both unplanned and planned (i.e. five year plans/other central cum state
related plans, land reforms and market based mechanisms respectively) have impacted
villagers in various parts of India (Annexure VI: Factors of Social Change - 3). The
residents of Mud use de have also experienced differential impact ofthese forces.
Demographic Trends
To begin with let us take a bird's eye view of the demographic trends prevalent during
1960's and 1970's. The data provided in (Chapter IV - Table IV-l and IV- 2) provides us
understanding of the changing demographic trends in the village. In 1901 the numbers of
households were 212 which composed a popUlation of 1,240 persons. By 1961 the
occupied resident houses had increased to 258 only and the village had 1923 persons
within its borders, a mere addition of 46 households and 683 persons in 60 years. Such
low rise of population could be attributed to movement of some households out of the
village in search of other livelihood options (i.e. self-employment ventures such as
hotels) and villagers in search of salaried jobs. Within a period of one decade that is by
1971, the population increased by a mere 267 persons to make a total of 2,190 persons,
however the number of households increased to 354, an addition of 102 residential
houses. Besides establishment of new families, partitioning of jointly held and
individually held properties among kinsforth and descendents and claiming separate
number for the dwelling (house or portion of the old house) from the panchayat may have
194
been the main factor responsible for showing such rise in number of houses, as the total
number of persons does not show much increase to suggest the arrival of many new
settlers into the village.
The census of 1961 and 1971 provide a picture of relatively high occupational diversity
(Chapter IV, Table IV- 6) in the village. There were cultivators, agricultural labourers,
workers in manufacturing industries, other services, mine workers, workers in household
industry, trade and commerce. It is significant to note that the manufacturing industry had
relatively large number of 198 workers only next to the agrarian sites as per 1961 census.
Some of these workers may have been employed in the tile and other industries that had
come up in the vicinity of Mangalore during the early decades of 19th century. From the
village, male labourers may have travelled by boat via Phalguni River to the shores of
Bunder to work in tile units. Elderly villagers remember seeing many boats transporting
red clay across the river Phalguni to tile factories situated on the other end of the river.
There were 62 workers engaged in other services. In 1971 after the agriculture (which
engaged 661 workers), the construction sector emerged as a dominant sector with 265
workers whereas manufacturing sector employed relatively small number of workers (34
only).
Sites of Relations of Power
Agrarian sector continued being a predominant production as well as vocational site
during this phase of village history as in the preceding phases covered by the study.
However as the data on occupational diversities reveal more sites of production (mostly
non-village based) had started incorporating villagers. Many new sites of relations of
power such as political parties, panchayats, development oriented government
departments inclusive of extension education offices, schools, health centres, banks,
cooperative societies and non-government organizations came into existence in the region
incorporating the villagers into new forms of relations of power from near and far. To
begin with a brief description is provided here of the emerging characteristics of agrarian
tf{~~) ~:C~(T.I.S.s. ~P:;:: 195
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sites with a brief description of the characteristics of some of the significant old and new
sites of relations of power incorporating the village residents during this phase of history.
Agrarian Sites
Sites of agrarian production continued being major sites of power relations during this
historical phase as in the past. The combined effects of colonial rule which lasted nearly
150 years in the region and some of the factors of change that were set in motion during
the first two and half decades of independence left their marks on the agrarian sites in the
village. The in-depth interviews with erstwhile elderly tenants, agrarian labourers and
their kin as well as agriculturists cum landlords and official records inclusive of records
of the tenants who filed declarations enable us to identify some of the changing trends in
the agrarian sites of the village which could be described as follows:
Workforce in the Agrarian sites: In both the historical phases covered in earlier sections
agrarian sites continued to provide a means of livelihood to the largest majority among
the villagers. The census data available for the period 1961 and 1971 brings out the
numerical size of workers engaged in the agrarian sites (Table V -7).
Table V-7
Workforce in Agriculture (1961 to 1971)
Year of the Census Type of
1961 1971 Occupation
M F Total M F Total
I. Cultivator 147 48.2 98 25.8 245 35.8 143 45.0 121 35.3 264 39.9
II. Agricultural 158 51.8 282 74.2 440 64.2 175 55.0 222 64.7 397 60.1
Labour
Total 305 100 380 100 685 100 318 100 343 100 661 100
Out of 1,022 persons in the village 685 were reported to be associated with agriculture as
per 1961 census. To be specific the village had as many as 245 workers listed as
cultivators and 440 as agricultural labourers. The labourers exceeded the number of
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cultivators by 195 persons in 1961. By 1971 there was variation in the number of
cultivators and agrarian labourers of the village who numbered 264 and 397 respectively.
Percentage wise distribution of cultivation vis-a-vis agrarian labourers as per 1961 and
1971 reveal that the latter continued to outnumber the former as in the early years of last
century. However four percent rise is noted among the cultivators and four percent
decrease is noted among the agrarian labourers during this decade. It is also very evident
that the female labourers outnumbered all other categories namely male and female
cultivation as well as male labourers in 1961 as well as 1971. Slight increase in the
number of male labourers and decline in the number of female labourers from 1961 to
1971 could be noted from the data. The percentage of cultivators among males decreased
to a small extent from 1961 to 1971, whereas among the females there was nearly 10
percent increase.
A look at the percentage of workers engaged in agriculture vis-a-vis other workers
provide us further insights into the continued significance of agrarian sites in the village
(Table V- 8).
Table V- 8
Percentage of Agriculture based workers in relation to other workers
Year of the Census
Sector of 1961 1971
Occupation Male Female Total Male Female Total
No. % No. % No. % No. % No. % No. 0/.
Agrarian 305 59 380 75 685 67 318 55 343 62 661 58
Others 208 41 129 25 337 33 257 45 213 38 470 42
Total 513 100 509 100 1022 100 575 100 556 100 1131 100
Percentage wise there were 67 percent of workers in agriculture as per1961 census. Their
number declined by 9 percent to constitute 58 percent of the workers in 1971. Though the
percentage of workers employed in the agrarian sector kept declining it remained the
major employer of the village residents in 1971 as earlier. Gender wise percentage of
workers in agriculture reveals that in 1961 as many as 75 percent of women workers were
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engaged in fanning (relatively less number of cultivators compared to agricultural
labourers among them). By 1971, the percent of women workers in agriculture declined
by 13 percent to fonn a total of 62 percent of the women work force, whereas among
males there were 59 percent of male workers in agriculture in 1961 and by 1971 their
number declined slightly (by 4 percent) to constitute 55 percent of the male workforce.
These facts highlight that significantly large number of women workers continued to be
engaged in the agrarian sector compared to men. It is important to bear in mind here that
a significant number of workers directly engaged in this sector both as labouring
cultivators and agrarian labourers did not have security oflivelihood through out the year
as the paddy fields being water logged during the monsoons, only two paddy crops could
be raised on vast portions of wet lands of the village.
Abolition of Inamdari rigilts and Privileges: The government of Independent India
abolished the rights of all intennediaries such as Zamindars and Inamdars over portions
of revenue which had been recognised and reinforced by the British. Many inamdars
were superior or dominant elements. The abolition of privy purses and privileges
inclusive of inams thus ended the customary right over portions of land revenue enjoyed
by the inheritors of erstwhile feudals and semi-feudals. The inamdars could no more
claim privileges such as share of revenue and freedom from paying the land revenue
either fully or partially. However those who held portions oflands as inams could convert
the same into Patta lands.
Variation in the Dominance of Yajamanas: Due to partitioning of territory among
kinsfolk and alienation of portions to the non-kin elements, the economic context on
which yajamanas authority rested altered further. Many yajamanas gradually lost their
position of predominance and authority within their household and the territory. Although
they continued to play major role as leaders in ritual affairs, celebration of life events
(example birth, marriage, death) associated with the members of the kin-group and
matters of collective interest to the kin-groups, their authority in many cases continued to
decline. The neglect of Bhuta cults during the mid decades of the last century led to
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further decline of the ritual role of the yajamana. There were few yajamanas in Mudusede
during mid sixties and seventies who could be considered as yajamanas in the ideal sense
as described in Section A of this chapter. Some yajamanas had to leave the kin territory
they managed after it was partitioned as the right over the central house in the territory
was inherited by their sister's son. In one such case a yajamana who had been responsible
for the prosperity of the territory and had built a well decorated house for the kin-group,
had to leave the house after the territory was partitioned. Old and ailing he lived in his
wife's property in another village. In yet another case a Yajamana was permitted by his
kinsfolk after the partitioning to live in the central house till his death at his own request,
as the kinsfolk who inherited the house were not residing in the village.
Few of the yajamanas continued to manage undivided territories or larger portions of
divided territorial units and held considerable hold as yajamanas over the GuttulMane
during sixties and seventies of the last century. A few assumed positions of authority as
leaders or members of the panchayat and political parties and continued to exercise
considerable domination over the affairs ofthe village.
Partitioning and Alienation ofGuttulMam Territorial Units: By sixties to seventies of
last century, further partitioning of various rights over the territorial units in the village,
appears to have become a reality. Some territories were partitioned into 15 to 80 or more
portions. One of the large territories was said to have been partitioned into 75 portions
and another into 80 portions. Variable rights over the territorial units in the village such
as right over self-cultivated territory, right over geni and right over the Kumki land were
the major rights which appear to have been partitioned further since Independence. For
instance a Christian tenant had orally partitioned his garden lands and Kumki lands under
tenancy into three portions which were being held separately by his two sons and the
widowed daughter-in-law and her children in early 1970's. Such partitions were
dominantly oral. Registering such partitions was considered cumbersome, expensive and
not necessary as people found the courts and government offices too alien. As a result of
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partitioning (oral and written), the number of the kin households with stake in portions of
the territorial unit (GuttulMane) differed in number.
Weakening of GuttuiMane or Matrilineal System: Introduction of Legislative measures
such as Madras Aliyasanthana Act of 1949, the Hindu Succession Act of 1956, the
Madras Aliyasanthana (Mysore Amendment) Act of 1961 altered the Matrilineal or
Aliyasanthana system of inheritance further. The Madras Aliyasanthana Act of 1949
appears to have codified and modified the customary Aliyasanthana law, allowing for
partitioning of the territory among matrilineal kin. But this act allowed the males only a
life interest in the property. The pressure from the patriarchs of the matrilineal
communities especially Bunts from all over the district to stake claims to their own share
of ancestral property, led to the passing of Madras Aliyasanthana (Mysore Amendment
Act) 1961. This act which was in keeping with some of the provision of the Hindu
Succession Act of 1956 recognized the right of male members of the matrilineage to
bequeath his interest in property to his wife and children after his death. Makkalakattu or
inheritance by children which applied thus far to the self-earned properties of the
males/females now applied to the ancestral property as well. As per the new law the
males would have the right to pass on the portions inherited by them to their own wife
and children and these portions would not revert back to their matrilineal Kutumba or
sisters children after their death. So a male member of the matrilineage, who had acquired
shares of territory through inheritance or purchase, was able to get it registered in his
name and pass it on to his wife and children.
By mid sixties/seventies a curious blend of property rights had emerged in the village
studied as elsewhere, some kin-groups refusing to give up the custom of matrilineal
inheritance others willingly utilizing the provisions of the new laws to claim share for
self.. As a result, there were kin-groups in the village continuing to adhere to the
traditions of matrilineal system of descent. Most others had converted their own
partitioned holdings as self owned registered properties to be passed on to their wife and
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children. The lands associated with Bhutas of the Kutumba however were left to be
governed under matrilineal norms.
Tlte ejection of unknown number of iliferior and pure lenallls: Ejection of tenants also
occurred during the period (1950's to 1970's) which reveals the relative dominance of
landlords' vis-a.-vis their inferior tenants. After independence from the British, the
Madras Ejection of Tenants Act 1954 was the first tenancy reform Act that was
applicable to the tenants of Dakshina Kannada as it was a part of the Madras State along
with North Kanara until 1956. This act provided tenants protection against ejection at will
by the landlord. Some amendments were brought to the Act in 1956, permitting eviction
of tenants from lands if the landlord wished to bring the land under direct cultivation. But
when doing so he/she had to permit the tenants to keep 50 per cent of the land. If the
landlord had more than 13 acres of wet land, tenant was not obliged to give up the land to
the landlord. Besides, those landlords who were paying income tax were not permitted to
assume land for personal cultivation by ejecting tenants. The amended Act of 1956 also
placed limits on the rents to be charged from the tenants which could not exceed 33 to 40
per cent of the produce from the land. These tenancy reforms provided some security to
the tenants of all districts that came under the Madras State at that time. It is not clear
what impact the amended Act had on tenants of the village, because that year Dakshina
Kannada became a part of the unified State of Mysore (later Karnataka). The Kamataka
Land Reforms passed in 1961 became applicable to the district of Dakshina Kannada as
well. However it was implemented only in October 1965, almost 3Y2 years after receiving
presidential assent for the bill. Such a tactic of delay which some critics say was
purposeful by the landlord dominant state machinery (legislative as well as the executive)
provided sufficient time for the landlords to eject the tenants who had traditional rights
over the lands which they had been cultivating for years. Even this Act permitted the
landlords to legally evict the tenants if they wished to cultivate lands directly.
The genealogical accounts of elderly villagers especially tenants reveal that there were
many cases of ejection of tenants in the village especially since 50's and 60's of the last
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century. The eviction occurred because of various reasons in most cases the landlords
gave non payment or balance of rents as an excuse for evicting tenants. In some cases the
landlords wished to take over lands for personal cultivation and yet others wanted to
prevent the tenants from establishing claims over the land.
In one case, a Chalgeni tenant belonging to the Moolya caste was unable to pay rents that
had been raised by a portion holding landlord of a dominant Guttu in the village. He was
forced to leave with his wife, little children and farm animals his ancestral home and
lands that were cultivated by him for generations. Although he was offered shelter by the
kin of another territory, he was unable to overcome the loss of all that he had slogged to
make - his house, coconut trees, fruit trees and paddy fields. He committed suicide
within a year of his ejection. His very old and sickly wife with her children and grand
children continues to live in the house that they had occupied after being evicted, but still
had no right over the land when the researcher visited her in 1995 (She was no more in
2005 and her children had no right over the land either). Some of the established tenants
were ejected to prevent them from proving their customary right. For instance during
early sixties of this century, a landlord who was fighting a court battle with his kin over
the land, made the tenants of the territory, pay him the rents (without giving receipts), but
got them all evicted from their lands by filing a court case against them for non-payment
of rents. The erstwhile tenants relative say that the police arrived all of a sudden with a
court notice, threw all their belongings out of the house and made the tenant leave the
house with his wife and little children. The landlords evicted tenants for other reasons as
well. In one case, a landlord had asked one of his Koraga tenant who had taken over the
cultivation of leased lands of his ancestors, to eject another tenant forcefully from his
house. The tenant refused to undertake such a task. The landlord asked him to leave
without giving him any compensation. As a gesture of defiance he did so and settled on
the slopes of the hill by occupying vacant government land.
In some cases, the descendants of tenant households were offered a new lease over
considerably smaller portions of the old territory which was being tilled by their
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ancestors. In the case of one Pujary tenant and another case of a Moolya, both tenants
were tilling lands of kinsfolk, belonging to two different guttulmane territories, this
appears to have occurred. The landlord who inherited the Varg right decided to bring the
rest of the land under personal cultivation.
Introductioll of New Techllologies ill Agriculture: Technologies such as iron ploughs,
pump-sets and even hullers were increasingly used by the better off fanners in the village
since late seventies. The pumpsets were used to lift water not only from the wells but also
to lift water from the Phalguni River flowing across the northern boundary of the village
for atleast two months after the rains. Most fanners utilized diesel pumpsets in the early
stages. Green revolution technologies had also been introduced gradually into the village
which led to the cultivation of high yielding varieties of paddy by some fanners.
Sites of Manufacturing and Service Industries
Significant number of villagers were engaged as producers and workers in the
manufacturing, construction and other service sites of the village or elsewhere .. Such
sites of production of goods and services, other than agriculture incorporated villagers
into distinct fonns of relations of power. More and more villagers started consuming
increasing number of products and services from these sectors. The farmers who resisted
the green revolution technology to begin with were gradually persuaded to adopt the
same through extension services established by the State in alliance with the Western
corporations such as Ford Foundation. Agriculture too became more and more market
centred in terms of inputs sourced and outputs produced and marketed. Farmers started
purchasing inputs such as highbred seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, farm implements, hullers
and pumpsets from the industrial corporations (public and private). The farmers paid
much higher prices for the industrial goods purchased by them and received very low
price for their produce. The decline in production by artisans in the region including the
village based ones and increasing dependence of villagers as consumers of various goods
produced by the industrial sector occurred during this period. The process of
commodification of education and health services in particular had also begun to
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incorporate villagers into new networks of relations of power. Industrial capital had
become well established as a force of domination as well as a mode of appropriation of
surplus by mid 1970's.
Sites of Democratic Governance
Introduction of parliamentary democratic form of government with adult franchise
meant the village adults became a part of the electorate. For the first time the numerical
strength of voters became an important resource of power. People could be mobilized by
the political party elite on issues or on class or J ati basis. Positions of legitimate authority
and influence as people's representatives (M.P's, M.L.A's), ministers and heads of
various government boards and commissions as well as local government bodies became
highly desirable positions to strive for.
Leaders, members and subjects of vote Banks of political parties were constructed in the
village of Mudusede as in other villages. In the case of Mudusede the National Congress
Party was able to establish itself as the party of choice during the period under
consideration as in most parts of the district, the state and the nation as a whole. Other
political parties such as Communist Parties (Community Party of India and Communist
Party of India, Marxist), Swatantra Party and Jana Sangh were able to gain very little
presence in the village as in most other parts of the district.
The leaders of political parties in Mudusede were members of the prominent
GuttuiManes or territories of the village. The active members of the political party were
also mostly from among the relatively better off and reputed landlord/proprietor category.
They were members of the dominant Jatis namely Bunts, Brahmins and Jains. The other
sections of the village population namely small and marginal farmers, tenants and the
attached labourers could be vertically mobilized by village level political party leaders
and members to vote for the candidates of their choice in Parliamentary and State
Assembly elections. Such candidates though not from the village, shared kinship and or
J ati links with the village elite.
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Panchayati Raj Bodies
As a strategic intervention to strengthen self governance, the Government of India
invoked the constitutional mandate to set up Panchayati Raj institutions. The States had
to pass Panchayati Raj Acts. The first Panchayati Raj Act that applied to the South
Kanara district was the Madras Grama Panchayat Act of 1950 as the district remained
part of Madras State even after Independence. The first Grama Panchayat was constituted
in Mudusede on 1110511956. Mudusede, Padusede and Maracada villages came within
the jurisdiction of Mudusede Grama Panchayat which had 7 elected representatives. In
1956, the district became a part of the Mysore state. The year saw the passing of a new
panchayat act namely the Grama Panchayat, Town Panchayat, Taluk Board and District
council Act of 1959. Atleast three elections were held under this Act for Panchayati Raj
bodies in the State of Karnataka inclusive of Mudusede. Though the panchayats had
meagre funds and could contribute little in the form of development activities in the
village during the period under study, it was a significant site of relations of power in the
village.
Some of the major decisions made by the panchayat and the outcome of these decisions
reveal its relative prominence vis-a-vis the higher level government bureaucracy during
this period. On Oct 25th, 1956 (about three weeks after it started functioning on Oct 2,
1956) the members of the panchayat unanimously decided to oppose the proposal to set
up the TB Sanatorium in the hill area (Padavu), and the Mangalore Water Supply Project
in the village. It was decided to write to the Thahasildar of Mangalore to retain the hilly
areas of Mudusede for grazing cattle, to provide grass for the thatched houses in the
village and green manure for the farms. However the resolution of the panchayat was not
heeded to by the higher authorities. Much of the grazing land was fenced and the TB
Sanatorium was built. The proposed work of water supply from the village to the city had
to be shelved because of the shortage of water and as another more appropriate source of
water had been located elsewhere in the district. On December 1956, Panchayat resolved
to request the Regional Transport Officer (RTO), to arrange for a bus to ply to the village
as teachers, students and other residents faced extreme difficulty and had to walk long
205
distances to reach the school. This resolution makes it clear that there was no bus service
to the village until then. However it took the village some more years to get the bus
service to the village. The outcomes of such decisions reveal that the state authorities had
assumed greater degree of dominance and the panchayat had less influence in altering the
village situation.
Government Departments as Sites of Village Development
The Community DeveloprnentlNational Extension Service programme introduced all
over the country since 1953, brought new forces to the fore in rural India inclusive of the
village being studied. The Deputy Collector who was primarily responsible for revenue
collection and maintenance of law and order was also made responsible for the added
function of rural development (as a head of the District Rural Development Agency
DRDA). At the block level (coinciding with a taluk or part of it) there was the Block
Development Officer. Mudusede village became linked to the Block Development
Office, Mangalore as it came within the Mangalore Taluk. Since then a Grama Sevak was
appointed at the village level and became a link person between the Block Development
Office and the village. Setting up of district and block and village level official structure
and government interventions through them brought the government functionaries and
villagers into specific forms of relations of power.
Adoption of various programmes and schemes for rural areas and rural people facilitated
incorporation of villagers into new relations of power. Agricultural extension programme
with a view to introduce modem farming or green revolution technology into rural areas
brought the agriculturists into interaction with the agricultural extension
officers/agricultural universities. Relatively large land holding farmers could reap the
benefits of such extension schemes much more than the small and marginal farmers, pure
tenants and agrarian labourers. Many other government interventions or schemes for
specific target groups and rural areas such as agriculture development programmes to
raise agricultural productivity offarms (i.e. construction of wells, for irrigation purposes,
loans for cash crop farming and subsidies for agricultural inputs such as pump-sets and
206
other implements) were introduced. Expansion and establishment of government schools,
health, postal services and building of roads were some of the other initiatives. There
were also a number of constitutional provisions and legislative measures undertaken such
as zamindari/inamdari abolition, land reforms and schemes of providing sites for the
landless and land grants to the cultivators. The government departments and
functionaries, who were constituted to execute these schemes and Legislative measures
such as Land Reforms (i.e. Land Tribunals), became associated with village residents in
new relations of power.
Multipurpose Cooperative Society
Establishment of Multipurpose cooperative society in a central village of the Hobli with
membership offarmers mobilized from a group of villages inclusive of village Mudusede
brought the villagers into a system of government controlled credit and input (seed,
fertilizers and pesticides) supply network. Farmers were gradually roped into the circle of
loans and repayments (A look at the village scene show that farmers of Mudusede as
elsewhere are deeply entangled in these networks to this day). The once independent
subsistence farmers gradually were turning into farmers who had to depend on
government benefits, schemes and subsidies.
Ration Shops
Ration shops known as Public Distribution System (PDS) to supply subsidized food
grains and other essentials such as kerosene were also established during this period. The
private party who became the officially recognised ration distributor was from a
prominent landlord matrilineage (guttu/mane). Control over PDS in the village did
become an important means of appropriating surplus. All the agrarian households as
ration card holders were incorporated into the PDS network.
Health Services
Health extension services led to the establishment of a primary health sub-centre with an
Auxiliary Nurse Mid wife in the village. Besides the government hospitals that had
207
emerged during the colonial days in the City of Mangalore, many private hospitals and
clinics too came up in the neighbouring localities of the village and the city of
Mangalore. Allopathic system of health care had become strongly established during this
period. Some practitioners of traditional healing systems (outside the village) were also
being approached by villagers for different ailments. Village residents however had least
access to health services within the village.
While keeping the focus on the salient features of relations of power in the agrarian site,
the linkages between agrarian and other sites of relations of power where applicable
would be dealt with in the analysis of relations of power that follow.
Forms of Power
F arms of power during this phase of village history were a combination of old as well as
new. The subservient tenants, agrarian labourers continued to be incorporated in
patrimonial feudal relations with their landlords/proprietors. The reciprocal rights and
obligations were adhered to by the tenants and agrarian labourers and their landlords to a
more or less extent in the agrarian site. The village Panchayat emerged as a site wherein
such patrimonial! patriarchal fonns of power could be further reinforced. The majority of
panchayat members and leaders who were the yajamanas or superior kin of guttus/manes
could utilize the state schemes of welfare, reservation, house site allocation and subsidy
distribution (i.e. to fanners) and aid to the flood victims of the village to further
strengthen their patrimonial - patriarchal ties with the subordinate groups (small and
marginal vargadars, pure inferior tenants and labourers) in the village. However in some
of the agrarian sites patrimonial ties had begun to weaken by mid 70's of last century.
The traditional facilitative fonn of power (enforcing customs and norms and conditioning
people to adhere to the same) did not alter in any significant way.
The productive and disciplinary fonns of power inclusive of professional fonns of
power also became more rooted in the village as in other parts of India during the first
quarter of Independence. More and more villages- children (girls and boys) and adults
208
(men and women) were increasingly incorporated in professional and bureaucratic forms
of relations of power within the schools, legal services, courts, police, hospitals/clinics
(both public and private) and government departments or agencies. The government
officers in charge of development and extension such as agriculture, home science,
health, social education, small industries emerged as new agents of disciplinary forms of
power.
Asymmetry
The asymmetrical relations with the agrarian sites of village underwent some change
during the first 212 decades after independence as a consequence of some major factors of
social change that had been initiated. The asymmetry differed from one agrarian site to
another. Those guttu territorial units under guttu yajamanas who had succeeded in
retaining large portions of territories under their control and or acquiring more lands
through purchase or encroachment of unoccupied village lands and who had more lands
under tenancy as well as personal cultivation were highly prosperous. These subsistence
oriented agrarian units which were controlled by small and marginal self-cultivating
vargadars did not have other ranked groups except seasonal labourers to perform the time
bound agricultural operations. As a result we see the continuity of an agrarian society
with multiple sites of agrarian production with variation in gradation or ranking of
agrarian elements (individuals/groups) within them during the period under study. The
multiple asymmetrical relations in the agrarian site are dealt with here.
Asymmetry among the landlords: The official records of land reforms reveal that there
were together 71 landlords against whom the tenants had filed declarations (Table V-9).
Out of these 62 were supposedly single and the 9 were joint holders. There were more
landlords than those shown in the land reform records (some had already evicted the
tenants on their lands and a few tenants especially in the Sede part of the village had not
filed declarations against their powerful landlords). There were resident and absentee
landlords among them. For instance the portion holding kin of Kod guttu and a Jain
Pattadar and many absentee kin of sub divided portions of guttulmane territories were
209
absentee landlords. The maximum number of landlords against whom the declaration had
been filed were from the Jar territory (18 landlords) followed by Arb (10 landlords) and
Bot (9 landlords). There were also 5 landlords (absentee) of Kod guttu. Some other
territories had only 1 or 2 landlords at the most. There were new purchasers and others
among the landlords in some of these territorial units (Table V-9).
TableV-9
Guttu affiliation oflandlords and numerical size of landlords and their tenant applicants under Land Reforms Act, 1974
Numerical size of landlords and Name ofthe tenants
GuttulTerritory No. of No. of
landlords tenants
Guttu Kod 5 25 Guttu H 1 1 Mane Arb 10 16 ManeKot 1 1
GuttuMog 1 1 ManeBal 5 7
Mane Bot 9 10 Mane Meg 2 2 Mane 8th 1 1 Mane Hos - -Mane Hosa 2 3 ManeCha 1 1 Mane Udu 1 1 Guttu Jar 19 56 Mane Sam 1 1 Other territories 12 13
Total 71 139
Note: This is based on the data collectedfrom the Taluk office and has not been counterchecked with residents, as many are relUClantto share such information. Only first few letters of the gUllulmane territories have been retained not to reveal the identity.
There was wide differentiation among the landlords themselves. These were affluent
landlords, cultivators of relatively large tracts of lands under personal cultivation. In
between there were medium level landlords cum self - cultivators. The number of pure
landlords (constituting portion holding kin of guttus/manes including widows who had
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leased out their lands to their own kinsman, other vargadars or tenants) was relatively
small. Some of these landlords (men and women) held varying portions of lands in one
or more villages (inherited by them or their marital partners from their matrilineal or
patrilineal side or purchased by them).
There was jati differentiation or asymmetry among the landlords. Nearly two thirds of the
landlords were from the Bunt jati, followed by Pujarys. There was a lone Brahmin and a
Jain among the landlords. In sede zone the landlords were from the Bunt caste and lara
zone they were predominantly kinsfolk of Jhati Pujary's household. There was gender
differentiation among landlord elements. There were women and men among them,
especially portion holding kins women of the guttulmane matrilineages, both resident and
absentee. There was differentiation or asymmetry based on position among the
landlordlvargadars. Some of them were able to become Presidents, Vice-presidents and
members of the village panchayat and members and leaders of political parties at the
local level.
Information collected on the number of tenants and the extent of lands claimed by these
from the landlords bring out the relative dominance of landlords belonging to various
jatis in the village during the mid 1970's.The matrilineal landlord kin of lara had
maximum number of tenants who placed claims on land (56 out of 139 tenants). Together
these tenants claimed as much as 52 acres of land, one of the highest claims over the
territory in the village. The second group of landlords who had large group of tenants
who filed declaration were kinsfolk of Kod guttu. All the five kinsfolk (3 minors among
them) were absentee landlords.
Another Bunt kin-group with control over Bal territory appears to have leased out nearly
19 acres of its land to its 7 tenant claimants, who belong to the Bunt community like
them. These tenants were landlords cum Pattadars of portions of lands of other
guttus/manes i.e. Rosa mane, Cha mane, and Arb house. There were also some other
landlords against whom the declarations had been filed. An absentee Jain landlord, the
211
only Jain to have had Patta right over the village lands had leased more than 13 acres of
his land to his Pujary tenant. Most other landlords who had tenants were purchasers of
lands of the established guttus/manes in the village or the grantees of government lands
(as freedom fighters and members of the National congress) in hilly areas or Padavu
zone. From these facts it could be inferred that there was wide inequality among the
landlords.
Asymmetry among Self-Cultivating Vargadars: As per the census of 1961 and 1971
cultivators numbered 245 and 264 respectively. It is evident that this group includes the
landlords. However it is not clear whether this group includes the pure tenant elements of
the village.
Multiple types of asymmetries or hierarchies highly correlated at the top and bottom
levels emerged among the vargadars. Kin households associated with original Guttus had
become further economically differentiated. The inheritance laws favoured the
households with smaller number of claimants. For instance, a female inheritor of a
matrilineage or Kutumba had one son, which meant the son would inherit the total share
of the properties of his mother. His cousins (brothers or sisters) who belong to the other
branches of the matrilineage may inherit smaller portions from their maternal side. The
struggle over partitioning of properties led the kin to stake claims to the best portions of
the territory. In some case; kinsmen who were powerful and manipulative were able to
get the best garden and wet lands as well as contiguous territories. Others received more
fragmented portions and relatively poor quality plots. Subordinate kinsfolk especially
widows in some cases were able to get only inferior quality and fragmented holdings.
Similarly, the lands under Kumki right were also unequally divided. Superior or
dominant kinsmen got the major share of Kumki in most advantageous direction from
their lands, while the subordinate kin were able to get little share of Kumki sometimes
situated distantly from their cultivated territories.
212
Some kin and non kin households had been able to extend their territory by purchasing
and incorporating portions of territories of their own kin and that of other guttus. This
was done through acquisition of mortgaged territory as those who had mortgaged the
same could not release their properties from the money lenders/landlords (Levadevi
Vyavahara was the local term used by villagers for such a mortgage). After oral and at
times legal partitioning, a land holder may acquire as herlhis portion land that was
already under personal cultivation or land under tenancy or both. She or he could then
decide to retain the tenant or evict them. Some portion holders appear to have taken over
land for personal cultivation from tenants after oral partitioning of kin territory. As they
were inferior right holders and themselves economically backward, keeping tenants on
land and depending only on rent was not considered adequate by them for their survival.
Because of all these reasons there were wide variations in economic conditions among
the vargadars.
Gender based asymmetry was also prevalent among the self-cultivating vargadars. There
were relatively lesser number of females among them in 1961 (98 women and 147 men)
and 121 women and 143 men among them in 1971.
Asymmetry among the Tenants: As some of the pure/inferior tenants had already been
ejected from their lands during the 1950's and 1960's, the number of tenants left in the
village was less than that of the earlier historical phase. Out of the tenant elements
present in the village in 1974, a very large number (nearly 140 of them) appear to have
filed declaration for the lands that they were tilling as shown in Table V - 10. A few
tenants did not do so (Researcher came across 8 such cases during fieldwork in the
village). What was the extent of land for which the tenants filed declaration? Who were
these tenants? Answers to these questions provide us clues to understand the tenants and
asymmetrical relations not only between the landlords and tenants but the asymmetry
among the tenants themselves.
213
The largest majority of tenants (104 out of 139) who have filed declarations have done so
for relatively small portion of land ranging from 10 cents to 2 acres. A relatively small
minority of30 out of 139 tenants have done so, for lands between 2.1 to 10 acres. Only a
minority of 5 tenants have filed declaration for lands above 10 to below 15 acres. Thus
the area claimed under tenancy by most that is 104 out of 139 tenants is relatively quite
low (Table V-IO). However total amount of lands claimed under tenancy was nearly 259
acres which was a significant proportion of the land under cultivation in the village. From
these facts it could be deduced that there was wide spread prevalence of tenancy in the
village.
Table V -10
Extent ofland declared by tenants correlated with Jati affiliation of tenants
Jati wise distribution of tenants Extent ofland
Bunts Pujarys Cbristians Muslims Brahmins others Total
10 cents and below I 12 - - - 4 17 10 to 20 cents 4 8 1 1 - 10 24 20 to 50 cents 3 6 4 - I 7 21 50 to 100 cents 5 4 5 - I 3 18 Above 1 acre to 2 acres 9 5 3 - - 7 24 2 to 3 acres 6 2 - - I 1 10 3 to 4 acres I 2 - - - 2 5 4 to 5 acres 3 2 - - - I 6 5 to 10 acres 6 1 - I - 1 9 10to 15 acres - 1 - - - J 2 15 acres and above 2 I - - - - 3
Total 40 44 13 2 3 37 139
There is evidence to ascertain wide variation among the tenants who filed declarations for
land. Many of the tenants were members of the landlord cum proprietor class. They had
leased in portions of land of their own kinsfolk (resident or non resident) and or non-kin
Pattadars. They had leased out land to others and had lands under personal cultivation as
well. Relatively small proportion of tenants could be considered as pure tenants, who
were dependent totally on land leased in by them to earn their livelihood. In most cases
the tenants were associated with a particular landlord, but there were cases where a tenant
214
would live in one territory by taking some land under tenancy there from a portion holder
of one territory, but at the same time lease in land of a portion holder of another territory.
There were tenants who had leased in lands both inside and outside the village.
The guttulmane (kinship) and lati affiliation of tenants and the extent of land held by
them under tenancy contributed to the variation among the tenants themselves and their
relations with the landlords. Those tenants who shared kinship and jati links with their
landlords stood in a favourable position compared to those whose lineages and jati were
considered inferior to that of the landlord. From the data (Table V - 10) it can be seen
that the majority of the tenants belong to the intermediate and dominant peasant latis-the
Pujarys and Bunts. But when we consider the land area claimed, the superiority of Bunts
over Pujarys is quite clearly established. While as many as 18 out of 40 Bunts have
claimed more than 2 acres of land, only 9 out of 44 Pujarys tenants have filed declaration
for relatively large portions of lands. Among all the others who have placed claims over
village lands such as Christians, Moolyas, Kottaris, Madivalas, Saphaligas and Muslims
there are few who have done so for above 2 acres of land. It is possible to conclude from
this data that control over leased in land was predominantly with the Bunts and to a much
less extent among the Pujarys and others.
Asymmetry among tenants was manifested in differing terms and conditions of tenancy.
Permanent tenants or mulgenidars and temporary tenants or chalgenidars were present in
different number until mid 70's in the village under study. The terms of payment of
rents (geni) differed as in the past between mulgenidars or superior tenants (from the
same lineage and jati as their landlord) and chalgenidars inferior tenants. Rates of rents
paid by the tenants were usually those that prevailed in the region at that time. During the
sixties to seventies of this century the rents fluctuated from 8 to 12 mudis (one mudi
equals 42 seers or38 Kilograms) per one mudi fann land (80 cents ofland where grains
worth 38 Kilograms could be sown). The geni in the case of paddy fields was paid
usually in kind and geni was charged usually for the first crop only (wet lands). In case
the tenants could not pay the rent fully from the first crop, he could pay the balance
215
during the second crop. But usually accumulation of such balance was discouraged. Even
the tenants preferred not to have big deficits in their name. In some cases rents were also
paid in cash as well as kind (i.e. fixed number of arecanuts) especially for the garden
land. The rent was further increased if the landlord supplied water or incurred the
expenses connected with seeds, manure and plough animals. All the rents had to be paid
in time as in earlier historical periods. If not a subordinate tenant could face ej ection from
the land.
The inferior/pure tenants continued providing labour to the landlords whenever it was
demanded· of them as in the past. Some tenants say they had to take their plough
animals and tools and complete the work of tilling and transplanting in the farms of
their landlords first and only later work in their own fields. Yet others claim that there
were times when they had to work at nights in the moonlight or by lighting lanterns to
complete the work in their own farms during the agricultural season. The women of the
tenant households were also required to give services in the farms and houses of their
landlords, whenever required as in the earlier historical periods. The tenants had to boil
the paddy, dry it, pound it (manually) clean the rice, and then carry the rice well bundled
to the landlords house which meant a lot of labour. The practice of giving free services
or low wage services and gifts in the form of fowls, vegetables and fruits to the landlords
periodically, continued up to mid seventies. They had to give their services at all the
celebrations (i.e. marriage, Bhuta worship) and construction works of the landlord as in
the past. They had to give their share of fees and other material contributions in
connection with the Bhutaradhana rituals held in the village twice a year. Tenants
provided other types of services as well. To cite an example, a woman of a tenant
household breast fed the ailing infant son (only child) of her landlord and nourished him
back to health (she was a Christian and her landlord a Bunt). Sustained patrimonial
relations between landlords and tenants made the tenants duty bound to render such
services to the lands.
216
Asymmetry among Labourers: There were different types oflabour in the agrarian sites
of the village.
Attached Labourers: There were attached labourers, casual labourers, bonded labourers,
male and female labourers. Variable number of agrarian labourers (mane okkalu)
continued being attached to the territory of the landlordJpattadars as well as mulgenidars.
They continued to hold a plot of land (between 5 to 20 cents) in the territory of the
employer. They lived in thatched huts and .cultivated the surrounding plot of land with
fruit and coconut trees and some times vegetables. They were obliged to work for the
land owners whenever he needed their services as in the earlier periods. The number of
attached labourers differed from one agrarian site to another as in the earlier historical
periods, depending on the history of the settlements, size of the territory, its fertility and
cropping patterns. However, the prevalence of a significant number of other workers in
the population makes one assume that atleast some members of the attached agrarian
labour households has shifted to other occupations by early 1970' s.
Casual or Temporary Labourers: Casual or temporary labourers were also employed by
the cultivators in varying number during the agricultural season in particular. These
labourers were either other members of the attached agrarian labour households or others
(resident and non-resident). Being temporary labourers they were at a inferior level
compared to permanent labourers. There were also other categories of inferior and most
subordinate and exploited labourers in the agrarian hierarchy of the village as elsewhere
in the district. They were debt bonded labourers as in the past. Few such labourers were
found in some of agrarian sites during this period.
There was Jati and Gender Asymmetry among lite Agrarian Labourers: Agrarian
labourers belonged to various jatis as in the past. Most of them were from the
intermediate peasant jatis and other subj ugated jatis. The treatment meted out to the
labourers did vary depending on their jati status as in the past. The women outnumbered
men in the agrarian labour force during 1961 and 1971 (Table V - 7). The tasks
associated with male and female labourers did not change from the earlier historical
217
phase. Women continued to get lower wages in kind compared to men. By mid seventies
they were getting only two seers of rice a day. The men were given some money in
addition to 3 seers of grain for ploughing and other tasks.
Gradations in the Agrarian Society: From the analysis of multiple asymmetries
prevalent in the agrarian sites of the village during mid1970's, the hierarchically situated
agrarian groups could be listed as follows:
The prosperous vargadarsllandlords: The large vargadars/landlords with relatively large
lands under personal cultivation as well as leased out to tenants, could be considered as
the top ranking agrarian group in the village of this period. Some rich vargadars
continued to control best portions of kin territory, purchased portions of other territories
and also portions of territories inherited by their wives and fathers elsewhere. These
owned more than 10 acres of fertile agricultural land in the village. Some of these
agriculturists generally prospered through cash crop farming and labour intensive
technology. They were also able to gain access to government and bank schemes and
other resources, enabling them to increase their wealth. Many of them had leased in land
from other portion holding kin or non-kin vargadars/landlords.
Progressive/Capitalist Farmers: A few progressive farmers as a class category began to
take root during this period. Some large landlords started converting portions of their
lands into plantations to expand production of commodities for the market. Area under
coconut, areca nut, cashew (hilly regions) and sugarcane began to increase during this
period. Such farmers not only tapped and utilized government schemes and subsidies
effectively but also took to more modem methods of farming. Atleast some of the
landlord - proprietors started adopting more modem technologies of farming to raise
their agricultural production with a view to earn higher profits. These farmers were not
yet fully out of the feudal ties as they continued to have leased out lands (to tenants) and
in some cases leased in lands from other vargadars/landlords.
218
Middle level vargadarllandlords: The third ranking group in the agrarian hierarchy was
that of middle level farmers who owned between 5 to 10 acres. They had a viable plot of
wet land to cultivate and could employ a few permanent labourers and required number
of seasonal labourers. Some of these were landlords as well who had given some portions
of their land on tenancy. These led a relatively secure life.
Small and Marginal vargadarsllandlords: The fourth ranked group in the agrarian
hierarchy were small and marginal vargadars. Some of these small and marginal
landholders were holders of relatively small portions of rights over lands and or produce.
They owned less than 3 acres of land. Such farmers cultivated the land mainly with
family labour and employed seasonal labour when absolutely essential to complete the
agrarian tasks. Those unable to till the land themselves leased it out to their own kinsmen
or other vargadars or pure tenants. The economically backward agriculturists including
those of GuttuiMane kin households tended to depend on the richer agriculturists (kin or
otherwise) for support in times of distress. They worked on wages in the farms of their
richer counterparts. Some of them had to alienate portions of their lands to their more
prosperous counterparts during the early decades after Independence.
Pure tenants: Pure tenants formed the fifth ranking group in the agrarian hierarchy.
There were few mulgenidars and a significant number of chalgenidars among them. The ~
mulgenidars among them belonged to the same jati as their landlord and enjoyed better
equation with their landlords compared to the chalgenidars as in the past. Those from the
intermediate (backward jatis) and from the outcaste groups continued to be highly
exploited and oppressed. The women tenants of the lower jatis continued to be most
exploited section among them. The pure tenants also worked as agrarian labourers when
work was available. In such cases the tenants and agrarian labourers were at the same
level in the agrarian hierarchy. However ejection from the territory and subjection to
labour was considered a threat to their self-respect by the inferior tenants. The pure
tenants also employed labourers during heavy agricultural season. In the case of tenants
who being to the marginalized economic and Jati categories, most of the work related to
219
agriculture was perfonned by them with the help of family labour and in rare cases
labourers were employed.
The Agrariall Labourers: The agrarian labourers continued to be at the bottom of the
hierarchy in the agrarian site and the agrarian society as a whole. The labourers were
graded below the pure tenants in the agrarian hierarchy, although both were graded lower
than the agriculturists (both rich and poor farmers). At the lowest level were the agrarian
women labourers and bonded labourers. The conditions of labour continued to be harsh
for the agrarian labourers during the period under study as in the past. They had to start
work early in the morning by 8:00pm and work till dusk usually 6:30pm or later during
the heavy transplanting or harvesting season (in the case of ploughmen as early as 4 to 5
o'clock in the morning). They had a little break during the mid day. They went home, had
a hurried meal of the leftovers from the previous day, if spared by their hungry little
children and left for the field again. The rice given in the form of wages was brought
home and women did cooking and attended to all household work. Only a most
benevolent landlord would give us some congi to eat say the elderly labourers. There
were many labourers but little work available during non-agricultural season. During the
work season, the labourers could cook and eat congi atleast, but during the non
agricultural season especially rainy months they had to remain hungry. Many labourers
speak of surviving on boiled jackfruits, and green leaves. They boiled horse gram,
groundnuts and green grams too as these pulses were cultivated in the area and they could
pick up the fallen grain from the fields. A landlady told the researcher that we used to
dump all the leftover food into a big. earthen pot the next day to feed our cows. Our
untouchable labourer (locally called as Dikke by the upper caste people) used to take rice
from that pot and eat and used to say that it was good for health. Children of labourers
used to search for houses where horse gram was being boiled for the plough animals to
request a share of boiled grains. The raw fact of hunger among the agrarian labourers
remains hidden in such disclosures. Both men and women of the agrarian labourer
household had to work to make two ends meet as in the past. Even their children were
sent at a very young age to rear the cows of the landlord cultivator or made to do odd jobs
220
for meagre payments or just some food. In one such case an elderly labourer said that the
Yajamana prevented him from attending the school when he was a child, although a
Christian priest had motivated him to join the school.
Besides working on the farm the agrarian labourers were also made to perform other
tasks that were demanded of them. Prosperous landlord/proprietors could mobilize their
agrarian labourers to discipline, threaten or evict a tenant who failed in his obligations.
They could use them to discipline other labourers as well. Some agrarian labourers may
have accessed more extra-legal authority because oftheir closeness to and trust placed in
them by their employers.
There was variation in the extent of inequality between various agrarian labourers with
respect to variously ranked cultivators above them. Their position was highly unequal to
the superior vargadar/landlords of guttu/mane households or other prosperous households
of dominant jatis, whereas their standing with the small and marginal cultivators
especially those who were inferior kinsmen and other was less unequal. The pure tenants
also employed labourers during heavy agricultural season. Their position vis-a-vis pure
tenants varied depending on their economic standing and extent of lands leased in by
them and their jati affiliation.
Though provision in the Kamataka Land Reforms Act 1974 had been provided for the
agrarian labour inhabitants attached to and residing in various territories, an opportunity
to file declaration for their homesteads (house and the surrounding lands which were in
their direct possesses and use), the majority of the attached labourers especially in the
Sede zone region did not file declarations though they had lived on those lands for many
years and had cultivated coconut and other trees around their house. The general theme of
their responses was fear of antagonising their landlord/employers. While many tenants
dared file declaration, the labourers refused to do so as they were mainly dependent on
the agriculturists for employment and survival. The risk of living in close proximity to a
hostile land owner after going against him was a deterring factor: Most of the attached
221
labourers who filed declarations were from the Jara zone as the Pujary land owners of
lara territory were considerably mild in their approach compared to the Bunts of Sede
zone.
Co-relation between Wealth and Jati based Asymmetry: The commonly held view that
the upper castes are landlords and. lower castes are tenants and labourers does not appear
to hold good in all cases during this phase of village history as in the past. There were
Bunts who were landlords, Vargadars, Mulgeni as well as Chalgeni tenants. Similarly the
Pujarys were landlord/Vargadars, tenants and agricultural labourers. Only the Brahmins
and Jains were pure landlords. But their number was very limited. Infact, in the Sede
region of the village a large number of tenants belonged to the dominant peasant caste
namely Bunt. In Pujary controlled Jara region as well as Bunt dominant Sede there were
some tenants from intennediate Jatis such as Pujarys, Moolyas, Kottaris, Madivalas,
Koragas (scheduled tribe) and scheduled caste and Christians. There were also
landlord/pattadars of one territory who had assumed land under tenancy of a portion
holder in another territory. Some of the tenants controlling the largest territories under
lease were from the same Jati as their landlord. For example, in Jara region-a tenant with
a relatively large holding was a Pujary like his landlord. Similarly, the Bunts of Guttu
house and Yalangoor belonged to the same caste as their landlord/landladies of the
Kodialbail Guttu. At the same time it needs to be noted that a number of such tenants
were also landlords who rented out lands to other tillers. There is reason to believe that
this situation prevailed in many other dominant peasant caste Tuluva villages especially
in inland Dakshina Kannada.
There was significant correlation between the Jati affiliation of vargadar/landlords and
their labourers as well. While the employers were usually Bunts and Brahmins and in a
few cases Pujarys by Jati, the labourers were predominantly from the Pujary, Moolya,
Madivala and Muslim Jatis in the village. There were also some dalits especially
belonging to the Mundala or Mugera caste and Koragas (households of a ST group)
among them. The labourers usually stood at lower levels of ritual hierarchy compared to
222
their employers both landlordlPattadars (big, medium and small) and Mulgeni and
Chalgeni tenants as in the past.
Asymmetrical Relations in tile Agrarian site Reinforced through the Village
PancJtayat: The co-relation between the agrarian elements and the panchayat members
and leaders elected during the first four elections held for the village panchayat provide
us further insight into the relations of asymmetry in the village (Table V-II).
Characteristics of PancJtayat Members and Leaders: The Jati, gender, occupational and
Guttu affiliation of members, leaders of the gram panchayat provides us further insight
into the asymmetrical relations of power that led some rural elements to control and use
the panchayat as a major resource in their relations with the villagers. The Jati and gender
affiliation of members of the panchayat during the period 1956 to 1986 is shown in Table
V-II.
Table V -11
Gender wise classification ofPanchayat Members inclusive of leaders
Total Villages Years of Operation
M F Mudusede Padusede May 1956 to Nov 1959 7 -Maracada Mudusede Padusede Jan 1960 to 1967 11 2 Marae.d. Mudusede Padusede Jun J 968 to Feb 1978 10 2 Maracada Mudusede Padusede Feb 1979 to 1986 12 3 Maracada
T
7
13
12
IS
The gender wise classification shows that the first panchayat had no female
representation. The second and third panchayats had two women representatives. There
were three women panchayat members in the fourth panchayat. It is clear that gender
wise males were predominant in number in all the four gram panchayats bodies elected
from 1956 to 1979. It could be said that panchayats helped reinforce patriarchal relations
223
and subordination of women. However, a few women began to assume leadership roles
through the panchayat bodies.
Occupational profile of Panchayat members reveals that all except one member of the
panchayat were agriculturists in 1956. The lone dalit agricultural labourer was nominated
by the Panchayat leader who was his employer. In all the other three panchayat bodies
that followed mostly agriculturists by occupation were the members. Continued
prominence of agrarian elements is clearly seen in the panchayat composition during this
period. Relatively wealthy landlord/proprietors from the established guttulmane territorial
units were able to assume control over panchayat in all the four elections and exercise
power over other village residents.
Jati Profile of members and leaders of Grama panchayats show that since the very start
the Bunts were the predominant majority in all the four gram panchayats formed from
1956 to 1979. Out of 7 members representing 3 villages as many as 5 were Bunts, and
one was a Brahmin in 1956. Only one member of the scheduled caste, an attached
labourer of a prosperous agrarian territory was selected for the reserved seat at the behest
of his employer. In the second panchayat body out of 13 members, as many as 9 were
from among the Bunts. In the third and fourth panchayat constituted in 1968 and 1979
respectively, Bunt domination continued, although there was slight decrease in the
number of Bunts in the panchayat formed in 1968 compared to the preceding and
succeeding periods. These facts show that Bunts dominance in the village affairs was
reflected in the gram panchayat as well.
Though Pujarys form a numerically significant Jati group in the village, there was no
Pujary in the first and third Grama panchayats. There was one Pujary representative in
the second panchayat and it rose to two in the fourth panchayat. It is clear that the Pujarys
remained a subordinate group in local politics. The number of Christians though nil in the
panchayat was found to increase from a mere one representative in the second panchayat,
to four in the third and three in the fourth panchayat. All other Jati groups had little or no
224
presence in the village panchayat. Members of the scheduled caste occupied the reserved
seats only. Though there are very few families of Brahmins, their representative was
there in the first and third panchayats. These facts make it clear, that the Bunts and
Brahmins and to a much lesser extent Christians (primarily in Padusede village) emerged
dominant in the local site of governance. It could be concluded from the data that the
dominant caste land owning elite from the three villages could mobilize the voters in
significant number to support their candidature in panchayat eJections. They were able to
utilize the new resource of power namely position of leadership and membership in the
panchayat body to exercise further dominance over the subordinate groups.
Gender and Jati Affiliation of Leaders of the Ponchayat: In all four panchayat bodies
formed since 1956, a male from the Bunt Community was the president/chairman. In fact
an elite Bunt who had inherited the position of Patel from his paternal side, became the
first president of the village panchayat and later his kinsmen held this position. Similarly
in three out of the four local bodies, a Bunt male continued being the vice-president as
well. The position of the vice president went to a Christian representative from the
Padusede village in the fourth panchayat constituted in 1979. Position of members and
chairman of the panchayat and membership of taluk panchayat became an arena of
conflict between yajamanas of some reputed GuttuslManes of the village since 1956, the
year of 1 st election to the panchayat in Mudusede. These positions were monopolized by
the elite yajamanas of prominent territories during the period covered. 1t could be claimed
from these facts that gram panchayats contributed to the supremacy of male, landed elite
in the village. It further reinforced the male identities vis-a-vis the female, the
landlord/proprietors identity vis-a-vis the subsistence farmers, tenants and landless
labourers, and Bunt Jati identity vis-a-vis all other subordinate Jati groups in the village
during the early decades after Independence.
All other sites of relations of power such as legislative bodies (Central and State, political
parties and factions, government departments/officers, schools and colleges, financial
institutions and certain new vocational avenues contributed to the reinforcement of
225
differentiations based on age, gender, jati, vocation, position, reputation and other
privileges. The major beneficiaries of all these resources (inclusive of positions of
authority, schemes of the government, access to better and higher level education and
professional competencies) generated in these sites were those at the higher levels of the
agrarian society.
Strategies and Practices of Power
The use of certain old strategies and practices of domination, discrimination as well as
disciplinary power continued during this period. Strategies of domination such as
forceful extraction of surplus from tenants through high rates of rent, extraction of free or
partially free labour from the inferior tenants and labourers, forceful ejection of tenants
and attached labourers from their houses and plots of land in their possession were in use
in the agrarian sites. The landlords used various tactics of threat and compromise to
prevent the tenants from staking the claim to the lands leased out to them in response to
the Land Reform Acts. In some cases, landlords were successful in preventing the tenants
from filing declarations or withdrawing the declarations filed. Strategies of Domination
such as extraction of free labour continued to be used. Some elderly labourers state that if
the labourers absented themselves for work they would be abused by their employers,
(even physical beatings were not uncommon). Money/grain lending practices bound the
tenants and agrarian labourers further in a relationship of domination and dependency on
the landlords. The loans had to be repaid with interest usually through labour and in cash
or grain. Use of courts to safeguard ones interest was a strategy of domination that was
used by the rural elite to subjugate the other portion holding kin and other
landlords/vargadars as well as tenants. Struggles over land led some kin to resort to court
cases particularly during mid decades ofthe 20th century.
Some of the measures and programmes undertaken by the state government
predominantly under the control of elite agrarian legislators in the early decades after
Independence were actually very subtle strategies or practices of domination/control.
Four such significant measures could be cited as examples here namely the schemes of
226
grantblg Darkastll or portions of unoccupied lands to private parties, land to the
freedom fighters and military personnel, house sites to the Landless and laws related to
inheritance of property. The scheme of darkasth initiated by the government in 1974
enabled both internal and external forces in alliance with revenue authorities to gain
control over significant portions of unoccupied village lands!common property resources.
Atleast 2 landlords were able to get 15 to 25 acres of unoccupied village lands for cashew
cultivation by using this government policy. Few other landowners accessed smaller
portions.
The scheme of providing land grants to freedom fighters and military personnel was
also utilized by the urban elite to stake claim on village lands. Atleast nine of the parties
who received such revenue grants were Gowda Saraswat Brahmins (upper caste
households from the trading background), from the city of Mangalore. A few were
resident Pattadars themselves. The external elements were able to get totally 55 acres of
land ranging from 4.50 acres to 5 acres sanctioned in their names (Register of land record
(1965). Very few tenants and labourers had been able to occupy village lands on slopes of
the hills prior to the land reforms period. The policy makers being dominantly land
owning elite, they did not make any plan to rejuvenate the rural society by distributing
the unoccupied lands among the rural labourers and other landless. Instead it was the
landed gentry and urban commercial interests who accessed the lands for their private
use. A major means available for poverty alleviation, social and gender equity namely
acquisition of control (collective or individual) over unoccupied village lands by the
marginalized peasants and landless labourers inclusive of women was denied to them.
Those who benefited the most from such schemes and laws were the patriarchal elite in
the village. The marginalized peasants/labourers and women in general were the losers.
Scheme of providing 5 cents land as house sites to agrarian labourers (landless)
highlights this point further. This scheme was approved by the State Assembly of
Kamataka at the same time as the passing of the Kamataka Land Reforms Act of 1974.
The State Assembly dominated by landlord/proprietors along with the bureaucrats from
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the landed elite families may have pressed for this measure to safeguard their lands from
the attached labourers as they were well aware of the implications of the Land Reforms
Act 1974, which aimed at granting land to the tillers and attached labourers. This scheme
appeared to benefit the landlords/rich farmers in two ways. Safeguard their lands from
being claimed by their attached agrarian labourers whose hutslhouses were often in the
midst of their territory and keep them within the village at a safe-distance to have
sustained labour supply for agriculture. So landlords encouraged their labourers to move
up and settle in Padavu the hill zone. The devastating flood that occurred in mid seventies
was used as an excuse to motivate labourers to settle in 5 cent colonies.
,
Laws related to inheritance o!property passed by tile central and state legislature could i also be considered as strategies of patriarchal domination. These laws not only weakened
the matrilineages but also weakened the superior hold the women of the matrilineages
had 'over the territories and other properties. The male elite of the land owning families
were able to increase their control over productive resources and further subjugate the
women.
Various strategies and practices utilized by the villagers to procure government schemes
such as pressure action (individual and collective), bribing the government officers
(revenue and development) who had the authority to sanction various schemes such as
house sites, income certificates, ration cards and land documents required by the villagers
could be considered as practices of manipulation or subtle domination. Utilization of
kinship, Jati, political party and factional links to tap the benefits, was yet another
strategy employed by the residents to secure access to schemes and benefits. Because of
such practices of subtle domination the benefits of most of these schemes were cornered
by the rural elite and relatively better off villagers. The large majority of the marginalized
were unable to access the same.
Strategies of Facilitative Power such as adherence to traditional practices based on
mutual rights and obligations bound the landlords/vargadars and their tenants and
228
labourers in certain processes of conditioning. The evidence available points out that
there was no modification in the division of activities based on position and gender. The
elites of various territories were also found to be resorting to facilitative/productive
strategies such as taking active role in conflict resolution at the inter-guttu level and intra
guttu levels in order to retain their influence over the villagers.
Community development/national extension service programme and many welfare
oriented schemes of tlte government could also be considered as new strategies or
practices of disciplinary power. Examples are the agricultural and health extension
programmes or schemes of reservation for the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes and
women (first started by the colonial government), other programmes for the development
of agriculture and related sectors, target group centred programme meant for small and
marginal farmers, agrarian labourers and rural artisans during the early decades of
Independence. Such development, welfare, extension strategies were used to discipline
the agrarian people into dependent and obedient subjects of the new democratic state
regime. For instance the strategies of extension had been found useful in the west in the
construction of capitalist farmers out of feudal serfs, and homemakers out of the women
ofthe farming households. More in-depth enquiry is required to find out what effect these
discursive practices or strategies had on various categories of farmers such as land
lords/proprietors, small and marginal farmers and both men and women in the village and
how they responded to such interventions. Formation of associations (Le. gender and age
related organizations such as mahila, yuvathi and yuvaka mandals) could be considered
as a strategy of facilitative/disciplinary power. Such associations along with caste based
organizations established in some of the territorial units covered by the study played a
role in reinforcing the traditional identities and constructing ruralites into dependent
subjects.
Discourses/Truth Claims
The Brahmanical discourse, other religio-cultural discourses as well as patriarchal
discourse continued to be integrated within all the sites of relations of power - agrarian,
229
local governance, education and religiosity. Discourses of welfare, charity, positive \
discrimination (reservation policies) which had been introduced during the colonial
regime in alliance with the Christian missionaries and social reformers acquired the
support of the State in India. Along with the nationalist discourse, tile liberal democratic
discourse too had started making deeper inrQads in the form of emphasis on individual
rights. The private property discourse gradually started replacing the discourse that
upheld the collective interest of the matrilineal kin (guttulmane). Certain modern
discourses of community development, extension education since early 1950's and the
discourse of green revolution since late 1960's too became diffused in the rural areas of
India. The extension discourse upheld the truth claim that it was based on sound scientific
experiments carried out by experts. Consequently knowledge, technologies and practices
(i.e. farming, health or healing) disseminated from universities and research centres by
the extension agents were held to be scientific and progressive that could result in raising
production and reducing poverty. On the contrary, the traditional knowledges associated
with fields such as agriculture, health, water conservation, arts and crafts were considered
unscientific and naive knowldeges. The officials were trained to believe these truth
claims and started functioning as agents to uphold and disseminate the same. Gradually a
significant number of village residents to begin with the elite farmers in the village
started accepting such discourses. Diffusion of such truth claims of modem productive
power led to disastrous consequence on agriculture, arts, crafts and ecology (land, water
and forest bodies) which could be seen in later years.
Another truth claim projected through the Community Development Programme was that
the village as a homogenous and harmonious community. Historical continuities across
colonial and nationalist discourses and the views concerning villages in post-independent
development discourse have been pointed out by scholars. The state policies for
development and change in independent India continued to view the village as an archaic
and primary nucleus of Indian society, an autonomous politico-administrative unit and
economically self-sufficient entity which had lost its ingrained harmony due to the
exploitative colonial rule. The evidence of historically rooted and currently sustained
230
widespread diversities and inequalities was disregarded in such accounts of the village.
The regional variations and historical specificities of village localities were not
considered in such a discourse (Thakur, 2005: 38-39). Such conceptions led to the
conclusion that villagers could be mobilized to participate for the development of all
members of the village community and resulted in strategies of development that failed to
radically transform the rural societies. Such perspectives which created an illusion of
governance through people's participation failed to transform relations of power in the
village.
Over population discourse, which was a part of the colonial power/knowledge legacy,
was upheld by the state of India after independence. Birth control was posited as a major
solution to the problems of over popUlation/poverty. Family was mobilized to control the
population by resorting to birth control measures. While early efforts sought to convince
if not convert Indians (change their attitudes) to the modernising philosophy of over
population discourse, subsequent programmes set their sights literally on statistical
targets. As a result the target of governance changed from being attitudes, to that of
outcomes. Attempts were made through such discourse to transform the reproductive
family into an agent of governance in alliance with the state. In other words the family
was used as a tool of governance (Hodges. 2004: 1157-1162). Further study is required to "'
find out the variable affect of such a discourse on village subjects.
Resources and capacities
Old resources such as land, water, plough and plough animals, cattle and other farm
animals continued being important in the agrarian sites. Certain tools and technologies
such as pump-sets, hullers were new resources which could also be rented out for raising
ones earnings. The educational qualifications, non-agrarian vocational competencies,
availability of new vocational inclusive of self-employment opportunities in and around
the village and in distant cities added to the resource pool. Traditional alliances and
networks based on kinship, jati and vocation continued being utilized by villagers to seek
various benefits or tap government schemes and access government and private. sector
231
jobs. Kinship and jati affinities with higher level political party leaders and bureaucrats
and supra local associations could be used for the benefit of specific individuals, groups
and areas within the village. It also enabled village elite to stake and win claim for
candidacy in elections to the higher level panchayat bodies (i.e. taluk panchayat).
Positions of leadership and membership in pancltayat, political parties and supra local
associations were additional resources during this period. Such positions enabled the
resident and non-resident elite to comer benefits to themselves and perform acts of
patronage through distribution of government schemes and benefits to their kinsfolk, jati
members and their party/factional loyalists to a much larger extent than others. As a
result the elite members belonging to the Brahmin and Bunt Jatis were able to reap higher
benefits as they had their kinsmen or Jati men at higher levels of the political body and
bureaucracy to a much greater extent during this period.
Some of the cultural symbols of the traditional as well as colonial times continued to be
used during the post-independent period. Some symbols such as the British flag was
replaced by the tri-colour flag of Independent India. New cultural symbols such as
National anthem, bird, animal and flower became significant ones in the process of
producing villagers into patriotic citizens of the nation state.
Objects and Effects of Power
The relations of power continued to have the objective of appropriation of surplus. But I unlike in the former historical periods, land revenue stopped being the major mode of /'
appropriation of surplus. The appropriation of surplus in the form of maximum rents I
(geni), low paid and unpaid labour continued being objects of exploitative fonn of power. I
The maximisation of profits through commodity production emerged as a major objective
of capitalist relations of domination within and outside the village during this period.
Further the exercise of power was directed at acquiring more modern resources such as
education (especially higher technical and professional), government schemes, subsidies,
jobs and positions of political representation. The disciplinary objective of power began
232
to emerge as an important one during this period. The expansIOn of government
bureaucracy, the police, the schools and media networks (i.e. newspapers, radio) served
the object of disciplining villagers further as obedient and docile subjects of the new
parliamentary democratic but socially undemocratic state.
The relations of power as they emerged in the agrarian site during the first quarter of the
century left contradictory effects on the situation of village as a whole and various
categories of villagers. As far as the socio-economic situation of the villagers in
concerned, there was further intensification of inequalities between those ranked at the
top and the large majority of those ranked below. Relatively small per cent of
landlords/farmer proprietors were economically prosperous and lived in relative comfort.
Most other matrilineal and patrilineal vargadars and many women among them lived a
life of hardShip as they had to fend for themselves after the partitioning of rights over
lands over both self cultivated lands and lands under tenancy. The large majority of
farmers, tenants and labourers continued to lead a deprived existence. Formally educated
and other unemployed youth moved out of the village to seek job or self employment
opportunities that could provide them sustained income. The jati and gender and class
based discrimination remained widespread. With regard to infrastructural situation, the
village saw some progress during this period i.e. establishment of a new school,
conversion of the government primary school into higher primary school, the broadening
and construction of a thar road to the village, establishment of some shops and other
commercial establishments in Shalapadavu area in particular and starting bus service to
the village. However the village remained highly backward. The narrow roads leading
from the agricultural sites were very difficult to traverse. People continued to use well
water for drinking purposes and had no facilities for sanitation in most houses.
The relations of power did affect social identity construction and alteration. Combined
use of strategies and practices of domination and disciplinary power had the effect of
alienating certain established traditional identities, weakening of some others, sustaining!
strengthening of certain traditional identities and establishment of certain new identities.
233
Among the identities that were eliminated were inamdars, Patels and other traditional
officers such as Shanbhags. GuttulMane yajamanas were weakened further during this
period. Besides landlords and vargadars (GuttulMane or yajamanas among them),
genidars (tenants) both chalgenidars and mulgenidars too continued to be sustained along
with mane okkalu or attached agrarian labourers (women and men) and other types of
labourers until mid 1970's. Jati identities and their ranking did not show much sign of
change during this period. Asymmetrical gender identities too remained by and large
unaltered.
The effects of power were also manifested in the construction of certain progressive
farmer identities because of state interventions to develop the so called scientific farming.
The government bureaucrats in the gui se of agents of rural deve/opment, panchayat
leaders and members, political party leaders and members were the new identities
constituted during the Post independence decades as the new face of state power. At the
supra local level political representatives such as MLA's and MP's were also constituted
as superior identities along with the higher level government officers.
Resistance
Certain manifestations of resistance at all levels of agrarian hierarchy during this period
could also be noted. Resistance to the modem agricultural practices such as use of hybrid
varieties of paddy, use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides was strong during late sixties
and early seventies in the village as elsewhere. Reasons offered for non-acceptance of the
claims of agricultural universities and extension officers were many. The new inputs
were considered not beneficial to farmers. The hybrid rice varieties were held to be not
tasty to consume. The inputs that had to be used such as fertilizers, pesticides were not
locally available and were costly to procure. Most medium, small and marginal farmers
inclusive of tenants refused to adapt the green revolution technologies during the
seventies. The resistance of farmers and the type of landlord/tenancy relations that were
extensively prevalent in the village did not facilitate the wider diffusion of modem
farming technology until the early eighties.
234
There was resistance from all categories of subordinate groups against domination by
their superiors. Kinsmen resisted the attempts of their dominant kin to monopolize more
and better land for themselves by resorting to court cases. Some times struggles led to
violent fights between the kinsmen over land. Instances of resistance among the kinsfolk
against Yajamanas were not uncommon in the village during this period. There were
some kinsfolk who were addicted to alcohol, cock fights, gambling and other vices and
resisted attempts at disciplining them. There were instances of kinsmen moving out of the
household and village and being in ones wife's territory in some other village. In one
such case the son of a landlord did not return to the village until his father was too ill to
manage the territory. There were instances of kin members from the matrilineage moving
out and assuming lands under tenancy or taking up other occupations outside the village
as an act of resistance against superior kinsmen. Filing of dec/aration could also be
considered as an act of resistance against the landlords by the pure and inferior tenants.
It was seen as an opportunity to come out of the situation of domination/exploitation.
Tenants also put up resistance against the landlords when the landlords failed to meet the
traditional obligations towards them. In one case a tenant revealed, that he met with an
accident and had a injury while working on the landlords' farm, but he was treated
insensitively by the landlord. So he decided to give up the lands cultivated by him under
tenancy and started living only in the house in the territory of the landlord. The
labouring groups both tenants and attached labourers would absent themselves feigning
sickness or giving other excuses. If the demands were too harsh, they would leave the
territory of the landlord or proprietor to work elsewhere as in the past. An old dalit man
said to the researcher that many of our kin and others moved out of the village because
these agriculturists were making us slog too much (Bari banga korondithere - in Tulu
literally meaning they used to give us much trouble). So in some cases they just ran away
from the village and took up jobs in the estates or with other employers elsewhere. Some
of them assumed tenancy either in the village or elsewhere in order to raise their status.
235
Conclusion
An analysis of the Post independence village scene reveals certain continuities and
certain variations in salient features of power in the agrarian society since the last phase
of history. Addition of many new sites of relations of power to the already established
ones was a major development during the first quarter of Independence. Besides
industrial and service corporations (situated outside the village), sites of democratic
polity - political parties and elected representative offices (M.P's, MLA's in particular),
government departments and offices (National, State, District to the local), Panchayati
Raj bodies were some of the predominant ones. There were also sites such as
cooperatives, ration shops and a new school. These and other sites incorporated the
villagers into relations of power either directly or indirectly, from within the jurisdiction
of the village or from outside.
Some of the old forms of domination such as patrimonial and feudal continued to
prevail to a lesser extent than in the past. The facilitative forms of power exercised
through the socialization process did not show major signs of alteration. The
facilitative/disciplinary fonn of power expanded its coverage through incorporation of
larger number of village residents into schools, health care centres, agricultural extension
and other development programmes. Development oriented government machinery was a
major addition to the disciplinary form of power during this period which contributed to
the construction of agrarian elements and other village inhabitants into dependent and
obedient subjects of the state.
The relations of power in the agrarian, local governance and other associated sites reveal
the prevalence of multiple and correlated asymmetries. The Asymmetry between and
within the agrarian sites as well as in the agrarian society as a whole manifested some
continuities and a few alterations compared to the earlier phase of history. The rights over
varg and leased lands had been further sub-divided and fragmented in the last seven
decades (from 1904 to 1974). However these agrarian sites continued to manifest wide
variations in the extent of lands under self-cultivation and under tenancy, in the number
236
of tenants, attached labourers, permanent and casual labourers associated with them as
well as the cropping patterns and prosperity of the territory.
Some alterations took place in the gradations or ranking prevalent in the agrarian society.
At the peak of the pyramid the supra local British rulers were replaced by the National
and State government with its agents such as people's representatives and government
bureaucrats (officials who assumed positions of domination and disciplinary control).
The state could access surplus in the fonn of direct and indirect taxes and its agents did
so not only in the form of allowances, salaries and perquisites but also in the form of
bribes in many cases. The inamdars especially those who held right over portions of
revenue had been eliminated and the village based inam right holders over portions of
lands had been converted into vargadars. However such alterations did not affect the
asymmetrical relations within the local agrarian society in a major way. The prosperous
landlordsfvargadars at the top remained the most dominant category, followed by middle
level landlords/pattadars. A larger majority of the pattadars (mostly kinsfolk of
matrilineages and patrilineages) compared to the past had joined the ranks of small and
marginal farmers. At the bottom of the agrarian hierarchy there were pure tenants. who
had no patta land in the village or elsewhere and the agrarian labourers who owned little
or no land and either lived on the lands of their employers or elsewhere within or outside
the village. Sites of governance and other sites such as worship, education (i.e. school)
and development reinforced the wealth, jati and gender asymmetries in the agrarian
society through unequal access to education, job opportunities, government
schemeslbenefits, legal provisions and positions of authority or leadership. In short
mUltiple overlapping asymmetries based on wealth, kinship, jati and gender gradations
continued to prevail with some modifications in the village.
Strategies Practices of power both old and some new were operationalized in the
agrarian site and in all other sites of relations of power in the village. Corruption and
favouritism as a strategy of domination became built into every level of bureaucracy. The
strategies and practices of disciplinary power in the form of extension education, schemes
237
of development, and legislative measures became widely operational during this phase of
history further tightening the grid of disciplinary power at work in the agrarian society.
Additional discourses and truth claims of liberal democracy, state socialism,
community development and extension provided the knowledge support to the exercise
of new disciplinary power, while many of the old discourses continued to uphold the
asymmetries ofjati, gender and position.
An analysis of the effects of power leads us to conclude that the inequities between the
agrarian groups had become more intensive during this period. Contradictions between
the prosperous agrarian elements and the vast majority of dependent peasantry had
become sharper, the former enjoying better education, secure jobs or income and the
latter continuing to live in illiteracy, deprivation without security of livelihood. Changing
relations of power since Independence had definite effects in eliminating certain
identities (the British rulers, Patel, inamdars), reinforcing with some alteration certain
others Oati, religion, gender) and constituting new identities especially governance
related ones. Resistance continued to be reactionary rather than pro-active and
individualized rather than collective and posed no threat to the domination/corruption at
the local and supra local levels.
238
Chapter V: Section D
The Contemporary Village Scene (1995 and 2005)
The emerging trends (both continuities and alterations) in the relations of power in the
agrarian and other related sites of the village are covered in this section. Information
collected from field work in the village during two phases 1995 and 2005 has been
supported by secondary sources such as revenue, village panchayat and other official
records inclusive of all India census reports and electoral rolls. As a result the research
scholar is able to arrive at a more objective assessment of the situation as it prevailed
during the contemporary period compared to the historical phases covered earlier. Many
factors of social change affected the village society since 1974 (Factors of Social change
- Annexure VI- 4). The impact of state interventions such as Land Reforms Act of 1974
and provision of house sites for the agrarian and other landless labourers was also felt
during this period. The economic reform or structural adjustment policy had been
executed during early 1990's in India to provide momentum to the process of
globalization through privatisation and liberalization. This process coincided with the
process of ethnic revivalism inclusive of communal resurgence in various parts of India
inclusive of the village under consideration. The study of changing trends in relations of
power in the agrarian sites of village within the overall context of altered demographic
composition and a complex network of sites of power relation forms the thrust of this
section.
The Demographic Context
In 1971 the village was inhabited by 360 households only. By 2001 there were as many
as 1580 households as per the decennial census. This means that since 1971 as many as
1220 new households had emerged in the village, an increase of more than 3 times
(Chapter IV Table -2). Most of these households were of new settlers. Some married
members of the already settled households in various zones of the village have also been
building separate houses for themselves. At the time of visiting the village panchayat
239
. ,
I •
officials infonned the researcher that many more households have settled in the village
between 2001 and 2005. They placed the number of households in the village between
1,700 tol,750 households. This highlights the fact that the movement of the people to
settle in the village was continuing during the time of field study. From a mere 176
illhabited houses restricted to the agrarian zone in 1881, more than 1,700 houses have
come up in all parts of the village, radically altering the settlement map of the village and
. increasing the pressure over the village resources manifold.
The rise in population of the village makes this point clear. As per 1971 census there
were 2,190 persons (1,025 males and 1,165 females) in the village. The demographic
profile of the village as per 2001 census. places the population at 7,417 persons (3,587
males and 3,830 females). These facts highlight that there was big rise in the population
of the village during 1971 to 2001 (Chapter IV- Table 2). Unofficial estimates place the
population ofthe village at 8,500 to 9,000 persons in 2005. By 2001, the village had been
divided into five electoral wards. There were 4,077 registered voters in the village at that
time. The electoral roll of the village updated for the Zilla Panchayat elections held in
2005 shows that the number of voters in the village rose to 5,279 persons, a rise of 1,202
voters within a period of 5 years. Some of these are young eligible voters of the settled
households, and some others the members of the newly settled houses. All these facts
indicate a continuous increase in the population of the village.
Change in Settlement and Land use Patterns
Unlike in the past (prior to mid 1970's), human settlements are not restricted primarily to
the agricultural zones of Sede and Jara, but had emerged in different locations of the hill
territory. Edurupadavu, Shalapadavu and Shivanagar were already heavily clustered
settlements in the village in 1995. Nearly 145 new households were found to be
occupying even the shores of the Pillikula pond (a water logged area during the monsoon)
during this period. By 2005, 1,300 to 1,350 households have settled in these colonies
(Shivanagar, Shalapadavu and Edurupadavu) inclusive of the new colony called Pillikula
Nisaragadhama Nagara created as a rehabilitation site, after ejecting the households
240
settled on the shores of Pillikula Pond. Compared to the hill zone, the households in the
historically occupied agricultural belt of the village (namely Sede, lara inclusive of hill
slopes) continued to remain relatively small in number (between 300 to 350 households).
Most of the settlers on erstwhile unoccupied village lands have acquired house sites
which range from 3 to 5 cents only in most cases and between 5 to 10 cents in some
cases. In a few cases relatively large plots of land were found with some early
settlers/encroachers of unoccupied village lands. The lands allotted by the government to
the Tuberculosis Sanatorium and a police rifle range or firing range remained free of
encroachments as these lands had been fenced. The rest of the unoccupied land being part
of the reserved forest was not encroached in 1995. However by 2005 - 375 acres of
mostly unoccupied village lands (inclusive of land granted to the T.B Sanatorium) had
been converted by the District government into an Eco-tourism project.
Census 2001: Categorization of Village as Urban: The village has been brought under
the category urban first time as per the census ofIndia 2001. The village is said to fulfil
simultaneously all the three criteria considered essential for defming an urban area in the
census namely, its population exceeds 5,000 persons, it has more than 75 per cent of male
working population engaged in non-agricultural pursuits and the density of the population
in the village exceeds 400 per sq km. However, one has to note here that such discourses
of urban versus rural hide the fact that most men workers of the village have to travel to
the city of Mangalore and other areas to find work. There is not a single factory within
the village (neighbouring Padusede which is part of the Mudusede Panchayat has a rice
mill and a cashew factory). Largest percentage of its work force is not within the
organized sector and does not have security of livelihoods. Its agriculture is declining.
Unoccupied lands are mostly used for purposes which have least productive value for the
majority of the residents of the Village. Yet the village is termed urban like thousands of
such villager all over India. The village, once a very prosperous agrarian region, has
become a satellite suburb of the city of Mangalore. The agricultural activities remain by
241
and large confined to the sede zone and to a lesser extent Jara zone inclusive of hill
slopes. Mostly coconut trees are found around certain houses on the hill side.
Sites of Relations of Power
There are both old and new sites of relations of power in the village in the contemporary
period. Considerably large numbers ofviHage workers since early 1980's are engaged in
other sectors of economy both inside and in many cases outside the village. The agrarian
sites continue to be functional in the village to a much lesser extent than in the past.
Beedi rol1ing continues to engage the largest percentage of village workers. Many
residents are employed outside the village in factories (i.e. cashew), salaried jobs or
construction work and technical jobs and in a few cases government jobs outside the
village. There are members of village households who are working as well as residing
outside the vil1age, in cities within or even outside India (predominantly the Gulf
countries) and remitting funds to their families. There are village residents who operate
businesses/services, outside the village. As such, the relations of power in the economic
sites that engage the residents of the village are diverse. The focus of this study would
remain on agriculture. Other significant vocational sites such as beedi rolling, quarry
work would also be touched upon as these cover a significant number of village workers
inclusive ofthose from the present and erstwhile agrarian households. Besides the sites of
political governance and religiosity, there are other sites of relations of power such as
non-government organizations, community based organizations inclusive of self-help
groups (under government, N.G.O or bank patronage) that have emerged during this
period. In order to understand the changing context of relations of power which
incorporate agrarian and non agrarian village residents it is necessary to briefly review
some of the prominent sites of relations of power (Old and new).
The Agrarian Site in the Village
The agrarian site of the village manifests the cumulative effects of the forces of social
change that had been launched since independence (Annexure VII: Factors of Social
Change) inclusive of measures such as land reforms and grant of sites for the landless and
242
rural and agricultural development programmes. By utilizing the data collected changes
that have occurred in the agrarian sites are briefly reviewed here.
Changing composition of work force ill Agrarian Sites: The empirical evidence on
composition of workforce in the agrarian sites available for the periods 1981 to 2001
(census of India) brings out the relative significance of this sector as a site of livelihood
for the villagers. The number of cultivators and agricultural labourers in absolute
numbers and their numerical size vis-a.-vis other workers in the non-agrarian sites show
some variation from earliest periods for which the data is available (Table V - 12).
Table V- 12
Numerical Strength of Workforce in Agriculture vis-A-vis others as per Decennial Census
Numerical strength of Workforce in Agriculture vis-a-vis other Sectors Year of Agricultural Total Marginal Others inclusive Total
the Cultivators Labourers Workers in Workers of household ~orkeT! Census Agriculture industry
1891 479 92 571 - 7 578
1901 370 263 633 - - 633
1961 245 440 685 - 337 1022
1971 264 397 661 65 405 1131
1981 148 361 509 - 821 1330
1991 140 318 458 2 2190 2650
2001 80 171 251 149 3586 3986
Note: The number oj workers in other sectors could not be accessed Jar the 189/ and /901 periOds. Only 7 persons were listed as weavers as per J 891 census. Others Include children up to 7 years
Source: Government aJlndia: Census aJlndla, 189/, /901, /961, 1971, 198/, 1991,2001
However as the children are also included among the others in the census reports
comparison of percentage of agrarian workers vis-a.-vis others has to be done by keeping
this fact in mind. Comparison of decennial census data reveal that the number of workers
(both cultivators and agrarian labourers) in agriculture remained more or less between
570 to 690 workers from the earliest period for which the data could be collected (1891,
243
1901, 1961 and 1971). However the workforce in agriculture from 1981 to 2001 has
sharply declined from 509 workers to 251 workers (a decline of above 50 percent). Such
sharp decline could also be partially because many seasonal agricultural labourers are
listed as being marginal workers in 200 I unlike in the earlier census period. But even if
the marginal workers are included the total number of workers in agriculture does not
exceed 400 persons. These facts make it clear that the agrarian sites are able to provide
livelihood options (part time or full time) to far fewer persons compared to the past. This
implies that only a smaller percentage of workers of the village are directly incorporated
in power relations within the agrarian sites of the village.
Decline in number of cultivators: Another major inference that can be drawn from the
census data on workers in the village is the steady decline in the number of those who
report their vocation as cultivators. Though the Jamabhandi records of 1995 reveal the
presence of 256 revenue paying agriculturists in the village, number of those who have
reported themselves as cultivators has declined sharply from 264 in 1971 to 80 persons in
200 I. Such facts highlight that those who declare agriculture as a full time vocation are
considerably less in number compared to the earlier phases of history. From these facts it
could be surmised that agriculture has become either a supplementary activity or the
lands are not being used for agricultural purpose in most cases.
Decline in the Number of Agrarian Labourers: Another significant trend in the agrarian
sector which has implication for relations of power within agrarian sites is the steady
decline in the number of agrarian labourers since early 1970's. There was steep decline in
the numerical size of agrarian labourers from 361 in 1981 to 171 in 2001. It could be
deduced from this data, that most village workers are not willing to offer their services as
agrarian labourers at present.
Abolition of tenancy
The presence of as many as 139 tenants has been noted in the records of the land reform
period (Table V - 13). But by 1995 judgements of the land tribunals had been passed in
244
most cases and legal forms of tenancy had been abolished. Some of the cases which had
been taken to the high court by the landlords against the judgement of the land tribunals
had also been cleared (Table V -l3).
v - 13
Extent ofland granted to tenants by Land Tribunals (Land Reforms Act, 1974) corelated with the number oflandlords and their tenant applicants in the agrarian
sites of various territories in the village
Numerical size of landlords, tenants and extent of land granted by
Name of the Tribunals
Guttufferritory Number Number Settlement of land claims under tenancy (acres) in the village of of
landlords tenants Claimed Granted Disputed Rejected Not clear
Guttu K 5 25 79.64 79.24 - 0.40 -
Guttu H I 1 0.12 0.12 - - -
Mane Arb 10 16 12.66 6.01 4.32 2.33 -Mane Kat I I 1.75 1.75 - - -Guttu Mog 1 I 6.50 - - - 6.50
ManeBal 5 7 18.93 18.93 - - -
Mane Bot 9 10 10.54 8.63 1.55 0.36 -
Mane Meg 2 2 2.60 2.40 - 0.20 -
Mane Sth I I 2.80 - - 2.80 -Mane Hos - - - - - - -
Mane Hosa 2 3 7.44 1.41 - 6.03 -Mane Cha I I 0.22 - - 0.22 -Mane Udu I I 3.59 3.59 - - -
Guttu Jat 19 56 71.60 52.12 2.22 14.79 2.47
Mane Sam I I 0.20 0.20 - - -Other territories 12 13 40.21 26.34 - 13.87 -
Total 71 139 258.80 200.74 8.09 41.00 8.97
Note: This is based on the data collected from the Ta/uk office and has not been counterchecked with residents, as many are reluctant to share such information. The Table includes nine joint landlords and six joint tenants. Only first few letters of the guttulmane territories have been retained
The judgements passed reveal that out of nearly 259 acres ofland claimed by 139 tenants,
nearly 201 acres was granted to them. Some who held land under tenancy did not file
245
declarations but purchased the land they were tilling from the kinsmen or women or
portion holding member of other kin-groups or other vargadars. In a few cases the tenants
had not filed declarations against the landlord. For instance in one case even when some
kin of a portion of the territory pressurized a tenant to file a declaration against their own
kin, he refused to do so out of deference and fear of the landlord. In such cases the
erstwhile tenants continued to remain in the territories of the landlord as invisible tenants.
In some cases pattadars cum tenants (themselves landlords in many instances) were able
to have their claims as tenants accepted, aided by the absence of their landlords from the
village scene. According to some tenants absentee supra local landlords such as those of
Kod guttu considered it below their dignity to attend land tribunals, so did not dispute the
claims of their tenants. In some other cases prominent landlords/vargadars of the village
were able to successfully claim lands they had on tenancy from other landlords/vargadars
residing in the village. In a particular case although one of the prominent landlord of the
territory was present in the village scene, another Pattadar/landlordltenant was able to
assert his claim over the land (3.17 acres) and get it. While some claims over the lands of
grantees were rejected- some were accepted. In one case, a Moolya (backward caste)
tenant of a grantee had placed claim to nearly 5 acreS of land granted to his landlord
grantee (freedom fighter category) as he was living on the territory with his family and
actually cultivating it, while the landlord was absent from the scene. He was granted the
land by the tribunal.
When comparing the claims of tenants to land in Sede and Jara zones, it is significant to
see that most established territories in the Sede zone (apart from the absentee
landlordlvargadars of Kod and Bal) appear to have lost relatively less lands to their
tenants. Some of the kinsmen belonging to these territories were able to get the claims of
their tenants rejected in the land tribunal. Some were able to make out of court
settlements with tenants. In another case a subordinate tenant was pressurized to arrive at
a compromise with his landlord. He agreed to part with 50 per cent of the original land he
was tilling under tenancy. The agreement required the tenant to bear the expenses of
246
registration. He has not been able to do it thus far. But, although he continues to till the
portion that has been left to him, legally the land belongs to the landlord. However in the
Jara zone most tenants were successful in getting the lands for which they had filed
declaration.
The facts associated with land reforms make it very clear that a simplistic analysis of the
land passing from the hands of the landlords to the tenants requires to be avoided. Since
mid seventies when the macro state authority tilted the balance in favour of the tenants by
its land reform policy, many landlords cum tenants as well as some pure tenants laid
claims to the lands that they were tilling, and in most cases were able to acquire control
over the land fully and in a few cases partially, thus ending the visible/legal forms of
tenancy. Most of the erstwhile tenants thus became owners of the land they had been
tilling.
Emergence 0/ Invisible including Reverse Tenallcy: Another significant trend in the
agrarian site is the emergence of invisible and reverse forms of tenancy. Few of the
erstwhile tenants who had not filed declaration under the Land Reforms Act 1974
continue to operate as invisible house tenants who continue to work for the landowners.
There are a few smaU/marginal farmers and landless who have taken land on lease from
the resident/non-resident vargadars in 1995 and 2005. Along with such invisible forms, a
reverse form of tenancy is being strengthened in the agrarian sector. In such cases some
relatively better off fanners, who have converted their paddy fields into coconut/arecanut
farms, were found to have taken portions of land left fallow by other agriculturists
including erstwhile tenant turned owner cultivators on a crop sharing basis for growing
paddy. In some cases the absentee vargadars have also offered their lands on rental basis
to their own kinsmen cultivators or others. The capacity of such prosperous farmers to
undertake effective farming operations and mobilize labour to perform the work at
reasonable wage rate puts them in an advantageous position vis-a-vis the small farmers.
As they possess the modem technology such as power tillers, it is relatively easy for these
farmers to cultivate more lands. There were few cases of such tenan ,Y-.arrangements in
/~\;1!~ ~J "'-') \\
(. / 'i7\\ c( T \ ,~ S. \;;:Jh 247
(0 ", '" . }"""-:j-l \U :} .. ____ .-;. *t/ \~ ,f .. _ un
the village in 1995. Farmers who had not overcome the fear of land reforms were
reluctant to share the information on such hidden forms of tenancy. But when visiting
farmers in 2005, many cases of reverse tenancy were noted by the researcher and the
farmers were found to be willing to share information on the subject. The geni paid is
usually quite low (less than 50 percent) compared to the past in the case of reverse
tenancy arrangements. It is usually 4 to 6 mudi rice (each mudi is equal to 38 kilograms)
for an 80 cent plot. As a result in most cases those who have rented in lands are now able
to retain much higher amount of the produce compared to the past. The reverse tenancy
arrangements cannot be considered exploitative for those who have leased in lands as in '--
the pre-land reform period. It is the entrepreneur fanners who are finding it profitable to
rent in lands. Instead of leaving the land fallow, the vargadar lets others cultivate his/her
land or portions of it and earns some amount of paddy for consumption in the form of
rent. Though there are many land owners who wish to lease out land to those they trust,
there are few takers for such an offer.
Changes in Land Ownership Patterns among Agrarian Households: The available
official revenue records do not reflect the actual situation of possession of land among the
cultivators in many cases. So it is difficult to arrive at an objective picture of land
ownership in the village. The Jamabhandi (revenue) records of Kathadars (pattadars) and
Record of Tenancy and Cropping (R.T.C) have the names of Kathadars (both living and
deceased). Lands had been partitioned since centuries between the kin (orally), but katha
change has not been executed. Portions of lands in some of the Kathas which were in the
actual possession of tenants have been granted to them (under the Land Reforms Act of
Kamataka, 1974) and subsequently Katha has been registered in the name of new owners.
However some of the tenants have not paid the valuation fixed by the government and so
could not procure the form number 10 required for getting the Katha (Patta) registered in
their own names. Some village land owners are reluctant to reveal the extent of actual
lands under their control as there is an inbuilt fear passed on since centuries of being
taxed for the land. The estimates of agricultural land ownership in the village are drawn
from the lamabhandi records and by interviewing village officials. Wherever Kathas have
248
not been changed by the kin and erstwhile tenants they are not included in the list. So it
is possible to arrive at only an estimated number of agricultural holdings of various size
categories in the village in 1995 (Table V - 14).
Table V -14
Estimated Number of Agricultural Holdings of Varied Sizes in the Village (J995)
Size ofthe Landholding Number Percentage
10 cents or less 25 9.77
10.0 I to 25 cents 35 13.67
25.01 to 50 cents 24 9.38
50.0 I to 100 cents 38 14.84
1.0 I to 3 acres 69 26.95
3.01 to 5 acres 24 9.38
5.01 to 10 acres 23 8.98
10.01 to 15 acres II 4.30
15.0 I to 20 acres 7 2.73
Total 256 100.00
Source: Jamabhandi records o/village Mudusede. 1995
The data reveal that there were 256 agricultural land holdings of various sizes in the
village in 1995. One of the major trends that agrarian sector continued to manifest during
this period is the reduced size of holdings. Nearly half of agricultural holdings are of less
than one acre in size. Some are relatively small house sites with little land under
cultivation. These facts highlight the widespread continuation of excessive subdivision of
land holdings in the village among the kin of the agriculturists and their erstwhile tenants.
Selling of portions of land also continued among and between kinsfolk as well as others.
Out of 256 agricultural holdings, as many as 191, were found to be 3 acres or below in
size. There are very few holdings, in the village (only 18 to be exact) that are above 10
acres in size. But even here some are joint holdings which have been orally partitioned
and are being cultivated separately but the Katha continues to be in the name of the
matrilineal or patrilineal head (some of who are not alive). In the last decade since 1995
249
there has been further partitioning of some landholdings and alienation of portions of
land to other purchasers. In one case a large portion of a territory held by a Bunt kinsman
was alienated to a non-resident Christian purchaser in 2005. In most cases smaller
portions of land holdings have been alienated to others.
Increase in Extent of Lands Left Un utilized by Farmers: The land ownership/control
though very important, is not the only major factor influencing the relations of production
and relations of power in the agrarian sites. For if the land is not brought under fanning it
cannot become a resource in the relations of power between varied class-categories
involved in agriculture. There appears to be much variation in the lands owned and lands
brought under cultivation in a number of agrarian sites. In 1995 most cultivators were
attempting to bring all or major portions of their land under cultivation. There were a few
both resident and non-resident cultivators, who had left varying portions of their land
uncultivated. In 2005 large tracts of land were found fallow in all categories of land
holdings -large, medium and small.
Many reasons are responsible for leaving the land uncultivated. The reason often \,
expressed for doing so is the non-a-:.ailability or shortage of labour in agriculture. Some
felt that the cost of cultivation has increased and so it is not profitable to cultivate paddy
crops. The high cost of production due to increasing cost of labour, the rising prices of
agricultural inputs and machinery are often cited as being prominent reasons responsible
for leaving the land uncultivated. Some lands are under ownership dispute between
kinsfolk and so are left untouched. Some fanners opine that the lack of capital to invest
was the reason for leaving lands fallow. Some agriculturists especially some erstwhile
tenant descendants were found to be addicted to alcohol and cock fights and least
interested in improving their portions of the orally partitioned fann lands. In one such
case an ailing elderly farmer (erstwhile tenant) was found bed-ridden, while most of the
fann lands of his own and the land (totally 13 acres or so) partitioned orally between his
four sons remained uncultivated. His sons were involved in casual labour and some were
even addicted to vices such as drinking. In some cases lack of adequate family labour and
250
the rising cost of paid casual labour are factors that constrain farmers including erstwhile
tenant turned owners from cultivating all their lands. Fear of loss of lands to tenants is
another factor which de-motivates a landowner (both resident and non-resident) from
getting their lands cultivated through oral leasing. In one such case until recently large
tracts oflands had been left fallow by kinsmen who had neither the will nor the capability
to invest in agriculture. This land has now been purchased by a kinsman who is now
settled in the village and is making attempts to cultivate the same. Some cultivators have
left land fallow as they have income from other sources and CUltivating the land is
considered neither necessary nor feasible. For instance the Udu mane (site owned by a
Brahmin priestly household) was a well cultivated prosperous farm in 1995. This land
was found uncultivated in 2005 as the relatively young priest has no time to spare for
cultivation. Similarly there are many other territorial units where varying portions of land
are left uncultivated as the owners are involved in other occupations. As a result the
fertile paddy growing lands are now covered with thorny plants and other wild growth.
The land surface has become hard because of the loss of top soil and reduction of water
content.
Variable Control over Kumki Lands: Besides exercising control over Patta lands, the
agriculturists of Mudusede as in other parts of the district continue to enjoy right over
variable portions of Kumki lands to this day. Some tenant turned owner cultivators have
been able to successfully stake claims over portions of Kumki lands along with lands
under tenancy, despite resistance fi·om the landlords. Some agriculturists especially Bunts
have succeeded in preventing encroachments into the lands under their Kumki rights in
the last two decades. Others, especially landholding kin and tenants of Jara and in one
case a proliferating Bunt matrilineal kin-group have lost much of their lands under
Kumki right to other settlers as weB as other encroachers since 1975.
Land Ownership outside the Village: There are many resident as weB as absentee
Pattadars who possess land in one or more villages as in the past, land inherited by them
or their marital partners as their matrilineal or patrilineal share or acquired through
251
purchase. In some cases, the village based vargadars were able to either eject their tenants
from portions oflands held by them or their immediate kin in other villages or arrive at a
compromise with the tenant to give up claim over portions of such lands for which they
had filed declaration. The prosperity of the resident cultivators continues to be associated
with the control over lands and other resources they held beyond the village as well.
Some Pattadars have sold off portions of land held by them in other villages. In one case,
a Vargadar claimed that he sold some of the lands that he had inherited from his fathers'
share of the matrilineal property, as the land value for hill tracts had increased
considerably in that area. Some pattadars continue to travel to cultivate their portion of
the territory in other villages/some even reside in those territories some parts of the year
to over see the agrarian operations.
Change in Cropping Patterns: There are visible manifestations of change in cropping
patterns in recent years. A decade or so ago a visitor standing on the hills saw vast tracts
of Bailu lands of the village covered with paddy. The lands on the river side were
considered ideal for paddy cultivation despite the area being prone to salt water flooding
during the monsoon season. The coconut trees were planted usually around the houses or
within the compound and on the slopes of the hills. Sugarcane, beatel leaves, pulses and
vegetables were also grown by farmers. The areca nut and coconut gardens were
restricted to small portions of the village land. By 2005, an observer can see the area
surrounded by cash crop trees (coconut and areca) plantations interspersed by paddy
farms on some portion of river side atleast in some of the major territorial zones of the
village. Though paddy is grown to a much lesser extent than in the past, the practice of
paddy cultivation for home consumption and to pay wages in kind is being continued by
many farmers in atleast part of their lands or lands leased in by them. A significant
number of farmers have shifted to coconut and areca cultivation on their erstwhile paddy
farms. Most farmers now cultivate both food (Paddy, Vegetables, Banana and other
fruits) as well as cash crops (Coconut, Areca, Pepper and Sugarcane). It is such Multi
cropping practices that have enabled the farmers of the village to survive in a situation of
fluctuation in prices of various crops (In 2005 there was a crash in prices of coconut and
252
areca nut resulting in considerable loss to the farmers). Absence of suicide attempts
among the farmers in the region is associated with such multicultural cropping systems
because such phenomena are quite widespread in districts where mono-cropping has
become a widespread practice. Further research is required to establish the link.
The change in cropping patterns demonstrates the relative economic position of the
agriculturists' vis-a-vis one another and the agrarian labourers. The better off farmers
with larger plots of relatively more fertile lands, have resorted to cash crops such as
coconuts and areca nut in recent years. The coconut and areca cultivation require high
capital expenditure as the pits have to be dug deep and soil bed has to be raised to prevent
water logging in the Bailu lands of the village, which is on the shore of the river
(Phalguni). The salt water floods often destroy seedlings including well grown trees
resulting in much loss to the cultivators in the village.few farmers spoke of incurring
considerable loss because of this. But once fully grown, the trees could yield abundant
crop. As a result some farmers have already converted and are continuing to convert
some of their paddy fields into cash crops by making heavy capital investments by
borrowing from the Banks and Multipurpose agricultural cooperative Societies. There are
some erstwhile tenants too who have resorted to such practices (some lands under
tenancy were already under areca and coconut during the British period and during the
time ofland reforms).
~
The reasons offered by farmers for changing their cropping patterns from paddy to cash
crops are as follows: The lower price of paddy and higher price of cash crops such as
areca and coconuts in the market, the non-availability of agrarian labourers for paddy
cultivation which is both seasonal and labour intensive and inability to meet the demands
for highe.r wages and more perquisites from the agrarian labourers. So the desire to raise ,
once economic prosperity, overcome labour shortage in agriculture and resist demand for
"increased in wages appear to be responsible for changing the cropping patterns.
253
Expansion of Capitalist Farming in tlte village: Increased cultivation of cash crops by
. many farmers and emergence of predominantly farmer proprietor and wage labour based
agrarian sites is a clear sign of the emergence of relations based on capitalist patterns.
Even the prevalent land renting arrangements could be considered more an element of the
capitalist relations that are emerging in the countryside rather than as being merely the
vestiges of semi feudalism. Adoption of modem farm technologies by the agriculturists
has contributed to the process of capitalistic farming. Few relatively better off farmers in
Mudusede had succeeded in installing not only pump-sets and hullers but also power
tillers by 1995. By 2005 a few had installed drip irrigation systems. The middle level
farmers too have installed pump-sets and have started using the metal ploughs instead of
the wooden ploughs. Richer farmers charge pre-fixed hourly rates for the supply of pump
water, for the use of power tillers and even plough animals. Hullers were utilized in 1995
by owners and rentiers to de-husk paddy. By 2005 the use of hullers was almost non
existent as farmers used the mill in the neighbouring village. The adoption of green
revolution technology such as high yielding varieties of paddy seeds and chemical
fertilizers as well as pesticides had become an established practice among almost all
cultivators in the village by 1995. The farmers continue to procure such economic inputs
to a greater or smaller extent depending on their capacity for investment.
Production of agricultural commodities largely for the market is another characteristic of
capitalist farming in the village. Vegetables, coconuts, areca nut as well as cashew nuts,
betel leaves and spices are produced for the market by the village farmers. Some farmers
sell their farm products to the merchants (wholesalers or retailers) by transporting same
to the market centres. The fluctuating price of coconut and areca nut was a major problem
that farmers had to face during the early years of this century. The prices have stabilized
since 2005 say the fanners. The prosperous farmers store the non perishable agricultural
products when the prices are low and sell the same when it is high. This fetches the
farmers' better returns from agriculture. Marketing of agricultural produce especially
perishable items such as vegetables continues to be a major problem for the farmers.
254
Reduced Productivity of Land: During the field study, many farmers spoke of reduced
productivity of land. They incur heavy expenditure on high yielding seeds, fertilizers and
pesticides but the farm productivity has been declining rapidly over the years. Farmers
report increased pest attacks on vegetables, areca and coconut in particular. As a result,
the cost incurred on farming is increasing and the returns are decreasing. The soil fertility
has been declining rapidly along with bio-diversities. Water shortage in some agrarian
territories is causing further problems. The discursive practices of scientific farming and
the consequent disciplinary/productive relations of power initiated through these
practices between the agricultural scientists and extension officers vis-a-vis the farmers
could be considered responsible for such adverse effects on agriculture in the village.
Strengthening Government Control over. Village Lands: The government had started
acquiring village lands (both private and common property resources) for public
purposes. Since early 1960's, portions of lands were acquired from Pattadars for the
Mangalore Harbour Project (the neighbouring villages to the West of Mudusede such as
Pachanady, Padusede along with many other villages lost much land for this project).
Government started acquiring portions of the unoccupied lands, inclusive of lands under
common property resources for other purposes. As much as 9.15 acres of unoccupied
land was acquired for a rifle range to be used by the police. As much as 240.17 acres of
unoccupied land inclusive of grazing land was earmarked for the TB Sanatorium that was
established in the village. By 2005 as much as 375 acres of land (inclusive of land set
aside for the T B Sanatorium) has been turned into Eco-tourism project.
There were few projects of collective benefit to the village residents, especially the
marginalized groups that was envisioned by the government of Karnataka on vast
unoccupied village lands (Settlement Register, Adangal of Mudusede village, 1965). The
rights of the subordinate groups were not considered at all when private lands were
acquired by the government for public purposes such as establishment of the harbour.
The compensation was paid to the Pattadars only. No compensation was given to the
tenant and the attached labourers. A Pujary tenant of Kottara House who lost land to the
255
harbour approached the court against the injustice done to him, but lost the case. Another
tenant who had farms, full grown trees and a house on the lands he was tilling was merely
given Rs.200/- as a share of the compensation by the Pattadar when he had to leave the
land. Government land acquisition policy totally failed to recognize the rights of tenants
and attached labourers to lands.
As a result of schemes such as Darkasth or grant of village lands to the agriculturists and
others and the government acquisition of village lands for various purposes the villagers
gradually lost control over village commons which had been left by and large untouched
by the British. The rich pastures ofthe village were denied to the villagers - affecting the
activities of food collection, cattle rearing and dairy production. As a result many
villagers lost a significant source of nutrition (forest based edibles, milk and milk
products), herbal medicine and organic manure.
Decline in Animal Farming Activities: Animal farming which was a major
supplementary activity in the village until late 1970's is showing a declining trend since
last two decades. According to a non-resident veterinary doctor who is officially
responsible for the village along with other neighbouring villages there were only 381
cattle in the village (339 female and 42 male) and 148 he buffaloes and 55 she buffaloes
in 1995. There were about 410 local poultry birds with the agriculturists at the time of
study in 1995. One person in the Padavu region had taken up poultry farming on
commercial lines. Very few goats and pigs were reared in the village. By 2005 the
number of cattle including milch animals had started declining sharply. There were an
estimated 90 to 110 households who continued to possess cattle in the village in 2005.
Only 75 to 90 households had milch animals, mainly local breeds. The use of plough
animals was found to have further decreased during 2005 as many agriculturists had
started renting in power tillers from rich farmers.
A survey undertaken in the village in 200S to [md out the feasibility of starting a dairy in
the village brought out certain important facts (Table V - IS). There were nearly 70
256
fanners who expressed the need for a dairy cooperative in their village. The total milk
production reported by these households was about 300 litres. The facts collected indicate
that the overall milk output is very low in the village. The milk is used for consumption
and for making milk products for household use as in the past. Only the excess milk is
sold in the neighbourhood. Only 7 farmers said that they sell it to the hotels and tea shops
and a few supply the same to private milk distributors.
Table V -15
Number of Milch animals and output of Milk
Output of Milk (litres) Number of Milcb animals 5 or 11 or
less 6-10 Total
more One 24 - - 24 Two 16 2 I 19 Three 8 8 - 16 Four I 3 - 4 Five or more I 2 2 5
Total 50 15 3 69
The problem of lack of market for the milk has been a big block to the raising of milk
production. The lack of transport facilities from the village to the hill zones made it
difficult to send milk to the hill area or to the city market. The initiative to start a dairy
unit however received positive response from a significant number of dairy farmers.
Utilization of Government Schemes by Farmers: The extent of utilization of facilities
and schemes provided by the government agencies, land development and other
commercial Banks and Farmers' Multi Purpose Service Cooperative Societies is another
major factor influencing the relations of power between various agrarian identities.
Interview with the Agricultural Assistant (Grama Sahayak) and Bank officials reveal that
some progressive and relatively affluent farmers have utilized the loan and other schemes
quite extensively. A few have taken large sums as loans from the Banks for investing in
agriculture. At least three farmers were found to have mortgaged their land to take loans
for investment in agriculture. The subsidy schemes available for the farmers i.e. for the
257
purchase of pump sets, for digging and deepening wells for irrigation, constructing tanks,
have been tapped by some farmers. In one case the Bank officials appreciated the prompt
repayment by a rich farmer who was sanctioned large amount of loans frequently by the
Bank for investment in agriculture. The creditworthiness of a farmer and his competence
to invest the capital to gain maximum returns, facilitated further access to credit from
financial institutions. There are many small and marginal agriculturists who complain of
having not received agriculture related assistance despite their sustained attempts to tap
the government schemes. Some others were reluctant to take loans because of the fear of
being indebted. In short, most resources, positions of authority and other privileges and
opportunities were mostly monopolized by the members of the better off agrarian
households. The erstwhile tenant turned landowners/vargadars and labourers gained
minimum benefits from the developments that occurred during the last two decades.
Adoption of Diversified Economic Activities by Members of Agrarian households:
Another factor which influenced the relations of power in the agrarian sites is recourse to
diversified economic activities, related to or unrelated to agriculture by members of the
agrarian households. In two cases, the agriculturists were found to be trading in food
grains from their house itself in 1995. Even in 2005 incidents of direct trading of
vegetables among neighbours is prevalent. In some cases the members of agrarian
households have established consumer shops. An erstwhile tenant turned agriculturist
kinsmen was found to have sold his land to his own brother and enriched himself by
establishing and running a general store as well as a private financial agency in the
village. Some villagers speak of him as being the neo-rich businessman in the village
(who resides now outside the village). The control of the ration shop continues to be with
the same person - kinsman of one of the most prominent territorial units in the village.
Both these households live in newly built terraced houses. Erstwhile landlordlvargadar
kin who have acquired wealth through business ventures (hotels, shops, industries,
workshops, liquor shops) outside the village and other cities and towns of the country
continue to be associated with the village, both as portion holders of the village lands and
members of the matrilineage. Remunerative jobs in government and P%!!te service sector
~\~. L!",
~~~~~IS ~ . 1." .S, \:xI <f) ~' '~ * ,
258
have been assumed by members of agrarian households and reserved class IV jobs have
been acquired by few numbers of the Scheduled castes and tribes. Some of the women
members of the economically weaker agriculturist families, especially ersh."hile tenant,
agrarian labour and marginal farmer households were found to be involved in beedi
rolling. There are many cases of members of the agrarian households taking up jobs in
Gulf countries and raising their economic status. Most such individuals belong to the
ershVhile tenant households (among Christians) and households of five cent colonies
(among Muslims).
Village Panchayat
Panchayat as a site of local governance continued being an important site of relations of
power during the 1985 to 2005 period as in the previous period. The emergence of
lanatha Party led government in Karnataka resulted in the enactment of a relatively more
radical Panchayati Raj Act titled the Karnataka Mandai Panchayat, Taluk panchayat
Samiti and Zilla Parishad Act of 1985. This Act brought more villages under the
jurisdiction of one panchayat which was called MandaI Panchayat. It strengthened the
position of the local representatives at Zilla, Taluk and panchayat level vis-a.-vis the
elected representatives (MP's and MI.A's) at higher levels of polity and officials of the
government departments. Mudusede and Padusede, along with three other neighbouring
villages namely Addoor, Mulur and Tiruvail comprised the Gurpur mandaI panchayat.
For the first time there was short lived attempt to break away from the conception of
'village' as a unit of administration and development. The numerical strength of
representatives in Mudusede and other villages and their jati and gender profile is given
in Table V-16.
The numerical strength of representatives depended upon the strength of the population in
each village. Mulur, the village where the Gurpur panchayat office is situated had 10
representatives. Tiruvail had 7, Padusede just 1, Mudusede 6 and Addoor 5
representatives. Totally there were 29 representatives in the MandaI panchayat. The
village with the largest number of representatives was able to claim the bigger share of
259
schemes and benefits undertaken through the Grruna panchayat and higher level tal uk and
Zilla panchayat institutions.
Table V - 16
Jati and Gender Profile of MandaI Panchayat Members April 1987
Gender Distribution of Membcrs
Jati Affiliation of Mudusede
Other four Total
Members villa~es
M F T M F T M F
Bunts I I 2 5 - 5 6 1
Pujary 1 1 I 2 3 2 2 -Gowda Saraswat 1 - 1 1 - - - -Muslims 5 - 5 5 - - - -Christians I 1 2 2 4 3 2 -Scheduled Castes 2 2 3 - 3 5 - -Scheduled Tribes I 1 2 1 1 - - -
Total 5 1 6 18 5 23 23 6
Note: Besides Mudusedefour other villages constituted the jurisdiction of Gurpur mandai panchayat, Source: Gurpur Mandai Panchayat Records
Table V -17
Gender Profile of Members representing MudusedelPadusede Since 1987
Years of Total Villages
Operation Male Female Total
Mudusede and Apr 1987 to 6 I 7
Padusede Feb 1994
Mudusede and May 1994 to 10 5 15 Padusede June 1999
Mudusede and 2001 to 2005 8 7 15 Padusede
Mudusede and Feb 2005 12 9 21 Padusede onwards
Source: Gurpur Mandai Panchayat and Mudusede Panchayat Records
T
7
4
1
5
5
5
2
29
260
Gender wise data on pancltayat members: The facts presented in Tables V-16 and V-17
highlight, that though there were 6 women representatives in the mandai panchayat, there
was only one woman representative from Mudusede village in 1987. In comparison there
were 5 women representative in the panchayat formed in 1994 and 7 women
representatives in the panchayat formed in 2001, representing both Mudusede and
Padusede village. The number of women representatives was 9 out of 21 elected
members in 2005. These facts show that comparatively more women are being elected for
the local government body, mainly because of the reservation of seats for women in the
panchayat. Though the number of women is slightly higher, percentage wise there were
less women compared to men. It is evident that most local leadership positions continued
to be vested with males in the village.
Tile Jat; wise classification of Pancltayat representatives: In the Mandai panchayat
elected in 1987, the largest number of representatives from five villages inclusive of
Mudusede were Bunts (7 persons), followed by Muslims, Scheduled Caste and Christian
representatives (five members each). Pujarys followed with just 4 representatives, only 2
were from the Scheduled Tribes (Marati Naik). Not a single member of other backward
or intermediary castes other than the Puj arys was found among the mandaI panchayat
members. The panchayat president was a Muslim leader, backed by the Congress Party
from the Mulur village. The vice-president was a Bunt from that village. As people were
voting on the basis of loyalty to the political party, polarization of votes merely on Jati
and religious lines was much less in the elections held for the mandaI panchayat.
The Congress government which returned to power in early 1990's in Kamataka shelved
the MandaI Panchayat Act and passed a new law titled Grama Panchayat, Taluk
Panchayat and Zilla Panchayat Act of 1993, a watered down version of the MandaI
Panchayat Act. The panchayat office was once again back in Mudusede, while Padusede
continued to be a part of the Mudusede Grama Panchayat. Jati profile of members of
Grama panchayats from 1987 to 2005 is narrated below.
261
A comparative analysis of the lati composition of MandaI panchayat members in 1987
and Gram panchayat members in 1994 show, that in the former though the village was
represented by a single Bunt, the single largest group of 7 representatives from 5 villages
were Bunts (Table V -16). For the first time in 1994, the Bunts appear to have only 3
representatives with backward castes, Christians and Scheduled castes sharing equitable
representation (two elected members from the Christian community were the sole
representatives of Padusede village). In the elections held in 200 1, the number of Bunts
among the panchayat representatives, continued to be 3 persons only and the Pujary's
won an equal number of seats. Almost all other categories such as Muslims, Christians,
and OBC's, (other than Pujarys) won 2 seats each. The ST and SC had to make do with
the reservation seat meant for them.
In contrast, in the year 2005, the panchayat had as many as 7 representatives from among
the Pujarys and 6 from the other backward castes. The Bunts had 4 representatives and
were the third dominant group in numerical strength. Only reserve seats were occupied
by the SC and ST Representatives as in 200 I. Both representatives, who belong to the
Christian and Muslim community, were from Padusede. The altered demographic scene
of the village is reflected in broad based representation of various jatis in the panchayat.
The numerical equation in the panchayat bodies since 200 I was found tilting against the
Bunts in the village under study, and in favour of other intermediary castes and smaller
extent minorities. The numerical size of each 1 ati/religious category in the village had
become a crucial human resource for the mobilization of votes.
Occupation wise data of pal/chayat members: Occupation wise there was shift in the
composition of representatives of Mudusede village in the MandaI panchayat formed in
1987. Only one lady from an agrarian family represented the village in the mandaI
panchayat. Among the other 5 panchayat representatives from the village, 3 were
labourers and one a shop owner. These facts indicate that for the first time the prominent
agriculturists of the village had lost control over the panchayat body. Villagers continued
to utilize the schemes and services provided by the mandai panchayat. However the
agrarian elite could not use the site to exercise their domination and patronage as in the
past. Occupation wise out of 15 persons, only 3 were agriculturists, 7 others were
engaged in trade or petty business and the remaining 4 were casual labourers from the SC
and ST communities in the panchayat formed 1994. In the election held in 2001, there
were only three panchayat members who could be considered agriculturists by
occupation. Among the three one had a shop as well. From Padusede there was an
agriculturist too. All the rest were either petty business men or casual labourers. In 2005,
only three members were agriculturists, one both an agriculturist cum shop keeper. All
the remaining 19 members were either petty traders or casual workers. Such shift in
representation in the Grama panchayat, reveal the gradual sidelining of representatives
from the agrarian population from positions of membership in local bodies. These are
manifestations of changing power equations in the village in the local government body.
As far as political party backing is concerned, up to 1994 congress party supported
candidates won almost all the seats in the panchayat bodies. In 2001 out of 15 elected
representatives as many as 13 had the backing of the Indian National Congress party and
only two won with support from the Bharathiya Janatha Party. The BJP had begun
making definite inroads into the village by then. It already had a superior presence at the
state level, as members of the State Assembly representing the district mostly belonged to
this party. In 2005, out of the 19 members representing Mudusede, 18 won from the BJ.P
and a lone member who won by a margin of just one vote had the support of Indian
National Congress Party. The election revealed a radical shift in the vote base from the
congress to the BJP for the first time in the history of the village. The mobilization of
people on religious lines has been used as a strategy to counter the dominance of the
Congress.
Tile zOlle wise shift in representatioll to Grama paneltayat is also clearly noted over the
years. From 1956, the village panchayat was obviously represented by members of the
agricultural zones (Sede and Jara), as these were the only well established settlement
zones. But in 1987 (mandai panchayat), the other settlements on the hills (both
Edurupadavu and Shalapadavu) had five out of six representatives in the village. There
was only one agriculturist from the Mudusede village and another from Padusede. In
1994, Shalapadavu had 2 panchayat members and Edurupadavu 4. Totally, the hill zones
had 6 representatives where as, there were only 4 from the agrarian zone of the village. In
2001, 11 were from the Padavu zones and 2 were from the agricultural zone (besides two
agriculturists from the Padusede village). In 2005, out of 21 representatives, as many as
15 were from Padavu and 6 were from the agricultural zone (including the two from
Padusede). Such shifts reveal the changing numerical strength of voters in each of the
zones. It could be inferred from the data that representatives of the Padavu or hill zones
(most of who are newly settled) are able to have numerical dominance in the village
panchayat in 2005 and are able to claim higher share of benefits that accrue from the
Panchayat compared to the inhabitants of historically situated agrarian zones.
Leadership of tlte Village PUllcltayat: A comparative picture of the leaders of grama
panchayats elected since 1956 brings out their caste and gender affiliation. In all four
elections for the leaders held since 1956 the members of Bunt community from
prominent agrarian guttu/mane households held the position of President as well as vice
president (only exception being in 1979 when the position of the vice-president was won
by a Christian from Padusede village). In 1994 the President was from the Bunt
community of the village and vice-president was a Christian from Padusede. The seat of
president had been reserved for women in the 2001 elections for the Panchayat body. A
second time elected representative, relatively a new settler in the Shiv ana gar colony of
the Padavu zone belonging to a backward cas.te (i.e. Achari or artisan caste) had been
selected as the president in 2001. She was in her second term as a member ofPanchayat.
A Christian male from Padusede village was the vice-president (He had experience of
being a member as well as vice-president of the panchayat earlier). For the first time, the
leadership roles went out of the hands of the Bunts in the viIIage. In 2005, the panchayat
Chairperson is a Bunt once again. He is the kinsmen of an established territorial unit in
the village (guttulmane). The vice-president was a lady from an intermediary caste in the
Padavu region. From these facts it is clear that though the members of the intermediary
castes are gaining numerical predominance in the panchayat, Bunts have once again
succeeded in asserting their position of dominance.
Beedi Rolling
By early decades of the 20th century beedi manufacturing had become a well established
industry in Dakshina Kannada. Beedi rolling may have started as an economic activity in
the village from 1960's engaging a small number of women. Occupational profile of
village workers since 1981 reveals the .significant presence of women in household
industry (317 out of 676 women workers) which is primary beedi-rolling. By 1991 and
2001 largest majority of women workers of the village numbering 997 and 1328
respectively were in the household sector. So the site ofbeedi rolling emerged as a major
one engaging women workers especially in hill zones of the village as well as Jara and to
a much lesser extent in Sede. In the district of Dakshina Kannada as a whole (inclusive of
Udupi), there are more than 5 lakh women beedi rollers at present). Unlike the agrarian
site, the beedi rolling was a house based occupation from the very start. The beedi rollers
had no direct links with the owners of the industry. They were associated with one or
more locally based or visiting contractors or agents who supplied the raw materials and
collected the rolled beedies. The conditions of work, strategies of surplus appropriation
and division of tasks, prevalent in this site are briefly touched upon here as the site is the
major employer of women members of the present and former agrarian households (both
marginal cultivators and agrarian labourers).
There were very large scale beedi companies such as Puttu Shet, Bharath, Prakash and
there were relatively small scale manufactures. In all cases here there was a clear cut
division of labour in the Beedi-rolling sector. The owners of these companies saw to the
overall management of their companies by employing personnel for various managerial
tasks inclusive of marketing. The contractors assumed tasks of procuring raw materials
from the companies and supplying the same to the beedi rollers and checking and
procuring the finished and collecting finished products. All tasks related to packaging,
branding and marketing the fmished products were done by the company. The Beedi
265
rollers were the primary producers, who performed the routine tasks involved in fetching,
raw materials from the agents, cutting the tendu leaves, filling the leaves with tobacco,
rolling and tying beedies, making bundles and delivering the same to the contractors at
the beedi branch. All the seven contractors operating in the village were men. Beedi
rolling was an occupation that had an in-built gender division of labour.
The access to surplus received from the industry by various stakeholders differed widely
based on the scale of operation of the company and number of labourers and the amount
of production and market share it had. The beedi magnates of large companies were the
highest income tax payers in the district in 1995 and continued to be among those paying
the highest income tax in 2005 as well. Contractors also accessed different amount of
surplus. Some operated for a single company and followed the legal norms. Some others
took up contract for other companies as well. Yet others bought raw materials from the
market and supplied the same to labourers and marketed the beedies through certain
merchants and thus pocketed the higher share of surplus.
As far as wage rates are concerned the beedi rollers who were registered with the
company and to whom passbooks had been issued by the company, through the
contractors of a specific branch, were paid Rs.30.39/- for every thousand beedies rolled in
1995. Out of this wage, Rs.2.53/- was cut as employer's contribution to the provident
fund. A bonus ofRs.16.13/- per cent had also been fixed. In 2005 the passbook holders
were getting Rs.53/- for every thousand beedies rolled and slightly higher provident fund
and bonus. The beedi rollers with the note book, were able to get only Rs.28/- per
thousand beedies. Thus it is clear that no laws apply to those who have no pass books
even now. The surplus generated by such extra legal manufacturing process is cornered
by the unscrupulous manufactures and their local agents/contractors. There was a major
change since 1995. Those with passbook get only 3 days of work a week, whereas those
with the note book can procure unlimited work for low wages. As a result, there are
passbook holders who roll beedies for other agents with a note book also. "Though we
get low wages, we get regular work" is the usual response to the question why do you roll
266
beedies for such exploitatively low wages. The laws related to beedi and cigar workers
and other laws related to companies were applicable to pass book holding labourers only.
They were eligible for certain labour welfare provisions such as festival allowances, free
medical care (Employee State Insurance), subsidized loans to construct houses and merit
based scholarship for their children. But in reality, not many labourers were able to roll
1,000 or more beedies a day. Most roll between 500 - 700 beedies per day at the most.
Many rolled only 300 to 500 beedies a day.
The contractors used various strategies to appropriate more surplus generated in the
sector. Some entered the beedies rolled by note book holders into the passbook of their
own relatives or other allies thus pocketing the extra wages and benefits that accrues to
pass book holders. When the labourers could not roll the fixed number of beedies from
the raw materials supplied, the companies cut Rs.lO/- for a shortfall of 1,000 beedies. The
contractors made a cut of Rs.25/- and pocketed Rs.15/- by asserting that it was necessary
to make up for the loss incurred by them during transportation of leaves and tobacco.
Some of the contractors also used other means to appropriate surplus such as cheating in
weights and measures and supplying lower than the required quantity of raw materials
(i.e. tendu leaves and tobacco powder), supplying poor quality raw materials, mixing the
company supplied materials with the poor quality materials brought from the market at
lower rates. So the labourers were often made to pay for the low quality and low quantity
of goods supplied to them. Non-literate beedi rollers were also cheated by some agents by
making false entries into their passbook and notebook. Some contractors appear to have
enriched themselves through such processes.
The work given to beedi rollers has also been reduced in the recent years. The beedi
magnates started moving to those States in India, where the beedi rollers were not
organized and where they could get the production done at a much lower cost. In short,
beedi rollers (full time and part time) have been constituted in the village as in many
other villages to be a subordinate group of workers who keep on working under
267
exploitative conditions or who protest periodically by participation in various modes of
protest action which are designed for them by the union.
Beedi Rolling has both positive and adverse effects on village residents. The beedi
rolling provided many households (including agrarian) an essential means of survival. It
provided them an escape route from low paid seasonal and arduous agricultural labour. It
became a primary means of survival for the female headed households in the case of
widowed women and women who had no support of their husbands (due to the vices,
illness and desertion by the latter). A number of girls and women were able to save
money and use it to purchase ornaments and other essential items for the house by rolling
beedies as well as to cover their marriage expenses. At the same time beedi rolling had
many negative effects. It was hazardous to health. It exposed the rollers to toxic
inhalations causing eye problems, diseases of lungs such as asthama, tuberculosis and
other infections. The women, who rolled beedies constantly, experienced numbness of
fingers, backache and the consequent loss of productivity. Thus women labourers from
the economically backward groups, intermediate and other most subjugated Jatis, who
took up beedi rolling, bore the costs more heavily as they had no other vocational
opportunities.
Sites of Manufacturing and construction
There are a significant number of labourers especially men who are engaged in non
permanent casual labour activities. These include labourers in construction industry who
work for the village based or non-resident contractors. Among them there are carpenters,
electricians, masons, bar benders, painters, mechanics and plumbers. Acquisition of skills
and certain technical competencies has enabled the villagers to find work during certain
parts of the year mostly outside the village including the city of Mangalore. Here again
the work is not regular for most. Especially during the rainy season most labourers
remain under-employed. These are the skilled and unskilled surplus workers, the high
profit making construction industry utilizes whenever it wants, at certain fixed wage rates
and discards when it does not want. There are no prerequisites other than wages that are
268
paid to these labourers. In cases of occupational hazards these workers are often left to
fend for themselves. Some women work as domestic workers, sales girls, assistants in
tailoring shops and as labourers in the cashew factories (outside the village). Wage rates
by and large tend to be quite low in all these sites of work. Regular work is often lacking
in cashew nut industries although women are paid bonus and certain other perquisites
during the period of their employment. The working of power in these sites requires
further study.
Shops and Commercial Establishments
Number of shops and other commercial establishments established by 1995 in the village
were nearly 35. Out of these there were 3 licensed arrack shops (many unlicensed ones),
9 general stores, three hotels, 2 bakeries, 1 vegetable shop, 5 petty shops, 2 fancy stores,
1 electrical shop, I gold smiths shop, 2 barbers shops, 3 tailoring shops and 1 timber ,
depot operating in the village, besides the lone ration shop. By 2005 the panchayat
records reveal the presence of nearly 81 shops and commercial establishments in the
village. Mangalore city being easily reachable by bus (more or less within 45 minutes)
viIIagers use the city shops to buy the consumer durables. How many of these
establishments are run by agricultural households' kinsmen of agricultural households?
Are they engaged in selling agricultural produce of the village? What is the quality of
goods and services offered by these commercial establishments? What practices are
adopted by them maximise to profit? Are there negative power practices (such as over
pricing of goods, selling adulterated food, defective consumer durables, cheating in
weights and measures) adopted for maximising profits by village based and outside
traders? Further research is needed to answer these questions which would provide us an
understanding into the working of power in these sites and the effects that these have on
various agrarian and other residents ofthe village.
Sites of Government Departments or State Agencies
The state through its departments has strengthened its control on the lives of villagers.
Almost all aspects of lives of the villagers including that of agriculturists and agrarian
labour has been brought more strictly under the disciplinary control of the state
machinery and its agencies since last three decades. Certain schemes initiated at varied
points of time are being continued in the village. The Integrated Rural Development
Programme (a programme directed at helping the Below Poverty Line households,
Women and Child Development Programme, Rural Reproductive Health Programme and
Child Health Programme, Housing Schemes and the Public Distribution System are
examples). Many new government programmes have been launched through the
Panchayat Raj bodies by the centre as well as the State governments for the development
of rural people in general and Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes and other
economically marginalised groups inclusive of women in particular. As many as 29
divergent schemes were found to be in operation in the panchayats of the state of
Karnataka in 2005.
Panchayat records reveal that between 1995 - 2005 atleast 320 houses have been
constructed under the various government schemes such as Ashraya, Ambedkar Yojana
(meant for Scheduled Caste households) and Indira Awaz and 6 houses under Kacha
Pakka. Apart from this, subsidies have also been provided for toilet construction to the
village households who lack such essential sanitary facilities. Through the Integrated
Rural Development Programme, subsidized loans are made available to members of the
Below Poverty Line households. These and other government schemes while catering to
the short term needs of selected number of marginaiised groups, have left untouched the
relations of power that are responsible for continued marginalization of the vast sections
of the village residents. On the other hand the village residents have been further
constructed as dependent subjects of the state.
Banks
Commercial Banks have emerged as site of relations of power too. There is no bank
within the geographic limits of the village until now. The people are engaged in financial
transactions with banks operating in a neighbouring village and the city of Mangalore.
Few wealthy residents of the village became associated with the Banks prior to 1975.
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Since early 1990's many village residents have links with the banks as depositors,
borrowers, re-payers and or defaulters. Many agriculturists have taken loans from the
Banks. While some have repaid the loan amount regularly, others were irregular. The
lead Bank had filed cases against some such defaulters in the court oflaw.
The heads of below Poverty Line households (B.P.L) have taken loans under Integrated
Rural Development Programme (IROP) from the Bank for self-employment purposes i.e.
to start carpentry, purchase rickshaw, develop farming, to make food products for sale,
produce ready made garments and trade in bangles in mid 1990's. Only a few were able
to start and sustain the business. Some had to wind up the enterprise mid way because of
loss. Most spent the amount borrowed on consumption or other urgent requirements (i.e.
marriage of a daughter). In most cases the loans were not repaid to the Banle Bank filed
caseS against such defaulters in the office of the Deputy Commissioner as the revenue
department had to help the Bank recover the funds through the Village Accountant. The
residents say they had been told by the politicians not to repay the loan. However they
were in for shock when they received notices from the Bank. It was much later they
learnt, that they were not eligible to receive further assistance from the government
schemes in the form of subsidised loans or other schemes unless they clear the loan
amount taken from the bank earlier with interest. Such strategies exercise disciplinary
control over the villagers.
Chit Funds
The chit fund business, a form of unofficial private financing system was operation in the
village in 1995. Many inhabitants of the village including members of the agrarian
households had joined the chit fund. They had to pay a fixed sum in weekly instalments
to the initiator of the fund. The value of total funds committed could range from
Rs.l,OOO/- to Rs.5,OOO/- or more. If the chit fund is of Rs.5,OOO/- value, the investor had
to deposit Rs.250/- in 20 instalments. The first instalment goes to the initiator of the chit
fund. From then on, every month when the savings are deposited the bidder, who is
willing to forego the largest share of the total amount committed, gets the loan first.
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Many villagers, who found the Banks not people friendly, were attracted to chit funds in
order to meet the need for credit.
While some chit funds operate as per pre-fixed norms/many others closed midway duping
many persons of all their savings. A member of an established matrilineage who was a
successful businessman owning a general store in the village has been operating a chit
fund successfully since many years. In another case many residents of Jara region had
started investing Rs.6/- per week in a chit fund in 1985. The passbooks were kept by the
agent wherein all entries were made. People were given only receipts for the cumulated
amount deposited. The receipt had no seal and no address of the financial company. After
the deposits reached a sizable amount of RsJOO/- to Rs.400/-, some suspected foul play
and withdrew their deposits. Others kept paying regularly hoping to get their money back
with interest. But soon the financial company wound up and initiator fled the scene.
Women depositors lost their hard earned money from beedi rolling and other coolie work.
Chit funds and private financial companies enabled some villagers to appropriate the
surplus from many village residents, especially the marginalized
Stone Quarries
By 1965, village Adangal reveals that ten territories with an extent of nearly 15 acres of
land had been demarcated as quarries by the Department of Mines and Geology in the
village. Stone quarries continued being sites of wealth generation and surplus
appropriation. Even during 1995, portions of viII age lands had been leased out for stone
quarrying to local and outside contractors by the Department of Mines and Geology.
Stone quarrying was also going on in private spots. The stone cutting manually was an
extremely laborious process. The labourers were exposed to many health hazards. By the
age of 35 to 40 years, they developed many ailments which reduced their productivity
and span oflife.
The labourers who manually wo*ed to cut the laterite stones were paid a piece rate of
Rs.1.201- to Rs.1.30/- per stone in 1965. Those who did the stone cutting on a contract
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basis on the plots of land owners, were paid Rs.2/- per stone. The labourers in 1995
received Rs.I. 70 as a piece rate for cutting one laterite stone. At the most IS to 17 stones
a day could be cut and they could earn about Rs.25/- to 30/-. The sale price of one laterite
stone was Rs.S/-. One hundred bricks could fetch a total of Rs.500/- to the contractor in
1995. After deducting all expenses inclusive of wages, transportation of stones
considerable profits could be made by the quarry contractors. By the year 2000, cutting
stones manually for wages was almost non-existent in the area. Instead machines were
operated by employing a few operators. The stones are sold at the quarry site at the rate
of Rs.5/- per stone. However the sale value of a stone when it reaches the consumer
varied from rs.8.80 to Rs.9.30 depending on the quality of stones and the competition
between contractors.
Stones (laterite and black) which are non-renewable resources of the village have become
a source of private profit for the contractors, bureaucrats of the Department of Mines and
Geology and some political interest groups and a source of revenue to the government
which grants license for the purpose. A person from an ex-tenant household became a
very successful stone quarry contractor, so also a kinsman of a territorial unit who was
not residing in the Village. The villagers as a community did not access any benefits from
this natural resource. The labourers (residents of the village and others) who earned their
livelihood from stone cutting gained little. For instance a resident who belonged to the
dominant jati of Bunts was engaged as a wage worker for many years in stone cutting and
gave it up later as he had serious health problems.
The stone quarrying resulted in ecological problems in the area. In the lara region a
contractor had taken license from the Department of Mines and Geology to crush black
stone boulders to produce jelly for sale. The rocks were being blasted with dynamite and
crushers were used to prepare jelly. Quarry work had been continued since years, say the
villagers. As a result a wide trench had been dug in the middle of the road leading into
lara, making it dangerous to traverse. A person who was an alcoholic had fallen into that
trench and died. Pieces of stones could fly all around, not only causing injury to the
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residents but also damage to the houses (i.e. broken tiles and cracked walls). The twelve
households living in the vicinity of the quarry were in danger of losing their houses. The
villagers had to put up a strong protest to put an end to the practice of blasting the black
stones in that area.
Non - Government Organizations
Some non-government agencies started intervening into the lives of villagers especially
the marginalized groups since 1980's. To begin with such agencies were under Christian
religious as well as secular leadership. Assistance for house construction and community
hall building, support to the tenants against threat of evictions by landlords, assistance in
procuring land right documents for house sites, sponsorship programmes for children to
facilitate schooling, coaching classes for children, and health education were some such
efforts initiated through the formation of people's organizations in the Padavu or hill
zones of the village by these non-government agencies. Some of these ventures involved
financial support through net grant and or revolving fund to construct houses.
One of the predominant programmes that are being supported by NGO's is formation of
self-help groups since last 2 to 3 years. An urban based NGO has supported the people of
Edurupadavu in particular to collectively address their grievances vis-it-vis the eco
tourism project. By undertaking a fact finding study, the activists of this NGO rendered
support to the struggle of the people against the violation of their rights to land, road and
water. Some efforts had been made by a local organization of youth with the help of city
based NGO to conduct de-addiction camps and motivate alcohol dependents to overcome
the problem, during the late nineties.
At least three Community Based Organizations with support from Non Government
Organisations were formed since early 1990's in the Padavu or hill territory. Such
organizations predominantly with youth membership, initiated a number of activities
such as construction of the house for the house less members, literacy promotion, health
education, coaching classes for school children and sponsorship programme for children
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with support from Non Government Organizations. By and large the activities were
welfare centred ones which constituted villagers especially from the relatively
marginalized groups as beneficiaries of non-government organizations. The local
leadership that was trained and developed under such Non Government Organisations
was a product of relations of power based on specific discursive practices. The
competencies that the local leaders developed were those that Non Government
Organisations with the welfare centred discourse saw as being appropriate to develop.
Self - Help Groups
Early years of this century (200 I to 2005) saw the mushrooming of self-help groups in
the village among the women members of the agrarian households as well as others.
These micro-finance institutions initiated by the Non-Government Organizations, and
later the Women and Child Development Department (Stree Shakti Groups), and the
commercial Banks (Navodaya Groups) incorporate hundreds of women of the village in
specific forms of social relations of domination as well as productive power. Besides
those NGO's involved in the village earlier, a very large agency under the leadership of a
temple based Trust (Shri Kshetra Dharmasthala Gramabhivrudhi Sangha) is currently
involved in setting up self-help groups in the village as in many other parts of the district
with support from the Banks (inclusive of NABARD), State and Central Government
agencies and urban development bodies.
By engaging women in regular savings, loan transactions and other restricted capacity
enhancement activities, and economic enterprises, self-help groups have become a major
mechanism of productive power.in the village as elsewhere. The habit of regular saving!
loan repayments is inculcated among the women of self-help groups. As several thinkers
have pointed out - these micro-finance institutions appear to be fostering a new economic
ethic among women. In this context we can agree with DN (2005) when he says it is the
money, the possession of it and its use in commodity production that forms the measure
of most things in determining transactions, relationships and statuses in such micro
finance institutions.
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Pillikula Nisargadhama - Site of Eco Tourism Project
Pillikula Nisargadhama an eco tourism project site is the major development activity that
has been initiated by the district government in the village. As many as 375 acres of
mostly unoccupied village land, inclusive of reserve forests, has been allotted to an
autonomous trust which is headed by the Deputy Commissioner of Dakshina Kannada
district. The eco-project has components such as Heritage Village, Ayurveda Therapy
Centre, a Regional Science Centre, Biological Park - Wildlife, Botanical Garden -
Arboretum, Aquarium, Pillikula Lake with Boat Service, Manasa Water Sports,
Amusement Park and Golf Course. As a result of the project regular flow of tourists into
the village is occurring at present. The residents of the village from both Sede agrarian
zone and Edurupadavu hill colony have been affected adversely due to the developments
in the Eco-Tourism site. This has given rise to protests from the villagers against the
authorities of the Eco-Tourism Project.
Political Parties
up to early part of this century that is early years of the new millennium Congress
remained a party of the majority in the village as in the district of Dakshina Kannada. All
the representatives from the village to the parliament, State Assembly continued to be the
members of the National Congress party. Only State Assembly seat had gone once to a
BJ.P. representative. By 2005 BJP supported candidates won all the seats except one in
the village panchayat. The candidate representing Taluk Panchayat (a village based
candidate) and the Zilla panchayat (from a neighbouring village) have also won with BJP
support. Similarly, the M.P and the M.L.A who represent the parliamentary and state
assembly constituency which include the village are from the BIP party. The failure of
Congress party is attributed by the opposition to lack of performance in development,
minority appeasement and corruption. On the other hand, Congress party supporters
ascribe their loss to the false propaganda of cadre based BJP, which has the support oftbe
well organized Hindutva groups in all villages inclusive of the village under study and
mobilization of voters on communal lines.
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Sites of Religion
Increasing effort is being made by villagers since 1990's to renovate Bhutasthanas (sites
of Bhuta worship in dilapidated conditions). Kinsfolk who live within the village and
those who have been able to raise their financial position by taking up jobs in other cities
have jointly undertaken the tasks of renovation of Bhuta sites in their territories. The
spirits worshipped by the matrilineage are still held in reverence. If the spirits are not
propitiated it would bring harm to the kinsfolk is a fear that still persists. The rogas
(diseases) affecting the kinsfolk and misfortunes are associated even now with the
displeasure of the Bhuta. This is so, especially in the case of physical and mental illness
and loss in business. The renovation of the Bhutasthana is also viewed as a matter of
prestige and symbolic reassertion of ones collective identity by the matrilineal kin. In
short revival of Bhuta worship could be considered as an effort on the part of the
matrilineage to reinforce its traditional kinship identity and find meaning and security in
an increasingly insecure and alienating world, especially the alienating urban milieu
within which a large number of kinfolk of matrilineages find themselves at present. The
Bhuta festivals enable the matrilineages to reassert their positions of superiority atleast at
the ceremonial level.
Vedic temples continue to incorporate vast sections of village residents in various rituals
and forms of worship. The village residents utilize the services of a Brahmin young man
(who was an enterprising modern farmer proprietor during 1995, has taken over the role
of a purohit from his ailing father since late 1990's) to perform Puja on various occasions
which are increasingly arranged by village residents irrespective of their Jati affiliation.
The residents were also found engaged as members in Bhajana Mandalis and other
religio-cultural organisations especially mooted through the Sangh Parivar. Festivals and
other religious celebrations within and outside the village have become significant
activities that engage the villagers in recent years.
There are two mosques in the village at present and three Urdu schools which are
frequented by the Muslim inhabitants of the village. Most Christian households belong to
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the Raman Catholic denomination and few are from the Protestant Groups. The Catholics
and Protestant worship at different churches which are situated outside the village.
Productive relations of power are at work in all the sites of worship which sustain the
process of constructing and fixing specific religious identities by targeting individuals,
families and groups.
Schools and Higher Educational Institutions
Children and youth of the village inclusive of agrarian households have been brought
within the disciplinary and productive sphere of the formal educational institutions to a
much higher extent during this phase. There are 2 primary schools and one higher
primary and secondary school which are government run. Once recently started primary
school is operated by a private trust. Most children spend longer periods of time in
schools and a significant number in high schools and colleges as well. Entry into higher
educational (general), technical and professional institutions is also being sought by many
village youth. The schools are geared to produce youngsters with a desire for permanent
government or corporate sector jobs. Children and youth who are disciplined to be
obedient subjects of the state and the corporate sector continue to be constituted through
the current system of education. Those who come out of the educational institutions
situated within and outside the village are least committed to the development of the
village and the farming sector. They are not sensitized to the injustices and. inequalities
and corruption around them. In one of the government schools in the village, the children
except minorities were found to be engaged in singing Vedic Bhajans. Through such
practices in the so called secular sites of the government schools construction of certain
types of religio-cultural identities is also facilitated.
Health Care Services and Villagers
Institutionalised health care services have become more rigidly established as sites of
relations of power. There are two qualified medical practitioners who have established
their clinics in the village since 1995. A compounder turned medical practitioner (a quake
in medical parlance), continues to render health care through his clinic. The people
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sought medical assistance at the T.B. Sanatorium, which had an established outpatient
service and the primary health centre situated in a neighbouring village during 1995. But
in 2005 the out patient unit was not functioning though the villagers through the
panchayat had placed request for reopening the service. The economically backward
people also sought help from government hospitals situated in the city. The relatively
better off agriculturists and others sought the services of specialists in city nursing homes
or private clinics. People affected by various forms of ailments have been brought into
relations of productive power through the discursive practices of allopathic medicine in
particular. By and large dependence on physicians is increasing in the village as in other
places. Those suffering from heart diseases and cancers are incurring heavy expenditure
on treatment.
People also use herbal and other healing traditions for certain ailments. Practice of Yoga,
is being resorted to as an alternative health practice by some of the better educated and
financially better off villagers especially those who have retired from professional
services. An enterprising farmer proprietor of the village who had certain health problems
was also practicing yoga. Such bio-psychological. disciplinary practices reportedly
provide some relief from stress, disease and alienation.
Liquor Shops in the Village
Besides four licensed liquor shops, there are unlicensed places that continue to sell illicit
liquor. Alcohol consumption is reportedly on the rise. Liquor and toddy licensing,
bidding and trade have become sites of domination and surplus extraction. The state
government, liquor barons, their local agents and political patrons have a stake in
continuing the liquor business. Persons from marginalized groups buy the cheaper
varieties of liquor that is sold through these shops. Such liquor is often contaminated with
chemicals which slowly poison the body and results in painful life and terminal illness for
the addicted and much suffering to their wives and children. The village households in
particular and the village society as a whole are made to pay high costs in terms of
economic loss, disease, conflicts and tensions arise because of increased consumption of
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alcohol and rising incidence of addiction to it. By eliminating a traditional source of
livelihood such as private toddy tapping and selling from the village, it has impoverished
many members of the Pujary caste who were the Murthedaras or traditional toddy tapers.
Some of the youth are reportedly addicted to ganja and other drugs which are reportedly
available through some agents. According to some Muslim interviewees such incidents
were high among the Muslim youth. Increasing incidents of addiction is a manifestation
of psychological disturbance and social alienation. Further exploration, is required to find
out the extent of such addiction in the village among various vocational, class and ethnic
groups and the factors responsible for the same.
Mass Media as a Site of Relations of Power
There are many other sites of social relations or power relations which are direct or
personal and impersonal or mediated, which have assumed importance in the lives of the
villagers during the post 1975 period. For example, the villagers as receivers as well as
the responders to the messages offolk (traditional Bayalatta, Yakshagana, Harikatha) and
mass media channels (print, radio, films and Television). A significant number of
villagers including agrarian households have access to newspapers and radio and have
installed Television in their homes. Most households of scheduled caste and scheduled
. tribes have a television set in their house. Those who do not have television usually go to
the houses of neighbours. Such scenes were witnessed by the researcher during the field
work both during 1995 and 2005. By engaging residents as receivers, responders and
resistors of the messages transmitted, the mass media has variable effects on the lives and
perceptions of the village residents. The villagers have become selective consumers of
the various Mass Media messages which are often naIve and uncritical. As a result mass
media has had the contradictory effect of reinforcing certain aspects of traditional
identities and altering some others and selectively constructing certain aspects of new or
modem identities. More in-depth studies are required to study the relations of domination
as well as productive power inclusive of discourses and discursive practices that continue
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to be mediated through the mass media and the effects it has on fixing or reshaping
gender, class, vocational, ethnic, Jati, and religious identities of villagers.
It is clear from an analysis of agrarian and many other major sites of relations of power
that people are being constituted to function as products as well as agents of power within
multiple sites of power relations. An analysis of the salient features of relations of power
which follows retains the focus on the agrarian sites, drawing on appropriate facts from
other sites of social relations where appropriate.
Forms of Power
Available evidence suggests that forms of domination such as patrimonial - patriarchal,
ethnic, religion and culture based are still prevalent in the agrarian sites, though their
manifestations differ. The erstwhile landlord turned prosperous farmer proprietors
continue to exert certain forms of patrimonial control over the subordinate groups. State
scheme and benefits continue to be used as a means to strengthen their patronage by the
economic cum political elite who continue to be dominant in the local and supra-local
governance levels. The State continues to extract maximum surplus through both indirect
- direct taxes, contracting and licensing of liquor business and stone quarrying. This has
enabled contractors (elements of agriculturist proprietors among them and in a rare case a
member of an erstwhile tenant household) to appropriate surplus in the form of higher
profits. Domination continues to take the form of abuse, violence on women in some
households and on young men found to be breaking the norm set by sectarian
organisations (i.e. moving with girls from another religion or those accused of taking the
cattle illegally to the slaughter house).
The government programmes have led to the emergence of new forms of domination in
the village. Pattenden (2005:1982) has pointed out in the case of Bihar, that a category of
persons known as 'gate keepers' have emerged, who act as intermediaries between the
people and the officials. This is true of the village under study. Many individuals
members and elected representatives of political parties, and Community Based
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Organisations -have emerged as gate keepers mediating between the agrarian and non
agrarian elements on the one side and those with authority to distribute the benefits (i.e.
government officials elected representatives) on the other. The government programmes
have strengthened the patrimonial rule of these local and supra local gate keepers or elite.
Facilitative forms of power continue to sustain and fix the unequal identities based on
gender, age, jati and religion and wealth. Disciplinary forms of power operating in the
agrarian and other sites of production inclusive of services (schools, colleges,
professional and technical training institutions, religious centres, local and supra-local
governance, rural development and extens.ion education offices, non-profit organisations
and relatively new sectarian organisations, media (folk and mass) and micro-financial
institutions) have drawn the agrarian and other subjects into an expanding network or
grid of relations of disciplinary power. The non-agrarian sites such as industrial
companies and professional and technical services have incorporated an increasingly
large number of individuals especially youth of the agrarian households during the last
one decade, bringing them into new productive disciplinary relations of power. Their
competencies to meet the demands of the capitalist market forces have been enhanced
through appropriate educational qualifications by joining the professional and technical
centres of higher education. So what we see in the contemporary village is the emergence
of a complex network of productive cum disciplinary relations which are turning larger
and larger number of villagers both agrarian and non-agrarian into subjects of capitalist
and sectarian relations of power. The micro-finance institutions increasingly engage
women of the village to acquire the discipline of a capitalist society through developing
the capacities for regular savings, transactions with the commercial banks, loan
repayments, and in some cases through the establishment of small enterprises. They have
been drawn into disciplinary process where capital becomes the centre of things. Their
collective voice and organized visibility continues to be under the disciplinary gaze of the
socio-religious and politico-economic forces under whose control and restrictive (so
called 'emancipatory') framework they operate.
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Asymmetry in the Agrarian Site
All the facts presented concerning the agrarian and related sites make it clear that the
contemporary agrarian and other sites continue to manifest asymmetrical relations with
some modifications since the previous periods of history. The landlord class of the
periods of history (prior to mid seventies of the last century) is no more present as a
prominent class category in the agrarian sites. Only certain vestiges of this class remain
in some of the prominent sites where very few tenants who did not file declarations for
the land they were tilling continue to function as before. But such landlordism remains
invisible/illegal. Along with landlords all the legalised tenants (both Mulgenidars and
Chalgenidars) of the previous periods of history have also by and large disappeared from
the village. Instead one can see relatively small number of invisible inclusive of reverse
tenancies. There are only a few residual elements of the mane-okkalu or attached
labourers of earlier historical periods. Instead we find many new types of labour
arrangements being resorted to in the village since last two decades, to overcome the
labour shortage for undertaking agricultural operations. Aided by new technologies and
state support to undertake cash crop fanning capitalist farming too has expanded in the
village.
Because of such modifications, the agrarian sites of the 1995-2005 decades show
variations in the asymmetrical relations of power. The complex gradations and internal
differentiation that was prevalent just 30 years ago has given way to a more simple form
of ranking or hierarchy in the agrarian sites and the agrarian society of the village as a
whole. What is more striking is that though the agrarian sites retain its importance as a
site of production, they are less significant as sites of employment for the people of the
village, both members of the agrarian households and non-agrarian households. However
the gradations with the agrarian sites and the agrarian sector as a whole vary. There is
diversity within various agrarian sites as far as the relations of power based on role
differentiation and asymmetry is concerned. There are a few relatively prosperous
agrarian sites which are operating more or less on capitalist lines whcre the farmer
proprietors and his wage labourers form two distinct hierarchically based groups. These
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are sites that employ a relatively large number of penn anent labourers and casual
labourers (agricultural season only). There are relatively less prosperous agrarian sites
which employ just one or two pennanent labourers and more casual workers during the
agricultural season. There are sites managed by small farmers which depend only on
family labour as in the past and employ a few casual labourers to undertake the seasonal
work. There are marginal farmers who do the work of fanning by themselves with
support from the agrarian labourers. There are very few agrarian sites which continue to
have mane okkalu or attached households of labourers and rare cases where erstwhile
inferior tenants continue to live and work under the old fonn of patrimonialism. So the
asymmetry within the agrarian society during the contemporary period (1995 to 2005)
needs to be understood by keeping the diverse agrarian sites in mind.
Gradations in the Contemporary Agrarian Sector: The gradations that have
emerged in the contemporary agrarian sector could be listed as follows: i) Rich Farmer'
Proprietors ii) Middle Level Farmers iii) Small Farmers iv) Marginal Fanners v) Invisible
Pure Tenants vi) Agrarian Labourers
Rich Farmer Proprietors: Those owning and cultivating 10 acres or more land could be
considered rich. There are only 18 Pattadars in this category as per Table V - 16. All
except two of these belong to Bunt caste. One each is a Brahmin and a Pujary. During the
field visits to the agrarian households in 2005, between 5 to 10 farmers were found to be
prosperous agriculturists. By using one or more of the modem farming technologies such
as cash crop farming, drip irrigation and power tillers and making maximum use of the
government programmes meant for the farmers (i.e. subsidized loans for purchases
modem fann equipment) such farmers have established themselves as farmer
entrepreneurs in the village. All of them belong to the dominant Jati of Bunts. One of
these fanners has procured award as the best agriculturist in the sub-region of the district
of Dakshina Kannada, a number of times since mid nineties. Some of these farmer
proprietors have leased in lands of other Pattadars (resident and non-resident) a reverse
tenancy arrangement. They raise paddy crops in the leased in holdings and pay a nominal
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amount as geni (in kind or paddy) to the lessor. The children of these fanners have
assumed professional or salaried jobs. These are infonnal oral arrangements.
These prosperous farmers continue to exercise considerable authority in village affairs
inclusive of politics. The village Panchayat is directly or indirectly controlled by some of
these rich farmers even today as they have acquired competencies to deal with the
contradictory demands of various groups in the village. The members of such rich farmer
households have been able to extend their access to other power resources such as better
education, salaried and professional jobs as well as shares in business enterprises.
Alliance with political parties has enabled them to retain their political dominance.
Middle Level Farmers: The owners and cultivators of between 5 to 10 acres of land
individually, come next in the agrarian ladder. There were 20 to 25 farmers who belong
to this category. These have also started CUltivating cash crops such as coconut, areca nut
interspersed with other crops such as pepper. Some of them also produce horticultural
crops and sugarcane for the market. Paddy is cultivated for household consumption only
and to pay wages in kind. Only in rare cases when there is excess production or an
emergency, paddy is sold locally or outside. Some of these farmers, have left portions of
their lands fallow, some have procured land on lease from others. These fanners too have
been able to access government benefits and generally improve their standard of living.
Along with the first category of rich farmers, we can call these too as capitalist farmers as
they resort to wage labour and commodity production for the market. Some of them
resort to farming only as a supplementary activity and have salaried or other self
employment venues to ensure secure income.
Small Farmers: Small Cultivators who possess between 3 to 5 acres of cultivable land
number 93 households out of 256 cultivator households. They continue to form the single
largest group in the agrarian sector of the contemporary village. Some of these farmers
continue to grow cash crops as in the past. Some others have improved their farms and
have taken up cash crop farming as well. Some have brought variable amount of land
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under cultivation and the remaining portions of the land are left fallow. A few of them are
cUltivating horticultural crops for the market. Many members of their households have
taken up other modes of earning income - i.e. beedi rolling by women of the household
or salaried work by better educated young women and technical jobs by men of the
household.
Marginal Farmer!i: A very significant proportion of the agricultural land holdings
numbering 122 are of very small in size, not exceeding 100 cents. Some ofthese cultivate
paddy. They are subsistence farmers who find it hard to make two ends meet. The
farmers who possess such plots cannot rely on lands alone for survival unless they resort
to intensive multi cropping in a planned and systematic way. They are often indebted and
experience insecurity of livelihoods. Besides portion holding kin of guttuimane territorial
units and other purchasers, there are those who belong to the erstwhile pure tenant turned
vargadars among the small and marginal farmers. Members of their household are
engaged in wage work including beedi rolling.
Invisible Pure Tenants: Though most tenants took up the courage to file applications
under Land Reforms Act (140 of them), there were a few cases where they did not do so.
As a result of not filing declaration some erstwhile tenants were found to be functioning
as (invisible) tenants in 1995. By 2005 there were a few pure tenant elements in the
Village. In one instance, a descendant of an erstwhile evicted tenant household of the
village, now an agricultural labourer was found to be cultivating a small plot of paddy
land of a resident cultivator on a share crop basis. In another case, a landless labourer was
found tilling small portions of land of a village landholder as a tenant. In yet another
instance, a relatively aged small farmer was found to be involved in such oral tenancy
arrangement and claimed that he may not be able to continue the same for long, as his
sons have no inclination to undertake tenancy.
The land rentiers spoke of the crop share being only 50 per cent of the rates prevalent in
the pre-land reforms period (6 to 8 mudis of rice for an 80 cent piece ofland under paddy
286
fanning, instead of 12 to 15 mudis in the past). But there were those, who said that the
rents vary between 10-12 mudis per 80 cents). The rents offered vary depending on the
relative position of the tenant and the rentiers as in the past. Overall, the rates were much
lower compared to the past. Tenancy transactions are now made based on mutual trust
rather than customary rights and obligations. The few pure tenants appear to be tied in a
relationship of obligation to the land owners and rendered labour when necessary to the
land lessors. However the relation between land lessors and lessees is not as exploitative
as in the past, because there is hardly any demand for leasing in land.
Only vestiges remained of the landlordism and tenancy of the pre-land refonn days. Most
of those who have assumed land under reverse tenancy are land owning cultivators who
are in a position of superiority vis-a-vis the land owners/lessors who are often
economically weak and or unable to arrange cultivation of their fann lands by themselves
or live away from the village. The relations between such land owners and the oral lease
holders or reverse tenants cannot be seen as being based on exploitation and domination
as in the past. Inferior or subordinate tenants ofthe past have become a rarity.
Agrarian Labourers: Agrarian labourers continue to be at the lowest rung of the agrarian
ladder. The relation of power between the cultivators and labourers appear to be
changing. Even the middle and rich farmers have to treat the labourers with respect in
order to retain them in their fanns. One significant feature in the agrarian sites is the
decline in the number of persons willing to and competent to work as agrarian labourers.
The decline is especially noticeable in the census data of 2001 and has been continuing
since then. Women who continue to labour are by and large relatively older. Men who
are employed are either middle aged or elderly. Very few young men of the erstwhile
agrarian labour households are engaged in fann work. The wages that are paid to women
labourers is Rs.SO/- or 3\1, seers of rice and Rs.IO/- per day and the men labourers Rs.75/
to Rs.l 00/- per day in 2005. Labourers work for reduced rate only to those proprietors
who provide them regular work. In such cases, women work for 3 seers of rice and Rs.5/
if they are coming from hillside or other areas. As in the past, the workers are provided
287
tea with eatables in the morning, lunch in the afternoon and tea in the evening. The
proprietors say that labourers now start work late and leave the work site earlier. They do
not work as hard as they did in the past. The workers are considered to be more
demanding. Many medium, small and marginal farmers find it difficult to get labourers
during the agricultural season. Whereas the labourers state that they opt to work with
employers who pay them well and treat them with dignity. A woman farmer said that she
pays the labourers Rs.IOO/- to Rs.125/- and so has no problem getting labourers to work
on her farm. She reportedly pays an equitable wage to both men and women. The process
of genderization through gender based division of tasks and differential wages for women
and men continues to prevail in almost all other agrarian sites to this day.
Terms and conditions of employment differed from one category of labour to another.
Land owners employed the type of labour that fetched them the maximum returns from
agriculture. Four types of labourers were found to be prevalent in the agrarian sector of
the village during 1995 and 2000:
i) Attached Agrarian Labourers (Malle okkalu): There are few attached labourers in
the agrarian sites of the village at present. Only in the territory of one prominent
agriculturist, six households of attached labourers were found to be there. In a few
other cases, there were just one or two houses of attached labour. The few attached
labourers who continue to live on the sites of the landowners have the obligation to
work for the concerned Pattadar/employer whenever he requires their services.
They are permanently or seasonally employed depending on factors such as ability
and skill in performing the tasks and work available. These labourers receive
relatively lower wages compared to others. They are not paid the cash which is
provided to those who travel down the hill. The explanation provided is that they
are given more regular work unlike the casual labourers and they do not have to
climb down and up the hills.
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ii) Non-attached Daily Labourers: The non attached farm labourers, is the most
predominant category of labourers in the agrarian site of the village since 1980's. In
some cases they are members of the erstwhile house tenant/labourer households and
some are members of migrant households. Most of them are engaged by farmers
only during the agricultural season. They travel down the hills to work on daily
wages rate basis. Slightly higher rate of cash incentive is offered to these
agricultural labourers to motivate them to attend the work. These labourers are free
and they work for the employer of their choice. Some with traditional ties to the
landowner work for the same cultivator with whom they tend to have positive
relationship and who provide them more regular work. Other obligations such as
indebtedness to the land owner, made some of them work for the same land owner.
An agricultural labourer, who is more or less a permanent employer of one
landowner, revealed to the researcher that she had taken loans from her employer,
who deducted it from her daily wages. Her loans bound her to the employer. When
her loans were repaid she wished to take loans again. Some land owners support the
agrarian labourers during the lean season with food grains and later deduct the same
from their daily wages.
iii) Contract Labourers: The third categories of agranan labourers are contract
labourers brought from other villages of the district. These labourers are fetched by
cultivators from distant villages and usually belong to the economically backward
Jati groups such as Kudumbis. A contract is made for a period of time with these
labourers during the agricultural season. The women labourers are provided
housing, food grains, spices, vegetables, coconut required for cooking their meals
everyday. The wages in kind (at the rate of 4\14 seers of rice) are given to these
women after deducting the cost of rice and other materials given for their daily use
at the close of the period of contract, before they depart home. Many better off
farmers in the village appeared to be resorting to such labour arrangements in order
to overcome the labour shortage during mid 1990's. The cultivators are finding it
diffi cult to get contractor labourers at present.
289
iv) Migrant Labourers: The fourth category of labourers employed in the village is
that of migrant labourers. The migrant labourers from drought prone areas come in
search of work and live in an unoccupied territory by putting up small tents or sacks
(within the city or roadsides). Agriculturists employ these labourers at rates lower
than those that are paid to the local casual labourers. The employers claim that the
migrant labourers at present demand better wages. In 2005 one could see many
agriculturists complaining about shortage of labour to perform farming activities.
Most migrant and other casual labourers both men and women were reluctant to
assume farm work as it fetched them much lower wages compared to other fields
such as construction work.
Continuity of high co-relation between jati and land ownership/controll
Utilization
An effort was made from the revenue records to estimate the extent of land held by
landholders of various Jatis in the village as the relative domination of various Jatis in the
agrarian sector since the land reform period could be ascertained from this. It could
enable us to discover whether or not there is any change in the correlation between
landownership patterns and Jati affiliation of agriculturists in the village. Table V-IS
provides facts concerning the total lands in the possession of landholders belonging to
various Jatis and the Table V- 19 provides the Jati wise classification of landholders in
the village.
From Table V- IS it is possible to ascertain that the estimated extent of land under the
possession and control of Bunts is more than 433 acres out of nearly 630 acres of Patta
land, counted in the Jamabhandi records of the village in 1995. (Most lands that were in
the Pattadarship of Christians, Muslims and some Pujarys and other Pattadars in the
colonial land records came into the possession of Bunts, who possessed the largest
proportion ofland even during that period of history).
290
Table V -18
Estimated Extent of Land held in Acres (1995) Jati Wise
Jati No. A\:res Per \:cnt Bunt 433.24 68.85 Pujary 106.23 16.89 Brahmin 32.12 5.11 Gauda Sara swat Brahmin 10.65 1.69 Christian 13.90 2.21 Muslims 3.34 0.53 Artisan Castes 24.34 3.87 Koragas (S.T) 1.29 0.21 Mugera (S.C) 2.89 0.46 Not identified 1.12 0.18
Total 629.12 100.00
Source: Book of Record of Rights (Kothe Pustaka) and Selliement Register -Adangal (1994-1995)
It is clear from this data, that the Bunts as a Jati have retained control over vast lands in
the village to this day. They had brought more lands under their ownership/control by
purchasing land from other vargadars and by staking claims to lands of portion holding
kin and other vargadars under Land Reforms Act (Bunts themselves were the major
beneficiaries of land reforms as most of the land under tenancy was with them). Bunts
have also procured portions of unoccupied government lands. Some of them have also
taken over lands for self cultivation by ejecting tenants of intermediary and other
marginalized jati groups. Since then only small portions of land have been alienated by
Bunts to other Bunts and in rare cases to members of other jatis, exception being a land
transaction in 2005 where in a prosperous Bunt land owner had sold a large portion of his
land (6 acres) to a non-resident Christian. Most of the kinsfolk of the land owning
households have either salaried jobs and have taken to self-employment and professional
servIces.
Next to the Bunts, the Pujarys continue to be the major land owning controlling Jati
group in the village as in the past. The estimated amount of land under the private
ownership and control of households belonging to this Jati is lower than one fourth of the
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amount under the control of Bunts. However, it is significantly higher than that of all
other Jatis in the agrarian sector. The kin households of Jara matrilineal group ofPujarys
have lost significantly large portions of their land to the tenants and purchasers and new
settlers in their Kumki right lands. However, some tenants belonging to the same Jati
(Pujarys) have been able to successfully claim as tenants the lands tilled by them before
the 1974 period, both in the of lara territory as well as Bunt and Jain controlled territory.
So the total land under the control of Pujarys has remained constant throughout the 20th
century. Most Pujary land holders and their kinsfolk are now engaged in various other
jobs inclusive of self-employment ventures. For examp~e the Jhati Pujary title holder
owns a small garage, a kinsmen of this group runs a rikshaw.
The third dominant lati group in the agrarian sector of contemporary Mudusede as far as
land ownership is concerned, is that of the Brahmins (more than 32 acres of land). There
are few (only four) Brahmins households in the village. The purohit Brahmin household
had gradually expanded the lands under their control through purchase. They have lost
little of their original holdings to the tenants. Their land which was a prosperous site of
production in 1995 was found left fallow in 2005. The kinsfolk are either engaged in
priestly vocation or salaried jobs. The Gowda Saraswath Brahmins who gained land as
Darkasth in 1960's continue to have little land in their names, as many portions of it has
been sold or alienated to others, many being the village Pattadars and other settlers.
The intermediary Jati groups including artisans such as Mu1yas, Ksaurikas, Acharis,
Kotaris, and Madivala come next to the Brahmins as far as the estimated extent of land
(slightly above 24 acres) under their control is concerned. While households of Christians
control nearly 14 acres of patta lands (in 2005 nearly 20 acres of land), the Muslims the
Mugeras and other Dalits caste households have the lowest portions of the village lands
in their possession, revealing their under privileged or subordinate position as far as the
control over land is concerned. It was surprising note during the field study in 1995 and
2005 that most Koraga (S.T) households settled in 5 cent colony do not possess land right
document and live in fear of displacement by the Eco-Project. The kinsfolk of prosperous
Muslim Pattadars present on the village scene in 1904 Saib Sabu Byari, Mamu Byari and
Samu Byari (perhaps his kinsmen) and Bail Mohammad Byari have disappeared from the
agrarian scene.
Jati wise classification of pattadars possessing various size land holding would further
clarify the link between land ownership and Jati (Table V-19).
Table V - 19
Size of Agricultural holdings (joint and single) and Jati Affiliation of Land Owners (1995)
I
Ja ti affiliation ofland owners
Size oftand Brahmins ST Not Bunt Pujary ISaraswat OBC Christian Muslim and identified
Total Brahmins SC
10 cents or less I 13 3 4 1 - 1 2 25 10.01 to 25 cents 3 15 I 3 4 2 6 I 35 25.01 to 50 centS 5 5 I 4 4 I 4 - 24 50.0 I to 100 cents 15 4 4 4 8 - 2 I 38 '1.0 I to 3 acres 43 13 3 5 3 I - I 69 3.01 to 5 acres 18 5 - I 3 - - - 27 5.0 I to 10 acres 17 3 2 I - - - - 23 10.01 to 15 acres 10 1 - - - - - - 11 15.0 I and above 5 I I - - - - - 7
Total 117 60 15 22 23 4 13 5 259
Source: Book of Record of Rights (Kathe Pust.aka) and Settlement Register - A dangal (/994-/995)
The largest number of landholdings (both single and joint) in the village (117 out of 259),
including significantly large proportion of holdings of above 3 acres or more (that is 50
out of 68 holdings) are under the control of Bunts. Rest of the large land holdings (above
3 acres) in the village are under the control of Pujary and Brahmins. Only few Pattadars
from other backward Jatis and minorities have more than 3 acres of land. These facts
prove beyond doubt that a major resource in the village, namely land situates the Bunts
and to a much lesser extent Pujarys and Brahmins, in a superior position in the agrarian
site of the village. It is evident here that land as a vital resource is still very much with
one jati (Bunts) in the agrarian hierarchy that assumed control over village lands at a
293
certain point of time in history and graduaJIy expanded its hold over lands further. One
can see definite continuation of correlation between landownership and Jati affiliation as
in the past.
Other hierarchies based on gender, education and position continue to prevail in the
agrarian site. Gender inequality in landownership and control has widened since last
three decades as the male kinsmen have been able to procure ownership titles for a
significant portion of the privately held village lands. There are a few territories under the
management of women vargadars in 2005. The powerful yajamanthis of the previous
historical periods are absent from the agrarian scene. Many of the portion holding
kinswomen (resident and non-resident) either leave their land fallow or lease out portions
of it to their own kinsmen or other vargadars in return for a small portion of the crop.
Many properties of the erstwhile tenant turned vargadars have also been sub-divided and
women of these households have acquired smaller portions of such lands. Gender
disparity in wages continues to prevail in the village. It is largely the low paid women
labour who continues to be engaged in farm work in the agrarian sites.
Differential access to education, other vocations and schemes of the government
among various agrarian categories has led to further widening of inequality between
various agrarian categories. Most of those (more men compared to women) who have
acquired higher technical, professional and liberal education as well as higher level jobs
and larger percent of benefits of the government belong to the rich and middle farmer
households in 2005. Some members of the erstwhile tenant households have also
enriched themselves (some to a larger extent than their erstwhile landlords) by taking up
contracts (i.e. stone quarry) and jobs in Gulf countries. As a consequence a more complex
pattern of asymmetry is emerging in the agrarian sector in particular and the village in
general.
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Strategies and Practices
Strategies and practices of domination, discrimination and facilitative (productive cum
disciplinary) power are being continuously put into operation in the agrarian sites as in
other sites during the contemporary period. Though certain forms of overt discrimination
are not practiced now (i.e. certain acts of untouchability in public places and denial of
educational opportunities to women and dalits), many forms of subtle discrimination
continue to prevail. Strategies of domination such as physical violence or abuse by those
ranked high in the agrarian hierarchy on those ranked low is rarely heard of in the
contemporary period. Verbal abuse is often used as a strategy to reassert ones position of
superiority. Acts of violence on women by men in some of the agrarian and non-agrarian
households are reported by many residents. Sectarian groups are also using violence to
subjugate the others. Any Muslim boy found interacting or moving with a Hindu girl, in
the Eco-Tourism project site is beaten up by the members of the Hindutva radical groups
such as Bhajarangadal and Hindu Yuva Sena who gather at a very short notice. Any
incident that is considered an affront to the dominant position ofthe sectarian groups by a
member of the minority groups in particular invites violent reaction. In tum the Muslim
youth have also started reacting violently against the Hindu boys foundin the company of
Muslim girls. The catholic nuns had been involved in social work through non
government organizations since early 1980's, in 5 cent colonies and among the socio
economically marginalized in the agrarian zones. In fact a social worker priest (who is
now no more) was responsible for constructing hundreds of houses for the landless
households and two community centers in 1980's and a catholic nun was responsible for
initiating welfare oriented schemes to support house construction and education of
children. But in recent years there have been overt attempts to block the entry of catholic
nuns into the village, accusing them of attempts at conversion.
Distribution of patronage benefits by the local and supra local political elite is a subtle
strategy of domination over the agrarian and non-agrarian elements in the village. In the
last few decades a large number of schemes, launched by the government have reinforced
the domination of big farmers, bureaucrats, politicians and the captains of industry, trade
295
and finance over the small and marginal farmers and agrarian labourers in particular and
other residents of the viilage in general. A distinct tactic used in relation to patronage
distribution in the last two decades is organisation of programmes to publicly display the
distribution of government benefits such as ration cards, land right documents for 3 to 5
cent house sites and other benefits, by the members of the parliament and members of the
Legislative Assembly along with the local elite. Public functions are also organized to
inaugurate newly constructed roads, and other infrastructural facilities. Such a public
display aims at reinforcing the relations of patronage and domination. Landowners
holding positions of leadership and membership in the panchayat have used patronage
benefits to retain their hold over subordinate cultivators and attached labourers. In one
case, 6 attached labourer households of dalits (Mugeras) had been resettled by a
prominent landowner by providing them government sites and building houses by
tapping government schemes. Some of these labourers were found continuing to work for
their erstwhile master. There are also subtle modes of domination/exploitation that are
working through SHG's. Money is being collected from each member of the SHG by
their patron organisations towards specific celebrations such as religious festivals, Jubilee
celebrations and birthday of the patron.
The practice of bribery has become the fastest mode of appropriation of surplus in
government sites (Karnataka is considered to be one of the most corrupt state in India and
this applies to most locations within it). The people complain that they have to pay bribes
in order to access government schemes and official documents (such as income
certificates, land ownership document or hakkupatra and other essential official records).
The projects for construction of buildings, roads, houses and bridges are often allotted to
the contractor who quotes the lowest rate. The contractors are usually made to pay a bribe
to the officials and political bosses, to get the contract passed in their name. The
contractor in turn uses poor quality materials, turns out poor quality work and pockets a
large share of profit. A school building constructed by a contractor in the village during
1980's with government funds could not be utilized because of the poor quality of work
and it is in a dilapidated state at present. The effective execution of the responsibility of
296
the Land Tribunals set up to provide justice to tenants and attached labourers depended
on the integrity of the members. Some members and leaders of the tribunals were
reportedly bribed by the landlords to deny the tenants rights over either full or portions of
the land for which they had filed declaration.
The filing of declarations by the inferior/pure tenants was considered a challenge to their
dominance by certain landlords. Various strategies were utilized by the landlords and the
powerful tenants to retain the land held by them and to get favourable judgement from
the Land Tribunals. By utilizing the services of lawyers they took up the legal battle to
the High court level. In four cases due to the negligence of the lawyers and the
manipulations of their landlord, a High Court judge passed a judgment in favour of the
landlords and gave a very confusing judgment undermining the order of the tribunal.
Totally upset, the tenants worked out a compromise with the landlord. The tenants paid
the landlord compensation in monetary terms, in three cases by selling the very rich
standing crop of trees in their land. The discussion with the villagers however reveals that
only a few landlords appealed to the high court against the favourable judgment given to
tenants by the land tribunal.
The prosperous landlords continue to use conflict resolution as a strategy to retain their
position of domination over the subordinate elements. For instance the four tenants
mentioned earlier approached two prominent landowners of the village who assisted them
to negotiate a settlement with the landlord by paying a fixed sum of money. Such
strategies enabled the richer agriculturists to retain their position of domination and
increase their prestige in relation to the subordinate groups. In some cases the inferior
tenants were evicted from their lands. In some other cases settlement by compromise
meant that the tenant had to give part of the land to the landlord for retaining undisputed
claim over other portion. Similarly superior lease holding kinsmen used various strategies
to retain control over the lands leased in by them from their less powerful kin and other
landlord vargadars.
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The facilitative disciplinary strategies such as socialization or social conditioning ( /
inclusive of role stereotyping (i.e. gender and ritual roles) operate without much change'
within both the agrarian and non-agrarian sites (i.e. manufacturing and services,
household, education, government and non-government organizations) reinforcing the I.
gender, jati and religious identities. Certain facilitative or disciplinary practices such as
continuation of purity, pollution practices, rituals or pujas, symbols and objects in the
sites of worship (Bhuta and other religious sites) continue to be used to sustain class,
religious, j ati, and gender identities.
A significant number of schemes put into operations either directly or through the I Panchayati Raj bodies by the State and central government have served as strategies and
practices of disciplinary power contributing to the process of constructing various
subordinate and dominant identities. As Assadi (1998) points out the State as a discourse
State, a subsidiary or welfare State has ended up in piecemeal legislation and work.
Agricultural capitalism has been introduced from above through such means as new
technology, green revolution, land legislation, cooperative system, Integrated Rural
Development Programme and other strategies. Disciplinary State apparatus pacifies the
discontented village residents by doling out schemes on a selective basis. For instance,
recently government has sanctioned a scheme of constructing 20 houses for below the
poverty line households in each Panchayat. The Mudusede panchayat as per the
panchayat record had 300 applications for housing. The panchayat leaders and officials
had to select the poorest among the applicants, which was not an easy job as it is always
contested. To give another example mostly men were able to acquire ownership right
when providing land to the tenants and house sites to the landless reinforcing gender
inequality. Major beneficiary of extension services and government subsidies in the last
25 years (1980 - 2005) were the rich farmers themselves. As analyzed by Kim (2003:
1055-1068) the politics of class, gender, race and sexuality which underlie the extension
services, reproductive health care programmes and other schemes of the government have
remained invisible under the guise of modernity. This holds good for the village under
study as well.
298
Programmes of non-government organisations could also be considered as strategies of
disciplinary power. Most such organisations tend to construct villagers into docile
beneficiaries of their services and projects. No attempts are made to facilitate critique of
the existing social reality and embodied self (socio-culturally constructed identities) \
among the people that they work with. Disciplinary strategies are used in the new
organizational sites such as self-help groups (S.H.G's). Those who fail to repay loans "
taken from S.H.G's have to pay fines; annulment of membership is also done. Women
are expected to adhere to the norms of micro-finance institutions and the patron
organizations in other words, the lives of women are being closely monitored. Members
are encouraged to wear uniforms (sarees of a particular colour) by many Self-help groups
(another strategy of constructing disciplined subjects out of women). Women are thus
being gradually incorporated as disciplined objects and as the peripheral subjects of the
capitalist relations of production.
A major example of productive disciplinary power strategies in the contemporary village
is that of organizations associated with Hindutva ideology. A significant number of youth
have been mobilized by the supra local Hindutva leaders to form local units of Rashtriya
Swayam Sevak Sangh (R.s.S), Bhajarangadal, Hindu Yuva Sena and many other outfits.
The Vishwa Hindu Prathishtan lady employee was found moving around in the village
during 2005 motivating the residents to involve themselves in regularly organized
religious worship or pujas. There are also exclusivist friends' circles, formed in the
village in specific neighbourhoods with the initiative of Hindutva activists as in other
parts of the district. In recent years, Bhajana Mandalis have also been given a lot of
importance and atleast 9 Bhajana Mandalis were found in various parts of the village.
These local units draw their discourses, practices, legitimacy, authority from the supra
local Hindutva organization. Both relations of domination and productive relations of
power are at work in these sites. Members who join these units/organisations are
constituted to adhere to the rules, regulations and discipline of the units. Periodic
education, training, meetings (local and supra-local) and celebration of festivals (Jathras)
of deities (Sanipuja, Ganesh Chaturthi and Sri Krishna Ianmashtami) considered
299
I
important for pan Indian religio-cultural identity construction as well as reinforcement,
are organized in the village and in other locations. Recitals of Sanskrit Slokha, Singing of
Bhajans and organization of Samajotsavas are frequently held events. Wearing of
uniforms, conducting drills and marches were regular affair in the initial stages. Such
drills with uniforms are now conducted on days fixed for special commemoration by the
RSS. Processions and protests (both local and supra local), home visits in large groups to
mobilize funds and invite people for celebrations and other programmes are some of the
strategies of productive/disciplinary power that are used to construct the pro-Hindutva ..
identities in the village as in other parts. Activist' of Hindutva organizations not only
involve themselves in resolution of the conflicts in the village, but are invited to resolve
conflicts and other issues in the neighbouring villages as well. They take active role in
organizing and mobilizing people for protests, processions and bandhs on issues of
religio-social significance at the local and supra local level along with supra local forces
(i.e. ban on cow slaughter). The minorities and women of the majority groups are
subjected to strict surveillance. In certain localities of the region of Dakshina Kannada,
sectarian groups have forced the women married to men of minority groups to leave their
husbands and return to their families of origin and forced some of those converted to
other religions to reconvert themselves.
Discourses/Truth Claims
The well established discourses such as Brahmanical Varna dharma discourse and other
religio-cultural discourses (Islamic, Christians) continue to back the claims of certain
religio - cultural agents such as priestly classes to positions of ritual and social
dominance. Religious discourses continue to legitimise the asymmetries prevalent in the
agrarian and other sites. The discourse of neo-liberalism centred development has been
further strengthened through the processes of economic reforms, which followed the
adoption of structural adjustment policies in the country. While projecting the claim that
poverty would automatically decline as a result of growth oriented market economic
policies, neo-liberal discourse opposses state intervention and notion of civil rights (Tang
and Peters, 2006: 572). Such a discourse which gave further fillip to the processes of
300
globalization through the twin strategies of liberalization and more intensified drive
towards privatization of land, water, forest bodies has become quite diffused in the
viIlage as well. The take over of village commons, forest lands and the major water pond
(Pilikula) did not provoke much collective resistance because of the incorporation of
agrarian elements into such a discourse. The discourse of Hindutva also appears to have
made strong inroads into the village in the last 10 years, though the process of preparing
the cadres for diffusion of the discourse pre-dated this by many years. Both agrarian
elements along with others have been incorporated to believe in the truth claims
propagated by sectarian groups. Along with the Hiildutva discourse, one can find a
revivalism of conventional Islamic and Christian discourses centred on the priestly
classes which seek to heighten their hold on respective believers keeping them isolated
from others. Communal discourses are reinforcing the traditional prejudices against other
religious groups dividing individuals and groups from one another. Further exploration is
required to study the impact of such discourses on various categories of village subjects.
Resources/Capacities
Many of the resources of the earlier periods continue to be significant in the
contemporary period. However certain modifications regarding importance attached to
specific resources can be seen. The control over lands continues to be a vital resource,
however land no more provides a means oflivelihood to the vast majority of the villagers
as in the past. Private control over village lands continues to remain strong. State control
over village lands and its utilization for projects designed at the district level has been
strengthened.
In the contemporary village control over water vanes from locality to locality.
Availability of water is very inadequate in certain locations of the agrarian and hill
territories during the summer. The two water tanks of traditional times are now in a
dilapidated condition. The Pillikula the tiger's pond on the hills side is now under the
control of authorities of the Eco-tourism project. The bundh construction around the pond \
now prevents flow of water down into certain territories depriving farmers of water
301
during the dry season. Commodification of water is a new development in the village.
Those with tap water connection have to pay water charges to the panchayat. Water has
become an issue of dispute between the agricultural and the hill settlements, the
government officials, the authorities of the eco-tourism project and the politicians in the
contemporary village. Even access to position of power in the village panchayat and
higher level political bodies has been increasingly associated with the ability of the
political representatives to resolve the issue of water, in other words to make provision
for the supply of water on a regular basis to the increasing number of people. A mini dam
being constructed for the Phalguni River by the government is expected to tide over the
water crisis. The number of farm animals has declined rapidly in the village. There are
few plough animals now compared to the: past. General neglect of agriculture is reflected
in declining animal farming activities a significant source of nutrition and supplementary
income to the farming households.
As far as common property resources (CPR's) are concerned, nearly one third of the \
commonly held lands of the village have been either occupied by kin elements of I indigenous agriculturists, labourers and tenants or occupied by settlers from outside. In I other words, the common property resources have become privatised to a significant I extent. British had accessed control over portions of lands declared as paramboke and
reserved forests but left the common properties by and large under the control of '
villagers. The Post independence efforts at land grants to real or fictitious freedom
fighters, railways, harbour construction, rifle range, the tuberculosis sanatorium, the golf
course and more recently the Eco-Tourism Project namely Pillikula Nisargadhama (375
acres of village lands of which 60 acres is earmarked for the golf course) has totally
eroded the CPR's. The villagers have no access or control over village commons.
Panchayats writ has not been effectively exercised against government or private take
over of village commons. The facts collected reveal that the control of village panchayat
over village commons had been declining due to lack of legal awareness or the lack of
political will to do so. But now it is too late, as there are no lands left. The supra local
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state has become a very dominant force capable of depriving the village residents of their
traditional rights over CPR's.
Some of the traditional privileges associated with specific jatis and specific positions
such as Brahmins and priesthood continue to be there. For instance Brahmins continue to
function as priests' at all religious celebrations and as the performers of purification
rituals at Bhuta festivals. The Pujarys continue to perform the role of patris at
Bhutaradhana. Since the diffusion of the movement spread by Saint Narayana Guru,
members of Pujary jati have started assuming priestly roles in their temples (such temples
are not situated at the village level). Priesthood in all religions continues to be confined to
men.
The alliances based on Jati, religion and kinship affiliation continue to play a very
significant role in the contemporary village as well. Links with bureaucrats and
politicians continue to be forged to ensure mobilization of government schemes or
positions of membership and leadership in Panchayati Raj and higher level government
bodies. Linkages between professional groups which cut across Jati, religious and kinship
affiliation have also become important in the past two decades. Some vocational groups
such as beedi rollers associate with respective trade unions, some farmers with
associations of agriculturists and women with federations of women groups at local and
wider levels. The numerical strength of people who could be mobilized on Jati,
religious and to a much less extent on vocational lines (i.e. farmers, beedi rollers) has
become a resource base since independence and more so now.
The Competencies, to undertake modern farming practices, mobilize government
schemes, access credit from banks and co-operatives and utilize modern technologies
have become important resources in the agrarian sphere at present. Educational,
technical, managerial as well as professional competencies have now become more
important to access better jobs, higher benefits and perquisites as well as play a more
superordinate role in relations of power.
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As far as knowledge of farming is concerned more and more farmers have started
subscribing to the practice of scientific agriculture. The traditional knowledge of farming
has been labelled unscientific or naIve knowledge. Only modern farming knowledge has
been upheld and propagated by the government through extension agents. Seeds are
purchased at subsidized rate from the government and cooperative societies or purchased
in the open market. Most seed varieties have become extinct because of non use in
farming. Traditional arts and crafts (except carpentry) are totally absent from the village,
Most of those associated with verities of arts and crafts in the traditional village have
shifted to other occupations. However, the traditional calendar continues to be followed
in paddy farming atleast to some extent especially when local paddy varieties are
cultivated. Much of the knowledge of traditional medicineihealing has been lost in the
village.
The traditional cultural symbols have been maximally used for reasserting and
reinforcing the religious, political and economic dominance in the village, as at the supra
local level. Such symbols have been selectively used in the production of sectarian
identities in particular. Colours and flags (i.e. Saffron flags and khaki Sh4s by the Sangh
Parivar and green flags by the Islamic groups), pictures and statues of deities and
charismatic leaders, scriptural injunctions and other writings, monuments and buildings
(religious and others) are some of the cultural symbols maximally utilized by the political
parties, religious and sectarian groups within the village and at the supra local level to
produce/reinforce excIusivist religio-cultural identities.
Objects and Effects of Power
Besides aiming at maintenance of ones position of domination - economic, social and
political vis-a-vis other subordinate elements, the superior social groups aim at raising
their economic prosperity, social standing and political influence. Capturing positions of
leadership in organizations (local and supra-local) and political bodies is another major
object of relations of dominance. Preserving or reconstituting ones superior identity
which faces the threat of elimination because of increased resistance from subordinate
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groups is another object of relations of power in the contemporary period. Constructing
various villagers such as farmers, labourers, youth, women and children to become useful
or productive (human resources), as well as docile objects (commodities) and obedient
subjects of capital is the main objective of disciplinary relations of power.
When considering the effects of power we can note both positive and negative ones. One
major positive change that could be noted is that the people are able to have three meals a
day and do not go to bed hungry as in the past. Occupational diversity among the
members of the household and the beedi rolling among the women ensures that all have \
some income to feed themselves. In situation of crisis food items are borrowed from
neighbours and returned later. Another major positive effect that can be seen is the
change in the situation of literacy in 1990's and 2005. The vast majority of the villagers
especially from the agrarian households have accessed education at different levels and
only a minority are reportedly non literate in the village (not knowing at least one·
language to read and write). Access to better education for the younger generation is
another positive development. Higher vocational and professional competencies have
been acquired by the members of the agrarian households and others to a greater or lesser
extent. Increasingly large numbers of members of each generation from the agrarian
households since last three generations have been able to shift away from agriculture into
the industrial and service sectors of the economy mostly outside the village. Similarly a
large number of more or less skilled workers of non-agrarian households are working in
the industrial and other sectors of the economy. Many members of the households who
have moved out of the village, and have taken up jobs and have initiated business
enterprises in cities (to a larger extent Bunts and to a smaller extent members of the
intermediary jatis including minorities) and those who have found more or less secure
jobs as government functionaries and employees in the gulf countries (some Bunts,
Christians and Muslims and to a much less extent others) have been able to improve their
living conditions to a variable extent. The members of Christian households who have
found jobs in the gulf are mostly members of the erstwhile tenant households. The
number of households without ownership of house sites is only 106 out of 1695 at
present. This is another positive effect of development since last 25 years, which has
benefited landless agrarian labourers and other settlers from elsewhere (mostly landless
and ejected tenant elements from other villages of the district and other parts of South
India). Construction of a Pucca house for the houseless or those who lived in huts is
another major result of state intervention. Only 41 households are still without a pucca
house to live in. Toilet construction scheme launched with government assistance also led
to some positive efforts. As many as 1228 have toilets in the village, while only 467
households continued to live without toilet in 2005 according to the panchayat records.
On the infrastructural front the village has a relatively better tarred road up to certain
points and there are many buses that fly from the city of Mangalore to the village and
back. Women of the village have an opportunity to come together because of self-help
groups and have become more confident and articulate as a result. Their mobility to
participate in activities other than those restricted to family, jati and ritual celebration has
increased.
On the negative side the effects of relations of domination and disciplinary power could
be seen in increased inequality among the village residents. The situation of a significant
number of households in the agrarian and non-agrarian sites of the village continues to
remain one of poverty, backwardness and disease. There are only a minority of agrarian
households who lead a relatively prosperous style of life. Observation of the living
situation of the agrarian and other households brings one face to face with the prevailing
contradiction. Poorly maintained houses of varying sizes with tiled roof amidst a few
large terrace buildings in the agrarian zone as in other zones is a clear manifestation of
economic disparity.
Some facts collected from the panchayat highlight the situation of inequalities. The type
of ration card issued to village households could be considered as an indicator of their
relative economic standing in the village (Table VI- 20).
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Table Vl-20
Types of Ration Card Issued to the Households
Type of Cards 1995 200S No % No %
Green 316 21.32 - -Brown (above poverty line) 418 28.20 663 39.8 Yellow card (B.P.L.) 671 45.28 918 55.1
Antyodaya (Absolutely poor) 77 5.20 84 5.1
Total 1482 100.00 1665 100
./
As many as 671 households out of 1,482 in 1995 were issued yellow ration cards meant \
for those who are Below Poverty Line (BPL). As many as 77 were issued Antyodaya \
cards meant for those who are absolutely poor. So, though the number of those who live
in situations of extreme poverty are limited, totally 748 households are enumerated as J
being below the poverty line by the local government authorities, that is nearly 50.5 per
cent of the village households. In 2005 the number of those issued BPL and Antyodaya -. .
cards is 1002 households only 663 are considered as being above poverty line. Many of
those who are reportedly ab1ve poverty line cannot be considered to have a good life I
with adequate sustained income. It is obvious that all the progressive developments that
have occurred since Independence have failed to tackle the problem of economic
backwardness among a significant number of village residents - a distinct manifestation
of the counter effects of relations of power local to the supra-loca\. However it should be
noted here that a significant number of men and women kin of the resident households
have improved their economic status by establishing industry and service sector
enterprises and by assuming government and other corporate sector jobs by moving out
of the village, while their local resident kin in many cases have not been able to do so.
Another factor associated with relative wealth in the village is the capacity to acc.ess
various amenities such as phone connections, vehicles and gas cylinders (Table V - 21).
Only 321 households have phone connections in the village during 2005 (since many
have access to mobile phones this situation is changing). Only 51 have private vehicles
and most of those who own such vehicles are owners of two wheelers. Very few own
four wheelers Geeps or cars). All the rest have to depend on rented vehicles and bus
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servIces. In times of emergencies it becomes very expensIve and difficult for the
economically marginalised from the Bailu region to reach the hospitals situated in the
city.
There are only 211 households with one gas cylinder and 70 own two gas cylinders. Most
of the villagers either depend on fire wood (agrarian settlements and those living in
slopes) for fuel or on Kerosene (especially those residing in the hill zones of the village).
These facts make it clear that between 300 to 350 households out of an estimated number
of 1,700 to1,750 resident households could be considered economically more secure in
the contemporary village.
Table V - 21
Number ofHousebolds witb Access to Variolls Amenities (2005) .'\ .
Amenity Number of Households
Own vehicle (Four and two wheelers) 51 r Phone connections 321 I I"
One gas cylinder 211 Two gas cylinders 70 Private tap connection 345 Public tap connection 104 Open well 69 Bore well 19 Other water facility 6
Source: Records of Mudusede panchayat office (2005).
Continued unemployment and joblessness especially among the educated and insecurity
of livelihoods among the significant majority of agrarian and other vocational groups
could be considered as another effect of the relations of power. There are many youth
who remain unemployed, under-employed and jobless. Having had some formal
education, up to high school or above, there is no inclination to assume jobs considered
below their dignity and educational status. They are not willing to opt for wage labour in
agriculture which is generally considered a low paid, low status and a difficult job.
Neither do they have the skills required for such work. Many village residents especially
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youth are found wiling away their time and energy during the course of field work in
1995 and more so in 2005. These youth have become easily pliable commodities in the
hands of sectarian forces. They are engaged in peripheral activities in relation to sites of
worship and politics. They are mobilized by sectarian groups and political party elite for
electioneering and other propaganda purposes. Unemployment among the village youth
could be considered as an effect of the relations of domination and disciplinary power
both at the local and the supra local politico-economic level. The development discourse
and the related discursive practices that have been put into operation through state
policies and programmes by the government in association with the corporate capital
(national and global) and international funding organisations such as World Bank,
International Monitory Fund, Asia Development Bank) have contribUted to the problem
of jobless growth in the villages and cities ofIndia inclusive of Mudusede village.
A significant number of youth both men and women, who have accessed relatively better
education, technical and professional competencies inclusive of degrees/certificates
continue to move out of the village as they find jobs in cities and sometime abroad. As a
result, many village homes especially those of the agriculturists are left with the elderly
only (many of who are ailing and unable to oversee farm operations). The village society
is deprived of well qualified personnel who could take initiatives for altering the current
situation of backwardness in the village.
Relations of domination/disciplinary power exercised through the state in alliance with
the corporate sector have also caused immense harm to the ecology of the viIJage. The
village once rich in flora and fauna has very few species of wild animals and birds left
(the state has now put up a Zoo for captive wild animals within the eco-tourism project
site). The soil fertility has declined reducing productivity offarms, increasing pest attacks
on crops and increasing distress among the farm dependent households. There is no
common grazing land in the village at present. Common property resources have been
either privatized (settlements of five cent houses and encroachment of lands) or taken
over by the government for various projects. Water scarcity during summer months is a
309
major problem in the hill zones and some parts of the village. Some villagers claim that
eco-tourism project (with high demand for water) and digging of bore wells by the
government and private parties are responsible for depletion of underground and over
ground water levels in the village and scarcity of water in some locations of the village.
The declining quality of ecology is reflected in increasing number of persons of various
agrarian and other households being affected by ailments such as cancer. This is probably
due to continuous exposure to fertilizers and pesticides on which village farmers have
become totally dependent. Earnings of the farmers have increased the profit margins of
the corporations (private and public) engaged in producing such inputs and other
implements/machineries as well as consumer durables.
Effects on Identities - Old and New: The facts presented on agrarian and other sites of
relations of power in this section bring out clearly that some identities constructed in the
past continue to be present in the village. Some identities have become weak whereas
some others have emerged strong. New identities have also been posited in the village
during the last one decade. In short, the following conclusions could be reached from the
data available on the question of various identities:
• Landlords, pure tenants and attached labourers of the past have been almost \
eliminated. Only vestiges of these identities remain in the contemporary village. .
• Fanners as a vocational identity have generally become quite weak. Only farmer '
proprietors cultivating relatively large and medium land holdings on capitalist lines
have emerged strong as progressive farmer identities.
• Vocational identities such as beedi rollers, technical and other skilled workers are
numerically the largest group in the village.
• Jati and gender identities both superior and subordinate continue to remain weB
entrenched in the village despite all the alterations that have occurred in them such
as elimination of certain manifest forms of disparity (i.e. public display of purity,
pollution practices, acts of violence and denial of access to education and
occupational mobility directed at subordinate jati and gender groups).
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I
\ ,
• Religious identities are reinforced further in the last one decade and sectarian
identities have also emerged as a significant group operating in various sites of the
village.
• Members of the Bharatiya Janata Party could also be considered as relatively new
and numerically dominant political party based identity group that has emerged
strong by weakening the National Congress Party based and other Left Party
identities who were dominant since Independence.
• There are non-resident Indian identities to a larger extent than in the past.
• Both government personnel, professionals such as teachers, lawyers and doctors are
present in the village.
• Non-government personnel or social worker identities (more or less trained; mostly
non-professional) and various gate keepers have a strong presence in the
contemporary village.
Resistance
Resistance appears to be expressed against both the strategies of domination and
productive power in the following ways in the contemporary period:
• Some pure tenants were able to withstand the pressure from the landlord to
withdraw their declarations for the land being tilled by them. Some tenants sought
the help of influential politicians, other position holders and social workers of the
non-government agencies, to get the land settled in their favour.
• The large scale movement of labourers from the Bailu or agricultural zone in the
Padavu region in the aftermath of Kamataka Land Reforms could also be
considered as acts of resistance on the part of labourers and as an effort to attain
freedom from exploitation and the customary obligations that bound them to their
agrarian employers.
• Refusal by most workers of the village to work in the agrarian sites could be
considered as a mode of resistance against the relations of domination, relatively
low wage rates and lack of availability of regular work in this sector.
311
• Many farmers have left the lands fallow as an act of resistance as productivity is
low and the labourers demand higher wages and perquisites.
• Not cultivating paddy for the market was an act of resistance by the fanners against
State policy of restricting the prices of food grains to the minimum without a fair
price policy and adequate subsidies to ensure fair returns to the fanners. Most
fanners grow paddy mainly for self-consumption only either on their own land or
lands leased in from those who have left it fallow.
• Not voting the representatives of the ruling political party and instead voting the
opponents could also be considered as an act of resistance against non-perfonning
political representatives. Opponents could easily mobilize the discontented village
residents to vote against those in positions of power in order to win elections.
Outcome of the 2004 elections for the Parliament and State Assembly and 2005
elections to the Panchayat brings this strategy of resistance to the fore.
• Verbal criticism is another mode of resistance. The residents and leaders continue to
speak indirectly against those position holders who are seen as being authoritarian
and undemocratic in their functioning or not willing to respect democratic norms of
functioning of an organization. Use of abusive language is a very common fonn of
overt resistance that residents continue to manifest in all the sites of social relations
in the village, the wives against husbands, the youth against the elderly, the parents
against children, residents against some elected representatives and opponents
against ruling groups in the panchayat.
• There are villagers who resist attempts to bring them within the disciplinary control
of community based organizations inclusive of Self Help Groups. There are many
who do not attend meetings or participate in the group related activities regularly.
There are some who do not pay the savings at regular intervals, yet others skip the
pre-fixed repayment schedule. There are also those who put up resistance against
collection of funds by the initiators.
• Strategies such as protests, use of media (press and T.V. channels) to air grievances
and use of political influence to pressurize the legal authorities have been used in
recent years by the villagers under study as strategies of resistance. To give one
312
example, some agrarian households resisted a very powerful contractor who was
engaged in stone quarrying (blasting the rocks in the vicinity of their residence and
damaging their houses) by seeking support from the Communist Party ofIndia (M).
Joined by party leaders, the people publicly warned the authority of the Department
of Mines and Geology, that they would initiate sustained agitation in front of the
Department if the licence given to the contractor was not withdrawn. The quarry
contractor retaliated by damaging the stone crusher owned by him and filing
criminal complaint against the residents. But the police Sub-Inspector who
investigated the matter found the contractor guilty. As a consequence of people's
protest the blasting work had to be stopped. The people filed an objection to prevent
the contractor from renewing his licence for stone crushing. Some Beedi rollers of
the village from agrarian and other resident households have also joined union of
beedi rollers formed by the Communist party of India (Marxist) and have
participated in protest marches and public meetings organized by the union to
demand higher wages and better perquisites for Beedi rollers.
• The resistance continues to be shown in sites of religion by some, in the fonn of not
following the rules and traditions of religious worship and rituals, not going to the
places of worship (i.e. such as not attending places of worship), not contributing to
the expenses to maintain places of worship, and in rare cases joining other sects
(New Life among the Christians) or religions (only one case of conversion by a lady
and her family to Christianity was found in the village and she was able to
withstand all efforts to force her to reconvert).
• There are those who resist attempts at communal identity construction and refuse to
join sectarian or religion based groups or associations.
• The sustained collective struggle by those affected by the Pillikula Eco-Project is
resistance against threat to ones survival in the area and rights to water and roads.
Some of the instances of resistance that have occurred in the village in recent years
involving both agrarian as well as non-agrarian elements are highlighted here:
Within the territory, acquired for the eco-tourism project there was a site dedicated
to Jarandaya (on the Sede side of the village) called Onjare Sthana or one and a half
site, (Onjaresthana in Tu[u - place in the eastern side of the hill slopes where there
is a palm tree which had branched off from the mid trunk). This site of such a rare
and unnatural occurrence was said to be the site where Jaranadaya came to dwell
first as per one version of the Jaran<1aya legend and of ritual significance to the
agrarian households since centuries. The forest within which the site is situated was
also known as Devarakadu a forest of God (such ritualization of forests enabled the
rural communities to safeguard these forests from encroachers and other
deforestation attempts). The residents say the tree which is held by them as a sacred
symbol of Jarandaya was not cut by the labourers of the eco-project site because
when ever they approached the tree to cut it, a serpent (Naga) revered in the region
appeared at the site. For the people the presence of Naga meant that the place was
sacred and was being guarded by the Naga. The localites collectively approached
the Deputy Commissioner to allot tbis land to them so that they could build a
Daivasthana or worship site for Jaranadaya there. They were able to use their links
with the higher level political representatives to pressurize the district authorities.
As a result of such concerted attempt, a plot of one acre of land amidst the land
allotted to the Eco-Tourism Project has been earmarked and fenced to develop a
worship structure (Bhutasthana) for Jarandaya.
The attempt by the eco-project authority to close down, a public road which passes
between Edurupadavu colony and the Nisargadhama towards agrarian territories
Bandara Mane and Arb house, had become a bone of contention. The residents of
Edurupadavu including the agriculturists not only organized protest under the
leadership of the panchayat president and activists of a non-government
organization but also have approached the court of law to claim their right to this
path which they had been using since generations. The case is pending in the court
oflaw.
The eco-project has also provoked resistance for reasons other than the ones related
to territorial and infrastructural rights. The issue of not taking license from the
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panchayat, not paymg entertainment tax to the panchayat, not taking the
permissions from the panchayat to dig the roads belonging to the panchayat have
emerged as issues of dispute between the panchayat/people and eco-project
authority. The panchayat now has issued notices to the organization to pay up all
the fees inclusive of all the pending dues to the panchayat. Though partial payment
has now been made, the dispute con6nues. To cite another example, the contractors
who were in charge of road construction had piled up stones on the road leading to
the colony of the Koragas (a scheduled tribe of the region). The residents of
Edurupadavu felt through such actions the authorities were building pressure on the
residents to move out of that area. Road blocks and protests were organized and the
authorities were forced to clear the road of all the stones.
Conclusion
Last 25 years have been years of certain major alterations as well as continuities as far as
demographic trends and relations of power are concerned. There was significant rise in
the number of households and population primarily due to the arrival of new settlers into
the village. New settlements on the hills (Padavu) which emerged with the settlement of
displaced attached labourer along with some ejected tenant elements soon became I
densely populated zones with large number of newly settled households. Shalapadavu
(one of the hill colony) emerged as a centre of the village with schools, panchayat office,
primary health sub centre and shops and -other commercial establishments concentrated
there.
As far as sites of social relations are concerned the agrarian sites have lost their place of
predominance as sites of livelihood for the majority of the villagers. The percentage of
workforce engaged in the agrarian sector has declined rapidly. Instead sites of
manufacturing such as beedi rolling, construction, and service sites (such as technical
trade), within and outside the geographic limits of the village, incorporate the working
members of the households. Sites of religiosity, health, education, political parties,
government agencies, banks, licensed and unlicensed liquor shops continue to engage the
315
villagers in specific fonns of power as in the past. New sites that came to be established
during this period are Land Tribunals, Non-Government Organizations (inclusive of
sectarian organizations) and other micro-financial institutions (Chit funds, Self-help
groups).
The forms of power such as patrimonial - patriarchal have became much weaker with
the abolition of landlordism and diversification of economic activities. However certain
fonns of patronage continue to operate. The facilitative disciplinary forms of power have
become much more diffused and operate in almost all sites of social relations/power \
relations resulting in the constitution of subjects who are useful/productive as well as
docile.
The multiple asymmetries based on wealth, jati, gender, positions of authority/ritual
status, education and vocation continue to prevail in the agrarian zones of the village as
well. The asymmetry in the agrarian sector as a whole is relatively simpler at present
because of the elimination of patronage/exploitation based landlordism/tenancy and
attached labour. There are only vestiges of such elements in the agrarian sites. The
process of capitalistic farming characterized by proprietor farmers (rich and middle) on
the one side and wage workers on the other, production of crops for the market (coconut,
arecanut, vegetables, betel leaves, pepper, sugarcane) and food crops for consumption is
clearly the predominant trend in the village. The large majority of fanners however are
small and marginal ones who are unable to survive on fanning alone. Agrarian labourers
continue to be at the lowest rung of the agrarian hierarchy though the number of village
workers opting to work in the agrarian sites is declining. Labour shortage has emerged as
a major problem in the agrarian sector which clubbed with fluctuating prices of
agricultural commodities, increased input costs and lower productivity of farms is forcing
fanners to leave vast portions of their land fallow. Gender, jati, education vocation and
position based asymmetries continue to prevail to a greater or smaller extent in sites of
agriculture and religious worship and other sites of social relations as well.
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l
Strategies of domination, inclusive of exploitation of surplus continue to operate in
various sites of social relations inclusive of agrarian sites. The continued use of violence
and repressive strategies is also there in certain sites of the village which affects both the
agrarian and non-agrarian elements. The most significant strategies and practices in
operation in the village at present are disciplinary ones which subtly construct all subjects
both agrarian and non-agrarian into obedient and docile objects of state power in alliance
with the corporate power.
There are both old and new discourses/truth claims that bind the villagers in specific
forms of knowledge/power. Among the old discourses that hold sway over the village
residents, discourses of sovereignty, PastorallBrahmanical and other religio-cultural ones
are predominant. Modem science based discourses such as development, over population,
agriculture, health, education, human resource development and scientific management ,
have incorporated people into new relations of powerlknowledge in the last 25 years
making them allies of the process of privatization and corporate led globalization to a
lesser or greater extent depending on their exposure and response to these discourses.
Further studies are required at the village level to find out the impact of such discourses
on various categories of village subjects.
The effects of power are visible for all to see. A significant percentage of residents enjoy
the fruits of development to a differential extent by moving out of the village and a
relatively small proportion (less than 25 percent) by residing within the village. A vast
majority of the residents continue to live below the poverty line or just above it. The
agriculture in general and small farming in particular is in a situation of crisis, while the
precious land resources lie waste, decreasing agricultural production in the village.
Emerging relations of power since mid 1970's have eliminated certain traditionally
constructed identities such as landlords, pure tenants and attached labourers and further
weakened the traditional authority based identities such as yajamanas, yajamanthis and
Gurikaras (headman ofjati groups). Certain traditional identities based on gender, jati and
religion have undergone certain alternations but continue to remain more or less superior
317
or inferior in their relations with one another. Construction and fixation of sectarian
identities is a very visible new trend in the village.
1 The village residents continue to put up resistance against continued exercise of
domination and disciplining in various sites of social relations. Resistance both individual
and collective against the state and against one another in the various sites of social
relations and the village as a whole occur frequently. Agrarian labourers against farmer
proprietors, workers in stone quarries and beedi rollers against contractors, people against
officials and politicians who are perceived to be corrupt and resident against eco-tourism
project has been expressed through both individual and collective attempts. However the
resistance has failed to take the fonn of a broad based sustained collective struggle of the
significant majority of the ruralites inclusive of agrarian subjects. The disciplinary
processes at work in various sites of social relations reinforcing multiple asymmetries and
mobilization on sectarian lines, have hindered such a process of well organized resistance
at the local and supra local levels.
In fact the consent of the village residents has been effectively manufactured for the
disciplinary processes within which they are incorporated not only as objects of power on
whose bodies the discipline is inscribed but also as subjects/agents of power who
collaborate in disciplining themselves and others. This has hindered the creation of the
required environment for the fulfilment of human rights and freedoms in the villages of
India.
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