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& Global Climate ChanG
PSyCholoGyssg c p s cg
A Reprt the American Psychlgical AssciatinTask Frce n the Interace Between Psychlgy & Glbal Climate Change
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PSyCholoGy & Global Climate ChanGessg c p s cgs
Janet Swim, PhD, Chair
Pennsylvania State University
Susan Claytn, PhD
College o Wooster
Thmas Dherty, PsyD
Sustainable Sel, LLC
Rbert Gird, PhD
University o Victoria
Gerge Hward, PhD
University o Notre Dame
Jseph Reser, PhD
Griith University
Paul Stern, PhD
National Academies o Science
Elke Weber, PhD
Columbia University
memberS
A REPoRT oFthe American Psychlgical AssciatinTask Frce n the Interace BetweenPsychlgy and Glbal Climate Change
This reprt is available nline at the APA website
http://www.apa.rg/science/abut/publicatins/climate-change.aspx
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table o ContentS
exeCutive Summary .......................................................6
PreaCe ............................................................................10
introduCtion ..................................................................13
Addressing Climate Change: Psychlgy’s Cntributin ......14
Mbilizing the Diverse Field Psychlgy
t Address Climate Change ...........................................15
Backgrund Inrmatin ........................................................16
Literature Review ..................................................................18
SeCtion 1: how do PeoPle underStandthe riSkS imPoSed by Climate ChanGe?........21
Detectin Climate Change ................................................21
Cncern Abut Climate Change ...........................................22
(Nt) Feeling at Risk .............................................................23
Discunting the Future and the Remte ................................24
The Rle Culture in Climate Change
Understanding and Reactins ........................................25
Research Suggestins ..........................................................27
Summary ..............................................................................27
SeCtion 2: what are the human behavioralContributionS to Climate ChanGe and
the PSyCholoGiCal and Contextual
driverS o theSe ContributionS?..................29
Ethical Cncerns ...................................................................29
overview ...............................................................................30
Quantitative Mdels ..............................................................30
Ppulatin .............................................................................32
Cnsumptin .........................................................................33
Research Suggestins ..........................................................40
Frm Causes t Impacts .......................................................40
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Summary and diSCuSSion .........................................80
Psychlgical Apprach t Studying Climate Change ..........80
Psychlgy’s Research Cntributins ...................................80
Culture and Human Diversity ................................................81
Ethical Cnsideratins ..........................................................81
Maximizing Psychlgy’s Cntributin ..................................82
reerenCeS .....................................................................85
liSt o iGureS ............................................................101
table ................................................................................101GloSSary .......................................................................102
reerenCeS uSed to ConStruCt
GloSSary deinitionS ........................................107
SeCtion 3: what are the PSyChoSoCial
imPaCtS o Climate ChanGe? ............................42
Psychscial and Mental Health Impacts
Climate Change .........................................................43
Scial and Cmmunity Impacts Climate Change ..............46
Mderatrs Cl imate Change Impacts ................................46
Psychscial Mediatrs Climate Change Impacts ............47
Glbal Climate Change in Cntext other Envirnmental
Challenges .....................................................................48Psychlgical Benets Assciated With
Respnding t Climate Change .....................................48
Research n Psychscial Impacts Climate Change ........49
The Relatinship Between Psychscial Impacts
and Cping ....................................................................49
SeCtion 4: how do PeoPle adaPt to and CoPe
with the PerCeived threat and unoldinG
imPaCtS o Climate ChanGe? ............................52
Climate Change Threat and Envirnmental Impacts
as Stressrs ...................................................................55Mediating Relatins Between Stressrs and
Cping Respnses ........................................................56
Types Cping Respnses .................................................59
Mderatrs Cping Prcess..............................................60
Interventins .........................................................................61
Summary ..............................................................................61
Research Recmmendatins ................................................62
Frm Adaptatin t Mitigatin ...............................................62
SeCtion 5: whiCh PSyCholoGiCal barrierS
limit Climate ChanGe aCtion? ..........................64
General Sequence Psychlgical Barriers ........................65
Summary ..............................................................................68
Research Suggestins ..........................................................68
Frm Barriers t Change.......................................................69
SeCtion 6: how Can PSyCholoGiStS aSSiSt
in limitinG Climate ChanGe? ..............................71
What Psychlgy Can Cntribute .........................................71
What Psychlgy Has Learned .............................................73
What Psychlgy Can D t be Helpul ................................76
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addressing climate change is arguably ne the mst
pressing tasks acing ur planet and its inhabitants. In
bi and gephysical terms, climate change is dened
as changes ver time in the averages and variability surace
temperature, precipitatin, and wind as well as assciated
changes in Earth’s atmsphere, ceans and natural water
supplies, snw and ice, land surace, ecsystems, and living
rganisms (Intergvernmental Panel n Climate Change [IPCC],
2007b). What is unique abut current glbal climate change,
relative t histrical changes, is the causal rle human activity
(als called anthrpgenic rcing) and the current and prjected
dramatic changes in climate acrss the glbe.
our primary aim in ur reprt is t engage members the
psychlgy cmmunity (teachers, researchers, practitiners,
and students) in the issue climate change. T this end, this
American Psychlgical Assciatin (APA) task rce reprt
describes the cntributins psychlgical research t an
understanding psychlgical dimensins glbal climate
change, prvides research recmmendatins, and prpsesplicies r APA t assist psychlgists’ engagement with this
issue.
rsc r rcs
This APA Climate Change Task Frce Reprt cnsiders
psychlgy’s cntributin t climate change by addressing the
llwing six questins:
Section 1: How do people understand the risks imposed by
climate change?
Lng-term climate is a phenmenn nt easily detected by
persnal experience, yet ne that invites persnal bservatin
and evaluatin. Cncern abut adverse cnsequences climate
change (e.g., extreme weather events like drughts r ds)
is lw n average in places such as the United States, in part
because small prbability events tend t be underestimated
in decisins based n persnal experience, unless they haverecently ccurred, in which case they are vastly verestimated.
Many think climate change risks (and thus the benets
mitigating them) as bth cnsiderably uncertain and as being
mstly in the uture and gegraphically distant, all actrs that
lead peple t discunt them. The csts mitigatin, n the
ther hand, will be incurred with certainty in the present r
near uture. Emtinal reactins t climate change are likely
t inuence perceptins risk. Yet, emtinal reactins t
climate change risks are likely t be cnicted and muted
because climate change can be seen as a natural prcess, andglbal envirnmental systems perceived as beynd the cntrl
individuals, cmmunities, and, quite pssibly, science and
technlgy. There is, hwever, signicant variability in peple’s
reactins t climate risks, much which is mediated by cultural
values and belies.
exeCutive Summary
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Section 2: What are the human behavioral contributions
to climate change and the psychological and contextual
drivers o these contributions?
Human actins that inuence climate change include thse
resulting rm demands t accmmdate ppulatin grwth
and regin-specic types and patterns cnsumptin.
Psychlgists can help cnceptualize and better understand
psychscial predictrs these driving rces. Psychlgists
can prvide behaviral analyses cnsumptin by cusing n
behavirs that cntribute the mst t climate change. Individual
predictrs cnsumptin include ability (e.g., incme, skills)
and mtivatin (e.g., cnnectin t nature, perceptins
needs versus luxuries, cre psychlgical needs) t engage
in cnsumptin. Cntextual predictrs cnsumptin, ten
mediated by individual level predictrs, include the pprtunities
and cnstraints arded by cntexts (e.g., physical inrastructure,
climatedriving characteristics where a persn lives) and
mtivatrs cnsumptin primed by cntexts (e.g., scial and
cultural nrms, cnsumerism, cultural and scietal rientatin
tward time and nature).
Section 3: What are the psychosocial impacts o climate
change?
Althugh they cannt be described with certainty given current
research, the cumulative and interacting psychscial eects
climate change are likely t be prund. Heat, extreme weather
events, and increased cmpetitin r scarce envirnmental
resurcescmpunded by preexisting inequalities and
disprprtinate impacts amng grups and natinswill
aect interpersnal and intergrup behavir and may result
in increased stress and anxiety. Even in the absence direct
impacts, the perceptin and ear climate change may threaten
mental health. Hwever, there is reasn t believe that psitive
cnsequences are als pssibleas peple take cllective
respnsibility r a shared prblem.
Section 4: How do people adapt to and cope with perceived
threat and unolding impacts o climate change?
Adapting t and cping with climate change is an nging
and ever-changing prcess that invlves many intrapsychic
prcesses that inuence reactins t and preparatins r
adverse impacts climate change, including chrnic events
and disasters. Psychlgical prcesses include sense making;
causal and respnsibility attributins r adverse climate change
impacts; appraisals impacts, resurces, and pssible cping
respnses; aective respnses; and mtivatinal prcesses
related t needs r security, stability, cherence, and cntrl.
These prcesses are inuenced by media representatins
climate change and rmal and inrmal scial discurseinvlving scial cnstructin, representatin, amplicatin,
and attenuatin climate change risk and its impacts. These
prcesses reect and mtivate intrapsychic respnses (e.g.,
denial, emtin management, prblem slving) and individual
and cmmunity behaviral respnses. Individual and cultural
variatin inuences all aspects the prcess, prviding cntext,
wrldviews, values, cncerns, resilience, and vulnerability.
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Section 5: Which psychological barriers limit climate change
action?
Many psychlgical and scial structural barriers stand in the
way behaviral changes that wuld help limit climate change.
Many peple are taking actin in respnse t the risks climate
change, but many thers are unaware the prblem, unsure
the acts r what t d, d nt trust experts r believe their
cnclusins, think the prblem is elsewhere, are xed in their
ways, believe that thers shuld act, r believe that their actins
will make n dierence r are unimprtant cmpared t thse
thers. They may be engaged in tken actins r actins
they believe are helpul but bjectively are nt. They have
ther wrthy gals and aspiratins that draw their time, ert,
and resurces, r they believe that slutins utside human
cntrl will address the prblem. Sme r all the structural
barriers must be remved but this is nt likely t be suicient.
Psychlgists and ther scial scientists need t wrk n
psychlgical barriers.
Section 6: How can psychologists assist in limiting climatechange?
Psychlgy can better the understanding the behavirs
that drive climate change by building better behaviral mdels
based n empirical analyses, prviding deeper understanding
individual and husehld behavir, and applying evaluatin
research methds t erts t develp and imprve
interventins. one psychlgy’s unique cntributins is t the
understanding behavir at the individual level. It has already
bradened understanding the interactive rles varius
persnal and cntextual actrs in shaping envirnmentally
signicant behavir and in cmprehending why peple d and
d nt respnd t the variety interventin types, including
persuasive messages, inrmatin, ecnmic incentives, and
new technlgies. It can cntribute mre in this area by helping
t design mre eective interventins. Psychlgy can als help
by illuminating the psychlgical actrs aecting behaviral
change in rganizatins, as well as cultural and plicy changes.
Tpic-specic research recmmendatins llw rm
ur illustratins hw psychlgists can help address these
questins. These recmmendatins cme at the end each
sectin. In many cases, research recmmendatins invlve
testing the generalizability inrmatin derived rm related
areas t the cntext glbal climate change. In ther cases,
the research recmmendatins highlight places where mre
research is needed t ully understand particular tpics
highlighted within each sectin.
Pc rcs
A secnd aim ur reprt was t make plicy recmmendatins
r APA. We rmulated the recmmendatins t assist and
encurage psychlgists’ engagement with climate change
issues as researchers, academics, practitiners, and students
and t ster the develpment natinal and internatinal
cllabratins with ther individuals and assciatins inside
and utside psychlgy. We als make recmmendatins t
encurage APA t “walk the talk” by addressing ur pressinal
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rganizatin’s cntributin t the greenhuse gas emissins
discussin and t be a rle mdel r divisins within psychlgy.
The ull set plicy recmmendatins can be und at
http://www.apa.rg/science/abut/publicatins/plicy-
recmmendatins.pd.
Ccs
We cnclude by summarizing the value a psychlgical
apprach t studying climate change and research cntributins.
We discuss the imprtance being attuned t the diversity
human experience in climate change analyses because varius
understandings and respnses t climate change will be
inuenced by a persn’s wrldview, culture, and scial identities.
We als discuss hw APA ethical standards prvide mtivatin
r psychlgists’ engagement in climate change issues
and challenges. Finally, we recmmend that psychlgists
adpt the llwing principles t maximize the value and use
psychlgical cncepts and research r understandingand inrming eective respnses t climate change thereby
maximizing their cntributin t the science climate change:
1. Use the shared language and cncepts the climate
research cmmunity where pssible and explain dierences in
use language between this cmmunity and psychlgy;
2. Make cnnectins t research and cncepts rm ther scial,
engineering, and natural science elds;
3. Present psychlgical insights in terms missing pieces in
climate change analyses;
4. Present the cntributins psychlgy in relatin t imprtant
challenges t climate change and climate respnse;
5. Priritize issues and behavirs recgnized as imprtant
climate change causes, cnsequences, r respnses. Be
cgnizant the pssibility that psychlgical phenmena are
cntext dependent;
6. Be explicit abut whether psychlgical principles and best
practices have been established in climate-relevant cntexts;
7. Be explicit abut whether psychlgical principles and best
practices have been established in climate-relevant cntexts;
and
8. Be mindul scial disparities and ethical and justice issues
that interace with climate change.
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PreaCe
the missin the American Psychlgical Assciatin
(APA) Climate Change Task Frce was t reprt n
the interace between psychlgy and glbal climate
change, rmulate research recmmendatins, and write plicy
recmmendatins r psychlgical science. In this reprt we
summarize research illustrating a psychlgically inrmed
understanding glbal climate change and its impacts,
mitigatin, and adaptatin. We als identiy areas r uture
research and plicy recmmendatins. The llwing paragraphsprvide sme backgrund n ur task rce reprt.
our rst challenge was t determine ur audience. We
believe that psychlgy has a crucial cntributin t make t
multidisciplinary and transdisciplinary erts in the cntext
glbal climate change, bth natinally and internatinallya
view that was shared by the external reviewers this reprt.
Further, psychlgy can assist plicymakers, unding agencies,
public and private rganizatins, lcal and reginal gvernment
bdies, nngvernment rganizatins, and the generalpublic. Yet, we als believe that it is imprtant t mre ully
engage the psychlgical cmmunity (teachers, researchers,
practitiners, and students) in issues related t glbal climate
change. Given the instructin t rmulate plicy and research
recmmendatins r psychlgical science, we decided
that ur primary target audience shuld be members the
psychlgy cmmunity. It is hped that this reprt can help
psychlgists becme mre knwledgeable abut hw their
eld can inrm the discurse n climate change. A deeper
engagement wuld be t incrprate the urgency and challenges glbal climate change int psychlgy research, inrm
students abut the psychlgical aspects climate change, and
incrprate climate change cnsideratins and public cncerns
in psychlgical interventins. Fr instance, psychlgists in
the cmmunity can help address envirnmental wrries and
anxieties r assist cmmunities and rganizatins in their erts
t address causes and cnsequences climate change. While
psychlgy has already cntributed much t cllabrative erts
addressing climate change, we believe that psychlgists can
d much mre. We als wuld be very pleased i this reprt
inspires a greater appreciatin psychlgy’s cntributins t
understanding and addressing climate change and acilitates
cllabrative initiatives with thers utside psychlgy.
Tw verriding cnsideratins guided the writing the
reprt. First, based n ur understanding scientic evidence,
we strngly believe that glbal climate change impacts cnstitute
a signicant threat and challenge t human health and well-being and that human behavirs are a primary driver climate
change. We believe that peple rm all walks lie need t wrk
tgether t prevent uture harm. We recgnize that psychlgists
address a number imprtant issues. We d nt mean t imply
that addressing glbal climate change is mre imprtant than
ther wrk psychlgists d and d nt see them as mutually
exclusive. At a pressinal level, sme psychlgists may
chse t cus n climate change in their practice, research,
r teaching; thers may cnsider ways in which their wrk and
basic research can inrm and be inrmed by research n glbalclimate change. Still thers may simply learn mre abut what
thers in their eld are ding.
The secnd cnsideratin was the critical need r inrmed
decisin making. In ur reprt, we sught, wherever pssible, t
identiy psychlgical knwledge derived rm and claried by
climate-relevant empirical research. In areas where there was a
dearth climate change-relevant research, we identied ndings
that culd be applied and evaluated in a climate change cntext.
our gal was t prvide a review psychlgical research thatwuld be a resurce r psychlgists (teachers, researchers,
and practitiners) and students psychlgy (undergraduate,
graduate, and pstdctral ellws).
We review psychlgical research within the cntext
central themes (i.e., causes, impacts, and respnsesincluding
adaptatin and mitigatin) that characterize current discurse
within climate change science and the human dimensins
glbal change literature. These themes were chsen, in part,
…human behaviors are a primary
driver o climate change.
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t assist psychlgists in their interactins with thers studying
climate change and t structure the reprt, given the very diverse
nature relevant psychlgical research. Based upn these
themes, we ramed plain language questins that psychlgists
are currently addressing and culd mre ully address in the
uture. At the end each sectin answering each questin, we
prvide research recmmendatins. one t three task rce
members tk respnsibility r each sectin the reprt as well
as the preace, intrductin, and cnclusin. We did nt identiyauthrs r each sectin because there was much cllabratin
in the develpment, writing, and revisin each sectin.
As nted, we sught t identiy psychlgical research and
practice that has been specically applied and tested in the arena
climate change. As may be expected, this led us t begin
with research and practice in envirnmental and cnservatin
psychlgy, the literature n natural and technlgical disasters,
and clinical perspectives assciated with ecpsychlgy. our
cmmittee was nvel in that it included scial, cunseling,cgnitive, and clinical psychlgists in additin t envirnmental
psychlgists and thse specializing in glbal envirnmental
change. It als included representatin rm several cuntries
(the United States, Canada, Australia, Germany, as ne member
has dual citizenship in the United States and Germany).
Glbal climate change is a cmplex and multiaceted
phenmenn that can be understd rm a number
perspectives. In ur reprt, we were unable t give ull attentin
t all ptentially relevant areas research and practice.
These include the literature n place attachment and identity,
the restrative benets natural envirnments, and the
eectiveness envirnmental educatin prgrams. In additin, a
number existing psychlgical theries and interventins culd
be eectively applied in the arena climate change. Again, we
cused ur reprt n ndings that were empirically supprted in
a climate-relevant cntext.
Finally, we rmulated recmmendatins t assist and
encurage psychlgists’ engagement with climate change
in their rles as researchers, academics, practitiners, and
students. Amng thse recmmendatins, we sught t ster
the develpment natinal and internatinal cllabratins with
individuals and assciatins inside and utside psychlgy.
We als made recmmendatins t the gverning bdy
the APA t cnsider envirnmentally relevant behavir in the
rganizatin by examining the assciatin’s cntributin t thegreenhuse gas emissins discussin and t prvide leadership
n climate change-related activities r the special-interest
divisins within the rganizatin.
We wuld like t express ur appreciatin t all the
sta at APA that helped us develp this reprt. These sta
members include Niclle Singer, ur primary sta assistant;
Hward Kurtzman, Deputy Executive Directr the APA
Science Directrate; Steve Breckler, Executive Directr the
APA Science Directrate; and Bb Seward and Dean Pawley,wh made ur virtual meetings and sharing dcuments
pssible. We wuld als like t acknwledge the supprt and
encuragement we received rm APA Presidents Alan Kazdin,
2008, and James Bray, 2009.
We wuld like t thank the reviewers wh helped imprve
the rm and cntent this reprt. These include the llwing
reviewers wh were members APA bards and cmmittees:
Judith Blantn, Art Blume, Eve Brank, Rnald Brwn, David
DeMatte, Michael Edwards, Pamela Ebert Flattau, Sue Frantz,Rn Hambletn, Laura Jhnsn, Kathy McClskey, Kevin
Murphy, Kurt Salzinger, Richard Velay, and Maria Cecelia Zea.
The list als includes the llwing psychlgists with expertise
n envirnmental psychlgy and related tpics: Lisa Aspinwall,
Timthy Kasser, Ellen Matthies, Paul Slvic, Linda Steg, David
Uzzell, and Debrah Winter. The list als includes the llwing
experts rm elds utside psychlgy: Anne Ehrlich, Paul
Ehrlich, Susan Mser, Melissa Payne, and Brent Yarnal.
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Climate change is mre than changes in weather. Climate
change is dened by the Intergvernmental Panel n
Climate Change (Intergvernmental Panel n Climate
Change [IPCC], 2007b) as “any change in climate ver time,
whether due t natural variability r as a result human
activity.” Changes in climate reer t changes in means and
variability , r instance, temperature, precipitatin, and windver the curse mnths t millins years. Mre bradly,
climate reers t changes in atmsphere (gaseus envelpe
surrunding the earth), hydrsphere (water n the surace the
earth), crysphere (snw, ice, and permarst n and beneath
the surace the earth and cean), land surace, and bisphere
(ecsystems and rganisms living in the atmsphere, land, and
ceans). Glbal climate change is undamentally a biphysical
phenmenn. Hwever, the recent and accelerating warming
the earth’s climate is largely attributable t human activity, and
its impacts are mediated by psychlgical and scial prcessesand can be limited primarily by human activity.
This American Psychlgical Assciatin (APA) task rce
reprt describes hw psychlgy can help better understand
the causes and cnsequences climate change and cntribute
t humanity’s respnse t the cntinuing prcess glbal
climate change. Psychlgists as members an intellectual and
practice cmmunity have relevant skills r understanding why
and hw humans act in ways that cntribute t climate change;
the psychscial impacts climate change; and ways t assist
sciety in respnding t current and anticipated impacts
climate change via bth adaptatin strategies t lessen impacts
and actins t reduce greenhuse gas emissins. T eectively
cntribute, psychlgists need t cmmunicate with ther
disciplines in the scial and natural sciences and develp mre
widely shared understandings relevant human phenmenaassciated with climate change that can be integrated with
understandings and ramewrks ther disciplines.
The mst recent majr internatinal scientic cnsensus
evaluatin cncluded that human activities are changing
the climate at a planetary level, that many gephysical and
biphysical impacts are already evident, and that urther such
eects are inevitable (IPCC, 2007c). The present reprt,
llwing the lead ther climate change summaries (e.g.,
Cnalnieri et al., 2007; Gilman, Randall, & Schwartz, 2007)wrks rm the ndings the Intergvernmental Panel n
Climate Change (IPCC) Wrking Grup II’s cnclusins abut
the high prbability (67 t 95% likelihd) that climate change
will result in the llwing:
• Higher maximum temperatures leading to increased heat-
related deaths and illnesses and heat-related impacts n
livestck, wildlie, and agriculture;
• Higher minimum temperatures contributing to an extended
range sme pest and disease vectrs;
introduCtion
The long-term good health o populations depends on the continued stability and unctioning o the biosphere’s ecological and physical systems, oten reerred to as lie-
support systems. We ignore this long-established historical truth at our peril: yet it is all
too easy to overlook this dependency, particularly at a time when the human species is
becoming increasingly urbanized and distanced rom these natural systems. The world’s
climate system is an integral part o this complex o lie-supporting processes, one o many
large natural systems that are now coming under pressure rom the increasing weight o
human numbers and economic activities. (McMichael, 2003)
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• More intense precipitation events leading to increased
ds, land- and mudslides, and sil ersin;
• Increase in summer drying and drought associated with
decreases in crp yields and water resurce quality and
quantity and increased risk rest re; and
• Increase in tropical cyclone wind and precipitation
intensities leading t increased risk t human health,
risk inectius disease epidemics, castal ersin anddamage t castal inrastructure, and damage t castal
ecsystems.
The prjectins r eects climate change typically
are thrugh 2050 r 2100. It is imprtant t nte, thugh, that
sme believe climate change impacts are already ccurring
and the impacts will last r the next millennium and beynd.
Yet, cntinued research is needed t be able t identiy
the time curse varius impacts. The precise timing and
intensity these events are unknwn because, r instance,they are dependent upn hw peple respnd, there are likely
unpredictable impacts due t interdependence biphysical
phenmena, and there are likely dierent time curses r
dierent events.
Althugh ther envirnmental cncerns are als pressing,
climate change deserves cncerted attentin because
irreversible changes in earth systems due t climate change (n
a 1000-year time rame) will require prund adaptatin (IPCC,
2001, 2007c; Slmn, Plattner, Knutti, & Friedlingstein, 2009)and because preventing even mre severe changes will require
signicant alteratins in individual and cllective behavir.
Sme have argued that the impacts climate change
will nt be universally negative; there will be bth “winners”
and “lsers.” Sme regins may benet by, r instance, being
able t increase agricultural prductin and supprt human
inhabitants in areas (such as Nrthern Canada) that were
previusly inhspitable t humans, having access t il reserves
in previusly inaccessible areas (such as Siberia), and increasetheir wealth due t the abve changes and distribute psitive
cnsequences wealth t thers (Easterbrk, 2007) at a
greater gd r all.
Yet, this implies that the presence winners negates
cncern abut “lsers.” It neglects the interdependency amng
peple and assumes that the misrtunes sme will have little
r n negative impact n thse wh have benetted. Further,
it des nt take int accunt the ull range predictins abut
climate change and the ptential r eedback lps. The greater
the increase in temperatures, the ewer “winners” there will be;
and, irnically, i “winners” cntribute t climate change with
high levels emissins, perhaps due t their imprved lie
circumstances, many may becme lsers as the magnitude
changes increases. Further, attending t the adverse impacts
climate change is cnsistent with the psychlgical ethical
principle aviding harm and ensuring human welare and
psychlgists’ wrk with marginalized grups wh are mst apt
t experience negative impacts. Fr reasns such as these, we
cus n the risks and negative impacts climate change.
This reprt cnsiders psychlgy’s cntributin t
understanding and respnding t climate change by cusing
n psychlgical dimensins climate change. We d this
by reviewing what psychlgical research can tell us abut
perceptins and cnceptins glbal climate change, human
activities that drive climate change, the psychscial impacts
climate change, barriers t respnding t climate change,
and human respnses t climate change via adaptatin and
mitigatin. Ater a review the literature, we recmmend ways
that the APA can: (a) encurage psychlgists t becme
invlved in understanding human and psychlgical dimensins
glbal climate change; (b) create eective utreach prgrams
that assist the public in understanding climate change, mitigating
its human causes, and adapting t climate change impacts
and acilitate internatinal, crss-disciplinary, transdisciplinary
cllabratins that address a climate change; and (c) address
the rganizatin’s envirnmental impacts that cntribute tglbal climate change.
assg C Cg:Pscg’s C
There are a number qualities assciated with psychlgy
that psitin psychlgists t prvide meaningul cntributins
t addressing climate change and its impacts. These qualities
can be und in ther elds as well, particularly ther scial
sciences. Yet, they pint t the types cntributins thatpsychlgy can make; the necessity r thse in the scial
sciences, including psychlgy, t cntribute r prgress n
addressing climate change; and the reasns why sme have
argued that psychlgists have a respnsibility t cntribute t
erts t address climate change (e.g., Claytn & Brk, 2005;
Miller, 1969).
First, psychlgists prvide a theretically and empirically
based understanding human behavir at the individual level.
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This level analysis is relevant r understanding the human
causes climate change because it is the cllective impact
human behavirs that is cntributing t climate change
(Claytn & Brk, 2005; Gird, 2008). An individual level
analysis is relevant r understanding the impacts climate
change and the ways individuals adapt t climate change
because impacts and cping respnses include psychlgical
respnses (e.g., anxiety), psychlgical prcesses (e.g.,
denial , emtin regulatin), and individual and interpersnal
behaviral prcesses (e.g., scial supprt seeking, civic
engagement). Further, erts t encurage mitigatin and
structural changes r adaptin t climate change will need
t attend t the decisin makers and members the general
public and scial grups. The eectiveness varius plicies
(e.g., cap and trade) requires the invlvement and supprt
peple. Psychlgists can help by prviding links between
envirnmental plicies and individuals by attending t the ways
that individuals and cmmunities may r may nt be receptive
t r even react against envirnmental plicies develped by
gvernment icials, including whether their reactin t plicies
is a unctin the plicies themselves r ther actrs, such
as their relatinship t gvernment and their preerences r
nngvernmental slutins (Gird, 2008; Spence, Pidgen, &
Uzzell, 2009).
Secnd, psychlgists, alng with thse in ther scial
science disciplines, have lng recgnized the imprtance
the prximal (e.g., the presence thers, structures
neighbrhds) and distal (e.g., cultural and ecnmic)cntexts r determining behavirs, and this is imprtant r
envirnmental behavirs as well (Claytn & Brk, 2005;
Wapner & Demick, 2002). The ability t attend t bth individual
level analyses and cntexts is necessary t ully address human
behavir in multiple cntexts. Further, a dening eature
envirnmental psychlgy has been attentin t the relatinships
individuals have with their envirnments.
Third, psychlgists have uncvered individual,
interpersnal, and scial rces capable changing humanbehavir that are nt therwise clearly r widely understd.
Althugh peple seem able t articulate their pinins,
belies, and preerences accurately, they are ntriusly
pr at recgnizing the causes their behavir (Nisbett
& Wilsn, 1977). In the realm energy cnsumptin, r
example, peple will requently misinterpret the true causes
actins that acilitate r retard their climate cntrl erts
(Nlan, Schultz, Cialdini, Gldstein, & Griskevicius, 2008).
Thrugh behaviral-investigatins emplying experimental and
nnexperimental methdlgies, psychlgists can identiy the
actual determinants energy cnsumptive behavirs, many
which are psychlgical in rigin, and can highlight them in
cmmunicatin campaigns t encurage peple t behave in
mre sustainable ways and t prmte energy cnservatin.
Furth, there are many current and predicted intrapersnal,
interpersnal, and intergrup cnsequences climate change.
Psychlgists are well psitined t design, implement, and
assess interventins t amelirate the psychscial impacts
climate change. This has been illustrated thrugh imprtant
service prvided t victims extreme weather events such
as Hurricane Katrina (Proessional Psychology: Research and
Practice, 2008). Intergrup rivalry and ethical cncerns abut
envirnmental justice are likely t becme mre salient as
envirnmental prblems are interpreted thrugh the lens
climate change (Claytn & Brk, 2005; Spence et al., 2009).
Psychlgists’ understanding hw idelgies, values, and
belies maniest n individual and grup levels can help explain
and address emtinal reactins t the scial justice issues
inherent in climate change impacts (Spence et al., 2009).
mzg ds Pscg ass C Cg
While envirnmental psychlgists have cntributed much
the wrk n envirnmental sustainability, there are pprtunities
r the brad eld psychlgy t cntribute t humanity’s
respnse t climate change. The subdiscipline envirnmentalpsychlgy began early in the 20th century, and its cus n
envirnmental degradatin increased in the 1960s. It was nt
until the 1980s, hwever, that research in this area expanded
t take n large-scale envirnmental prblems. As Gird
(2007) ntes: “Instead trying t understand territriality in the
ice r values as they inuence the perceptin landscapes,
the gals sme became trying t understand and slve
resurce dilemmas, traic prblems, urban blight, and crimes
against nature” (p. 200). Gird describes several themes in
envirnmental psychlgy that have emerged ver the last 50years that are relevant t climate change: (a) an interest in hw
envirnmental psychlgy can inrm and aid public plicy; (b)
attentin t technlgy bth as a cntributr t envirnmental
prblems and as a means t imprve sustainability; (c)
a tendency t value and benet rm multidisciplinary
cllabratins and theries rm ther elds; (d) expansin
interests t include multiple levels analyses rm small-scale
studies individuals and small grups t larger scale issues
sustainability, issues acing nnhuman bilgical wrld, and
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large-scale eclgical prblems such as the impending wrld
water crises.
The multiple current and ptential impacts climate change
n individuals’ psychlgical health and unctining indicate
that psychlgy’s invlvement in addressing glbal climate
change shuld nt be let nly t an envirnmental subdiscipline
psychlgy. The expertise und in a variety elds
psychlgy adds t the discipline’s ability t cntribute slutins
t many prblems assciated with climate change. This includes
mbilizing psychlgists t address issues ranging rm cping
with perceived threats climate change t trauma stemming
rm experience climate-related weather disasters. Experts in
cmmunity, business, and rganizatinal behavir can address
changes necessary at the systemic and human behaviral
levels, as businesses and nnprt rganizatins adapt t
a changing envirnment. other psychlgists prvide an
understanding hw peple acrss the lie span can adapt t
climate change. Psychlgists can als design eective methds
t integrate an envirnmental cus int psychlgy and ther
curricula. Experts in internatinal and peace psychlgy can
intervene as intergrup cnicts develp due t decreasing
resurces and rced migratins assciated with a changing
climate. These are just a ew the ways that psychlgists’
knwledge and techniques interace with glbal climate change.
bcg i
Fundamentals o climate change
Earth’s temperature and climate have uctuated ver the
curse millins years. over the past century r s,
hwever, human activities have driven Earth’s climate ut the
temperature range within which human civilizatin develped
during the past 10,000 yearsand urther warming is inevitable
because the physical prperties the climate system (IPCC,
2007c).
This climate change, recent in gelgical terms, is a result
several changes in human activities that accelerated with
industrializatin in the 19th century and increased expnentially
since. These activities, smetimes called driving rces (Natinal
Research Cuncil, 1992), have prduced rapid increases in
climate rcing actrs, chiey releases greenhuse gases
(GHG) and land cver changes that alter Earth’s albed, r
reectivity energy cming rm the sun. The mst imprtant
GHG are carbn dixide (Co2; rm ssil uels, manuacturing,
derestatin, and decaying plants), methane (CH4; rm
prductin and transprt ssil uels, livestck, and ther
agricultural practices and decay rganic waste in municipal
slid waste landlls), and nitrus xide (N2o; rm agricultural
and industrial activities, cmbustin ssil uels, and slid
waste and urinated gases rm industrial prcesses) (U.S.
Envirnmental Prtectin Agency, 2009).
Climate mdels simulate the impact greenhuse gases
and ther rcing actrs n climate characteristics (e.g., average
wrld temperature). Lnger-term prjectins rely in part n
scenaris uture drivers, based n assumptins abut actrs
such as the size uture human ppulatin, uture ecnmic
grwth, and extent and success mitigatin erts. The IPCC
estimated that glbal mean temperature at the end the 21st
century wuld be between 0.3 and 6.4 degree C higher than
1980 t 1999 cnditins (IPCC, 2007c). other mre recent
mdels indicate greater likelihd mre extreme temperature
changes (e.g., 90% prbability 3.5 t 7.4 degree C changes
by 2100; (Sklv, et al., in press). It is imprtant t nte that
climatic change aects actrs ther than temperature (e.g.,
precipitatin patterns, ecsystem unctins, and resh water
supplies, t name just a ew). In additin, the temperature
changes can vary substantially rm the glbal mean value and
are prjected t be cnsiderably higher than average ver land
and in high latitudes.
The IPCC reprt utlines several dmains in whichcnsequences are ccurring r are expected rm climate
change. Figure 1 shws anthrpgenic drivers, impacts, and
respnses t climate change. It identies eects n average
precipitatin, temperatures, and sea levels and extreme events
that in turn aect ecsystems, d supplies, and security;
water supplies; and human health and settlements. Human
respnses t these changes and threats are usually classied as
mitigatin (human interventins t reduce anthrpgenic drivers
climate systems) and adaptatin (“adjustments in natural r
human systems in respnse t actual r expected climatic stimulr their eects, which mderates harm r explits benecial
pprtunities” (IPCC, 2007b). Finally, the drivers, impacts, and
respnses are all aected by sciecnmic changes, such as
in patterns prductin and cnsumptin, gvernment plicies,
and use technlgy. (S g 1 pg.)
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Human dimensions o climate change
Human interactins with climate change include human drivers
r causes (e.g., ssil uels, land use, and land use change),
human impacts r cnsequences (e.g., changes in the intensity
and requency natural disasters, in water supplies, in d
prductin and threats t public health), and human respnses
(e.g., individual and grup attempts t mitigate climate change
r adapt in ways that reduce damage rm climate change that
were nt avided). These interactins ccur at multiple levels
invlving individuals, husehlds, rganizatins, gvernments,
and scieties. There is als a tempral dimensin t human
dimensins climate change. Human cntributin t climate
change has changed ver the curse histry as peple
alter Earth’s surace and use technlgies that release GHG.
The cnnectins between humans and climate change are
inseparable rm their cnnectins t ther animals and the
rest nature, thugh the extent t which peple attend t this
interactin varies acrss individuals, scieties, cultures, and
time. Psychlgists and ther scial scientists are wrking t
develp better understanding these human dimensins
climate change.
Psychological dimensions o climate change
Psychlgy can prvide insights int the meanings climate
change t individuals and scieties. Fr example, peple
d nt directly experience climate change. They experience
representatins climate change that are presented t them
via varius media and educatinal surces and persnal
interactins, and, inuenced by such presentatins, they may
interpret certain events they d experience, such as hurricanes
r wildres, as maniestatins climate change.
Generally, peple’s understandings climate change
underlie their willingness t act, and t supprt public plicies,
in respnse t it. As described belw, achieving an apprpriate
understanding is diicult r many reasns. The eects climate
are uncertain, and the eects that are knwn are diicult r lay
peple t discern. Climate change is nt a hazard per se, but
a ptential driver many dierent hazards. Many impacts are
place-specic due t variatin in eects reginally and natinally
related t gegraphic dierences as well as dierences in
resurces available r adaptatin. We can als expect t besurprised by climate-driven events, pssibly including having t
experience events that science has nt yet even warned abut.
Many ur expectatins abut climate may be utmded
because glbal temperature is mving utside the range within
which it has uctuated thrughut recrded human histry.
Climate change is als accelerating and des nt necessarily
llwing linear trends, s recently experienced events may be
bad guides as t what t expect. While many current eects are
urgent and cnsequential, sme mst serius impacts will
Climate Change
EARTH SYSTEMS
HUMAN SYSTEMS
Greenhouse Gases · Aerosols
Climate Process Drivers
Concentrations
Emissions
Impacts & Vulnerability
Socio-EconomicDevelopment
Mitigation Adaptation
Population · EquityProduction & Consumption Patterns
Trade · Governance · HealthSocio-Cultural Preferences
Technology · Literacy
Ecosystems · Food SecurityWater Resources
Settlements & SocietyHuman Health
Extreme Events
Sea Level RiseTemperature ChangePrecipitation Change
iGure 1: Scc
pgc c cg s,
pcs, spss ( iPCC, 2007).
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cme ar in the uture, beynd the planning hrizns mst
individuals and rganizatins. Finally, as the climate changes,
the wrld will be changing, rendering cndence in predictins
even mre diicult.
Figure 2 elabrates the human dimensins climate
change and suggests what psychlgy can cntribute t climate
change analyses and discussins. At the tp the mdel is
climate change. Althugh climate change is a physical prcess,
it is driven by and understd thrugh scial prcesses,
including interpretatins events presented in the mass media.
Human behaviral cntributins t climate change (n the let
side the mdel) ccur via the use gds and services that
directly inuence the envirnment (envirnmental cnsumptin),
which is linked t ecnmic cnsumptin (expenditures n
gds and services). The impacts climate change (nted n
the right side the mdel) g beynd the bilgical, physical
health, and changes in human settlements. Climate change
impacts may als include individual and scial perceptins the
risks, psychscial well-being, aggressin, intergrup utcmes,
and cmmunity building. Individuals and cmmunities vary in
their vulnerability t climate change and capacity t adapt, and
these variatins can raise ethical issues. The impacts climate
change aect and are aected by the ways that individuals and
cmmunities adapt (as nted in the bttm right hand crner
the gure). Adaptatin includes a range cping actins that
individuals and cmmunities can take, as well as psychlgical
prcesses (e.g., appraisals and aective respnses) that
precede and llw behaviral respnses.
Erts t mitigate climate change (nted n the bttm
let-hand crner the gure) can bth decrease the human
cntributin t climate change and imprve individuals’
psychlgical well-being. Hwever, mitigatin plicies can
als meet resistance. A number institutinal, cultural, and
individual inuences (as nted n the bttm center the gure)
inuence patterns and amunt cnsumptin, the impacts
climate change n individuals and scieties, adaptatin
prcesses, and attempts at mitigatin. The review research
that llws this backgrund sectin elabrates n all these
pints. (S g 2.)
l r
In the literature review that llws, we discuss what current
psychlgical research can tell us abut human understanding
climate change, human behaviral cntributins t r drivers
climate change, psychlgical aspects the impacts
climate change, and respnses and lack respnses t the
anticipatin and experience climate change. We d this by
addressing the llwing six questins:
iGure 2: Pscgc pspcs
pgc c cg
s, pcs, spss
Climate Change
ENVIRONMENTAL SYSTEMS
HUMAN SYSTEMS
· Human behaviors:Economic & environmentalconsumption
Climate Process Drivers Impacts on Individuals & Societies
Institutional, Societal, & Cultural Context
Mitigation Adaptation
· Public representations of climate change· Norms & patterns of consumption & population
· Community resources
· Perceptions of risk · Emotional responses, stress, & mental health· Aggression, intergroup tensions, & conict· Galvanize pro-environmental action
· Threats & changes to cultures
· Cataclysmic events· Ambient stressors
Individual Factors· Demographic drivers· Psychological drivers (e.g., aective responses to
risks, needs, ideologies, perceptions)· Resistance to change· Individual resources
· Behavior change toreduce GHG emissions
· Individual & communitycoping processes
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1. Hw d peple understand the risks impsed by climate
change?
2. What are the human behaviral cntributins t climate
change and the psychlgical and cntextual drivers
these cntributins?
3. What are the psychscial impacts climate change?
4. Hw d peple adapt t and cpe with the perceived
threat and unlding impacts climate change?
5. Which psychlgical barriers limit climate change actin?
6. Hw can psychlgists assist in limiting climate change?
These questins llw mental mdels hazards that
include identicatin the prblem, causes, cnsequences, and
cntrls r slutins (Bstrm & Lash, 2007).
The rst questin examines psychlgical prcesses that
inuence answers t the remaining questins. The secndquestin addresses psychlgical understanding human
causes r drivers climate change. The third questin
addresses a psychlgical understanding the impacts
climate change. The remaining questins address psychlgical
respnses t climate change via adaptatin (Questin 4) and
mitigatin (Questins 5 and 6). Tgether these questins inrm
the psychlgical dimensins climate change.
Althugh climate change is glbal, much the relevant
psychlgical research has been dne in Nrth America,Eurpe, and Australia. There are ntable dierences amng
these cuntries, r instance, in the extent t which impacts
climate change have been salient. Perhaps mre imprtantly,
thugh, are pssible dierences amng these and ther
cuntries in extent ecnmic develpment and assciated
wealth. other ptentially imprtant dierences emerge when ne
cnsiders dierent cultural views abut nature acrss cuntries
and within cuntries. Little psychlgical research, hwever,
has addressed these types dierences. When we are aware
research that has dne s, we mentin it. Hwever, it is alimitatin the literature review.
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the understanding climate change, bth in its causes
and in its likely eects, by the average citizen acrss
dierent regins the wrld is limited. Psychlgical
research has started t examine reasns r this shrtcming.
Analgies rm ailures t ully understand and take actin
in ther dmains prvide hyptheses abut cgnitive and
mtivatinal challenges that need t be vercme, but tests these hyptheses applied t climate change are nly starting
t emerge, and much wrk remains t be dne t illuminate the
special questins and challenges that the prper understanding
and its actin implicatins bring.
dc C Cg
Climate is a statistical and thus technical cncept and is
described by the distributins such variables as temperature
and precipitatin in a regin, cllected ver time. The averagepersn is rarely cncerned abut the climate in her regin, but
thinks a lt abut the weather. Hwever, climate inrmatin
is smetimes used r planning and decisin making, as r
example, when a armer decides which crp variety t plant, r
a student cnsiders average March temperatures in dierent
regins the wrld t determine where t g r spring break.
While a regin’s climate and changes in its climate
bviusly determine its weather patterns, weather eventseven
extreme nesare nt necessarily diagnstic changes in the
climate. Climate change is a trend in averages and extremes
temperature, precipitatin, and ther parameters that are
embedded in a lt variability, making it very diicult t identiy
rm persnal experience. Peple ten alsely attribute unique
events t climate change and als ail t detect changes in
climate.
Expectatins either change r stability play a large rle
in peple’s ability t detect trends in prbabilistic envirnments,
as illustrated by the llwing histric example (Kupperman,
1982, as reprted in Weber, 1997, and NRC, 1999). English
settlers wh arrived in Nrth America in the early clnial perid
assumed that climate was a unctin latitude. Newundland,
which is suth Lndn, was thus expected t have a mderate
climate. Despite repeated experiences ar clder temperatures
and resulting deaths and crp ailures, clnists clung t theirexpectatins based n latitude and generated ever mre
cmplex explanatins r these deviatins rm expectatins. In
a mre recent example, armers in Illinis were asked t recall
salient temperature r precipitatin statistics during the grwing
seasn seven preceding years (Weber & Snka, 1994). Thse
armers wh believed that their regin was underging climate
change recalled temperature and precipitatin trends cnsistent
with this expectatin, whereas thse armers wh believed in
a cnstant climate recalled temperatures and precipitatins
SeCtion 1:
how do PeoPle underStandthe riSkS imPoSed by ClimateChanGe?
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cnsistent with that belie. Bth grups shwed similar degrees
errr in their weather event memries, but armers’ belies and
expectatins biased the directin the errrs.
Because climate change is s hard t detect rm persnal
experience, it makes sense t leave this task t climate
scientists. This makes climate change a phenmenn where
peple have t rely n scientic mdels and expert judgment
and/r n reprts in the mass media, and where their wn
persnal experience des nt prvide a trustwrthy way t
cnrm the reprts. Fr mst peple, their expsure t and
experience “climate change” has been almst entirely indirect
and virtual, mediated by news cverage and lm dcumentaries
events in distant regins (such as melting glaciers in
Greenland) that describe these events in relatin t climate
change.
A lng traditin psychlgical research in risk
cmmunicatin (e.g., DiMent & Dughman, 2007; Leiserwitz,
2004, 2006; Mser & Dilling, 2007a; o’Cnnr, Brd, Yarnal,
& Wieek, 2002) has included studies ten apcalyptic risk
messages abut impending and unlding climate change
impacts. Scial representatins envirnmental threats
can themselves have dramatic psychscial impacts, and
the psychlgical and interdisciplinary literature n risk
cmmunicatin and n risk appraisal and respnse is prviding
imprtant pinters t the nature such media impacts (Bartsch,
Vrderer, Mangld, & Vieh, 2008; Gird et al., 2009;
Pidgen, Kaspersn, & Slvic, 2003; Slvic, Finucane, Peters,& MacGregr, 2006; Weber, 2006). These research ndings
suggest urther research n hw media cverage and ther
risk cmmunicatins can aect individuals’ and cmmunities’
understandings climate change and their respnses t the
risks, including cping, scial amplicatin, and willingness t
embrace scial, liestyle, and technlgical changes (Reser,
2009).
The distinctin between persnal experience pssible
utcmes and statistical descriptin pssible utcmeshas received much recent attentin because the stensibly
same inrmatin abut the cnsequences decisins and
their likelihds can lead t dierent perceptins and actins,
depending n hw the inrmatin is acquired (Hertwig, Barrn,
Weber, & Erev, 2004). Decisins rm repeated persnal
experience with utcmes invlve assciative and ten aective
prcesses, which are ast and autmatic (Weber, Shar, & Blais,
2004). Prcessing statistical descriptins, n the ther hand,
requires analytic techniques that need t be learned and require
cgnitive ert.
Peple’s chices can dier dramatically under the tw
inrmatin cnditins, especially when the small-prbability
events are invlved, which is certainly the case with climate
risks. The evaluatin risky ptins under repeated sampling
llws classical reinrcement learning mdels that give recent
events mre weight than distant events (Weber et al., 2004).
Such updating is adaptive in dynamic envirnments where
circumstances might change with the seasns r accrding
t ther cycles r trends. Because rare events have a smaller
prbability having ccurred recently, they tend (n average)
t have a smaller impact n the decisin than their bjective
likelihd ccurrence wuld warrant. But when they d ccur,
recency weighting gives them a much larger impact n the
decisin than warranted by their prbability, making decisins
rm experience mre vlatile acrss respndents and past
utcme histries than decisins rm descriptin (Yechiam,
Barrn, & Erev, 2004).
Fr mst peple in the United States, perceptins the
risks climate change that rely n persnal experience will lead
t the judgment that the risks are lw. The likelihd seriusly
and nticeably adverse events as the result glbal warming is
bund t be small r the reseeable uture r many regins
the wrld. Even individuals whse ecnmic livelihd depends
n weather and climate events (e.g., armers r shers) might
nt receive suicient eedback rm their daily r yearly persnal
experience t be alarmed abut glbal warming, thugh recent
surveys cnducted in Alaska and Flrida (tw states in which
residents in sme regins have increasingly been experiencingclimate-change driven changes persnally) shw that such
expsure greatly increases their cncern and willingness t take
actin (Arctic Climate Impact Assessment, 2004; Leiserwitz
& Brad, 2008). Climate scientists have experience-based
reactins t the risks climate change. Hwever, by virtue
their educatin and training, they can als be expected t place
greater reliance than members the general ppulatin n
their analytical prcessing systems, and their cnsideratin
statistical descriptins and mdel utputs will thus make them
mre likely t cnsider glbal climate change t be a mreserius risk than typical nnscientists.
Cc a C Cg
Human perceptins and judgments abut climate change are
imprtant because they aect levels cncern and, in turn,
the mtivatin t act. Public pinin data in the United States
indicate that climate scientists are mre cncerned abut the
pssibly severe eects climate change n human ppulatins
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ecsystems, and inrastructures than average citizens and
gvernmental icials (Dunlap & Saad, 2001). one natinal
representative pinin pll shws that 47% peple plled
view glbal warming as a “very serius” prblem, and anther
28% view it as a “smewhat serius” prblem (Pew Prject,
2006). This level cncern75% peple in the United States
assessing glbal warming as a “very” r “smewhat” serius
prblemis similar t the level in Russia (73%) and lwer than
that in many ther natins: 87% Canadians, 81% Mexicans,
95% French, 88% Chinese, 97% Japanese, 96%
Brazilians, and 94% Indians assess glbal warming as a
“very” r “smewhat” serius prblem. Regardless the stated
level cncern hwever, ew peple in the United States see
climate change as an immediate risk and tend t rank it as less
imprtant than many ther scial issues, like the ecnmy and
terrrism (Krsnik, Hlbrk, Lwe, & Visser, 2006; Leiserwitz,
Kates, & Parris, 2005). This cmparative lack cncern abut
climate change cnsequences is strngly related t plitical
idelgy (Dunlap & Saad, 2001) and pses a prblem r
eective cmmunicatin abut these risks (Cmeau & Gird,
2008; Marx et al., 2007).
(n) g rs
Evidence rm cgnitive, scial, and clinical psychlgy
indicates that risk perceptins, in a brad range dmains,
are inuenced by assciative and aect-driven prcesses
as much r mre than by analytic prcesses (Chaiken &
Trpe, 1999; Epstein, 1994; Slman, 1996). our assciativeprcessing system is evlutinarily lder, autmatic, and ast.
It maps experienced, uncertain, and adverse aspects the
envirnment int aective respnses (e.g., ear, dread, anxiety)
and thus represents risk as a eeling (Lewenstein, Weber,
Hsee, & Welch, 2001). Analytic prcessing, n the ther hand,
wrks by algrithms and rules (e.g., the prbability calculus,
Bayesian updating, rmal lgic, and utility maximizatin) that
must be taught explicitly. It is slwer and requires cnscius
ert and cntrl. The perceptins climate change and its
risks by climate scientists are based in large part n analyticprcessing, as these experts have been trained as scientists in
the necessary analytic tls and have the necessary inrmatin
required by them. Nnscientists, n the ther hand, typically
rely n the mre readily available assciative and aective
prcessing. I risk perceptins were driven mstly r exclusively
by analytic cnsideratins cnsequences, they wuld nt be
inuenced by the way a particular hazard is labeled. Yet, reprts
abut incidences “mad cw disease” elicit greater ear than
reprts abut incidences bvine spngirm encephalitis
(BSE) r Creutzeld-Jacb disease, the mre abstract, less
aect-laden scientic labels r the same disrder (Sinaceur,
Heath, & Cle, 2005).
The tw types prcesses typically perate in parallel and
interact with each ther. Analytic reasning cannt be eective
unless it is guided and assisted by emtin and aect (Damasi,
1994). In cases where the utputs rm the tw prcessing
systems disagree, hwever, the aective, assciatin-based
system usually prevails, as in the case phbic reactins, r
which peple knw perectly well that their avidance behavir
is at best ineective and pssibly harmul t them, but cannt
suspend it (Lewenstein et al., 2001). Glbal climate change
appears t be an example where a dissciatin between the
utput the analytic and the aective systems results in less
cncern than is advisable, with analytic cnsideratin suggesting
t mst peple that glbal warming is a serius cncern, but the
aective system ailing t send an early warning signal (Weber,
2006).
Psychlgical r aective risk dimensins strngly inuence
judgments the riskiness physical, envirnmental,
and material risks in ways that g beynd their bjective
cnsequences (Slvic, Fischh, & Lichtenstein, 1986; Hltgrave
& Weber, 1993). Peple’s judgments the similarities between
pairs dierent health and saety risks can be placed int
a tw-dimensinal space (shwn in Figure 1) that has been
replicated acrss numerus studies in multiple cuntries (Slvic,
1987). The rst dimensin this space, “dread risk,” capturesemtinal reactins t hazards like nuclear weapns allut,
nuclear reactr accidents, r nerve gas accidents that speed
up peple’s heart rate and make them anxius because
perceived lack cntrl ver expsure t the risks and due
t their catastrphic cnsequences. The secnd dimensin,
“unknwn risk,” reers t the degree t which a risk (e.g., DNA
technlgy) is new, with unreseeable cnsequences nt yet
tested by time. Hw much is knwn abut the hazard and hw
easily are expsure and adverse cnsequences detectable?
(S g 3 pg.)
T the extent that individuals cnceive climate change
as a simple and gradual change rm current t uture values
n variables such as average temperatures and precipitatin,
r the requency r intensity specic events such as reezes,
hurricanes, r trnades, the risks psed by climate change
wuld appear t be well knwn and, at least in principle,
cntrllable and therere nt dreaded (“mve rm Miami t
Vancuver when things get t ht r dangerus in Flrida”). o
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curse, in mst cases, peple d nt mve away rm hazards
even when they are aware them, as the Nvember 2008
devastating res in suthern Calirnia demnstrate (a very
similar destructive re ccurred 30 years earlier, and almst
every resident knew abut that. In act, at least ne resident
lst his hme in bth res. one driver this inactin may be
place attachment (Gird, 2007), i.e., cntinued attachment t
amily, jb, and cmmunity, a gal that can be mre salient in
the atermath adverse events, when ears have aded, than
the gal aviding a small-prbability uture disaster. Hwever,
status qu biases r change inertia have been dcumented in
many ther situatins (e.g., r rgan dnatins; Jhnsn &
Gldstein, 2003) and insurance decisins (Jhnsn, Hershey,
Meszars, & Kunreuther, 1993), where they have been shwn t
have cgnitive rather than mtivatinal causes.
The perceived ability r inability t take crrective actin
is an imprtant determinant emtinal reactins. Ptential
catastrphes rm climate change ( the kind graphically
depicted in the lm The Day ater Tomorrow ) have the ability t
raise visceral reactins t the risk (Leiserwitz, 2004). Climate
change that is cnstrued as rapid is mre likely t be dreaded.
Perceived behaviral cntrl and its absence can bth wrk
against behavir change. That is, it sters the (prbably
unwarranted) belie that ne wuld mve rm the hazard zne,
and thus need nt ear the hazard. At the same time, when
peple believe that they have n cntrl ver climate change, it
acilitates such mechanisms as denial (e.g., Gird, Iglesias, &
Casler, 2008).
While analgies abut the rle psychlgical risk
dimensins in peple’s eeling being “at risk” are suggestive,
these cnjectures abut pssible causes r the absence a
widespread sense alarm abut climate change will need t be
tested in a direct ashin and acrss a range cultures.
dscg r
Mst the risks climate change and thus the benets
mitigating it lie many years int the uture and are distant
als gegraphically (see Sectin 2 this reprt). Ecnmic
analysts typically discunt uture and distant csts and benets
iGure 3: lc 81 zs
-s spc c
ss cs 15 s
ccscs. ec c s p
c ccscs, s c
g (Sc, 1987).
Laetrile·Microwave Ovens·
Water Fluoridation·Saccharin·
Water Chlorination·Coal Tar Hairdyes·Oral Contraceptives·
Valium·
Auto Lead·
·Nitrates
·Caeine
·Aspirin
·Vaccines ·Lead Paint
·Darvon·IUD
·HexachlorophenePolyvinyl··Chloride
DiagnosticX-rays
·RubberMfg.
Antibiotics·
·Nerve Gas Accidents
Nuclear Weapons (War)·
·Electric Fields·DES·Nitrogen Fertilizers
·Cadmium Usage·Mirex ·Trichloroethylene·2,4,5-T
·SST
·DNA Technology
·Radioactive Waste
·Pesticides
·PCBs·AsbesetosInsulation
·DDT·Mercury
·Fossil Fuels
·Coal Burning (Pollution)
·Satellite Crashes
·Uranium Mining·Nuclear Reactor
Accidents
·Nuclear WeaponsFallout
·LNG Storage &Transport·Auto Exhaust (CO)·D-Con
·Coal Mining (Disease)
·Large Dams
·SkyScraper Fires
·UnderwaterConstruction
·Sport Parachutes·General Aviation
·High Construction
·Coal Mining Accidents
·Railroad Collisions
·Commercial Aviation
·Auto Racing
·Handguns·Dynamite
·Auto Accidents
·AlcoholAccidents
·Skateboards
·Power Mowers ·Snowmobiles
·Tractors
·Alcohol·Chainsaws
·Elevators
·Electric Wir & Appl (Fires)·Smoking
Motorcycles·
Trampolines·
Home Swimming Pools·Downhill Skiing·
Recreational Boating·Electric Wir & Appl (Shock)·
Bridges·Fireworks·
·Bicycles
Smoking (Disease)·
Factor 2Unknown Risk
Factor 1Dread Risk
Factor 2
ControllableNot Dread
Not Global CatastrophicConsequences Not Fatal
EquitableIndividual
Low Risk to Future GenerationsEasily Reduced
Risk DecreasingVoluntary
Not ObservableUnknown to Those ExposedEfect DelayedNew Risk Risk Unknown to Science
ObservableKnown to Those ExposedEfect ImmediateOld Risk Risk Known to Science
UncontrollableDreadGlobal CatastrophicConsequences FatalNot EquitableCatastrophic
High Risk to Future GenerationsNot Easily ReducedRisk IncreasingInvoluntary
Factor 1
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by sme amunt (e.g., by the current rate interest ered
by banks) as a unctin the time delay, a mechanism that is
described mathematically by an expnential discunt unctin. In
cntrast, peple ten apply sharp discunts t csts r benets
that will ccur in the uture (e.g., a year rm nw) relative t
experiencing them immediately, but they discunt much less
when bth time pints are in the uture, with ne ccurring
arther in the uture than the ther (e.g., tw years versus ne
year in the uture and even six versus ve years int the uture)
and shw ther deviatins rm ratinal-ecnmic discunting
(Ainslie, 1975; Lewenstein & Elster, 1992).
Tw theries related t preerence cnstructin attempt
t understand the reasns and mechanisms r these
incnsistencies in discunting and the large impatience when
immediate rewards are an ptin. Trpe and Liberman (2003)
suggest that peple cnstrue uture events dierently rm
events in the present. In particular, events in the distant uture
(an invitatin t give a paper at a cnerence tw years rm
nw, r the prspect castal ding 30 r 50 years rm
nw) are cnstrued in abstract terms, whereas events clser in
time (the upcming trip n Mnday t attend the lng-scheduled
cnerence r the prspect a majr hurricane passing thrugh
twn tmrrw) are cnstrued in mre cncrete terms. one
dierence between the abstract versus cncrete representatin
the cnsequences pssible actins lies in the discrepancy
in their aective strength and impact. Abstract representatins
cnsequences in the distant uture usually lack the cncrete
assciatins cnnected t present r near-present eventsand thus may nt be eared as much, althugh this may nt
hld in the case envirnmental risks (Gird et al., 2009).
While the csts mitigating actins are incurred immediately,
their uncertain and uture benets get discunted, making the
deliberative cnsideratin such actins unlikely t arrive at
scially respnsible and lng-term sustainable behavir.
Dierences in the usual representatin current and
uture events can have implicatins r hw peple respnd t
climate change. This dierence in the richness and cncreteness the representatin temprally clse versus distant
cnsequences may well lie at the rt bserved prblems
sel-cntrl, whether they are impatience and impulsivity in
btaining desirable utcmes (Mischel, Grusec, & Masters,
1969; Laibsn 1997) r prcrastinatin with undesirable
tasks (o’Dnghue & Rabin, 1999). Prtective r mitigating
actins against glbal climate change require the sacrice
cncrete, immediate benets r the sake abstract, distant
gals. The strng negative aect assciated with the cncrete,
immediate csts and sacrices may well drive eclgically
damaging cnsumptin decisins and actins. Hwever, this
tendency is mderated by the way that peple think abut
changing their cnsumptin. When asked t delay cnsumptin,
peple rst generate arguments r the status qu, immediate
cnsumptin, and nly then later generate arguments r
delaying cnsumptin. Yet, generating arguments r the rst
actin cnsidered (e.g., immediate cnsumptin) tends t
interere with the subsequent generatin arguments r ther
actins (Jhnsn, Jhnsn-Pynn, & Pynn, 2007). Weber et
al. (2007) succeeded in drastically reducing the intertempral
discunting in peple’s chice by prmpting them t rst
generate arguments r deerring cnsumptin, then prmpting
them t generate arguments r immediate cnsumptin. Scial
nrms and/r psitive r negative aective reactins t a chice
ptins typically determine which ptin is cnsidered rst.
Thus, Hardisty, Jhnsn, and Weber (2009) und that 65%
Republicans were willing t pay a Co2
emissin reductin ee
n such purchases as airline tickets when the ee was labeled
as a carbn set (and rst generated arguments r purchasing
it), but that this percentage drpped t 27% when the ee was
labeled as a carbn tax, a label that generated negative visceral
reactins in this grup and led them t rst generate arguments
r nt purchasing it.
Analgies can perhaps be drawn t the slwly but steadily
changing perceptins and attitudes tward the risks
smking, which have similar characteristics t climate change
risks in the distant uture ill health and premature death andin immediate sacrices r the sake uture and uncertain
benets. In the case smking, it has seemed pssible t
mtivate behavir chices (quitting smking) that have vercme
the strng tendency t discunt them. T the extent that peple’s
assessments the uture risks climate change can be
changed t becme similar t thse smking (with the aid
educatinal erts r the reraming chice ptins), peple
might becme mre willing t undertake liestyles changes
that lead t mitigatin. As r ther analgies used t mtivate
research hyptheses r pssible interventin strategies, the deviis undubtedly in the details such translatins, and research is
needed t wrk ut such details.
t r C C Cgusg rcs
The assumptin that risky decisins can and shuld be reduced
t a prbability distributin pssible utcmes and that n
ther characteristics the decisin cntext are relevant has
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rightly been criticized (Gldstein & Weber, 1995). Instead,
hazards have been shwn t interact with psychlgical,
scial, institutinal, and cultural prcesses in ways that may
ampliy r attenuate public respnses t the risk (see Sectin
5). Scial and cultural amplicatins risk (Kaspersn et al.,
1988) by the scientists wh cmmunicate the risk assessment,
the news media, cultural grups, interpersnal netwrks, and
ther grups and institutins ccur in the transer inrmatin
abut the risk and in the prtective respnse mechanisms
sciety (Weinstein, Lyn, Rthman, & Cuite, 2000; Taylr, 1983).
Evidence rm the health literature, the scial psychlgical
literature, and the risk cmmunicatin literature suggests that
these scial and cultural prcesses serve t mdiy perceptins
risk in ways that can bth augment r decrease respnse in
ways that are presumably scially adaptive.
Several lines research implicate undamental wrldviews
in shaping hw peple select sme risks r attentin and ignre
thers. Fr example, Duglas and Wildavsky (1982) identiy
ve distinct “cultures” (labeled “hierarchical,” “individualist,”
“egalitarian,” “atalist,” and “hermitic,” respectively) that are said
t dier in their patterns interpersnal relatinships in ways
that aect perceptins risk. Hierarchically arranged grups,
they claim, tend t perceive industrial and technlgical risks
as pprtunities and thus less risky, whereas mre egalitarian
grups tend t perceive them as threats t their scial structure
(see als Dake, 1991). Leiserwitz (2006) prvides evidence
r the value this apprach t understanding dierences in
perceptins the risks glbal warming, llwing earlierwrk by o’Cnnr, Brd, and Fisher (1998, 1999) that shwed
that dierences in wrldview aected perceptins the risk
climate change. other researchers assciate such dierences in
risk perceptins with dierences in undamental value pririties,
llwing the wrk Schwartz (1992, 1994) r wrldviews such
as adherence t the New Eclgical Paradigm (Dunlap & Van
Liere, 1978, 1984).
Dierences in experience, as a unctin cultural rles,
seem t aect risk perceptins by mderating peple’s aectivereactins. Familiarity with a risk (e.g., acquired by daily
expsure) lwers perceptins its riskiness, with the result that
technical experts, all ther things being equal, perceive the risk
such technlgies as nuclear pwer generatin t be much
lwer than members the general public (Fischh, Slvic,
Lichtenstein, Read, & Cmbs, 1978). Numerus studies reprt
dierences in risk perceptin between men and wmen, with
wmen judging health, saety, and recreatinal risks (Slvic,
1987) and als risks in the nancial and ethical dmain (Weber,
Blais, & Betz, 2002) t be larger and mre prblematic than
men. This gender dierence in perceived riskiness reverses nly
in the scial dmain, in which wmen arguably have greater
amiliarity (Weber et al., 2002). Thus, greater amiliarity with
climate change and its risks, unless accmpanied by alarmingly
large negative cnsequences, may actually lead t smaller
rather than larger perceptins its riskiness. Psychlgists’
rles may als have inuenced their perceptins risks. Fr a
number reasns, members the psychlgical cmmunity
have traditinally nt seen themselves as having a central
rle in addressing envirnmental issues (see Kidner, 1994;
Gird, 2008) despite having many skills and rles that create
pprtunities r inuencing pr-envirnmental behavirs
(Dherty, 2008).
Public plicy trades between present and uture csts are
strngly aected by the rate at which uture csts and benets
are discunted (Weitzman, 2007), and the chice discunt
rate is in large part an ethical judgment. Ethical issues als
arise ver which principles airness t apply t distributive
decisins, hw t dene ingrup and utgrup membership, hw
t trade human against nnhuman welare, and hw much value
t place n the well-being animals, plants, and ecsystems.
Identicatin with subcultural grups may als inuence
perceptins the risk psed by climate change. Fr example,
grup ailiatins (e.g., ranchers and envirnmentalists) are likely
t predict pinins and belies abut envirnmental risks and
interventins (optw & Brk, 2003). Similarly, Leiserwitz(2007) describes several distinct “interpretive cmmunities”
(p.51) within the U.S. public wh share mutually cmpatible risk
perceptins, aective imagery, values, and scidemgraphic
characteristics. Risk perceptins are scially cnstructed with
dierent cmmunities predispsed t attend t, ear, and scially
ampliy sme risks while ignring, discunting r attenuating
thers. Leiserwitz distinguished climate change naysayers, wh
perceived climate change as a very lw r nnexistent danger,
and climate change alarmists, wh held high-risk perceptins
and extreme images catastrphic climate change. Thesegrups held signicantly dierent values and belies n scial
and plitical issues and necessity individual behavir change
and gvernmental interventin. Peple in the United States
wh are climate change naysayers have substantially lwer risk
perceptins than the rest U.S. sciety. Fr example, plitical
ailiatin is strngly related t attitudes and belies abut climate
change: Belie in the existence and relative threat climate
change has shwn an increasing relatinship t plitical party
ailiatin in the United States (Dunlap & McCright, 2008).
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rsc Sggss
Belw are examples types research questins that culd be
addressed:
• Research is needed to test the applicability of
psychlgical risk dimensins such as perceived
cntrllability t the dmain climate change;
• Research is needed to better understand discounting
envirnmental csts and benets relative t the
discunting ecnmic r scial csts and benets;
• Research is needed on the nite pool of worry eect, i.e.,
interactins between perceptins ther classes risk
(e.g., ecnmic decline r natinal cmpetitiveness) and
perceptins envirnmental risks like climate change;
• Research is needed to assess the eects of climate-change risk perceptins n the perceptin the risks and
benets energy-generatin technlgy ptins like cal
r nuclear pwer and n carbn-capture and sequestratin
technlgy.
S
Feeling (r nt eeling) vulnerable and at risk in the ace
climate change seems t be instrumental in mving (r nt
mving) peple t actin (see Sectin 4), and thus the surces
these eelings are in need urther study. Research
in cgnitive psychlgy suggests that certain perceived
characteristics climate change (e.g., that it is “natural,” nt
new, and in principle cntrllable) may lead citizens as well
as plicymakers t underestimate the magnitude the risks.
other psychlgical research prvides additinal hyptheses
related t emtinal reactins t climate change such that the
absence eeling at risk may be a psychdynamic reactin (see
Sectin 3), the result psychic numbing r denial in the ace
verwhelming and uncntrllable risk (see Sectins 4 and
5). These explanatins are nt necessarily mutually exclusive,
thugh smetimes cntradictry in elements their hyptheses
(e.g., is climate change seen as a cntrllable r uncntrllable
risk?). Such cntradictins need t be reslved by empirical
investigatins.
The ability dierent educatinal interventins in shaping
perceptins, attitudes, and actin related t climate change
shuld als be a tpic empirical research (see sectin 6).
Existing knwledge abut the relative impact direct persnal
experience versus mre abstract statistical inrmatin n the
perceptins risk in dmains like nancial decisins r with the
relative eectiveness emtinal versus analytic prcesses
in prmpting prtective actin can guide the design dierent
educatinal interventins abut likely climate change scenaris
and their repercussins and abut the prs and cns dierent
curses adaptatin t climate change and/r mitigatin
greenhuse gas emissins.
This sectin the reprt prvided a psychlgical
understanding hw peple perceive the risk climate
change. The next sectin the reprt examines a psychlgical
understanding human actins that inuence climate change
by examining psychscial predictrs tw anthrpgenic
drivers climate change: ppulatin grwth and cnsumptin.
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much data supprt the argument that current levels
human cnsumptin, in cmbinatin with grwing
ppulatin, are having a signicant negative impact n
the natural envirnment and are cntributing t climate change
(Dietz & Rsa, 1994; Myers & Kent, 2003; Dietz, Rsa, & Yrk,
in press; Stern, Dietz, Ruttan, Sclw, & Sweeney, 1997).
Cntinuing the current rate emissins is expected t yielda great variety undesirable cnsequences, increasing ver
time (IPCC, 2007c). Hlding per capita emissins cnstant,
ppulatin increases expected in the next hal century wuld
increase the glbal emissins rate by abut hal. A much
larger increase wuld result i per capita emissins rm
energy cnsumptin in develping cuntries, 2.2 metric tns
Co2
in 2005, increased t the U.S. level 19.5 metric tns
(Internatinal Energy Agency, 2007). Psychlgy can help
understand what drives ppulatin grwth and cnsumptin
and clariy the links rm ppulatin and cnsumptin t climate
change while attending t glbal and reginal inequities.
ec Ccs
A number ethical cncerns emerge when discussing
ppulatin and cnsumptin. With respect t ppulatin, these
include cncerns abut reprductive rights and chices (hw
many children t have, whether t use cntraceptives, and
whether t have abrtins), an unbrn child’s right t lie, and an
elderly individual’s right t die. Mrever, cncerns are raised
when slutins t ppulatin grwth target pr cuntries that
are prducing ew GHG emissins and when slutins uel
anti-immigratin rhetric (Hartmann & Barajas-Rman, 2009).
other cncerns surrunding ppulatin grwth and distributin
invlve the rights human and eclgical cmmunities that
are detrimentally aected by the increasing size and spread human ppulatins. Dilemmas emerge when these rights are
ramed as being in cmpetitin with each ther.
With regard t cnsumptin levels, ethical cncerns arise rm
unequal well-being acrss the glbe and within regins the
wrld assciated with dierent levels energy cnsumptin.
Erts t curb cnsumptin, depending n hw the reductins
are distributed, can maintain r exacerbate existing inequalities.
Many lw-incme cuntries and regins want, and sme say
shuld have the right, t develp ecnmically in ways that rely
n industry and that have always increased emissins in the
past. Technlgical slutins that prvide energy’s services
withut using ssil uel might maintain afuent liestyles
and raise well-being r pr peple, while simultaneusly
decreasing greenhuse gas emissins. Hwever, technlgical
slutins are nt withut prblems. Nt all peple are able
t ard the slutins. Even i they can ard technlgical
slutins, these slutins, while decreasing GHG emissins,
can still negatively aect the envirnment directly in ther ways,
SeCtion 2:
what are the human behavioralContributionS to Climate ChanGeand the PSyCholoGiCal andContextual driverS o theSeContributionS?
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r example, rm the prcesses and envirnmental impacts
required t create the slutins r, indirectly, by encuraging
human habitats t encrach upn natural habitats. The benets
may als be cunteracted by increases in ppulatin r
ecnmic activity.
The presence such issues makes it mre imperative t
understand hw peple make decisins that inuence climate
change thrugh their behavirs and their supprt r plicies
inuencing ppulatin and cnsumptin and t examine the
values underlying behavir and plicy supprt. Increasing
ppulatin size and cnsumptin represent classes behavirs
that explain the ways that human behavir cntributes t climate
change. These classes behavirs are embedded in larger
cntexts that inuence them. In rder t understand and address
the links rm ppulatin and cnsumptin t climate change,
it is useul t understand psychlgical, scial, and cultural
drivers ppulatin and cnsumptin and t understand what
it is abut ppulatin and cnsumptin that inuences climate
change.
o
We rst present quantitative mdels that prvide evidence
the link rm ppulatin and cnsumptin t climate change.
Ater establishing this link, we examine characteristics and
predictrs ppulatin grwth. Much this research has been
dne utside psychlgy, r example, by demgraphers; we
suggest ways in which psychlgy culd cntribute mre t thisdiscussin.
The link between ppulatin and climate change ws
thrugh the cllective impact envirnmentally signicant
patterns cnsumptin. Therere, ater discussing ppulatin
grwth, we prvide a psychlgical analysis cnsumptin
via a mdel that includes predictrs and cnsequences
envirnmental cnsumptin. We then elabrate n the mdel
by rst disaggregating cnsumptin behavirs int thse that
have direct (envirnmental cnsumptin) and indirect (ecnmiccnsumptin) impact n climate change. Then we illustrate
what psychlgy can cntribute t understanding psychlgical
and cultural predictrs cnsumptin while recgnizing
structural, ecnmic, and physical cnstraints n cnsumptin
decisins. By prviding examples predictrs ppulatin
size and cnsumptin and the means by which ppulatin
and cnsumptin inuences climate change, we illustrate hw
psychlgy has and culd urther ur understanding human
cntributin t climate change via ppulatin and cnsumptin.
Q ms
Varying quantitative mdels describe and predict the impact
ppulatin and cnsumptin n the envirnment. A widely
knwn rmula rm the 1970s is I= PxAxT, where I = Impact,
P = Ppulatin, A = Afuence per capita, and T = Technlgy
(Ehrlich & Hldren, 1971; Cmmner, 1972; Hldren & Ehrlich,
1974). Althugh T has been used t reer t technlgy, in
practice, it served as an errr term, representing all surces impact nt captured by P and A. other details have been
included in ther versins the rmula. Fr instance,
ppulatin has been disaggregated int bth number
individuals and husehlds (Dietz & Rsa, 1997; Liu, Daily,
Ehrlich, & Luck, 2003), and the IPCC versin the rmula
makes specic reerence t greenhuse gas (ghg) emissins:
(Population) x (per capita GDP ) x (Intensity ghg
) = Emissionsghg
(Bldgett & Parker, 2008; Yamaji, Matsuhashi, Nagata, & Kaya,
1991). A particularly ntewrthy new rmula is STIRPAT
(stchastic impacts by regressin n ppulatin afuence, andtechnlgy; Dietz, Rsa, & Yrk, 2007). It emplys advanced
statistical methds that can take int accunt the prbabilistic
nature the variables in the equatin.
Acrss the dierent mdels, a cnsistent nding is that grwing
cnsumptin and ppulatin are majr cntributrs t the impac
humans n the envirnment and n Co2levels in particular.
This can be seen by examining results rm STIRPAT analyses
(Dietz & Rsa, 1997). The results illustrate that cuntries
with larger ppulatins (s g 4) and greater per capita
cnsumptin (s g 5) have greater Co2
emissins.
The relatins with afuence are imprtant t cnsider in
mre detail. Figure 2 illustrates a cmmnly und U-shaped
relatin between afuence and utcmes (Hanley, 2008). This
pattern has been used as evidence a delinking carbn
dixide emissins and ecnmic grwth at higher levels
incme. Prpsed explanatins r this pattern include the
pssibility that places with greater per capita GNP spend mre
n services than gds, are invested mre in energy eiciency,
live in mre energy-eicient urban areas, and relcate their
cntributin t emissins t ther parts the wrld via trade
that decreases industrializatin in their wn cuntries (Hanley,
2008; Dietz & Rsa, 1997).
The abve illustrate that mre is needed t better
understand the relatin between afuence and Co2 emissins.
Further, individual level analysis is als necessary t knw
why there is a relatin between cnsumptin and emissins.
Psychlgy can help clariy mechanisms by which ppulatin
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Afue
nce Eect Multiplier
Gross Domestic Product Per Capita
70 100 200 500 25,00010,0005,0002,5001,000
20
5
1
.1
.01
iGure 5: t p cp
c Co2
sss. ns
gp ps
cs s
ss (dz & rs,
1997).
iGure 4: t
pp Co2
sss. ns
gp ps
cs s
ss (dz &
rs, 1997).
1000
100
10
1
.1
Population Efect Multiplier
Population
1,000,000 10,000,000 100,000,000 1000,000,000
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and afuence inuence climate change by prviding a behaviral
analysis dierent types cnsumptin behavirs that
peple chse t engage in and the reasns why peple select
particular behavirs.
PpCncerns abut ppulatin include cncerns abut ppulatin
size, distributin, and density. Here we cnsider ppulatin
size because the demnstrated relatin between size and
greenhuse gas emissins. Ppulatin distributin and density
are als relevant t envirnmental impact, but the relatinship is
mre cmplicated.
The size the human ppulatin has grwn expnentially
ver the last 100 years (see Figure 6). It required hundreds
thusands years t g rm the rst handul humans t
a ppulatin 3 billin. A secnd 3 billin-persn increaseccurred in nly 33 years (rm 1960 t 1993). We nw have
apprximately 6.6 billin humans n the planet, and we are
still grwing. Yet, it is als imprtant t cnsider variatin in
ppulatin grwth rates which reect cmbinatins birth and
death rates. The rate increase in ppulatin grwth in the
United States is decreasing, and the wrld’s ppulatin grwth
rate is prjected t be less than ne percent by 2020 (U.S.
Census, 2008). Als, ppulatin change is nt cnsistent acrss
regins. Fertility rates are currently lwest in Eurpe, East Asia,
and the Pacic, with abut 2.1 children r less per wman,
and highest in Sub-Saharan Arica, with abut 5.2 children per
wman (Lule, Singh, & Chwdhury, 2007). (S g 6.)
With regard t climate change, the eect ppulatin
grwth is much greater in cuntries with high per capita
emissins (Wrld Energy outlk, 2007; 2008). Fr example,
Arica has sme the highest ppulatin grwth rates, but
the lwest reginal per-capita greenhuse gas emissins.
Prjected increases in energy use in Arica in the next 25 years
are expected t result in much smaller ttal emissins than in
ther regins. The United States nw prduces seven times
mre Co2
emissins than Arica, and in the next 25 years, is
prjected t cntribute abut ve t six times mre emissins
than Arica. Althugh mst the wrld’s increase in energy
demand prjected ver the next 25 years cmes rm develping
cuntries, led by China and India, the United States is stillprjected t cntinue t cntribute the mst per capita at abut
tw t three times mre per persn than China. Many argue
that increases in per capita energy cnsumptin are necessary
r ecnmic develpment in places such as Arica, China, and
India.
Thus, decreasing ppulatin r ppulatin grwth des nt
address climate change in any straightrward way. Decreasing
ppulatin grwth culd have a much greater eect n the
Annual increments (bars)
100
80
60
40
20
0
Millions
Population
size (line)
10
8
6
4
2
0
Billions
8000 BC
AD 1*
1650*
1750
1800*
1850
1900*
1930*
1960*
2000
2050
* AD 1 Population takes 1600 years to double* 1650 Population takes 200 years to double
* 1800 Population takes 130 years to double
* 1900 Population takes 65 years to double* 1930 Population takes 45 years to double
* 1960 Population takes 40 years to double
iGure 6: w
pp sz
cs:
8000 bC 2050 ad
(pjcs s
ssp; u
ns, 1998).
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climate in regins and in ppulatins that have high per capita
GHG emissins. Yet, ppulatin decrease des nt guarantee
decrease in emissins. In the United States, average husehld
sizes are decreasing, but husehlds are living in larger hmes,
which use mre energy (U.S. Hme Size, 2007; Whipps,
2006). Given cnsideratins such as these, sme have argued
that it is mre imprtant t cus n decreasing cnsumptin
rather than ppulatin (Diamnd, 2008). Yet, while arguably
less immediate imprtance, stabilizing r reducing ppulatin
size can be an imprtant element in erts t mitigate GHG
emissins because ppulatin is ne driver GHG emissins.
Psychlgists can cntribute t understanding predictrs
ppulatin grwth by understanding links amng psychlgical,
scial, and cultural rces that inuence birth and death rates
while attending t justice issues (e.g., Bth & Cruter, 2005;
Flbre, 1983; Harmann & Baragas-Rman, 2008; Lesthaegh
& Surkyn, 1988; Sen, 2003). Individual and cultural religius
belies, belies abut gender rles, belies abut individual
versus gvernment cntrl reprductin and health care are
intertwined with decisins that inuence reprductive decisins
(such as when t start having children, hw many children t
have, and time between children; inant mrtality; and lngevity).
The imprtance scial and cultural rces n reprductive
decisins is implied by evidence that wmen ten have mre
children than what they reprt ideally wanting (Lule, et al.,
2007). Culture and immediate scial cntext inuence wmen’s
prcreatin chices thrugh mechanisms such as nrms (e.g.,lcal nrms abut amily size and acceptability cntraceptin
and abrtin, value educating wmen), plicies (e.g., access
t cntraceptives, abrtin, and recvery rm abrtin), and
laws (e.g., restrictins n number children allwed, nancial
incentives t have mre children). There may als be implicit r
explicit belies that a grwing ppulatin is desirable because it
indicates that a sciety has access t d and adequate health
care (Livi-Bacci, 2007) and because cncerns abut inverted
pyramidal distributins where the elderly utnumber the yuth
(Bth & Cruter, 2005). The benets t individuals and cultures increased ppulatin grwth alngside the csts t human
and eclgical cmmunities have been described as a type
cmmns dilemma (Hardin, 1968; Gardner & Stern, 2002). In
cmmns r scial dilemmas, many cultural and psychlgical
actrs inuence decisins abut whether individuals pay
attentin t their persnal benets r a grup’s csts (ostrm et
al., 2002; Gird, 2008).
Psychlgists’ knwledge abut belies and hw they
inuence individual and plicy decisins, causes and ways
t address scial dilemmas, decisin making in interpersnal
relatinships, and a variety gender-related belie systems
culd all prvide useul inrmatin r discussins that invlve
individual and scial decisins that inuence ppulatin size.
Fr instance, restrictive gender rles that dene wmen’s status
by the number children they have, limit wmen’s access t
alternative rles, give thers cntrl ver wmen’s decisins
t have children, and devalue emale children, creating greater
demand r mre children t ensure having male children,
have been implicated as causes ppulatin grwth in India
(Bhan, 2001; Sen, 2003). Psychlgical research int belies
abut sexuality, the acceptance birth cntrl, masculinity and
male dminance and psychlgists’ expertise n the increasing
sexualizatin girls, the eects abrtin n wmen’s well-
being, and varius types subtle and implicit sexist belies are
relevant t discussins abut ppulatin.
It is als imprtant t cnsider regin-specic causes r
variatin in ppulatin size. Regins vary in cultural and scial
belies, patterns immigratin and emigratin, and extent
destabilizing inuences such as eminine spread diseases
such as AIDS, wars, and ethnic cnicts that result in gencide
and rape. Psychlgists’ knwledge abut acculturatin and
treatment immigrants culd aid in understanding variatin
in reginal ppulatin grwth (Sam & Berry, 2006). Peace
psychlgy can cntribute t ur understanding and addressing
the impact war and cnict n deaths and pregnancy via rape(Cstin, 2006).
Csp
The term “cnsumptin” has multiple meanings in dierent
disciplines and intellectual cmmunities (Stern, 1997). The IPAT
and STIRPAT rmulatins peratinalize it in mnetary terms,
with a measure aggregate ecnmic activity r aggregate
cnsumer purchases. Hwever, a ull understanding hw
cnsumptin cntributes t climate change requires a mredetailed thery. Figure 7 presents a cnceptual mdel that
helps illuminate predictrs cnsumptin and dierentiates
between cnsumptin dened in terms mney spent versus
cnsumptin dened in terms envirnmental impact and the
mechanisms by which cnsumptin inuences climate change.
Each level illustrated in g 7 can aect variables at
the ther levels, either directly r indirectly, but it is imprtant t
recgnize the distinctins amng them. Level 5 sets the cntext
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Institutional· Physical infrastructure(e.g., urban design)
· Laws & regulations· Media & advertising
Social & Cultural· Prescriptive & descriptive norms· Direct personal contactwith inuence agents
· Family, organizational,& community structures
Physical Environment · Climate demanding
characteristics of residence(e.g., temperature)
LEVEL 5: CONTEXT
Demographic Drivers· Age, income, household size
Psychological Drivers · Intrapersonal factors (e.g., needs, wants, goals) · Ideologies, beliefs, attitudes & worldviews about
the environment · Perceptions of prescriptive & descriptive norms
LEVEL 4: INDIVIDUAL FACTORS
Organization Behaviors· Purchase goods & services· Investment in equipment, production facilities,& means of distribution of goods
Individual Behaviors · Purchase goods & services· Investment in housing & transportation
LEVEL 3: ECONOMIC CONSUMPTION
Organization Behaviors
· Climate-driving characteristics & use ofgoods & services· Climate-driving characteristics & use ofequipment, production facilities & distributionof goods & services
Individual Behaviors
· Climate-driving characteristics & use ofgoods & services
LEVEL 2: ENVIRONMENTAL CONSUMPTION
Carbon Dioxide Methane Nitrous Oxide
LEVEL 1: GREENHOUSE GAS EMISSIONS
LEVEL 0: CLIMATE CHANGE
TemperatureChange
PrecipitationChange
Sea LevelRise
ExtremeEvents
iGure 7: eps
pcs
c-cg
csqcs
csp.
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r individual behavirs and decisins, smetimes encuraging
and directing behavirs and ther times cnstraining behavirs.
Level 4 includes characteristics individuals that inuence
their ability and mtivatin t engage in cnsumptin including
many psychlgical cnstructs related t envirnmental
cnsciusness, such as attitudes and values, which have been
the cus much research n predictrs envirnmentally
respnsible behavirs. Cntexts (Level 5) can inuence
individual drivers cnsumptin (Level 4). Cultural practices
inuence psychlgical actrs, r instance, by dening what
is cnsidered “needs” versus merely “desires” and making
particular behaviral ptins pssible, easible, and desirable.
Individual cnsumptin decisins can be made alne r
within grups (e.g., amilies r bards directrs representing
particular cntexts r decisins; Level 5). Levels 2 and 3
represent tw dierent aspects cnsumptin. Ecnmic
cnsumptin is the mney individuals and rganizatins spend;
it is represented by per capita GNP used in the quantitative
mdels described abve. Level 2 represents envirnmental
cnsumptin“human and human-induced transrmatins
materials and energy” (p. 20, Stern, 1997). Ecnmic and
envirnmental cnsumptin are crrelated but separable.
A persn can spend mney n a amus painting, which
wuld cst a lt mre than the gas paid t drive t the pint
purchase, but the latter will have mre an envirnmental
impact. Chices abut hw t spend mney, r instance the
chice t spend mney n a lw- rather than a high-mileage
car (ecnmic cnsumptin), als inuence envirnmentalcnsumptin. Hwever, envirnmental cnsumptin is als
aected by ther actrs, such as driving distances.
Sme analyses examine nly certain levels in this mdel.
Fr instance, researchers using the IPAT and STIRPAT
rmulatins g directly rm Level 3 t Level 1, withut
examining the links that prvide critical mediatrs. Psychlgy
can help: (a) understand the relatinships amng and between
variables in Levels 4 and 5, (b) explain the links rm Level 4 t
Levels 3 and 2, and (c) explain hw interventins (incentives,inrmatin, persuasin, etc.) directly aect behavir at Levels 3
and 2. These links are als imprtant psychlgically because
cnsumptin chices may reect peple’s knwledge r cncern
abut links between envirnmental cnsumptin (Level 2) and
greenhuse gas emissins (Level 1), r example i they try t
buy prducts that use less energy r use their prducts in mre
energy-eicient ways. A lt the psychlgical research agenda
is in the links and the mediating prcesses.
As nted abve, evidence the impact cnsumptin
n the envirnment and specically n GHG emissins is
typically assessed with natinal-level data n each cuntry’s
grss dmestic prduct. This makes sense, r example, rm
a lie cycle analysis a prduct, with mney being invested at
all stages prductin, rm “cradle t grave” (Lvins, Lvins,
& Hawkens, 1999). A prblem r a behaviral analysis is that
GDP aggregates a wide variety dierent types cnsumptin
behavirs. Disaggregatin these behavirs int specic types
behavirs can help clariy which behavirs cntribute the mst
t climate change and which behavirs can, therere, be mst
eectively targeted r reductin emissins. Great ert can
be put int behavirs that have little eect (Gardner & Stern,
2008; Vandenbergh, Barkenbus, & Gilligan, 2008). Mrever,
individuals wh lack knwledge abut the relative cntributin
behavirs t emissins may priritize a relatively ineective
behavir ver a mre eective ne (see Sectin 5 this reprt).
Disaggregatin can als help t understand the actrs that
encurage r discurage particular behavirs. Sme behavirs
may be mtivated by hednic reasns and thers by scial
nrms (Lindenberg & Steg, 2007). Further, sme behavirs may
be mre diicult than thers, perhaps because they require mre
skill r mre mney, r they are nt available t peple.
Yet, behaviral analyses need t cnsider mre than
individual actins that directly emit greenhuse gases. First,
actins can be interdependent. Changing ne behavir can lead
t changes in ther behavirs (e.g., switching t hybrid carsmay encurage peple t drive arther, which culd neutralize
emissins reductins). Secnd, indirect eects behavir can
be very imprtant. Using a prduct may use little energy but its
prductin and distributin may require cnsiderable energy
(McKibben, 2007). Fr example, cnsuming d btained rm
supermarkets r restaurants uses cnsiderably less energy than
prducing, transprting, packaging, and distributing it. Similarly,
using the Internet requires mre energy than that required t run
ne’s cmputer.
Third, individual behavirs that have little eect may add
up t a lt acrss behavirs and acrss individuals (e.g.,
putting electrnics n standby uses minuscule amunts
energy, but energy used acrss devices and husehlds can be
cnsiderable, Vandenbergh et al., 2008). Furth, behavirs can
inuence nt just GHG emissins, but their absrptin and the
direct reectivity Earth (e.g., changes in land use, such as
thrugh derestatin, can decrease absrptin greenhuse
gases (Millennium Ecsystems Assessment, 2005). This
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analysis pints t the need t understand individuals’ chices
amng behavirs and their verall patterns cnsumptin,
especially the ttal eects in climate terms. We start by
examining types cnsumptin behavirs (Levels 2 and 3),
then cnsider individual drivers cnsumptin (Level 4), and
end with a cnsideratin brader inuences (Level 5) n
cnsumptin decisins.
Types o consumption behaviors
Researchers have prpsed dierent classicatins cnsumptin and cnsumptin-reducing behavirs. one
classicatin distinguishes investment in equipment and
technlgy, management the equipment, and its use (c.
Kemptn, Darley, & Stern, 1992; Kemptn, Harris, Keith,
& Weihl, 1985). The rst these represents ecnmic
cnsumptin that drives energy use while the latter tw
represent mre direct envirnmental cnsumptin. orthgnal
t these categries are specic dmains energy use such
as transprtatin, space heating and cling, and husehld
appliances and electrnics (see the Table, “Types behavirsand examples” r examples). It is als imprtant t distinguish
the abve behavirs, which aect direct energy use in the
husehld, rm cnsumer behavirs with indirect eects n
energy use thrugh the investment, management, and chices
made by thse wh supply cnsumer prducts and services.
Fr instance, recycling and reusing materials reduces emissins
because it reduces the need t prcess and transprt virgin
materials. Hwever, these eects are nt entirely within the
cnsumer’s cntrl because the chice t replace virgin
materials with recycled gds is made by manuacturers. Finally,
behavirs that inuence the emissin greenhuse gases can
be distinguished rm thse that inuence the absrptin
emissins r that change Earth’s albed. Thrugh these types
behavirecnmic and envirnmental cnsumptin
adptin, management, and use equipment and technlgy
aect the net rcing climate change. Varius dierences
amng behavirs may inuence the likelihd that individuals,
husehlds, r rganizatins will engage in them.
Perceptins the eectiveness dierent behavirs r
reducing emissins may be imprtant, even thugh they ten
d nt match the research data (Kemptn et al., 1985; De
Yung, 1986). Perceptins and actual ability t engage in
the behavirs als inuence whether peple engage in these
behavirs (Sia, Hungerrd, & Tmera, 1985). Investments,
which require nly very inrequent actins (e.g., insulating ne’s
hme), ace nancial and ther barriers that d nt exist r
management and use actins. Hwever, they generally save
mre energy than changes in management r use equipment,which usually require repeated erts (Stern & Gardner, 1981;
Gardner & Stern, 2008).
It can als be imprtant t examine patterns behavirs.
Fr example, evidence is incnclusive at best abut whether
engaging in ne type envirnmentally riendly behavir
predispses ne t engaging in ther types envirnmentally
riendly behavir (Crmptn & Thøgersn, 2009). Further
research is needed t understand such patterns. (S t.)
Investment inequipment &technology
Management ofequipment &technology
Intensity ofequipment &technology use
Transportation Number and fueleiciency of personal &public transportationvehicles.
Miles traveled invehicles.
Number of people invehicles; enginemaintenance.
Heating and coolingof buildings
Size of buildings,eiciency of furnaces &air conditioners; amountof insulation.
Temperature settings.Maintenance offurnaces; caulking ofwindows.
Householdappliances &electronics
Energy eiciency ofwater heaters,televisions, refrigerators.
Amount of hot waterused; time spent withtelevision on.
Cleaning freezer coils;reducing standbypower use.
table: tps s
ps
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Individual drivers o consumption (Level 4)
There is much individual variatin in patterns cnsumptin.
Sme variatin is due t dierences in the cntext in which
individuals live (Level 5). other variatin is due t dierences
in ability and mtivatin (Level 4). Ability can be inuenced by
incme available t ard dierent cnsumptin behavirs,
knwledge abut hw t act t change the climate impacts
cnsumer behavir, and physical and mental health. Mtivatincan be inuenced by many pssible psychlgical drivers,
which we cus upn belw. Demgraphic dierences such as
husehld size and amily lie cycle als inuence cnsumptin
patterns because their assciatin with dierent cntext,
their assciatin with abilities (e.g., gender and minrity status
can inuence incme), and, smetimes, their assciatin with
mtivatins (e.g., ethnic grup membership can help explain
individual dierences in wrldviews).
Financial incentives are imprtant mtivatrs
envirnmental cnsumptin. Incentives can create r help
vercme nancial barriers t investment in energy-eicient
equipment and technlgy and can avr prducts and
services that cntribute either mre r less t greenhuse
gas emissins, thus mtivating behaviral changes. other
drivers cnsumptin can ptentiate r attenuate the eects
ecnmic inuences. Psychlgical actrs such as needs,
wants, gals, values, idelgies, belies, attitudes, wrldviews,
perceptins prescriptive and cultural nrms, and identicatin
with nature may als aect cnsumptin. Fr instance, research
has shwn psitive assciatins between engaging in sme
envirnmentally respnsible behavirs and varius measures
envirnmental cnsciusness (e.g., pr-envirnmental belies;
Milnt, Duckitt, & Camern, 2006). Hwever, researchers
have nt always dierentiated amng types envirnmentally
respnsible behavirs. In terms relevance t climate change,
it is imprtant t assess the extent t which these relatinships
invlve cnsumptin behavirs with signicant eects n GHG
emissins r ther climate.
A cnsiderable bdy psychlgical literature n predictrs cnsumptin cuses either implicitly r explicitly n ecnmic
cnsumptin, usually withut regard t the envirnmental
cnsequences. This literature is relevant t understanding
human cntributins t climate change because the general
assciatin between ecnmic cnsumptin and greenhuse
gas emissins (as illustrated abve with research n GDP) and
because nnenvirnmental prduct attributes are imprtant t
cnsumptin decisins that aect GHG emissins.
A requently studied psychlgical predictr cnsumer
behavir is the presumed happiness that purchasing prducts
will prvide. Many advertisements prmise t bring varius
persnal and scial rewards, including sel-satisactin, un, and
praise rm thers. Thus, individuals may seek happiness via
cnsumptin. Yet, the presumed relatin between cnsumptin
and happiness is nt ully supprted by data, particularly in
wealthier cuntries where cnsumptin is already high. I the
relatin were straightrward, then thse wh have mre shuld
be happier than thse wh d nt. Subjective well-being is
higher in wealthier cuntries, but within cuntries, there is little
relatin between increasing GDP ver time and subjective
well-being (Diener & Biswas-Diener, 2002). In ecnmically
develped cuntries, there is nly a small psitive crrelatin
between individual incme and sel-reprted subjective well-
being (Diener & Biswas-Diener, 2002), and incme is nly
weakly related t daily md (Kahneman, Krueger, Schkade,
Schwarz, & Stne, 2006). Relative incme is mre strngly
assciated with sel-reprted happiness than actual incme
(Clark, Frijters, & Shields, 2008), and the relatin between
incme and well-being is strnger in prer cuntries. This
suggests that nce basic needs are satised, increasing incme
and assciated increases in ecnmic cnsumptin are less
relevant r happiness.
Research indicates that rather than prmting well-being,
materialismthat is, priritizing acquisitin and pssessin
material bjectshinders well-being and is mre detrimental
t the envirnment than alternative aspiratins. Thse whendrse materialistic values (such as believing that nancial
success is imprtant) are mre likely t scre prly n
measures subjective well-being, including glbal adjustment,
scial prductivity, and behaviral disrders (Kasser, Ryan,
Cuchman, & Sheldn, 2004; Kasser & Ryan, 1993). Further,
U.S. adults and adlescents wh d nt endrse materialistic
values cnsume less energy by sme measures, such as riding
bicycles, using bth sides the paper, turning lights in
unused rms, etc. (Richins & Dawsn; 1992; Kasser, 2005).
Finally, cultural values aspiring tward mastery and hierarchy(which include specic values relevant t cnsumerism) are
crrelated with higher levels Co2
emissins, even ater
cntrlling r GDP (Kasser, in press).
Cre psychlgical needs, such as relatedness,
cmpetence, and autnmy, may als drive cnsumptin (Deci
& Ryan, 2000; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Cnsumptin aects sel-
cncepts and public identities because prducts are imbued
with meaning, ten acilitated by marketing, and that meaning
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is then transerred t the cnsumer (McCracken, 1986). The
clthes we wear, the cars we drive, the way we decrate ur
hmes, and the gits we give thers allw us t t in with scial
trends, raise ur status, carve ut ur wn unique subcultures
and individual identity, and display ur grup membership. Thus,
prducts may prvide a sense belnging and sel-esteem.
Finally, cnsumptin can als be prmted as a way t satisy
a need r autnmy and cmpetence and t reach ne’s
individual ptential (i.e., becme sel-actualized; Berger, 2006;
Curtis, 2002; Lavine, 2006). Fr instance, target marketing that
cuses n psychgraphic characteristics (ne’s liestyle, values,
aesthetic styles, and lie visins) has been described as a way
that cmpanies make cnnectins between a particular prduct
and ne’s persnal ambitins (Chen, Ch, & Sutherland, 2007;
Vyncke, 2002).
Research like that dne examining happiness and
materialism can mre ully illuminate relatins between cre
psychlgical needs and cnsumptin. Research n intrinsic
and extrinsic gals suggests that cnsumptin wuld be a pr
means satisying many cre psychlgical needs. Extrinsically
riented gals (e.g., ppularity and having an appealing
appearance), including materialism, relative t ther gals (sel-
acceptance, persnal grwth, intimacy and riendship, scietal
cntributins) share a greater cus n lking r a sense
wrth utside nesel by cusing n rewards and praise
rm thers. Fcusing n extrinsic gals can interere with ther
gals that are mre likely t lead t mre avrable subjective
well-being. Fr instance, ne reasn r the lack crrelatinbetween incme and well-being is that peple with incmes
greater than $100 K spend less time n leisure activities
(Kahneman et al., 2006). Still, ecnmic cnsumptin may als
be driven by intrinsic gals (Vargas & Yn, 2006). Fr instance,
spending mney t btain lie experiences rather than btaining
material gds is assciated with greater happiness (Vanbven
& Gilvich, 2003).
Frm the standpint the need t reduce envirnmental
cnsumptin in cuntries such as the United States, it isimprtant t cnsider hw psychlgical needs can be satised
with less than current levels such cnsumptin. Sme
research suggests that rather than pursuing materialistic
gals and passive rms entertainment (e.g., watching
televisin), peple wuld be better served t wrk n tasks
that require greater engagement, particularly thse that lead t
w experiences (e.g., experiences that are s engaging ne
lses track time while ding them) (Csikczentmihalyi, 2004;
2006). Sme evidence indicates that engaging in eclgically
respnsible behavir is assciated with higher subjective well-
being and endrsing mre intrinsic and less extrinsic values
(Brwn & Kasser, 2005).
Thus, althugh psychlgical needs drive cnsumptin,
cnsumptin may be a pr methd satisying thse needs,
particularly subjective well-being. Mre research is needed t
ully understand the relatins amng dierent types mtives
r cnsumptin and well-being and relatins amng dierent
types psychlgical needs, such as relatedness, autnmy
and cntrl, and dierent types cnsumptin behavirs. A key
research need cncerns identiying ways t satisy psychlgica
needs thrugh behavirs that have less eect n the climate.
Context and consumption (Level 5)
As nted in Figure 7, a number cntextual eatures (Level 5)
inuence individual drivers cnsumptin (Level 4). Behaviral
ptins are shaped by whether individuals live in temperate
versus very ht r cld envirnments, physical inrastructure that
aects the ptins r travel r the energy eiciency hmes,
and varius laws and regulatins. Behavir is als aected by
marketing cnsumer gds and services and prducers’
chices which gds and services t make available. Further,
there are a number scial-cultural eatures cntexts that
direct behavirs. It is the latter that we will cnsider in mre
detail.
Scial and cultural cntexts can inuence cnsumptin
in many ways. Fr instance, scial and cultural nrms identiyapprpriate and desirable behavirs, and scial structures
inuence and regulate individual and grup behavirs. Ecnmic
and envirnmental cnsumptin in the United Sates needs t
be understd within a wealthy, individualistic, and capitalistic
culture (Kasser, Chn, Kanner, & Ryan, 2007). A particularly
imprtant cntextual eature is the extent t which cultures
value cnsumerism. Whereas envirnmental cnsumptin is
the use resurces and energy, and ecnmic cnsumptin
is spending mney t acquire gds, cnsumerism is “a belie
and value system in which cnsumptin and acquisitin rituals(e.g., shpping) are naturalized as surces sel-identity and
meaning in lie, gds are avidly desired r nn-utilitarian
reasns such as envy prvcatin and status seeking, and
cnsuming replaces prducing as a key determinant scial
relatins” (p. 231; Zha & Belk, 2008). Cnsumerism can
smetimes help satisy basic psychlgical needs, but it als
cntributes t chices that drive climate change. Cnsumerism
is widely assciated with the United States, but it is becming
glbal. It has becme a part Chinese culture, with sme
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arguing that it is verpwering cmmunism (Zha & Belk,
2008). There has been little psychlgical research n hw
cnsumerism and related cultural belie systems inuence
envirnmental cnsumptin (see Heath & Gird, 2006 r an
exceptin).
Cultures can aect cnsumptin by inuencing perceptins
what is a necessity versus a luxury. This bundary can shit
ver time. Fr instance, in 1996, 32% peple in the United
States thught that a micrwave was a necessity, whereas in
2006, 68% believed this (Pew Research Center, 2006). These
perceived needs vary acrss dierent demgraphic grups. In
particular, the mre incme a persn has, the mre likely he r
she will view the items examined in the survey (clthes dryers,
hme and car air-cnditining, micrwaves, televisin sets,
etc.) as necessities. Althugh we knw n specic research
n cultural actrs that inuence these perceptins, it seems
likely that culturally dened reerence pints are imprtant r
establishing these perceptins. Fr instance, i a certain level
cnsumptin is seen as nrmal, cnsumptin levels belw
this may be perceived as insuicient. Reductins in this nrm
wuld be seen as lsses, rather than as gains rm a state n
pssessins (reerence prspect thery). Further, upward scial
cmparisns with thse wh cnsume a lt (“the rich and the
amus”) likely encurage peple t cnsume mre and lead
them t perceive their current state as relatively deprived (c.
relative deprivatin thery).
Culture can als create real needs. Prducts that werence luxuries, such as cars, have becme necessities r many
peple because human settlements have develped in ways that
make it very diicult t engage in necessary activities, such as
getting d and emplyment, withut a car.
A cultural attribute that may inuence cnsumptin
resurces is the perceptin time. Research has dcumented
dierences in perceptins time acrss cultures and the
implicatins perceptins time r nrms abut hw peple
interact with and treat each ther (Levine, 1997). on the nehand, uture time perspective, a perspective ten held in
western cultures (Jnes, 2003), is assciated with endrsing the
need r envirnmental preservatin (Milnt & Guveia, 2006).
on the ther hand, western culture is built t a great extent n
treating time as a resurce that is maximized at the expense
natural resurces. Energy is used t imprve eiciency (e.g.,
t decrease time n any particular task and increase ur ability
t multitask) and expand time s that we can have activities
ccurring arund the clck (Stephens, 2002). Increases in the
investment time may be required t reduce ur use natural
resurces. These changes can be impractical r individuals t
make n their wn and may require a mre general cultural shit
in perceptins needs and the value time and hw we use it
(Kasser & Brwn, 2003; Kasser & Sheldn, 2009).
It may be useul t cnsider the ways that dierent
eatures cultures inuence actual and perceived needs and
the implicatins these cultural eatures r cnsumerism
and patterns cnsumptin. Pssible imprtant cultural
cnsideratins include variatin in hw members dierent
cultures rient tward, experience, and perceive time and hw
they understand and assess rhythms behavirs within time
perids (Jnes, 2003). Given these cnsideratins, it is likely
imprtant t examine the rle that identicatin with particular
scial grups (e.g., ethnic grups) and internalizatin cultural
wrldviews has n cnsumerism and patterns cnsumptin.
Counter-consumerism movements
Individuals and grups peple have made erts t alter
their liestyles as a way t what they see as the prblems with
cnsumerism and a culture that they perceive supprts it. Fr
instance, sme peple jin vluntary simplicity mvements,
prmte erts t allw peple t take “take back their time,”
jin cmmunity-supprted agricultural grups, and participate
in “reecycling grups” (Bekin, Carrigan, & Szmigin, 2005;
Craig-Lees & Hill, 2002; Thmpsn & Cskuner-Balli, 2007).
When undertaken vluntarily, the activities these mvements
may cntribute t well-being, which they may nt i they areexperienced as asceticism, sel-deprivatin, r dne r
invluntary reasns (Lavine, 2006). The extent t which these
mvements ultimately inuence climate change will depend
upn hw widespread they becme and the extent t which their
altered patterns cnsumptin reduce GHG and ther climate
drivers.
Yet, this is a phenmenn wrth explring mre because
its relatinship t patterns cnsumptin. Many individuals
wh have becme “dwnshiters” (estimated in 1998 t be19% the U.S. ppulatin; Schr, 1998; and in 2003 t be
abut 25% in Britain; Hamiltn, 2003) are simpliying their
liestyles by repairing, reusing, sharing, and making their wn
gds and changing their cus t ullling rles such as civic
engagement, including using the cnsumer culture t ght the
culture by byctts and “buyctts” (Elgin, 2000). Many their
behaviral chices invlve less envirnmentally taxing patterns
cnsumptin that include behavirs that prduce ewer
greenhuse gases. It is argued that individuals jining these
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mvements have und ways t satisy their needs r esteem,
autnmy, and belngingness that still make them happy
perhaps even better than cnsumerism des, althugh that is a
questin r urther research. Brwn and Kasser (2005) prvide
evidence this. They und that, relative t a matched grup
mainstream peple in the United States, sel-identied vluntary
simpliers were signicantly happier and living mre eclgically
sustainably.
rsc SggssBelw we list a ew, many pssible, research directins that
llw rm the abve review. Sme the suggestins build
what we already knw, r instance, abut peple’s tendency
t engage in envirnmentally respnsible behavir; thers
challenge researchers t attend t the envirnmental utcmes
cnsumptin behavirs they examine, and, particularly, thse
envirnmental utcmes that are related t human drivers
climate change; and still thers test areas that have received
little attentin within psychlgy.
Psychlgists culd:
1. Cntribute t research abut ppulatin size, grwth,
reginal density, etc. Psychlgists have examined
research n ppulatin in terms crwding. Hwever,
psychlgists culd cntribute mre t the area given the
imprtance tpics such as gender rles and relatins
t this dmain. Further, a number belie systems may
inuence evaluatin and supprt r ppulatin plicies.
2. Examine ecnmic cnsumptin at the individual and
husehld levels and envirnmental cnsumptin,
particularly energy use, as these types cnsumptin
relate t the scial cntexts husehlds and husehld
members’ values, psychlgical needs, gals, and
subjective well-being and cnduct this research
cmparatively acrss cuntries and subcultural and
demgraphic grups in the United States.
3. Cnduct research n peple’s judgments the eects
varius mdes decreased envirnmental cnsumptin
n their ability t satisy their needs, gals, and
mtivatins.
4. Develp a better understanding characteristics
cultures (e.g., belies abut time, cnsumerism, persnal
space, cntinuity, cmmunity, and views n nature) that
may aect patterns envirnmental cnsumptin.
5. Develp a better understanding cunter cnsumerism
mvements: mtivatins r jining them, the shrt- and
lng-term psychscial cnsequences invlvement,
and the extent t which the mvements ultimately
inuence envirnmental cnsumptin.
Css ipcs
Human actins that inuence climate change include activities
arising rm ppulatin grwth and regin-specic types and
patterns cnsumptin. This sectin described ways that
psychlgy can help understand these causes climate change
by identiying specic types cnsumptin and researching
individual and cntextual predictrs cnsumptin. The
next sectin examines cnsequences climate change by
examining psychlgical impacts such as emtinal reactins
and mental health implicatins and scial and cmmunity
impacts, including aggressin and intergrup cnict as well as
psitive cnsequences gained rm peple wh take cllective
respnsibility r a shared prblem.
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the ptential impacts climate change n human health
and well-being have received cnsiderable attentin
(Climate Change Science Prgram, 2009; IPCC, 2007c).
Less attentin has been given t ptential psychlgical and
scial impacts glbal climate change and t actrs that
mderate and mediate thse impacts. Althugh sme lcalized
and/r immediate cnsequences, such as injury r stressresulting rm mre extreme weather events, may be perceived
t result rm climate change, mst psychscial eects are
likely t be gradual and cumulative, and the cnnectin t glbal
climate change may be less clear in the minds thse aected.
These include heat-related vilence (Andersn, 2001), cnicts
ver resurces (Reuveny, 2008), threats t mental health
(Fritze, Blashki, Burke, & Wiseman, 2008), and anxiety and
despair (Kidner, 2007; Macy & Brwn, 1998; Nichlsen, 2002).
In additin, climate change is likely t have a disprprtinate
impact n thse less ecnmic privilege r scial status(Agyeman, Bullard, & Evans, 2003; Kaspersn & Dw, 1991),
and thus, like ther envirnmental issues, have scial justice
implicatins that demand cnsideratin (Bullard & Jhnsn,
2000).
Available research suggests that the psychscial impacts
climate change are likely t be mderated by a number
individual and cntextual actrs that increase r decrease the
severity the impact as well as the perceptin the impact.
Mderatrs impacts may include prximity t climate-related
events (Neutra, Lipscmb, Satin, & Shusterman, 1991) and
surces vulnerability and resilience (Brklacich, Chazan, &
Dawe, 2007; Bullard, 2000; Peek & Mileti, 2002). An individual’s
perceptins climate change impacts can be mderated by
scial nrms (Cialdini, Ren, & Kallgren, 1990; Leiserwitz,
2005) and by the individual’s envirnmental identity (Claytn &optw, 2003). The impacts climate change are als likely
t be mediated by varius types cgnitive appraisals, such
as estimates persnal risk and attributins respnsibility
(Leiserwitz, 2007) and media representatins health impacts
(Dunwdy, 2007; Reser, 2009).
In human terms, the mst salient aspects glbal
climate change may be extreme biphysical envirnmental
eventsgenerally ramed as “disasters” r “catastrphes”
(e.g., hurricanes, trnads, ds, res, drught, tsunamis).Multiple studies examine psychlgical and scial impacts
acrss the spectrum natural and technlgical disasters (see
Bell, Greene, Fisher, & Baum, 2001; Gird, 2007; Reyes &
Jacbs, 2006). The disaster research literature has develped
methdlgies, measures, an interdisciplinary rientatin,
and many mdels and tls ptentially useul in researching
psychlgy and climate change. o particular salience are recent
surces addressing hurricane Katrina, the past decade natura
disasters in Nrth America, and the Asian Tsunami (e.g., Adela
SeCtion 3:
what are the PSyChoSoCial imPaCtSo Climate ChanGe?
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2000; Burque, Siegel, Kan, & Wd, 2006; Daniels, Kettle, &
Kunreuther, 2006; Elrd, Hamblen, & Nrris, 2006; Gheytanchi
et al., 2007; Haskett, Sctt, Nears, & Grimmett, 2008; Nrris et
al., 2002; Waugh, 2006). These large-scale reginal disaster
impacts (particularly in psychlgical, scial, and scietal terms)
are increasingly seen and discussed as prgnstic the wrld
that climate change is ushering in. The literature describing
impacts ther well-publicized disasters (such as the Three
Mile Island nuclear accident) and envirnmental hazards in
general (e.g., living in prximity t txic waste sites) is als
relevance (e.g., Bell et al., 2001; Baum, 1987; Haskett et al.,
2008; Neutra et al., 1991; Reyes & Jacbs, 2006).
The impacts glbal climate change shuld als be
situated in the cntext ther envirnmental challenges.
Resurce depletin and lss bidiversity are prbable
cnsequences climate change (IPCC, 2007c), and related
issues such as verppulatin and envirnmental pllutin will
cmbine with climate change t accelerate the trend tward
increased cmpetitin r decreased envirnmental resurces.
Given research evidence n the benecial eects restrative
natural envirnments (De Vries, Verheij, Grenevegen, &
Spreeuwenberg, 2003; Maas, Verheij, Grenewegen, de Vries, &
Spreeuwenberg, 2006; Takan, Nakamura, & Watanabe, 2002;
Ku & Sullivan, 2001; Ku, Sullivan, Cley, & Brunsn, 1998;
Krenichyn, 2004; Maller, Twnsend, Pryr, Brwn, & St. Leger,
2006; Shinew, Glver, & Parry, 2004), decreased access t
thriving ecsystems may als have psychlgical cnsequences.
Finally, there is the ptential r psychlgical benets rm
taking actin abut climate change, including pprtunities r
psitive cping (Kates, 2007) and enhanced persnal meaning
and satisactin rm engaging in climate change mitigatin
r adaptatin activities (DeYung, 1996; Jhnsn, Haeuble, &
Keinan, 2007).
Pscsc m h ipcs
C CgThe psychscial and mental health implicatins climate
change have gained attentin in the cntext disaster recvery
rm extreme weather events (Few, 2007). Fritze and clleagues
(2008) nte that direct impacts, such as extreme weather events,
are likely t have immediate eects n the prevalence and
severity mental health issues in aected cmmunities and
signicant implicatins r mental health services; vulnerable
cmmunities will experience nging disruptins t the scial,
ecnmic, and envirnmental determinants that prmte mental
health in general; and, nally, climate change as a glbal
envirnmental threat may create emtinal distress and anxiety
abut the uture.
Emtinal reactins are critical cmpnents inrmatin
prcessing and als have a direct relatin t physical and
psychlgical health (Dillard & Pau, 2002 in Mser, 2007;
Slvic, Finucane, Peters, et al., 2004; Grpman, 2004). It is
hypthesized that certain strng emtinal respnses, such as
ear, despair, r a sense being verwhelmed r pwerless,
can inhibit thught and actin (Macy & Brwn, 1998; Mser,
2007; Nichlsn, 2002). As Mser and Dilling (2004) illustrate,
well-meaning attempts t create urgency abut climate change
by appealing t ear disasters r health risks requently lead
t the exact ppsite the desired respnse: denial, paralysis,
apathy, r actins that can create greater risks than the ne
being mitigated. Fr an example a general review research
n emtinal respnses t inrmatinal messages abut
climate change, see Mser (2007).
Mental health issues associated with natural and
technological disasters
Persnal experience extreme weather events can lead t
psychlgical and mental health utcmes assciated with lss,
disruptin, and displacement and cumulative mental health
impacts rm repeated expsure t natural disasters (Few,
2007; Peek & Mileti, 2002). These utcmes include acute and
psttraumatic stress disrder; ther stress-related prblems,
such as cmplicated grie, depressin, anxiety disrders,smatrm disrders, and drug and alchl abuse; higher
rates suicide attempts and cmpletins; elevated risk child
abuse; and increased vulnerability thse with preexisting
severe mental health issues. (Fr a review, see Fritze, et al.,
2008.)
Stress and emotional outcomes associated with natural and
technological disasters
In a review mental health treatment guidelines r victims
natural and human-caused disasters, Stein and Meyers(1999) nte that psychlgical respnses t disasters invlve
distinct phases characterized by symptms changing ver
time. These include eelings disbelie, shck, denial, r
utrage immediately llwing the event, as well as altruistic
eelings assciated with saving lives and prperty. Emtinal
supprt and ptimism r the uture have the ptential t give
way t disillusinment, intrusive thughts and images, anger,
and disappintment as lng-term implicatins and emtinal
impacts the event becme apparent. This disillusinment
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phase may last mnths t years and is mst likely assciated
with autnmic (stress) arusal and physical and psychlgical
cmplaints (e.g., headaches, atigue, gastrintestinal symptms,
psttraumatic stress disrder, and cardiac symptms).
Stress-related impacts assciated with actual r perceived
envirnmental threats can be lng lasting. Studies at the site
the Three Mile Island nuclear accident taken a year and a hal
ater the riginal accident und that individuals living near the
site demnstrated higher levels nrepinephrine and sme
impairment in cgnitive ability (as measured by eectiveness
at prreading) cmpared t individuals living near anther
nuclear plant, a cal red plant, r an area with n energy plant
at all (Baum, Gatchel, & Schaeer, 1983). The indirect eects
n stress due t disruptin the cmmunity and scial supprt
netwrks may last r years r decades (Stein & Meyers, 1999).
Lessons rom Hurricane Katrina
The experience mental health pressinals intervening in the
atermath Hurricane Katrina cnrmed evidence that prviding
assistance with basic needs and psychlgical rst aid are the
ptimal interventin in the immediate atermath a disaster.
In general, these interventins cus n individual needs and
unctinal recvery rather than psychpathlgy. Interventins
include cntact and engagement, stabilizatin, inrmatin
gathering, practical assistance, inrmatin n cping, and
cnnectin with cllabrative services ( Gheytanchi et al., 2007;
Haskett et al., 2008).
The disprprtinate impact Hurricane Katrina’s eects
n the pr, largely Black cmmunities New orleans’ Ninth
Ward cnrmed that race and sciecnmic actrs shuld be
cnsidered in psychlgical respnse and preventin erts.
As a grup, these residents lacked access t quality educatin,
husing, and emplyment pprtunities available in surrunding
cmmunities. These disparities were assciated with a lack
essential resurces, shelter, transprtatin, and inrmatin
abut evacuatin plans during the strm ( Gheytanchi et al.,
2007). A survey Hurricane Katrina’s impacts n physical andmental health revealed that elderly peple were substantially
verrepresented amng the dead and that the preexisting
circumstances the evacuees made them particularly
vulnerable t a high level psychlgical distress that was
exacerbated by severe disaster expsure and lack ecnmic
and scial resurces (Burque, Siegel, Kan, & Wd, 2006).
Dierentiating between normal and pathological worry
regarding climate change
There are challenges in measuring anxiety related t climate
change and dierentiating between nrmal and pathlgical
wrry regarding climate change impacts. Traditinally, in areas
such as envirnmental medicine (Rabinwitz & Pljak, 2003),
“envirnmental anxiety” (p. 225) has been characterized as
bsessive and ptentially disabling wrry abut risks that areactually nt signicant (e.g., cmpared t well-recgnized
hazards such as mtr vehicle accidents and smking). In
this case, clinicians have been instructed t cmmunicate the
relative imprtance such risks in the cntext ther health
pririties. Given the unlding evidence abut ptential human
health impacts climate change and the diused nature
thse impacts, especially n emtins and mental health, what
cnstitutes an apprpriate level wrry remains in questin.
In clinical terms, anxiety is a uture-riented md state
assciated with a sense that events are prceeding in an
unpredictable, uncntrllable ashin. It is accmpanied bth by
physilgical arusal and by a number cgnitive respnses,
including hypervigilance r threat and danger and, at intense
levels, ear and panic (Barlw, 2002). The principal unctin
wrry is t prepare t cpe with uture threats. Thus, wrry
is a nrmal, adaptive prcess unless it is s driven by anxiety
that it becmes intense and uncntrllable. It is in this sense
that wrry can becme chrnic and maladaptive (Barlw,
2002). Media accunts “ec-anxiety” abut climate change
describe symptms such as panic attacks, lss appetite,
irritability, weakness, and sleeplessness (Nbel, 2007). Thugh
anecdtal, these symptms are remarkably similar t thse
reprted in cntrlled studies symptms reprted by thse
living in prximity t hazardus waste sites and are likely t
have a genesis in autnmic stress respnses and behaviral
sensitizatin. Fr instance, research n respnses t hazardus
waste sites and perceived envirnmental txins indicates that
symptm cmplaints are likely t be subjective and mediated
by autnmic stress respnses, behaviral sensitizatin, and
cnunding actrs such as envirnmental wrry (Neutra etal., 1991). Extraplating rm current diagnstic guidelines
(American Psychiatric Assciatin, 2000), dierentiating
between nrmal and pathlgical wrry regarding climate
change wuld include examining the cntent and pervasiveness
climate-related wrries, intererence with unctining as a
result wrry, and the degree perceived cntrl ver the
wrry prcess.
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Uncertainty and despair
Fritze et al. (2008) discuss hw “at the deepest level, the
debate abut the cnsequences climate change gives rise t
prund questins abut the lng-term sustainability human
lie and the Earth’s envirnment” (p. 9). These questins may, in
turn, prmte a sense despair r hpe r uture generatins
and aect a sense individual and cllective meaning
and purpse r individuals in the present day. In this vein,Kidner (2007) has described the lss security in the uture
engendered by uncertainty abut the health and cntinuity the
larger, natural wrld. Furthermre, as Kidner ntes, the impact
these emtins tends t be underappreciated due t the lack
recgnitin subjective eelings envirnmental lss in
traditinal scientic r ecnmic ramewrks. Macy and Brwn
(1998) have prpsed a set cmmn barriers that prevent
individuals rm expressing emtins and cncerns related
t envirnmental degradatin that may be useul in a climate
change cntext. These barriers include ears being seen as
mrbid, unpatritic, r lacking in inrmatin.
Research on climate change-related emotions
In a qualitative study using an existential-phenmenlgical
ramewrk, Langrd (2002) identied respnses t the risks
psed by climate change including: (a) active denial assciated
with a strng reliance n ratinality ver emtin and intlerance
r scientic uncertainty; (b) disinterest assciated with external
lcus cntrl and atalism; and (c) engagement assciated
with a preerence r emtin and intuitin t justiy pinins and
actins, a sense empwerment and persnal respnsibility,
and belie in cmmunal eicacy. Maiteny (2002), alng similar
lines, identied three respnses t chrnic anxiety abut
eclgical and scial prblems:
1. An uncnscius reactin denial in which individuals
stave anxiety by seeking graticatin thrugh
cntinued and perhaps increased material acquisitin and
cnsumptin;
2. A “green cnsumer” respnse (p. 300) that reects
greater cncern r the envirnment (e.g., by shpping
in a way that is mre thughtul abut ptential
envirnmental impacts prduct chices), but withut
majr changes in liestyle; and
3. Heightened cnscience and eelings cnnectedness
with wider eclgical and scial prcesses that lead
individuals t take respnsibility r liestyle changes and
stimulate change and awareness in thers.
Numbness or apathy
Envirnmental prblems have lng been assciated with
numbness r apathy (e.g., Macy & Brwn, 1998; Gird, 1976;
Searles, 1972). Mser (2007) dierentiates numbness as a
secndary reactin llwing realizatin the magnitude
climate change threats and perceived inability t aect their
utcmes. Apathy is seen as a primary emtinal respnse
that prevents individuals rm learning abut the threat andrming a mre inrmed reactin. The apathy is likely t
stem rm a “drumbeat news abut varius verwhelming
envirnmental and scietal prblems” (p. 68) and the demands
daily lie. Speaking rm a psychanalytic perspective,
Lertzman (2008) has cuntered that the public’s apparent
apathy regarding climate change is actually paralysis at the
size the prblem. Lertzman rerames the issue in terms
psychlgical deense mechanisms such as denial and splitting
(i.e., retaining intellectual knwledge the reality, but divesting
it emtinal meaning), bth strategies t manage and cpe
with such experiences by deending against them. Apparent
apathy regarding envirnmental issues may als be a unctin
adaptatin t existing cnditins. In a prcess Kahn (1999)
has called “envirnmental generatinal amnesia,” peple tend t
make their experience a baseline r envirnmental health, and
thus ail t recgnize, ver years and generatins, the extent t
which the envirnment has degraded.
Guilt regarding environmental issues
Guilt is the emtinal respnse t a sel-perceived shrtall with
respect t ne’s wn standards cnduct, and peple wh eel
guilty eel a mral respnsibility t behave dierently (Mser,
2007) r are mtivated t make amends. The issue “ec-guilt”
has received cverage in the ppular media (e.g., Fderar,
2008). Hwever, attempts t shame individuals int adpting
prenvirnmental behavirs can be ineective in changing
behavirs particularly when they t lead t ratinalizatins
behavir and rejectin, resentment, and annyance at such
perceived manipulatins (o’Keee, 2002, in Mser, 2007).
Research in ther areas and a recent research n reactins t
“guilt appeals” indicate that it is imprtant t make distinctinsbetween messages that lead t eelings guilt versus
shame, with the rmer resulting rm reectins n ne’s wn
behavir and the latter resulting rm reectins n persnal
characteristics (Tangney, 2003; Lickel, Schmader, Curtis,
Scarnier, & Ames, 2005); distinctins between peple eeling
guilty r their wn behavir versus the behavir r their grup’s
behavir (Mallett, 2009; Mallett & Swim, 2004), and distinctins
amng the recipients messages, with sme recipients being
mre receptive and thers mre deensive (Brk & Graham,
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2009; Mallett, 2009; Mallett, Huntsinger, Sinclair, & Swim, 2008).
Mrever, it is pssible that peple may nt like messages that
make them eel guilty, but the messages may nnetheless be
eective (Czpp, Mnteith, & Mark, 2006).
Sc C ipcs C Cg
Heat and violence
Climate change is mst cncretely represented in the public
mind as “glbal warming.” The warming that is predicted is
likely t have sme direct impacts n human behavir. Based
n extensive research, bth experimental and crrelatinal,
Andersn (2001) has cncluded that there is a causal
relatinship between heat and vilence. He argues that
any increase in average glbal temperature is likely t be
accmpanied by an increase in vilent aggressin. Indeed, he
suggests that current mdels predict a rise abut 24,000
assaults r murders in the United States every year r every
increase 2 degrees Fahrenheit in the average temperature.
Intergroup relations
Glbal climate change is als likely t have an eect n
intergrup relatins. Diminishing resurces set the stage r
intergrup cnict, either when tw grups directly cmpete r
the remaining natural resurces r when eclgical degradatin
rces ne grup t migrate ut its wn territry and becme
an immigrant int anther grup’s territry (Reuveny, 2008),
thus cmpeting r rights and wnership the space. The
Intergvernmental Panel n Climate Change has estimatedthat by 2030, as much as 42% the wrld ppulatin will live
in cuntries with insuicient reshwater r their agricultural,
industrial, and dmestic use, setting the stage r cnict
ver hw t allcate water supplies. The Pentagn and ther
institutinal members the intelligence cmmunity have
begun t attend t the destabilizing eects climate change
n dmestic stability and internatinal tensins (e.g., Yeman,
2009).
Displacement and relocationLss cnnectin t place and sense belnging assciated
with displacement rm ne’s hme place can als undermine
ne’s mental health (Fullilve, 1996). Cmmunities are already
being rced t relcate because current r anticipated
climate changes (Agyeman, Devine-Wright, & Prange, 2009).
Such rced relcatins can invlve ne’s severing emtinal
ties t place and disrupt ne’s existing scial netwrks. These
disruptins gegraphic and scial cnnectins may lead t
grie, anxiety, and a sense lss, particularly amng thse with
a strng place identity.
Reactions to socioeconomic disparities
The grwing recgnitin that sme (primarily western) cuntries
have cntributed mre than their “share” t a glbal crisis that
will be mst strngly elt by ther, less-develped cuntries
will als exacerbate intergrup tensins. one cnsequence
climate change may be an increase in the disparity between the
“haves” and the “have-nts” bth within and between natins.
Because the have-nts are mre likely t be ethnic minrities
(Bullard & Jhnsn, 2000), this disparity may increase ethnic
tensins and intergrup hstility. Intergrup relatins suered
in the atermath Hurricane Katrina, r example, when
Arican Americans were mre likely than Whites t interpret
the gvernment’s respnse as indicating racism (Adams,
o’Brien, & Nelsn, 2006); the lss key resurces due t the
strm highlighted grup dierences in nancial and gegraphic
security. Issues justice becme mre relevant when a
resurce is limited, and a threat t ne’s grup identitysuch as
may be represented by a lss hmeland, r a reductin in the
envirnmental resurces needed r survivaltends t increase
dergatin the utgrup (Hgg, 2003).
Social justice implications
As Mser and Dilling (2007b) nte, the ethical implicatins
sharing ne atmspheric cmmns are that sme regins are
disprprtinately aected by climate change, and scietal
vulnerability t thse negative impacts is als highly uneven duet dierential levels expsure and sensitivity t the risks and
dierential ability t cpe and adapt. Natins that benet mst
rm the status qu and perceive themselves t be less severely
aected have less incentive t push r actin n climate change
(Agyeman et al., 2003; Kaspersn & Dw, 1991), while ther,
mre vulnerable natins recgnize that their very existence is
threatened by the pssibility, e.g., rising sea levels. The result
is that respnse t climate change may be seen as nt airly
allcated n the basis respnsibility r the change.
ms C Cg ipcs
Proximity
Psychscial mderatrs are thse variables that aect the
intensity r strength climate change impacts. Persnal
experience with nticeable and serius cnsequences glbal
warming is still rare in many regins the wrld. Prximity
can be a mderatr climate change impacts when ne
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directly experiences an extreme weather event (Few, 2007).
Extraplating rm earlier research regarding perceived
envirnmental hazards (e.g., research n individuals living within
sight a hazardus waste acility; see Neutra et al., 1991),
prximity t visual r sensry cues climate change impacts
may mderate physilgical and psychscial impacts. Hwever,
it is als likely that the time-delayed, abstract, and ten
statistical nature the risks glbal warming will nt evke
strng visceral reactins (i.e., wrry) and, thus, diminish alarm
and urgency abut risk management (Weber, 2006). The rle
media narratives as mediatrs the psychscial impacts
climate change is discussed belw and in the Adaptatin sectin
this reprt.
Vulnerabilities and resilience
A research ramewrk n scial vulnerability t glbal
envirnmental changes can begin with lessns learned rm
scial vulnerability research in areas amine, envirnmental
hazards, and public health (Brklacich et al., 2007). Scial
vulnerability can be dened as a lack capacity within
individuals and cmmunities t respnd t (e.g., cpe with,
recver rm, and adapt t) external stresses placed n their
livelihds and well-being. Vulnerability is inherent in all human
systems, and it is expsed by rather than caused by external
stressrs, with repeated impacts increasing uture vulnerabilities.
Scial vulnerability is dierentiated within and between
places and grups and is linked with brader issues scial,
ecnmic, and plitical inequality.
While ramewrks guiding climate change plicy requently
articulate a dichtmy between mitigatin r adaptatin (as is
discussed in ther sectins this reprt), Brklacich et al. (2007)
assert that a scial vulnerability perspective encurages an
understanding the relatinship between expsure t stresses
and capacity t respnd and recgnitin the cmmn drivers
bth. They argue that the same prcesses that psitin sme
peple and grups in harm’s way (i.e., living in marginal, lw-
lying areas and having precarius, resurce based livelihds)
als limit their ptin r aviding adverse utcmes. Whendetermining thse mst vulnerable t psychscial impacts
climate change, previus research n disaster interventin
identied grups likely t be at greater psychscial risk,
including children, the elderly, rural and urban pr, racial and
ethnic minrities, thse with a previus histry emtinal
disability, and, in general, thse with a marginalized predisaster
existence (Gheytanchi et al., 2007; Burque et al., 2006; Peek &
Mileti, 2002).
Social norms
Scial respnses t climate change can als be cnsidered
a type mderatr. A sense impact r alarm is likely t
be mderated by scial reerents and lcal scial nrms. Fr
example, sme grups perceive that sciety will be able t adapt
t any adverse changes related t climate change nce thse
changes arrive (Mser, 2007). Knwing that peple believe this
culd alter ther peple’s respnses t climate change.
Pscsc ms C Cg ipcs
Mediatrs such as cgnitive appraisals r media representatins
explain why climate change can have psychscial impacts n
individuals and cmmunities that have nt experienced direct
physical impacts. That is, the eects climate change ccur
because the impact climate change n the mediating
variables.
Relative risk appraisals
Relative risk cnstitutes an individual’s assessment the
degree threat and harm they perceive rm climate change
and the assessment the individual and scial resurces
they have t deal with the perceived threat r harm. As in
the develpment the terrrism-related ears llwing the
September 11 attacks (Marshall et al., 2007), perceptin
persnal risk is likely t mediate hw individuals experience
impacts climate change. Sense risk r empwerment
regarding the impacts climate change may als be mediated
by attributins respnsibility (Leiserwitz, 2007).
Mental models
Individuals’ preexisting rames reerence r mental mdels
will als aect their understanding, perceptin, and reactin
t inrmatin abut climate change (Kemptn, 1991). Fr
example, climate change impacts ramed as weather disasters
in media images may trigger a “weather” rame. Since weather
is generally seen as beynd humans’ cntrl, this view in turn
may lead t a sense helplessness r resignatin abut climatechange (Bstrum & Lash, 2007). And, because climate change
is nt typically experienced directly, its eect is als mediated
thrugh this interpretive mdel.
Media representations
Media representatins are a pwerul and arguably primary
mediatr climate change impacts r mst individuals. Reser
(in press) stresses that what peple experience and respnd
t in the cntext climate change are principally indirect and
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virtual media representatins climate changent changes in
glbal weather patterns r nging envirnmental impacts, per
se. Further, Stkls, Misra, Runnerstrm, & Hipp (2009) describe
hw cntinual expsure t inrmatin engendered by mdern
technlgies (e.g., vivid and instantaneus Internet images)
raises the salience glbal crises and can engender anxiety r
passivity in the ace seemingly verwhelming threats.
Past respnses t media prtrayals crises illustrate the
way in which public alarm and media attentin can play a rle
in psychscial impacts. Fr example, investigatins int the
aerial spraying malathin during the Mediterranean Fruit Fly
(Medy) crisis in Calirnia in the 1980s und that reprts
anxiety and physical symptms were higher bere the spraying
began when n chemical agent was present, and symptms
decreased signicantly ater the spraying began and attentin
by the public and media subsidedsuggesting that the media
attentin rather than the spraying was the primary cause
the health eects (Jacksn, 1981, in Neutra et al., 1991).
Mre recently, investigatrs have dcumented strng psitive
assciatins between anxiety and PTSD symptms related t
the 9/11 bmbings and expsure t televisin cverage the
disaster in persns acrss the United States nt directly expsed
t the attacks (Marshall et al., 2007). Media representatins
are likely t remain a useul variable r understanding the
psychscial impacts climate change as varius ramings and
the messages regarding the issue are presented (Dunwdy,
2007).
Anxiety
Althugh anxiety is a pssible utcme climate change, it als
can be a mediatr t the extent that it leads t ther utcmes.
Fr example, individuals living within sight a hazardus waste
site r sensitive t drs perceived t emanate rm the sites
reprt a variety physical symptm cmplaints assciated
with perceived envirnmental pllutin (e.g., nervusness,
headache, sleeplessness, atigue, dizziness, nausea) even
when the presence health prblems (e.g., txic expsure,
higher rates cancer r birth deects) are nt brne ut bycareul study (Neutra et al., 1991). This nding suggests that
the envirnmental cues stimulated anxiety which in turn led t
physical symptms.
G C Cg C oe Cgs
Glbal climate change is generally discussed in the cntext
ther envirnmental challenges. Sme these are causally
cnnected t climate change, such as resurce depletin and
lss bidiversity; thers, like verppulatin and pllutin, are
mre separable rm climate change, but will cmbine with it t
accelerate the trend tward increased cmpetitin r decreased
envirnmental resurces.
In terms human health and wellness, an underappreciated
cnsequence climate change may be the pprtunity csts
represented by decreased access t thriving ecsystems.
The rapid pace change pses a threat t bidiversity and
eclgical health (Wilsn, 2002), and an accumulating bdy
research suggests that nearby nature has psitive eects n
physical and mental health (De Vries et al., 2003; Maas et al.,
2006; Takan et al., 2002) and n scial unctining (Ku &
Sullivan, 2001; Ku et al., 1998; Krenichyn, 2004; Maller et al.,
2006; Shinew et al., 2004).
Climate change may be assciated with a reductin in
the health varius green spaces, including public parks, as
ecsystems decline and there is increased demand r the
resurces required t maintain them. Imprtantly, ne recent
study (Fuller, Irvine, Devine-Wright, Warren, & Gastn, 2007)
und that psychlgical benets were psitively crrelated
with the bilgical diversity represented in lcal parks. Access
t nature may be particularly imprtant r thse wh are mst
vulnerable. Ku and Faber Taylr (2004), r example, und that
parents a natinally representative sample children with
ADHD reprted that their children shwed reduced symptms
ater activities in natural settings as cmpared with indr andbuilt utdr settings. Unrtunately, minrity and lw SES
citizens are less likely t live near parks and may nd it mre
diicult t reach them. A side eect envirnmental degradatin
is likely t be increased inequality, nt nly in expsure t
envirnmental hazards, but in access t envirnmental benets.
Pscgc bs assc wrspg C CgThe challenges climate change “may galvanize creative ideas
and actins in ways that transrm and strengthen the resilienceand creativity cmmunity and individuals” (Fritze et al., 2008,
p. 9). A psitive scenari is that a number actrs will cmbine
t accelerate public actin n climate change mitigatin and
adaptatin: vivid cusing events, changes in public values and
attitudes, structural changes in institutins and rganizatins
capable encuraging and stering actin, and creatin
practical and available slutins t the prblems requiring
change (Kates, 2007).
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Evidence the impacts climate change n health and
well-being may increase pr-envirnmental behaviral nrms
and persnal respnsibility r actin (r a mechanism, see
Stern, Dietz, Abel, Guagnan, & Kal, 1999; Stern, 2000). Frm
the perspective stage mdels behavir change (Prchaska,
DiClemente, & Nrcrss, 1992), individuals and rganizatins
may prgress rm cntemplatin t actin regarding pre-
envirnmental and sustainable behavirs (Dppelt, 2008). As
De Yung (1996) has nted with regard t recycling, there are
intrinsic benets t be gained rm pr-envirnmental behavir,
including a sense rugality, participatin, and cmpetence.
Finally, there may be ptential r enhanced persnal meaning
and satisactin regarding eective erts at climate change
adaptatin r mitigatin. Research n sme yuth cnservatin
prgrams has shwn preliminary evidence that participants
gain in sel-eicacy, scial cmpetence, and sense civic
respnsibility (Jhnsn et al., 2007). As nted abve, qualitative
analyses by Langrd (2002) and Maiteny (2002) suggest that
sme individuals respnd t the threat climate change with an
increased emphasis n cllective engagement and assciated
psitive emtins. We emphasize, hwever, that these
psychlgical benets invlvement derive rm actins that
peple believe address the climate prblemeven i the actual
eect n climate is minimal r nnexistent.
rsc Pscsc ipcs C Cg
We need urther research that is explicitly directed ataddressing individual and scietal respnses t the reality
climate changethe anxieties, the extreme weather events,
the dislcatins, and the increased scial inequality. While
this reprt highlights many areas existing knwledge
(e.g., psychscial impacts natural disasters and attitudes
and behavirs tward perceived envirnmental threats), the
challenge is t test thery and interventins in the dmain
climate change. Research questins can include:
• How is the response to environmental problems that resultrm climate change similar t the respnse t natural
disasters, e.g., invlving the same distinct phases? Are
there dierences due t the perceived human causality
and/r nging nature the prblem?
• What are the eects of environmental disasters on sense
place and place attachment?
• How are dierent cultures likely to be aected by climate
change in ways that are cncrete (lss hmeland) and
mre abstract (changes in cultural practice and values)?
• What are the complex interrelationships between individua
and persnality variables (e.g., penness t experience,
ptimism, neurticism) and psychlgical prcesses
including cping and deense mechanisms (e.g., denial,
avidance), psychpathlgy (e.g., preexisting mental r
emtinal disrders), sciecnmic vulnerability, grup
nrms, and media and cultural messages regarding
climate change?
• What are the specic impacts of perceptions climate
change n individual respnses anxiety, ear, and guilt?
• What is the impact of climate change and associated
scarcity natural resurces n intergrup relatins?
• How does climate change aect perceptions of justice, and
hw d these perceptins mediate ther cnsequences?
• What are the most eective therapeutic interventions
targeting individual and cmmunity health impacts
climate change? In particular, we shuld attend t the
pssible dierential reactins t the interventins by
members dierent racial, ethnic, and gender grups and
cmmunities.
• How can educational interventions promote positive
respnses such as empwerment, invlvement, and
eicacy?
t rsp b Pscscipcs Cpg
While this sectin the review has addressed the impacts
the threat and unlding physical envirnmental eects
glbal climate change, such impacts cannt in act be separatedrm adaptatin r cping. Hw individuals and scieties
make sense climate change and hw the nature and threat
climate change are appraised in the service managing
anxieties bth cnstitute an imprtant aspect the psychscia
impact glbal climate change. Similarly individual and
cllective psychlgical respnses t the threat and physical
envirnmental impacts climate change can dramatically
inuence the nging psychscial impacts glbal climate
change. Yet, it is imprtant t examine impacts separately rm
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adaptatin and cping prcesses in rder t bring clarity t the
cnstruct and prcesses adaptatin in the cntext climate
change. The next sectin will situate respnses t climate
change in terms a mdel cping that emphasizes internal
appraisals the prblem and ne’s wn ability t cpe. Such
appraisals will mderate the impact n bth individuals and
scieties.
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adaptatin t the threat and unlding impacts climate
change has becme pressing and urgent, given the
alarming rapidity with which predicted climate changes
are taking place. It is imprtant nt nly t ensure the saety and
security human and nnhuman ppulatins in many regins
the wrld, but t ensure that immediate and pressing needs
d nt derail the still vital climate change mitigatin initiativesand prgressively stringent plicies that are either in place r are
being nalized natinally and internatinally.
The IPCC denes adaptatin as “adjustment in natural r
human systems in respnse t actual r expected climatic stimuli
r their eects, which mderates harm r explits benecial
pprtunities” (IPCC, 2007b). Accrding t this IPCC denitin,
adaptatin may include respnses made in anticipatin
climate change impacts, respnses that are a result deliberate
plicy decisins based upn awareness current r upcmingchanges, and “autnmus” r “spntaneus” respnses that
represent unplanned respnses “triggered by eclgical changes
in natural systems and by market r welare changes in human
systems” rather than by cnscius awareness changes and
specic adaptatin plans. Adaptatin t climate change in the
cntext science ten reers t structural changes (such
as building new structures r prviding ways t get access
t reshwater t address the physical impacts and impending
physical impacts climate change) and in terms micr- and
macrsystem adjustments, such as thse relating t husehlds
cmmunities, institutins, regins, and cuntries.
Psychlgical rms adaptatin are very inrequently
addressed in the current climate change adaptatin literature.
Adaptatin as a cnstruct has been used in a variety ways
in psychlgy. Like evlutinary bilgists, evlutinarypsychlgists have used adaptatin t reer t characteristics
that have increased human survival and reprductin (e.g.,
eatures that inuence mate selectin in humans; Halberstadt,
2006). Beynd this, adaptatin has been used t reer t specic
psychlgical respnses, such as sensry habituatin t varius
stimuli (e.g., nise) r specic types cping respnses
individuals can make t changes in their physical envirnments,
including natural disasters (e.g., Bell et al., 2001; Hlahan,
1982). Hwever, adaptatin is als cmmnly used t reer t
adaptatin prcesses that invlve, r instance, accmmdating,assimilating, r adjusting t varius cntexts and new r
diicult lie circumstances (e.g., wrk situatins, Hulin, 1991;
new cultures, Rudmin, 2003; adptin, Tan, Mar, & Dedrick,
2007; chrnic disease, Stantn, Revensn, & Tennen, 2007).
This mre encmpassing set meanings r adaptatin is
cnsistent with a psychlgical envirnmental stress apprach
t understanding peple’s respnses t diicult situatins
(Evans & Stecker, 2004; Stkls, 1978). Here, adaptatin
reers t a wide range respnses individuals can make t
SeCtion 4:
how do PeoPle adaPt to andCoPe with the PerCeivedthreat and unoldinG imPaCtSo Climate ChanGe?
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diicult circumstances, including initial understandings, aective
respnses t situatins, behaviral respnses t situatins,
the prcess selecting respnses, and the reciprcating
impacts respnses n individuals, cmmunities, and the
physical envirnment (e.g., Gird, 2007; Stkls, Clithere,
& Zmuidzinas, 2000). What is distinctive abut psychlgists’
use the term adaptation, particularly when it’s used t reer t
adaptatin prcesses, is that it includes a cus n intrapsychic
cnditins (e.g., appraisals situatins, aective respnses,
and mtivatins) and scial prcesses (e.g., sense making,
scial cmparisn, scial cnstructin, and scial amplicatin
risk) that inuence hw individuals and cmmunities respnd
t challenging circumstances and includes a variety types
psychlgical respnses as adaptive respnses (e.g., cgnitive
reappraisals, disengagement, and emtin management).
An envirnmental stress perspective n the adaptatin
demands glbal climate prvides much value. It brings
an envirnmental and human eclgical perspective t the
cmplex phenmenn climate change. It includes the
requisite multiple levels analysis needed t adequately
rame the adaptatin challenges dramatic climate change
impacts and t strategically address planning cnsideratins
and interventins r enhancing individual and cmmunity
adaptatins. It brings in research n disaster preparedness,
respnse, and recvery (e.g., Reyes & Jacbs, 2006). Disaster
research is useul because many the prjected upcming
impacts climate change will take the rm disasters and, as
nted belw, climate change can be understd as straddlingtechnlgical and natural disasters. Finally, an envirnmental
stress perspective als makes cnnectins t research n
stress and cping that delineates individual level psychlgical
prcesses and has been extended t cmmunity-level cping
as well (Baum & Fleming, 1993; Hlahan & Wandersman,
1991; Lazarus & Chen, 1977). The useulness stress and
cping mdels, which have been mst requently examined in
health psychlgy, becme mre evident when cnsidering the
emphases n human health cnsequences climate change
that have been highlighted by grups such as the Wrld Healthorganizatin (Climate Change and Human Health, 2009).
The mdel illustrated in Figure 8 prvides an rganizatinal
ramewrk r the material presented in the remainder this
sectin the reprt. It derives rm a number related and
cnvergent psychlgical mdels (e.g., envirnmental stress,
stress and cping mdels, prtectin mtivatin thery, and the
health belie mdel [e.g., Glanz, Rimer, & Lewis, 2002; Lazarus
& Flkman, 1984; Rgers, 1975; Rgers & Prentice-Dunn,
1997]). We rst prvide an verview the mdel and then
g int mre detail abut each element the mdel. (S
g 8.)
The initiatrs the adaptatin prcess, nted n the ar
let the gure, are cnceptualized as stressrs, and, in this
cntext, they include direct, indirect, and mediated experiences
with the impacts climate change. Initial respnses t these
impacts include cgnitive respnses in the rm appraisals
the impacts relative t resurces (threat appraisals), appraisals
pssible respnses (cping appraisals), attributins r
events, aective respnses such as ear and hpe, and the
activatin mtivatinal prcesses such as sel-prtectin
mtives and uncertainty reductin. Fr instance, individuals
wh anticipate that they live in a regin where sea levels will
rise may assess the prbability the event and the extent t
which they and their amily will be aected by rising sea levels
and whether they have resurces t respnd t the rising sea
levels (threat appraisals). They may als assess what they
think they culd d abut rising sea levels and whether what
they can d wuld make a dierence (cping appraisal). Their
aective respnses, such as anxiety, ear, r wrry and their
attributins r the causes the rising sea levels will likely
inuence their appraisals (see Sectin 1). Further, a desire t
reduce uncertainty abut the likelihd that they will be aected
(a mtivatinal prcess) culd be activated.
These initial respnses inuence each ther and the
selectin intrapsychic and behaviral respnses at bth theindividual and cmmunity levels, which in turn aect individual
and cmmunity impacts. Fr instance, greater perceived
threat can lead t mre wrry. Tgether these respnses can
lead t aect regulatin r denial (intapsychic respnses) r
participatin in civic actin t encurage their cmmunity t
develp prtectins rm rising sea levels (behaviral respnse).
Dierent cping respnses result in dierent types impacts
n individuals and cmmunities. Sectin 3 describes the
psychlgical impacts climate change s we will nt elabrate
n them in this sectin. The impacts eed back int appraisals,aective respnses, attributins, and mtivatins already
mentined. Fr instance, civic engagement may eectively
address the perceived threat. Yet it may als be insuicient,
which wuld then result in ther cping respnses. As the
example illustrates, adaptatin prcesses can change ver time,
r instance, as particular prblems are addressed r as cping
resurces diminish (e.g., Lepre & Evans, 1996). Finally, many
mderatrs can inuence each step in the mdel, and examples
are listed at the bttm the gure. Fr instance, individuals
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Threat Appraisal(aka primary or risk appraisals)
Assessing whetherImpacts on Self, Family,
Community, Cultures, &Society ExceedResources
· Perceived probability of risk · Perceived severity· Perceived vulnerability &resilience
Coping Appraisal(aka secondary appraisals)
Assessing Anticipated
Eects of PossibleResponses &Capacity to Respond· Self-eicacy· Response-eicacy· Costs & benets· Situation constraints· Strength of community
Direct, Indirect, &Mediated Experience
with Stressors
Cataclysmic events
Chronic events including
ambient stressors
Proactive & ReactiveCoping Responses
Intra-psychic Responsesexamples· Environmental numbness· Cognitive reappraisal such asaltering risk assessment
· Emotion regulation
Behavioral Responsesexamples· Seeking information· Seeking interpersonal orcommunity social support
· Compensatory behavior suchas changing structure ofhabitat
· Mitigation· Civic participation
Impacts
onIndividuals
&Communities
Examples of Moderators of Each Step in the Process
Characteristics of Individual· Resilience & vulnerability· Being sensitive to stressors
· Being an optimist
Characteristics of Incident& Physical Environment· Severity & intensity of impacts
· Region-specic biophysical impacts
Characteristics of Community· Social capital & social networks· Media representations
· Construal & reactions by others· Cultural norms· Neighborhood organizations
Attributions
Motivational Processes
Aective Responses
(e.g., Fear & Hope)
iGure 8: Pscgc pcsss c cpg c cg.
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and cmmunities with ewer resurces are likely t be mre
vulnerable and less resilient t climate changes due t, r
instance, their inability t engage in eective cping respnses.
In what llws we extraplate rm research n
envirnmental stress t the cntext glbal climate change
and reer t research rm areas disaster preparedness,
respnse, and recvery, emplying stress and cping mdels.
Arguably, the disaster literature is particularly relevant t this
dmain because the types impacts prjected r climate
change. Yet, it must be kept in mind that the multiaceted nature
climate change makes it distinct rm ther stressrs and
disasters because its glbal scpe and magnitude, a duratin
which may encmpass many generatins i nt centuries, and
the unprecedented character these glbal changes in knwn
human histry.
C Cg t eipcs s Ssss
Stressrs are ten understd as the events r circumstances
that initiate the stress and cping prcess. Here, the stressrs
are direct, indirect, and mediated experiences with glbal
climatic patterns and regin-specic physical envirnmental
impacts. While sme, such as thse living in Alaska, Nrthern
Canada, and Nrthern Eurpe (Klbert, 2006), are currently
respnding t their direct cntact with current physical
envirnmental impacts climate change, many are respnding
t their understanding the glbal climatic patterns, asmediated, r instance, thrugh media representatins climate
change and scial cmmunicatin abut climate change. Much
the media cverage the recent bush res in Australia
and, indeed, disasters arund the wrld are being discussed,
ramed, and explained as maniestatins climate change
(e.g., Matthews, 2009). This suggests that the public in many
parts the wrld increasingly understands and sees such
disasters as dramatic, symblic, and unlding maniestatins
climate change. Thse wh directly experience the biphysical
envirnmental impacts climate change will likely experiencestress due bth t their immediate persnal experiences with
climate change and their expectatins abut uture impacts
climate change.
Stressrs can maniest themselves in many dierent
ways, including as discrete r chrnic events and as natural r
technlgical disasters. Further, dierent maniestatins can be
anticipated. As described next, these dierent types stressrs
can ptentially be generalized t dierent maniestatins
climate change. Distinctins amng types stressrs have
implicatins r the rest the stress prcess. Therere, it is
pssible that dierent types stressrs can ptentially explain
varius ways that climate change is experienced and a variety
anticipatry and preparatry respnses. Further, this suggests
that the dierent ways that media prtray climate change and the
way climate change is discussed in everyday discurse can have
implicatins r immediate and anticipatr respnses t climate
change impacts.
Types o stressors
Stressrs range rm discrete events t cntinuus events
(Wheatn, 1996; 1999). The rmer represent sudden traumas
r lie-changing events, including cataclysmic events, such
as hurricanes, that ccur with little r n warning and aect a
large number peple; and persnal stressrs (als knwn as
stressul lie events), such a death and illness, that aect ewer
peple and may r may nt be anticipated (Bell et al., 2001;
Evans & Chen, 1991). In the disaster literature, researchers
pint t bth natural and technical (human made) disasters that
are types cataclysmic events (Bell et al., 2001).
In cntrast, cntinuus events represent chrnic stressrs
and nnevents. Ambient stressrs are a type chrnic stressr
particularly relevant t envirnmental stressrs (Bell et al.,
2001). Ambient stressrs can represent reginal cnditins
the envirnment, such as pllutin r txicity, that aect a large
number peple but may nt be cnsidered acute because
they are like lw-level backgrund nise and may g unnticedeither because they are subtle r because peple habituate t
them (e.g., Adela, 2000; Edelstein, 2002).
Climate change can be experienced as and anticipated t
be bth discrete and cntinuus. Fr instance, climate change
experienced as discrete events warn climate researchers, culd
mean mre requent and severe weather-related incidents,
including increased requency and heightened intensity and
severity natural disasters such as strms, hurricanes,
trnades, ds, bush res, and ther rapid nset and largelyunpredictable events. At the ther end the stress cntinuum,
chrnic cnditins prjected by climate researchers culd
maniest, r instance, in the rm drught and ther mre
incremental and persistent envirnmental changes such as
sil lss and ersin, salinizatin, and gradual envirnmental
txicatin. Climate change can be understd as an ambient
stressr because it is maniested by changes that are ten in
the backgrund. Fr instance, i the change is embedded in
natural variatins in climate, the patterns are diicult t detect,
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the prgressin the changes is relatively slw, which can lead
t a nrmalized habituatin and expectancy. or, climate change
can be understd as an ambient stressr because the eects
are perceived t be relevant mre r uture generatins than
current nes (see sectin n perceptins climate change in
this reprt).
Natural and technological disasters
An imprtant distinctin exists in the disaster literature between
natural and technlgical disasters (e.g., Baum, 1987; Baum,
Fleming, & Davidsn, 1983; Baum & Fleming, 1993; Bell et al.,
2001; Quarantelli, 1998). Natural disasters are mre sudden,
cataclysmic, uncntrllable, acute (as distinct rm chrnic), and
characterized by enrmus destructive pwer and magnitude.
Technlgical disasters are attributed t human behaviur (nt
the prduct natural rces) and are less predictable. They
typically have n warning, are ten chrnic, and ten have n
visible maniestatin. They are als less amiliar; mre likely t
threaten eelings cntrl; mre likely t have cmplex impacts;
less likely t elicit supprtive and chesive cmmunity respnse;
and mre likely t ster anger, rustratin, resentment, elt
helplessness, and blame, etc. (see Bell et al., 2001 r a
summary).
Glbal climate change straddles this classicatin in a
number ways, as the human rcing naturally ccurring
climate change is largely the prduct technological prcesses
and prducts, thugh the cnsequent meterlgical and
climate change phenmena maniest as natural disasters.Indeed, climate change elicits sme the same respnses
und in the case technlgical disasters, including distrust
gvernment, crpratins, regulatry authrities, and science
itsel (e.g., Earle, 2004; Earle & Cvetkvich, 1995; Lang &
Hallman, 2005). Glbal climate change is als unique in that it
presents multiaceted glbal impacts that will be chrnic ver a
dramatic time rame and nt amenable t cnventinal natinal
r jurisdictinal agencies, r “disaster” plicies and prcedures
(Marshall et al., 2007). A number authrs have suggested that
raming glbal climate change in global disaster terms prvidesa clearer and mre realistic picture the interacting prcesses
and impacts, their true magnitude and extent, the nature and
scale human impacts, and the imperative t take immediate
disaster mitigatin and preparedness measures (e.g., Spratt &
Suttn, 2008; Reser et al., in press).
mg rs b Ssss Cpg rspss
Threat appraisals
Stress and cping mdels highlight the rle that cgnitive
prcesses play in individuals’ selectin cping respnses.
one cgnitive prcess identied in these stress mdels cuses
n appraising r evaluating the stressr and its impact nnesel and thse imprtant t nesel (e.g., riends, amily
members, clleagues). These appraisals include assessing
the perceived risk events, the severity current r uture
damage, and the peple wh are vulnerable t the risks (see
Sectin 1 this reprt). It is imprtant t nte that appraisals
include assessing perceived psychlgical and physical
cnsequences events. Fr instance, envirnmental stressrs
can inuence peple’s perceived ability t predict and cntrl
the envirnments in which they live. A perceived lack persnal
envirnmental cntrl is ne the mst ubiquitus determinants aversiveness, anxiety, and distress (e.g., Evans & Chen,
1991; Shapir, Schwartz & Astin, 1995). Climate changes can
als be appraised as threatening because their brader
envirnmental impacts n all lie n the planet (e.g., Hall et al.,
2004).
It is imprtant t nte that nt all appraisals upcming
incidents need t result in eelings threat. Sme appraisals
will result in peple’s eeling challenged (Tmaka, Blascvich,
Kelsey, & Leitten, 1993). Threat appraisals result when
anticipated adverse impacts are perceived t exceed ne’s
resurces, whereas challenge appraisals result when ne’s
resurces are perceived t be able t address the anticipated
adverse impacts. Althugh threat versus challenge respnses
have nt been studied in the cntext climate change, the
dierence between threat and challenge appraisals may have
imprtant implicatins, r instance, in whether individuals avid
versus apprach prblems.
Risk perceptin and appraisal are inuenced by scial
actrs. Much inrmatin abut climate and ptential threats
and prblems cmes mediated via the scial wrld (e.g., Berger
& Luckmann, 1967; Gergen, 1985). The scial wrld includes
interactins with riends; verheard cnversatins; bservatins
thers, including via inrmatin technlgies like the Internet
(e.g., olsn & Rejeski, 2005; Pettenger, 2007); media cverage;
and specic risk cmmunicatins rm health pressinals and
climate change scientistsall whse risk messages having
been aected by jurnalists and media rganizatins (e.g.,
Carvalh, 2007; Danesi, 2002). Such vicarius scial learning
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includes the individual and cultural learning adaptive practices
and cmpetencies with respect t risk, danger, and uncertainty
(e.g., Bandura, 1999; Duglas & Wildavsky, 1982).
Scial cnstructin, scial representatin, and scial
amplicatin prcesses are three theretical ramewrks
describing the cmplex actrs that mediate and substantially
inuence the public’s appraisals risk, envirnmental threat,
and glbal envirnmental change (e.g., Bauer & Gaskell, 2002;
Flynn, Slvic & Kunreuther, 2001; Pidgen et al., 2003). These
perspectives help explain variatin in understandings and
respnses t climate change acrss cultures, regins, and
cmmunities and acrss envirnmental and plicy experts,
jurnalists, scientists, and laypeple.
Scial cnstructin as a prcess reers t hw peple
cllectively and thrugh scial interactin impse meaning
and rder n their wrld, hw they perceive and interpret,
and cnstruct and shape their shared reality (e.g., Berger &
Luckman, 1966; Burr, 1995; Gergen, 1985). Scial cnstructins
are als understd as cnsensual understandings and
perating cnstructs and classicatins, thughts and
ideals shared by members a sciety that emerge thrugh
everyday cnversatin and transactins with each ther and
with the envirnment and wrld they share and are a part .
Such entities as “nature,” “the envirnment,” “envirnmental
prblems,” “natural” and “technlgical” “disasters,”
“sustainability,” and “climate change,” itsel, are viewed by
many therists and researchers as, in substantial part, scialcnstructins and are particular relevance t climate change
(e.g., Jagtenberg & McKie, 1997; Macnaughten & Urry, 1998;
Pettenger, 2007; Rbertsn et al., 1996). A cnsiderable bdy
research helps us understand the nature and dynamics such
scially cnstructed and media disseminated envirnmental
threat representatins and understandings (e.g., Adam,
1998; Jhndn-Cartee, 2005; Luptn, 1999; Slvic, 2000;
Vaughan, 1993; Weber, 2006). Hence, this is an encmpassing
perspective particular relevance t adaptatin and cping and
public understandings and respnses t “climate change.”
Scial representations are shared assumptins and
understandings abut the scial and physical wrld. They
include material culture expressins, images, texts, ther
inrmatin technlgy prducts and inrmatin, and built
envirnments that invariably capture and reect a particular
wrldview. They prvide a ramewrk r interpreting and
cmmunicating ur experiences. It is thrugh these cmmnly
shared and cllectively elabrated scial representatins that we
make sense the wrld and cmmunicate that sense t each
ther (e.g., Deaux & Philgene, 2001; Flick, 1998; Mscvici,
2000). Scial representatins “climate change” include media
images, articles, bks, magazine cvers, dcumentary and
ppular culture lms, research ndings, and public discurse
and shared understandings abut “climate change” and its
nature, causes, and envirnmental and human cnsequences.
Many studies have been undertaken in Nrth America and
Eurpe that examine public risk perceptins climate change
(see Sectin 1 this reprt), but ewer studies have undertaken
in-depth investigatins the nature media representatins
climate change r the underlying risk dmain climate change
vis-à-vis ther knwn risks r hw r why climate change might
be quite dierent rm ther risks in representatin and with
respect t risk appraisal and psychlgical respnses.
Scial prcesses can bth ampliy and attenuate
understandings climate change (e.g., Flynn et al., 2001;
Pidgen et al., 2003; Sjberg, 2006). “The scial amplicatin
risk ramewrk hlds that, as a key part that cmmunicatin
prcess, risk, risk events, and the characteristics bth becme
prtrayed thrugh varius risk signals (images, signs, symbls),
which in turn interact with a wide range psychlgical,
scial, institutinal, r cultural prcesses in ways that intensiy
r attenuate perceptins risk and its manageability”
(Kaspersn et al., 2003, p. 15). The research challenge has
been t distill what these research ndings and past plicy
applicatins evidence-inrmed risk management principles
have t say abut hw individuals and cmmunities might bestprepare themselves r what will be, r many, a very changed
envirnmental and regulatry landscape in the cntext climate
change.
Coping appraisals
A secnd cgnitive respnse t experienced and anticipated
stressrs cuses n evaluating the respnse ne might make t
the stressr. This includes assessing ne’s ability t engage in a
behavir (i.e., sel-eicacy), the likelihd a behavir t result
in the desired utcme (i.e., respnse eicacy), cnstraints nrespnse ptins, and the relative perceived csts and benets
respnses. The csts and benets, r example, are ten
unknwn and therere reect a type risk assessment (see
Sectin 2 this reprt).
other cping appraisals invlve assessing characteristics
ne’s immediate scial cmmunity such as the strength
ne’s scial netwrks and neighbrhd rganizatin (Hlahan
& Wandersman, 1991). Cping respnses t varius climate
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change impacts are likely inuenced by appraisals the specic
impacts experienced r anticipated and the public’s appraisals
the adaptatin and mitigatin respnses the public can make t
these impacts. Scial prcesses and media prtrayals are very
likely t inuence cping appraisals.
Attributions
Hw individuals respnd t the perceived threat climate
change is als likely inuenced by the causal and respnsibility
attributins they make r climate change. Psychlgical
research shws that peple’s willingness t restre r prevent
damage is driven by their perceptins the causes the
damage. These attributins can inuence appraisals the
impact events. Fr example, an imprtant dimensin is
whether the harm is seen as having been caused by natural
versus human-made prcesses (Brun, 1992; Slvic et al., 1986).
The distinctin between natural and human-made causes may
appear irratinal in the ace cnsequential cnsideratins, but
it plays a crucial rle in cnsideratins ethical respnsibility
and accuntability. These attributins culd als ptentially
inuence mtivatin t respnd. While nt the nly ethical
cnsideratin that cmes int play in the cntext climate
change, the principle “i yu break it, yu x it” has currency in a
wide range cultures.
Mrever, even i peple agree climate change is
anthrpgenic, they may nt take persnal respnsibility r
respnding t the current impacts r preventing uture impacts.
Indeed, research ndings suggest that they may see that glbaland distant thers are respnsible r the glbal and largely
distant prblem, thereby abnegating persnal respnsibility
(e.g., Uzzell, 2000; 2004). Finally, attributins inuence
cping appraisals by, r instance, suggesting whether cping
respnses shuld be directed at changing the sel r changing
the situatin. Research is needed t specically examine such
interrelatins in the cntext glbal climate change and hw
they might relate t assessing blame and accuntability r
disasters.
Aective responses
Aective respnses, r lack respnses, t climate change are
likely t inuence respnses t climate change (see Sectins
1 and 3 this reprt). Scietal emtinal respnses t media
images and cverage less-specic but menacing threats,
such as radiatin and cataclysmic uture scenaris, imbue and
reect strng aective and symblic respnses, inrmed by
culturally elabrated risk dmains (Adam, 1998; Eckersley, 2008;
Edelstein & Mackske, 1998; Whiteld, Rsa, Dan, & Dietz,
2008). While nly limited research (e.g., Twnsend, Clarke, &
Travis, 2004) has cnsidered the nature and status climate
change as a risk entity, it is particular imprtance t ask
hw emtinal and symblic aspects climate change risk
appraisals and sense making are inuencing the nature and
levels public cncern and underlying prtectin mtivatin
prcesses (e.g., Weinstein, 1989; Bhm, Nerb, McDaniels, &
Spada, 2001; Bhm, 2003).
Perhaps the mst requently studied aective respnse
t stressul events relates t anxiety, ear, and wrry, thugh
ther emtins culd be examined. Wrry is an imprtant
psychlgical impact climate change (see Sectin 3) and it
can als inuence ther parts the adaptatin prcess. Fear,
r instance, in prtectin mtivatin thery, is cnceptualized
as a respnse t and a predictr ne’s evaluatin the
stressr (Hass, Bagley, & Rgers, 1975; Rgers, 1975; Rgers
& Prentice-Dunn, 1997). Fear and anxiety, while adaptive
respnses t threat, can ten “get in the way” clear thinking
and necessary adaptive respnding in the cntext imminent
natural disaster warning situatins (Reser, 2004). other aective
respnses, such as hpe, may act like ptimism by encuraging
the likelihd that individuals will select cping that engages ne
with the situatin (Snyder, 2002).
Motivational processes
Mst stress and cping mdels assume that the reductin
appraised threats mtivates individuals t select cping
respnses. Hwever, ther mtivatinal prcesses can alscme int play. A undamental aspect adaptatin and
cping prcesses in general has t with the unctins served
and benets achieved. The very meaning “adaptive” in
an evlutinary r eclgical cntext is that a particular and
adventitius change cners a survival benet r advantage.
Such adaptive prgramming nds strng expressin in human
mtivatinal systems, with the survival prerequisites and
advantages saety, security, and deense being undamental
and verriding, particularly in the ace uncertainty, threat,
r envirnmental demands. Mtivatinal cnsideratins in thecntext risk r threat have received substantial psychlgical
attentin in the cntext instinctive ght r ight respnding,
psychanalytic deense mechanisms, and varius articulatins
prtectin mtivatin, be they attitudinal stance, value
expressin, avidance, deensive pessimism, r unrealistic
ptimism (e.g., Taylr & Brwn, 1988; Reser & Smithsn,
1988; Weinstein & Kline, 1996; see Sectin 4 this reprt).
other basic research n mtivatins, such as research n cre
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psychlgical needs r gal setting, culd ptentially inrm
peple’s selectin cping respnses.
The eld risk perceptin and appraisal, including the scial
and cultural cnstructin risk (e.g., Jhnsn & Cvell, 1987;
Slvic, 2000; o’Rirdan, 1995) and individual dierences (e.g.,
Yates, 1992), is clearly direct relevance t climate change
respnses and impacts, with the perceptin and appraisal
risk including nt nly the perceived prbability and persnal
cnsequence an event, but its meaning(s), and cause(s),
acceptability, vluntary expsure, uncertainty, and perceived
cntrl r “management” ptins attached t the event (Arnld,
1970; Lazarus, 1966; Patersn & Neueld, 1987; Taylr, 2006).
The health belie mdel, in turn, is premised n the assumptin
that peple are prepared t undertake preventive behavir(s)
as a unctin their appraisal the severity a threat, the
perceived benets a recmmended health actin, and the
perceived barriers t taking such actin (e.g., Becker, 1974;
Janz & Becker, 1984). Cgnitive adaptatin appraches (e.g.,
Aspinwall, 2004; Lehman & Taylr, 1987; Taylr, 1983; Taylr
& Shepperd, 1998; Taylr & Stantn, 2007) and prtectin
mtivatin appraches in general (e.g., Milne, Sheeran, &
orbell, 2000; Rgers & Prentice-Dunn, 1997; Weinstein, 1988;
Weinstein et al., 2000) are premised n the kinds cgnitive
and emtinal appraisal and cping prcesses that are elicited
in the cntext health and ther risks that cntain implicit r
explicit threats and induce ear (Fiske & Taylr, 2008).
In the area envirnmental psychlgy (e.g., Bell etal., 2001; Bnnes & Bnaiut, 2002; Gird, 2007), a central
emphasis ver the past several decades has been that
envirnmental cncern and the rles that this risk appraisal
prcess, utcme, and mtivatinal state play in adpting pr-
envirnmental behavirs and pssibly mediating psychlgical
distress (e.g., Edelstein & Makske, 1998; Gird et al., 2009;
Hansla, Gamble, Juliussn, & Garling, 2008; Schmuck &
Schultz, 2002). This cus n cncern has als been typical
ppular culture cverage and debate with respect t the human
impacts n climate change (e.g., Carvalh, 2007; Kluger, 2006a;b; Myers, 2006; Lwe et al., 2006).
These cnvergent literatures are rutinely drawn upn by
psychlgists when addressing envirnmental risks and natural
and technlgical hazard preparedness and respnse (e.g.,
Cvetkvich & Earle, 1992; o’Rirdan, 1995). Such psychlgical
cnsideratins and research ndings are ten nt recgnized
r utilized in interdisciplinary cnsideratins and discurses,
with climate change being a particularly salient case in pint.
Mre recently a number psychlgy research teams have
begun t systematically cmpare and cntrast public risk
perceptins, appraisals, and psychlgical respnses t glbal
climate change as cntrasted with nuclear energy acilities (e.g.,
Pidgen, Lrenzni, & Prtinga, 2008; Spence, Pidgen, &
Uzzell, 2008).
This research draws n an extensive research base
cmpiled since 1979 in the wake Three Mile Island (TMI) and
ther nuclear pwer statin accidents (e.g., Baum & Fleming,
1993; Baum, Fleming, & Davidsn, 1983) and has since been
directed t many technlgical and natural envirnmental threats
(e.g., Bell et al., 2001). The research with nuclear acilities and
accidents, such as that at TMI, has cnclusively shwn that
inrmatin, itsel, abut technlgical risks can be threatening
and anxiety-inducing, leading t real mental and physical health
impacts. In this cntext, r example, emtinally cused cping
strategies were assciated with less stress than prblem-
cused cping and denial. In this and in many large-scale
disaster cntexts, being able t anticipate and manage ne’s
risk perceptins and psychlgical respnse in the cntext
largely uncntrllable external events and cnsequences cners
real and psychlgically adaptive benets (e.g., Taylr, 1983;
Aspinwall & Taylr, 1997; Reser & Mrrissey, 2008).
tps Cpg rspss
Cping respnses include actins r inhibitins single,
multiple, and repeated behavirs dne by individuals r grups(e.g., cmmunities) and intrapsychic respnses t climate
change. These respnses can be practive (als knwn as
anticipatry adaptatin and psychlgical preparedness), made
in anticipatin an event r reactive, r made ater an event
(Aspinwall & Taylr, 1997; Reser, 2009). The tw merge when
respnses are made t an event in rder t diminish the impact
an event in prgress and prevent the ccurrence uture
events. Fr instance, an individual wh rebuilds his r her
hme ater a natural disaster may be adapting t changes that
have ccurred and simultaneusly increasing prtectin rmuture disasters. Nnetheless, the dierentiatin is useul when
thinking abut cping with climate change because many peple
may be respnding t anticipated events rather than t events
in prgress attributable t climate change. Thus, addressing
successul cping in the cntext glbal climate change
requires serius cnsideratin preventin and preparedness
(e.g., Ball, 2008; Feldner, Zvlensky, & Leen-Feldner, 2004;
Keim, 2008; Nelsn, Lurie, & Wasserman, 2007).
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Dierent literatures emphasize dierent types cping
respnses. The stress and cping literature has emphasized
individual cping respnses. Intrapsychic respnses t
experience r anticipatin experience include denial,
envirnmental numbness, cgnitive reappraisals, and emtin
regulatin (Carver & Scheier, 1998; see Sectin 5 this reprt).
other individual respnses are behaviral, such as seeking
inrmatin r scial supprt r engaging in prblem slving by
changing ne’s habitat t adjust t climate changes r engaging
in mitigatin. In cntrast research n envirnmental stressrs
and natural disasters has been mre likely t include cmmunity-
level respnses (e.g., Gw & Patn, 2008; Peek & Mileti,
2002). Cmmunity respnses t stressrs include, r instance,
vlunteerism and helping neighbrs cpe with lack water r
destructin ne’s hme. It is nt uncmmn r grups t
emerge ater disasters t help cmmunities cpe with crises
(Hlahan & Wandersman, 1991; Gw & Patn, 2008; Vrhees,
2008). These cmmunity respnses may be particularly
imprtant when cnsidering cping with the impacts climate
change, given the breadth and duratin the impacts. When
cnsidering climate change, additinal specic types
individual respnses that have nt typically been examined in
past research may need t be addressed, such as abandning
scial r mral rder, relying n dgmatic belies, r rejecting
cnsumer-driven liestyles (Eckersley, 2008).
There is a large and grwing literature n preparedness
and, in particular, “psychlgical preparedness” in the disaster
and public health literatures, which is arguably relevant tpractive cping respnses (e.g., “being prepared” and keeping
a “weather eye” n ptentially serius uture threats simply make
gd sense and is sund advice acrss many lie situatins
and circumstances). In challenging lie circumstances this
salutary advice takes n mre specic meaning in terms just
what ne shuld d “t be prepared” r emergency situatins
that may be particularly hazardus, extremely stressul, r
even lie threatening. In the disaster cntext, “preparedness”
is an essential cmpnent all disaster management mdels
and ramewrks, but typically cuses exclusively n whathousehold preparations and actions ne shuld take t prtect
nesel and amily and prevent r mitigate damage and human
and nancial csts and lss. Psychological preparedness
diers rm husehld r physical preparedness in that what
is reerred t is an intraindividual and psychlgical state
awareness, anticipatin, and readinessan internal, primed
capacity t anticipate and manage ne’s psychlgical respnse
in an emergency situatin (e.g., Mrrissey & Reser, 2003).
Psychlgical preparedness r emergency situatins and
disaster threats can be enhanced thrugh prcedures such as
stress inculatin, emtin management, and stress reductin
(e.g., Australian Psychlgical Sciety, 2007; Meichenbaum,
1996). The Australian Psychlgical Sciety, r example, has
develped a number disaster preparedness brchures and
tip sheets which use a stress inculatin apprach t assist
individuals t prepare themselves and their husehlds r
disasters (e.g., Mrrissey & Reser, 2007).
ms Cpg Pcss
Many persnal and cntextual variables have been therized
and tested as predictrs individual and cmmunity cping
respnses, and many these are likely t be imprtant
predictrs respnses t climate change. Several examples
are listed in Figure 8. Smetimes these variables predict
appraisals and preerences r cping respnses, such as when
ptimism predicts the tendency t use prblem-cused cping
in reactin t a stressr (Scheier, Weintraub, & Carver, 1986).
At ther times the cnstructs will mderate relatins between
the variables in the mdel, such as when the cnstructs predict
the impact these appraisals n the cping respnse (i.e.,
mderates the impact appraisals n cping respnses)
and when the cnstruct predicts the cnsequences cping
respnses (i.e., mderates the relatins between cping
respnses and utcmes; the latter are discussed in the
previus sectin in this reprt n psychlgical cnsequences
climate change). Fr instance, neurticism has been shwn
t inuence nt nly the chice cping respnses but als theimpact cping respnses n well-being (Blger & Zuckerman,
1995).
Tw cnstructs ten discussed in the climate change
literature are resilience and vulnerability. In this literature,
resilience typically reers t the adaptive capacity “resilient
scial-eclgical systems” (e.g., Nelsn et al., 2007). Within
psychlgy, in the case individuals, the cnstruct
“resilience” typically reers t inner strengths and cping
resurces r necessary adaptatin t situatinal demands.In the case cmmunities, it reers t scial strengths a
cmmunity, such as in the rm pled resurces, knwledge,
scial supprts, and scial capital (e.g., Bnann, 2004;
Haggerty, Sherrd, Garmezy, & Rutter, 1994; Luthar, 2003;
Masten, 2001; Rutter, 1987, 1999; Schn, 2006). “Resilience”
has, curse, becme the principal theme in the APA’s web-
based helpline and brchures relating t psychlgical advice
and guidance in the cntext disasters and terrrism (e.g.,
American Psychlgical Assciatin, 2007; Newman, 2005).
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Vulnerability reers t the extent t which systems and
individuals are susceptible t, and unable t cpe with, adverse
eects climate change. Vulnerability is a unctin the
characteristics climate change impacts (e.g., its magnitude
and rate change) and variatin in systems and individuals
(e.g., degree expsure t climate change impacts, individual
and cmmunity adaptive capacity, and cnnectedness t
cmmunities).
Cnsideratin scial grup membership illustrates hw
variatin in resilience and vulnerability can inuence the entire
adaptatin prcesses. Adaptive respnses t climate change
wuld be expected rm dierences in risk appraisals in part due
t actual dierence in vulnerability r dierent ppulatins (see
Sectin 3). one wuld expect lwer-status grups t appraise
impacts dierently because they are bjectively mre likely t
be aected by climate change impacts because where they
live, the resurces in their cmmunities, and the rles that they
ccupy (see Sectin 1). Dierences in appraisals may nt just be
a unctin characteristics assciated with lw-status grups
but als characteristics higher status grups. Althugh higher
status grups are less likely t be vulnerable t climate change
impacts, they culd verestimate the extent t which this is true
and under-prepare r impacts.
Grups wuld als be expected t have dierent cping
appraisals r several reasns. Lwer status grups may have
lwer sel-eicacy due t less adaptive capacity and the rles
they ccupy. Plus, their lesser pwer and status may result inexclusin rm interventin plans; this culd result in less cntrl
ver their utcmes. on the ther hand, high-status grups,
thugh they may bjectively have mre sel-eicacy and cntrl,
may verestimate the extent t which this is true.
Finally, grup dierences may aect the last stage the
mdel illustrated in Figure 8. That is, nt nly is it pssible
that individuals wuld have dierent adaptive respnses, but
the impacts individual and cmmunity respnses culd be
dierent. (Hartmann & Barajas-Rman, 2009).
is
Psychlgy can help acilitate adaptive respnses t climate
change by attending t the prcesses that inrm thse
respnses. As an example, interventins t aid adaptatin
culd be imprved nt nly by attending t actual dierences
in impacts and respnses between grups but als t grups’
appraisals impacts and respnses. Interventins may
be planned t address actual grup dierences. Assessing
appraisals can reveal gaps between the intended eects
and actual eects. Further, perceived grup dierences in
impacts, independent the extent t which they are true, culd
create dierences in adaptive respnses. Thus, it is useul t
understand and address the perceptins.
Research n actrs that impede practive cping can
ptentially imprve the success adaptive respnses because,
r many, adaptive respnses are a result anticipatin
climate change impacts. Fr instance, it can ptentially be useu
t assist individuals in setting small, achievable, and specic
gals and t highlight hw alternative gals may unexpectedly
interere with practive cping gals (Thlen, de Ridder,
Bensing, Grter, & Rutten, 2008).
Recmmended adaptatin respnses, including plicy
recmmendatins, can als be imprved by attending t
the target audiences via scial prcesses and netwrks that
establish and maintain tw-way cmmunicatin between
all stakehlders. By being inclusive, psychlgists can help
generate inrmatin and recmmendatins that are salient,
credible, readily understandable, and acceptable by their
intended users (e.g., Mertens, 2009). This can be critical when
there are grup dierences in appraisals incidents and
respnses, aective respnses and mtivatins, and impacts
respnses, as is true when cnsidering the inuence gender,
minrity status, and pverty n adaptatin prcesses.
S
We have attempted in this sectin t prvide a multiaceted
cnsideratin adaptatin and adaptatin prcesses that
illustrates the cntributins that psychlgy can make in the
cntext glbal climate change. Much the material in the
successive IPCC reprts and in climate change science is
ramed in terms adaptatin. Yet, this cverage and discurse
and emergent initiatives and plicy deliberatins reect very little
input rm psychlgy. Many the prevailing understandings adaptatin in this arena d nt tend t encmpass psychlgical
perspectives, cnsideratins, r variables described abve. Yet,
it is als the case that much the psychlgical literature and
research nted abve has nt been specically ramed in terms
climate change, thugh research such as that n disasters is
clsely related and pertinent. Psychlgy can play a crucial and
much-needed rle in cntributing t multidisciplinary erts t
address the adaptatin challenges climate change, and this
need has prvided a strng impetus r this current review.
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rsc rcs
• Attain in-depth understanding o public comprehension o and
responses to the threat o global climate change that go beyond
current research on “what the public thinks about climate
change or global warming.”
This research wuld examine hw individuals are making
sense climate change and hw this sense making inuences
adaptatin prcesses. Accurate dcumentatin thesepublic understandings is crucial r genuinely helpul and
eective adaptatin advice and assistance t individuals and
cmmunities and r eective and strategic mitigatin plicies
and interventins.
• Establish comprehensive databases in diering impact regions
and policy jurisdictions relating to the above.
This database wuld rene a suite sensitive and
strategic indicatr measures and initiate a mnitring prgramthat culd reprt n imprtant changes and impacts taking
place in the human landscape in the cntext climate change
(cmmensurate with and in cllabratin with nging climate
change science mnitring) and culd assist in the evaluatin
the relative success varius climate change plicy and
interventin initiatives.
Determine the extent t which it is pssible t generalize
rm existing research, reviewed abve, the threat and unlding
impacts climate change.
• Examine how risk perceptions and psychological responses to
the threat o global climate change inuence and/or mediate
taking actions or initiatives related to adaptation and engaging
in environmentally signifcant behaviors.
When ding this, researchers shuld attend clsely
t spatial and tempral dimensins and the natural and
technlgical threat status climate change. It may be
particularly prductive t determine this with respect t research
rm bth natural and technlgical disaster phenmena.
• Document the mediating role o media coverage in public risk
perceptions and associated social processes, such as social
construction, social representation, and social amplifcation
and attenuation relative to direct exposure in the adaptation
process.
• Research contextual and dispositional and lie history actors
that oster resilience and sel-eicacy, as well as proactive
coping, and the eectiveness o such initiatives as APA’s “Road
to Resilience” program o individual and community advice and
assistance in the context o the global climate change threat
and impacts.
• Examine the interrelations between adaptation processes and
mitigation decisions and actions in the context o global climate
change.
This may well be ne the mst imprtant areas in which
psychlgy can cntribute, as these tw prcesses have
becme the prevailing ramewrk r climate change scientists
and researchers human dimensins glbal change in their
addressing climate change challenges.
ap mg
The abve review addressed the ways that past psychlgical
research n stress and cping and n respnding t disasterscan cntribute t understanding the ways that individuals and
cmmunities adapt t r cpe with current and impending
impacts climate change. Adaptatin and mitigatin are
related as illustrated by including mitigatin erts as types
cping respnses. The relatin becmes mre cmplicated
via the eedback lps included in the prcess. Individuals’
erts t cpe with climate change will change as the impacts
climate change ccur and change because the impacts
individuals’ cping respnses. Thus, the impacts and respnses
t climate change represent an unlding prcess. Having
said this, hwever, there is value in taking a clse lk at what
psychlgists knw abut inducing actin t limit climate change
and barriers t these changes which are the tpics the next
tw sectins this reprt.
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Just as ne might puzzle ver the cllapse vanished
reginal civilizatins like the Maya Central America, the
Anasazi Nrth America, the Nrse Greenland, and
the peple Easter Island (Diamnd, 2005), uture generatins
may nd it incmprehensible that peple, particularly in
industrialized cuntries, cntinued until well int the 21 st
century t engage in behavir that seriusly cmprmised thehabitability their wn cuntries and the planet. This sectin
cnsiders psychlgical reasns peple d nt respnd mre
strngly t the risks climate change by changing the behavirs
that drive climate change.
Althugh sme peple in every sciety are changing
their behavir in respnse t climate change, humans in the
aggregate cntinue t prduce greenhuse gases in quantities
that drive urther change. Psychlgy can help explain this
pattern behavir. This sectin cuses n a number
imprtant psychlgical barriers r bstacles that may hinder
behavir change that wuld be adaptive r wuld help t mitigate
climate change withut meaning t diminish the majr rle that
structural barriers play. Amng these are institutinal barriers
that include split incentives in which ne actr pays the csts
actin while anther gets the benets (energy eiciency retrts
in rental husing is a classic example) and regulatry restrictins
(as when an electric utility cannt get credit r investments in
energy eiciency and must instead suer a lss n revenue).
A typical cultural barrier t change is the widespread scial
expectatins in sme cuntries and cmmunities abut what
kind huse r car ne must have t be seen as successul.
Barriers in the physical envirnment include the diiculties
reducing hme heating in a cld climate, aviding car use in a
sprawling suburb, and increasing the energy eiciency certain
lder buildings. Ecnmic barriers include the diiculty lw-incme husehlds and small businesses have in getting the
capital needed r retrtting their hmes and ices. In additin
btaining useul inrmatin abut hw mst eectively t reduce
emissins in an individual’s r rganizatin’s specic situatin
(a particular building, r example), can be diicult. These and
ther structural barriers t change (that is, barriers that exceed
a persn’s inuence) can restrict the ability t engage in actins
that wuld mitigate climate change.
In additin t these structural barriers, and smetimes
cmbining with them, are barriers that are cmpletely r largely
psychlgical. As discussed urther in the next sectin, bth
structural and psychlgical bstacles need t be remved r
signicant behaviral change t ccur. The gap between attitude
(“I agree this is the best curse actin”) and behavir (“but I
am nt ding it”) is caused by bth structural and psychlgical
barriers t actin. Many the psychlgical barriers t climate
change behavirs are less well dcumented than the structural
nes. Hwever, evidence r many them exists in the cntext
SeCtion 5:
whiCh PSyCholoGiCal barrierSlimit Climate ChanGe aCtion?
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ther pr-envirnmental behavirs, s they may als perate
in relatin t limiting climate change.
The psychlgical bstacles t adequate (carbn-neutral)
climate-change adaptatin are described in this sectin. They
begin with genuine ignrance and prgress thrugh increasing
awareness t an intentin t act. All these, hwever, are
hampered by psychlgical prcesses, scial, and ther
bstacles. This sequence psychlgical bstacles t actin
has nt been tested. Like ther prpsed psychlgical
sequences, the bstacles may nt always ccur in the same
rder, and they may nt perate the same way in every culture
r cntext. We use this sequence as a way t rganize and
prvide structure t the list barriers.
G Sqc Pscgc bs
Ignorance
Fr a prprtin the ppulatin, ignrance climate change
may be a barrier t actin, just as peple ten are unaware
ther aspects their surrundings (e.g., Gird, 1976). The
pll (Pew Research Center, 2006) described earlier shwed
that in many cuntries, respndents answer “dn’t knw” t
questins abut climate change. In the United States and sme
ther cuntries, signicant minrities the ppulatin d nt
see climate change as a signicant prblem, and many these
peple may simply remain unaware the issue. This prprtin
the glbal ppulatin is nt likely t take actins aimed atamelirating climate change.
A secnd dimensin ignrance is lack knwledge
abut which specic actins t take. Mst peple in mst
cuntries are nt ignrant the prblem, in the sense the
previus paragraph, but many r even mst thse wh are
aware the prblem may nt knw which specic actins they
can take. Taking this a step urther, a very large number
peple may nt knw which actins will have the mst benecial
impacts.
Uncertainty
Experimental research n resurce dilemmas demnstrates
that perceived r real uncertainty reduces the requency pr-
envirnmental behavir (e.g., de Kwaadsteniet, 2007; Hine &
Gird, 1996). Participants, perhaps acting in shrt-term sel-
interest, tend t interpret any sign uncertainty (r example,
the size a resurce pl r the rate at which the resurce
regenerates) as suicient reasn t act in sel-interest ver that
the envirnment. Uncertainty abut climate change prbably
unctins as a justicatin r inactin r pstpned actin
related t climate change. Mrever, presentatins level--
cndence phrases rm the mst recent IPCC assessment
led many individuals t interpret the phrases as having a lwer
likelihd than the IPCC reprt intended (Budescu, Brmell,
& Pr, 2009). Thus, well-meant erts by climate change
experts t characterize what they knw and d nt knw led
t systematic underestimatin risk. Yet, a certain degree
uncertainty is an inescapable element any hnest climate
mdel. Scientists are let with the prblem hw t present
the risk hnestly while nt prmting misguided ptimism and
justiying inactin.
Mistrust and reactance
Ample evidence suggests that many peple distrust risk
messages that cme rm scientists r gvernment icials
(e.g., MacGregr, Slvic, Masn, Detweiler, 1994). Mrever,
reactance, the reactin against advice r plicy that seems t
threaten ne’s reedm, is based in part n a lack trust
thse wh give the advice r set the plicy (Eilam & Suleiman,
2004). Testing scientic mdels can be diicult because in many
cases they make predictins abut the distant uture. Mrever,
certain rganized interests seek t prmte mistrust the
scientic cnsensus n climate change and create ppsitin
t mitigatin (c.. McCright, 2007). Psychlgists can help by
increasing understanding the bases mistrust scientists
and scientic inrmatin and by helping t crat messages
that address cncerns. Trust, n the ther hand, is imprtantr changing behavir, particularly when a persn believes that
change invlves a cst. Behavir change requires that ne trusts
thers nt t take advantage and that the change is eective,
valuable, and equitable (e.g., Brann & Fddy, 1987; Fddy &
Dawes, 2008).
Denial
Uncertainty, mistrust, and reactance easily slide int active
denial (as ppsed t denial in the psychdynamic sense
the term). This culd be denial the existence climatechange and human cntributin t climate change and culd
include mre specic denial the rle that ne’s behavir r
ne’s grup’s behavirs has in harming thers. Plls vary, but
a substantial minrity peple believes that climate change
is nt ccurring r that human activity has little r nthing t
d with it. In the case climate change, sme peple actively
deny that climate presents any prblem. Fr example, a news
stry in USA Today abut several envirnmental presentatins
at the APA 2008 Annual Cnventin in Bstn (Jaysn, 2009)
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drew 115 reader respnses. A cntent analysis the cmments
shwed that abut 100 the respnses essentially denied that
a prblem existed; tw typical explanatins were that climate
change is a prblem invented by “scientists wh are pursuing a
phantm issue,” and that they are ignring research that clearly
shws that the prblem is verestimated r des nt exist.
one reader’s cmments are typical the emtinal intensity
experienced by sme deniers:
“It fgures that a bunch o psychologists need to mess
with people's heads to get them to all in line with this
'eco-riendly' nonsense… ‘News stories that provided
a balanced view o climate change reduced people's
belies that humans are at ault.’ Yep, there ain't nothing
more that enviro-crazies hate than balanced news
reporting.”
This sample 115 cmments is nt representative the
whle ppulatin, but it des represent that a vluble segment
U.S. sciety. Hw des a mre representative sample think?
Many say that climate change is imprtant, but when asked t
rank it against ther issues, they assign it lw imprtance. Vasi
(2009) characterizes public supprt r sustainable develpment
and the actins and sacrices necessary t curtail climate
change as “a mile wide, but an inch deep,” adpting a phrase
rst used by Smillie & Helmich (1999) t describe public supprt
r reign develpment assistance. This is cnsistent with the
results the tw Pew Prject plls mentined earlier: As many
as 75%-80% U.S. respndents say that climate change isan imprtant issue, yet they place it 20 th ut 20 cmpared t
ther issues. In sum, many U.S. citizens “dn’t seem t mind
addressing the ecnmic cst climate change, as lng as it
desn’t cme ut their wn pckets” (“Warming t the tpic,”
2009, p. 4).
The ideas terrr management thery (e.g., Gldenberg,
Pyszczynski, Greenberg, & Slmn, 2000) suggest that peple
may deny the prblem because it is a reminder ne’s mrtality
and enhances erts t validate ne’s belies and erts tblster sel-esteem. Research applying this t cncerns abut
the envirnment illustrated that increased mrtality salience
resulted in decreased cncern abut prtecting the envirnment
amng thse wh did nt derive their sel-esteem rm the
envirnment and had the ppsite eect n thse wh derived
their sel-esteem rm the envirnment (Vess & Arndt, 2008).
Better knwledge abut the emtinal element t sme
peple’s rejectin climate risks is needed (see Sectin 1
this task rce reprt) and reasns r denial. It shuld help in
the design mre eective ways t characterize these risks
(Cmeau & Gird, 2008; Mser & Dilling, 2007a).
Judgmental discounting
Discunting in this sense means undervaluing uture r distant
risks (see Sectin 1 r reasns r this prcess). In the current
cntext, it means discunting the imprtance climate change
in tempral and spatial terms. A study ver 3000 respndents
in 18 cuntries shwed that envirnmental cnditins are
expected by everyday individuals t becme wrse in 25 years
than they are tday (Gird et al., 2009). This trend held in every
cuntry except tw. Althugh this belie crrespnds t scientic
assessments the impacts climate change, it can als justiy
inactin because a belie that changes can be made later. The
same study und that individuals in 15 the cuntries believed
that envirnmental cnditins are wrse in places ther than
their wn. This study and thers (e.g., Uzzell, 2000) demnstrate
that tempral and spatial discunting envirnmental prblems
ccurs. Althugh cnditins ten may be bjectively wrse in
ther areas the glbe, this tendency ccurs even in places
that are bjectively similar, such as amng inhabitants English
villages a ew kilmeters apart (Mussn, 1974). I cnditins are
presumed t be wrse elsewhere, individuals might be expected
t have less mtivatin t act lcally.
Place attachment
Individuals may be mre likely t care r a place t which
they eel attachment than r ne they d nt. I s, weakerplace attachment shuld act as an bstacle t climate-psitive
behavir, and ppulatins with a histry gegraphic mbility
wuld be expected t care less r their present envirnments.
The evidence is mixed: Place attachment is nt always
assciated with pr-envirnmental behavir (Claytn, 2003;
Uzzell, Pl, & Badenas, 2002; Gird et al., 2009). The rle
place attachment is likely t be cmplex, but prbably acts as
an impediment t actin in sme ppulatins, as is perhaps
indicated by lcal ppsitin t wind arms in sme areas,
even where there is strng supprt r ther pr-envirnmentalplicies.
Habit
Individuals exhibit what might be called behaviral mmentum.
William James (1890) called habit the “enrmus ywheel
sciety,” althugh he viewed this stability actin in psitive
terms; in terms climate change, current habits are less
benign. Habit may be ne the mst imprtant bstacles t the
mitigatin climate change impacts (e.g., Hbsn, 2003).
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Many habitual behavirs are extremely resistant t
permanent change (e.g., eating habits), and thers are slwly
changed (e.g., use seat belts) (Mai et al., 2007). Enscnced
habits d nt change withut a substantial push; priming and
even attitude change ten d nt lead t behaviral change. Fr
sme peple, behavirs that rm part the human cntributin
t climate change (e.g., the use cars) are habitual and diicult
t change (e.g., Aarts & Dijksterhuis, 2000; Bamberg & Schmidt,
2003; Klöckner, Matthies, & Hunecke, 2003; Lukpuls,
Jakbssn, Gärling, Meland, & Fujii, 2006), althugh nt
impssible (e.g., Matthies, Klöckner, & Preissner, 2006). Fr
example, temprarily rcing car drivers t use alternative
travel mdes has induced lng-term reductins in car use (e.g.,
Fujii & Gärling, 2003). Fr many peple, curse, car use is
nearly essential because the structure human settlements.
But very large numbers peple d a have chice, and
chse nt t purchase a lw-carbn car r t take alternative
transprtatin. Fr thers, simple habit is the barrier t change.
Perceived behavioral control
Because climate change is a glbal prblem, many individuals
understandably believe that they can d nthing abut it. This is
the well-knwn cllective actin prblem (olsn, 1965). Stated in
psychlgical language, peple smetimes d nt act because
they perceive that they have little behaviral cntrl ver the
utcme. Fr example, perceived behaviral cntrl can be a
very strng predictr (r = .50-.60) whether r nt a persn
chses t take public transprtatin instead a private car
(e.g., Heath & Gird, 2002; Kaiser & Gutscher, 2003).
Perceived risks rom behavioral change
What might happen t individuals wh decide t cnsider
changing their behavir as a step tward reducing their
greenhuse gas emissins? Ptentially, changing behavir
any srt hlds at least six kinds risk (Schiman, Kanuk, &
Das, 2006). First, unctinal risk reers t whether the adaptatin
will wrk: I ne purchases, r example, a plug-in electric
vehicle (PHEV) it may, as a new technlgy, have battery
prblems. Secnd, physical risk reers t the danger that nemight ace: Is this PHEV as crash-sae as the SUV traded in t
buy it? Third, nancial risk reers t the ptential r csts that
are nt utweighed by benets: The PHEV’s purchase price
includes a premium ver equivalent gas-pwered vehicles; will
the mney t buy and perate it be lst? Furth, scial risk
reers t ptential damage t ne’s eg r reputatin: I ne
buys a PHEV, will riends laugh? They may invke any the
rst three risks as my ailure t reckn careully. The th risk,
which llws the urth clsely, is the psychlgical risk. once
rebuked, teased, r criticized by ne’s signicant thers, ne’s
eg may suer sme damage. Sixth, time (lst) can be a risk.
I the time spent planning and adpting the adaptatin des nt
result in persnal r envirnmental benets, it wuld have been
wasted.
Tokenism and the rebound eect
once individuals mve rm envirnmental numbness, denial,
discunting, and habit tward impactul changes because they
believe that they d have sme behaviral cntrl and sense
that their wn cmmunity, t which they eel sme attachment,
might be threatened and the risks behaviral change are nt
verly threatening, they may begin t engage in sme behaviral
changes. Apart rm this is the act that sme climate-change-
related behavirs are easier t change than thers but have
little useul imprt. Sme peple will avr these actins ver
higher-cst but mre eective actins. This has been called
the lw-cst hypthesis (e.g., Diekmann & Preisendörer, 1992;
see als Kemptn et al., 1985). Sme will undertake lw-cst
actins that have relatively little eect in terms mitigatin. Pr-
envirnmental intent may nt crrespnd with pr-envirnmental
impact (Stern, 2000). A urther prblem is the rebund eect,
in which ater sme saving r ert is made, peple erase the
gains. Fr example, persns wh buy a uel-eicient vehicle
may drive urther than when they wned a less-eicient vehicle.
The phenmenn has been called the Jevns paradx (Jevns,
1865) and the Khazzm-Brkes pstulate (Brkes, 1990;
Khazzm, 1980).
Social comparison, norms, conormity, and perceived equity
Peple rutinely cmpare their actins with thse thers
(Festinger, 1954) and derive subjective and descriptive nrms
rm their bservatins (e.g., Heath & Gird, 2002) abut what
is the “prper” curse actin. This phenmenn has been
recgnized in the thery planned behavir (Ajzen, 1991), and
applied t pr-envirnmental interventins (e.g., Cialdini, 2003).
It can create a barrier t actin. Fr example, in experimental
resurce dilemmas, when any srt inequality r inequity
(real r perceived) exists, cperatin declines (e.g., Aquin,Steisel, & Kay, 1992). The many criticisms Al Gre’s large
residence, rted in scial cmparisn, have been emplyed as
a justicatin r inactin by thers.
Similarly, peer nrms are a strng inuence. Fr example,
when hmewners are tld the amunt energy that average
members their cmmunity use, they tend t alter their use
energy t t the nrm (Schultz, Nlan, Cialdini, Gldstein,
& Griskevicius, 2007), increasing r decreasing their energy
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use accrdingly. The increases can be prevented by giving lw
energy users psitive eedback abut using less energy.
Conicting goals and aspirations
Everyne has multiple gals and values (e.g., Schwartz,
1992; Lindenberg & Steg, 2007), and gals that invlve mre
prductin greenhuse gases can trump gals that supprt
using less. Fr example, many parents drive their children t
schl t prtect them, when walking is an ptin. Many peple
want t relax and rest and d s ater ying t an attractive
vacatin spt. The cmmn gal “getting ahead” ten means
engaging in actins that run cunter t the gal reducing
ne’s climate change impacts: buying a very large huse r
ying requently by chice.
Belie in solutions outside o human control
Sme peple take n climate-related actin because they
believe that ne the traditinal religius deities r Mther
Nature either will nt let them dwn r will d what he/she/it
wishes anyway. Fr example, interviews with Pacic Islanders
wh live n very lw-lying atlls und that ne grup is already
purchasing higher grund in Australia, while anther trusts that
Gd will nt break the Biblical prmise never t d the Earth
again ater the d that Nah and his enturage endured
(Mrtreux & Barnett, 2009). one als hears mre secular belies
expressed by sme peple that Mther Nature will take a curse
that mere mrtals cannt inuence.
S
Many structural and psychlgical barriers stand in the way
behaviral changes that wuld help limit climate change. Many
peple are taking actin in respnse t the risks climate
change, but many thers are unaware the prblem, unsure
the acts r what t d, d nt trust experts r believe their
cnclusins, think the prblem is elsewhere, are xed in their
ways, believe that thers shuld act, r believe that their actins
will make n dierence r are unimprtant cmpared t thse
thers. They may be engaged in tken actins r actinsthey believe are helpul but bjectively are nt. They have ther
wrthy gals and aspiratins that draw their time, ert, and
resurces, r they may believe that external actrs beynd
human actins r cntrl will address the prblem. Sme r all
the structural barriers must be remved, but this is nt likely
t be suicient. Psychlgists and ther scial scientists need t
wrk n psychlgical barriers.
rsc Sggss
1. Many these barriers are derived rm studies pr-
envirnmental behavir, resurce management studies,
r sustainability studies, rather than specically rm
climate-related studies, which are still nt numerus
in the psychlgical literature. Each barrier shuld be
studied in the climate cntext.
2. This sectin the reprt presumes r prpses that thebarriers ccur in a brad sequence. T what extent d the
barriers ccur in sequence? What sequence? Hw des
this vary r dierent ppulatin segments, particular
behavirs, and in varius cultures?
3. Are the barriers cumulative? That is, i a persn is aced
with mre the barriers, is he r she less likely t
engage in climate adaptatin and mitigatin?
4. Which appraches will be mst eective in vercming
each barrier, and r which segments the ppulatin,which particular climate-related behavir, in which
cultures? These appraches might include varius
plicy incentives, plicy disincentives, mdeling, and
cmmunicatin strategies.
5. outright denial the prblem remains the psitin a
small but vcal segment U.S. and ther scieties. What
is the basis this denial? Hw is it best dealt with?
6. Hw can perceived behaviral cntrl, which is
understandably lw r this prblem, be increased?
7. A paradx exists in that scientic assessments must, t
have integrity, be cuched in terms that include sme
measure uncertainty, while laypersns have a tendency
t interpret uncertainty bradly enugh t justiy inactin.
Hw can this uncertainty paradx be reslved s that
needed actins are undertaken by laypersns?
8. Changing behavir ten is perceived as risky, at least
scially r nancially. Hw can climate-related behavir
changes be made t seem (and t be) less risky?
9. Mistrust science and gvernment is nt uncmmn andten leads t reactance. Hw can trust be built?
10. Behavir change in the climate cntext ten is
presented and viewed in terms needed sacrices.
Which behavir changes, presented in which ways,
might be viewed in mre psitive terms, as persnal
gain r sel and sciety?
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bs Cg
Althugh there are extensive structural and psychlgical
barriers t change, psychlgists, smetimes alne but ten
and in cllabratin with thers, have dne much research
and participated in many interventins designed t encurage
envirnmentally signicant and respnsible behavirs. oten
knwledge the barriers nted abve can help vercme
them. The next sectin reviews ways that psychlgists canassist in limiting climate change by encuraging envirnmentally
signicant and respnsible behavirs, ne imprtant element
mitigating climate change.
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Climate change nw ccurring glbally is driven by a
variety human actins. The prximate causes include
burning ssil uels, clearing rests, raising cattle,
and perrming ther actins that release greenhuse gases
r change the reectivity Earth’s surace. These actins in
turn result rm ther human activities, including gvernment
plicies, increases and migratins ppulatin, ecnmicdevelpment, and the behavir individuals and husehlds
as cnsumers, members rganizatins, and citizensand
in turn rm underlying human attitudes, predispsitins, scial
and ecnmic structures, and belies. Psychlgical science
wuld seem indispensible r understanding and nding ways t
change at least sme these human behavirs. Nevertheless,
psychlgists have rarely been cnsulted by climate plicy
decisin makers. This sectin discusses what psychlgy can
cntribute t changing the human activities that drive climate
change, briey summarizes what psychlgy has learned, and
sets ut a list research activities thrugh which psychlgical
science can be useul.
w Pscg C C
Psychlgy can cntribute by imprving the implementatin
each the majr appraches t changing envirnmentally
signicant behavir. The llwing typlgy, based n the
wrk Kauman-Hayz and Gutscher (2001), suggests the
pssibilities:
• C c (e.g., envirnmental regulatins;
appliance and autmtive uel eiciency standards)
• ecc ss (e.g., energy taxes, slar energy tax
credits)
• isc ss (e.g., new energy-eicient
technlgy, mass transit, zer net energy building design)
• is gs (e.g., establishing markets r
emissin permits, creating certicatin r labeling systems,
rging public–private agreements)
• Cc fs cqs s
(e.g., prviding inrmatin, using persuasin, advertising,
making persn-t-persn cntact)
Psychlgy is a majr surce insight int the ways
cmmunicatin and diusin instruments wrk, and it can
als ptentially er insights int the ways peple, especiallyindividuals and husehlds, respnd r ail t respnd t the
ther kinds plicy appraches. Fr instance, it can illuminate
the surces citizen supprt r ppsitin t regulatins,
taxes, and new energy technlgies; help estimate the market
penetratin new cnsumer technlgies and building designs
and help in making them mre useul and attractive; identiy
behavirs that culd acilitate r rustrate new institutinal
arrangements. Bere summarizing what psychlgy has learned
and culd learn, we nte three general kinds cntributins the
discipline can make t mitigating anthrpgenic climate change.
SeCtion 6:
how Can PSyCholoGiStSaSSiSt in limitinGClimate ChanGe?
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Better models o behavior based on empirical analysis
All the abve plicy appraches embdy implicit theries
behavir change (e.g., that peple can be cunted n t
llw regulatins, that they d what is ecnmically mst
advantageus, that useul technlgies are readily adpted,
etc.). Plicies are ten undertaken based n implicit
assumptins that ne r anther these theries adequately
captures behaviral reality. Althugh they all cntain grains truth, nne is nearly cmplete, and they can mislead (see
e.g., Stern, 1986; Wilsn & Dwlatabadi, 2007; Lutzenhiser,
2009). Fr example, ecnmic plicy instruments such as
plicies that create changes in energy prices r prvide nancial
incentives r investing in energy-eicient appliances r mtr
vehicles d change behavir in the expected directins, but the
eect is usually much smaller than ecnmic mdels predict.
This s-called energy eiciency gapthe dierence between
actual behavir and what a simple ecnmic thery cst
minimizatin wuld predictis quite large (McKinsey, 2007)
and als varies widely with the behavir (e.g., which appliance
is being purchased; Ruderman, 1985). Psychlgy can help
explain this phenmenn because many the pssible
explanatins r it invlve cgnitive and aective prcesses
(see belw). In additin, research methds rm psychlgy are
useul r understanding the chice prcesses. Plicymakers
are increasingly cming t recgnize that the dminant physical-
technical-ecnmic mdel energy use is incmplete and are
turning t behaviral scientists r better cnceptual mdels and
advice n hw t implement them s as t make plicies and
prgrams mre eective (Wilsn & Dwlatabadi, 2007; Darntn,
2008; Lutzenhiser, 2009).
Psychlgy can help develp bth descriptive mdels and
mdels behaviral change. Descriptive mdels individual
behavir delineate the rle internal actrs (e.g., knwledge,
eelings, values, attitudes) and external actrs (e.g., physical
and technlgical inrastructure; plitical, scial, and cultural
actrs; ecnmic incentives; scial inuences and mdels)
in envirnmentally signicant behavir (e.g., Black, Stern, &
Elwrth, 1985; Kllmuss & Agyeman, 2002; Gardner & Stern,2002; Guagnan, Stern, & Dietz, 1995). Descriptive mdels
behavir in grups may explicate the cnditins under which
grups will r will nt prvide public gds r all prey t the
cmmns dilemma (e.g., Messick & Rutte, 1992; Williams,
Harkins, & Karau, 2003).
Mdels change can address the eects erts t
inuence behavir in individual r grup settings. Fr example,
respnses t persuasive messages depend in part n
characteristics the individuals receiving them. Fr instance,
“guilt appeals” (inrmatin that indicates that a persn r
ne’s scial grup have caused harm t the envirnment) have
dierent aective cnsequences depending upn the extent t
which the envirnment is imprtant t the recipients (Mallett,
2009) and can even backre r individuals whse sel-esteem
is nt dependent upn their impact n the envirnment (Brk &
Graham, 2009).
Generally, when psychlgical cnstructs are included
in mdels change, they can shw hw the eects plicy
interventins depend n scial inuences n behavir and by
characteristics the target actrs, including their mtives,
values, belies, and cgnitive and aective prcesses.
Psychlgy can thus increase the practical useulness
empirical analyses. It can help replace simplistic assumptins
with empirically supprted nes (Gardner & Stern, 2002; Nlan
et al., 2008) and uncver imprtant pprtunities r interventin
that have nt been revealed by the dminant plicy theries.
Fr example, empirical analysis incentive prgrams r hme
weatherizatin has shwn that althugh the size the incentive
makes a dierence, the eect a particular incentive is strngly
aected by the way the incentive prgram is marketed and
implemented (see belw).
Better understanding o individuals and households
While much natinal plicy is cused n the behavirs
large rganizatins such as pwer and manuacturing
cmpanies, individuals and husehlds are a majr surce envirnmental damage and accunt r nearly 40% direct
energy cnsumptin in the United States thrugh activities in
hmes and nnbusiness travel (Vandenbergh, 2005; Gardner
& Stern, 2008), and an additinal share indirectly thrugh their
purchases nn-energy gds and services that take energy
t prduce and distribute. Implicit theries behavir change
that may apply well t large crpratins may nt apply s
well t individuals and husehlds r varius reasns, such
as individuals’ aective respnses t available chices and
the relatively high cst t individuals getting actinableinrmatin cmpared t the ptential benets. Fr example, it
may cst almst as much in time and ert t nd cmpetent
pressinals t retrt a hme r energy eiciency as it des
r a large cmmercial buildingbut the energy savings rm the
imprvements will be much greater in a large building.
Attentin t individuals is imprtant because the
eectiveness interventins may depend n the match with
characteristics individuals and husehlds. There are a variety
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imprtant individual and husehld dierences: incme;
husehld size and lie cycle stage; gegraphical relatinships
between hme and travel destinatins; hme wnership status;
and cgnitive, aective, and persnality dierences, amng
thers. Market researchers are amng thse wh think abut
such individual and husehld dierences. Psychlgical
research can rene market research categries by investigating
which these dierences matter mst r changing which
behavirs and hw scial, ecnmic, and technlgical cntexts
aect behavir.
Better understanding individuals als matters because
their behavir in rganizatins as citizens (e.g., plitical actin)
and as participants in cultural changes can have eects beynd
their individual use energy. Psychlgy, alng with ther
scial science disciplines, can cntribute t understanding
these srts actins. Fr example, public acceptance can be
a serius barrier t the deplyment new technlgies t limit
climate change (e.g., nuclear and wind energy, “geengineering”
planetary systems). on the ther hand, pr-envirnmental
values and wrldviews regarding prtectin the envirnment
r respnsibilities t uture generatins that are held by
individuals r shared within cultural r subcultural grups can
prvide a basis r supprt plicies and technlgies r
limiting climate change.
Evaluation methods
Psychlgists have pineered evaluatin methdlgy. Prgram
evaluatin invlves the systematic way testing the eects prgrams and their implementatin n intended and unintended
utcmes. Recent develpments in evaluatin research, such
as lgic mdels (e.g., http://meera.snre.umich.edu), allw r
analysis interventins thrugh a ull chain events, rm
available resurces t utcmes, cnsidering planned and
desired activities, targeted audiences, utputs, and utcmes, in
relatin t shrt-, intermediate-, and lng-term bjectives (e.g.,
changes in knwledge in the target audience, increases in the
number hmes taking targeted actins, and decreases in
energy cnsumed). Evaluatin can be applied at each step in amdel.
Evaluatin methds can help thse designing interventins
t avid pitalls and learn rm past experience. Reviews
interventins in public health can prvide useul insights
because what has been learned abut cmmunity-based
interventins (e.g., Merzel & D’Afitti, 2003) and because sme
the behavirs (e.g., biking rather than driving) are relevant t
climate change (e.g., Sallis, Bauman, & Pratt, 1998).
w Pscg hs l
Mre than a century psychlgical research has cnsidered
a great variety intrapsychic actrs, such as values, mtives,
emtins, persnality traits and states, and cgnitive styles,
which might explain variatins in envirnmentally signicant
behavir (ESB). Numerus interpersnal actrs have als
been identied, including scial nrms, scial cmparisn,
ailiatin, and interpersnal persuasin. Sme researchers haveemphasized the rles external rewards and punishments. Still
thers use cmbinatins these types explanatry actrs.
Many these variables have ptential explanatry value r
ESB (see Wilsn & Dwlatabadi, 2007; Darntn, 2008).
A bdy research since the 1970s has cused n
develping and testing theries pr-envirnmental behavir.
Much this wrk can be gruped under tw brad rubrics that
emphasize the rle individualistic and altruistic mtives.
Theries based n individualism presume that individualsmaximize their material welare, subjective well-being, r utility.
Early psychlgical research in this mde applied perant
cnditining thery t husehld energy use (e.g., Geller,
Winett, & Everett, 1982; r a recent review, see Lehman &
Geller, 2004). Mre recently, psychlgists have applied the
thery reasned actin, later develped int the thery
planned behavir (Ajzen, 2005; Ajzen, & Fishbein, 1975; 1980).
Altruism-based theries ten prceed rm the bservatin that
the glbal envirnment is a cmmns in which pr-envirnmenta
actins generally present greater csts than benets t the
individual, suggesting that mtives beynd individualism may be
necessary t engage such behavir. These appraches cus n
variables such as envirnmental cnsciusness (e.g., the New
Eclgical Paradigm; Dunlap & Van Liere, 1978; Dunlap, Van
Liere, Mertig, & Jnes, 2000), prscial mral nrms (Schwartz,
1992), and sel-transcendent values (e.g., the Value-Belie-Nrm
thery prpsed by Stern et al., 1999). These tw perspectives
are nt mutually exclusive. Sme denitins utility are
expansive enugh t include internalized altruistic cncerns. In
act, a recent meta-analysis und that variables rm bth types
theries had unique explanatry value acrss a set ESBs
(Bamberg & Möser, 2007).
Many ther mdels behavir are als ptential value
r understanding the adptin new ESB. Sme these
investigate the rles the ull set human values and scial
mtives as dened in value thery (Schwartz, 1992) and in
research n scial value rientatin (e.g., Van Lange, Rusbult,
Semin-Gssens, Görts, & Stalpers, 1999; Van Lange &
Jireman, 2008). Sme emphasize scial nrmative inuences
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(Cialdini, 2003; Gldstein, Griskevicius, & Cialdini, 2007). Sme
cus n stages intentinal behaviral change (e.g., pre-
cntemplatin, cntemplatin, preparatin, actin, maintenance,
terminatin; see Pallnen, Prchaska, Velicer, Prkhrv, &
Smith, 1998).
others apply scial netwrk and innvatin-diusin
theries that describe hw ideas and actins spread thrugh
ppulatins (e.g., Rgers, 2003), mdel prcesses change in
habits (Hbsn, 2003; Mai et al., 2007), and elabrate systems
theries that mdel transrmatinal and incremental changes
that may ten be prmpted by encuntering prblems
(Darntn, 2008).
Much research has been empirically cused n particular
types ESB r n ESB in general, withut necessarily
testing thery. Althugh sme these analyses presume
that ESB is a single cherent entity (e.g., Kaiser, 1998; Kaiser
& Gutscher, 2003), cnsiderable evidence pints t the
value distinguishing subclasses ESB that have dierent
determinants (e.g., Black et al., 1985; Stern, 2000). In this
discussin, we distinguish ur tpics that have been studied
separately: (1) the determinants aggregate envirnmentally
signicant cnsumptin by husehlds; (2) the determinants
variatin in adptin envirnmentally signicant behavirs
(ESB), and particularly in behavirs that reduce greenhuse
gas emissins by individuals and husehlds; (3) respnses
t interventins t change these behavirs; and (4) the
determinants supprt r rganizatinal actins, publicplicies, and cultural changes. The available evidence suggests
that these distinctins matter, in the sense that psychlgical
cnstructs that are enlightening in sme these areas
smetimes have little explanatry value r thers.
Determinants o environmentally signifcant consumption
The verall level envirnmentally signicant cnsumptin in
husehlds is largely determined by nnpsychlgical actrs
such as husehld incme, size, and gegraphic lcatin, whichin turn aect ther majr determinants verall cnsumptin,
such as hme size and wnership mtr vehicles and
appliances (Gatersleben, Steg, & Vlek, 2002; Hunecke,
Haustein, Grischkat, & Böhler 2007). Psychlgical actrs can
aect verall cnsumptin levelsthere are husehlds that
lead much “greener” lives than their neighbrs because strng
envirnmental values cmmitmentsbut at present, these
husehlds are nt numerus enugh t aect natinal analyses
(Abrahamse, Steg, Vlek, & Rthengatter, 2005). At present, the
main value psychlgical explanatry cnstructs lies in the
llwing areas.
Variations in environmentally signifcant behaviors (ESB)
As already nted, sme researchers study ESB as a single
class, while thers cnsider dierent types ESB separately.
Many studies have cused n specic in-hme energy use
behavirs, travel behavirs, investments in hme weatherizatin
and ther ESBs. We bserve that the amunt research
attentin given t ESBs has related mre clsely t ease
measurement than t the envirnmental imprtance the
behavir. Cnsequently, sme behavirs that make majr
cntributins t a husehld’s carbn tprint, such as chices
hme lcatin and size, mtr vehicles, and majr appliances
have received very little attentin in behaviral research.
A great many studies have demnstrated the explanatry
value varius psychlgical cnstructs r varius climate-
related behavirs. Fr example, a recent meta-analytic
review 57 datasets (Bamberg & Möser, 2007) und that
pr-envirnmental behaviral intentins were strngly and
independently predicted by perceived behaviral cntrl,
attitude, and persnal mral nrms. Eects n sel-reprted
behavirs were indirect and weaker than eects n intentins.
The review did nt speciy the behavirs cvered in the datasets
Sme research has attempted t develp mdels that can be
applied t integrate acrss multiple behaviral types (e.g., Black
et al., 1985) r t incrprate multiple theretical perspectives
(e.g., Harland, Staats, & Wilke, 2007; Klöckner, Matthies, &Hunecke, 2003; Wall, Devine-Wright, & Mill, 2007). Cnsidering
that sme very imprtant ESBs have been rarely studied, it is
premature t draw cnclusins abut the relative imprtance
variables r theries r explaining ESB generally.
There is evidence that the imprtance psychlgical
and psychscial (smetimes called persnal) variables is
behavir specic. Black et al. (1985) presented evidence that
the mre strngly cnstrained an energy-saving behavir is
by husehld inrastructure, nancial cst, r ther cntextualvariables, the weaker the explanatry pwer persnal
actrs. In a renement that argument, Guagnan, Stern,
and Dietz (1995) cncluded rm evidence n recycling that
cntextual cnstraints can push behavir strngly in either pr-
r antienvirnmental directins and that persnal actrs such
as values, belies, and nrms have the greatest explanatry
pwer when external cnstraints are weak in either directin.
In this view, the explanatry value psychlgical variables is
cntext-dependent, and the greatest explanatry value these
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actrs is likely t be und in niches where behavir is relatively
uncnstrained by strnger rces (Gardner & Stern, 2002).
The issue remains pen r urther research. Psychlgical
cnstructs are als relevant r understanding envirnmentally
imprtant citizenship actins, such as public supprt r,
ppsitin t, and activism abut envirnmental plicies (see
belw).
In sum, many psychlgical cnstructs have been shwn t
have explanatry value r at least sme ESBs. Hwever, this
des nt demnstrate their explanatry value r dierences in
GHG emissins. Many the mst GHG-intensive cnsumer
behavirs have been little studied, and they may be strngly
aected by cntextual actrs. We d nt yet knw hw much
explanatry value psychlgical cnstructs can add in explaining
these behavirs beynd the explanatry value cntextual
variables. Thus, it is imprtant r psychlgical research t
expand its cus t include mre studies envirnmentally
imprtant behavirs.
Responses to interventions
Psychlgical research n interventins has cused mainly n
cmmunicatin and diusin instruments such as inrmatin
and persuasive appeals, and secndarily n nancial incentives.
Knwledge abut hw cmmunicatin and diusin instruments
wrkr ail t wrkis imprtant because mass media
persuasin and inrmatin campaigns have been ntably
ineective as they have nrmally been emplyed. Inrmatin
eects have been studied in residential energy cnsumptin(e.g., Abrahamse et al., 2005) and travel mde chice (e.g.,
Bamberg & Möser, 2007). Studies generally nd that inrmatin
techniques increase knwledge but have minimal eects
n behavir. Hwever, immediate r requent (e.g., daily)
energy-use eedback has yielded energy savings 5-12% in
hmes, ten lasting 6 mnths r mre (Fischer, Greitemeyer,
& Frey, 2008). This kind inrmatin is believed t be mre
eective because it is specic t the individual’s situatin and
is cnducive r learning hw t achieve the savings. The
behaviral psychlgists wh pineered eedback researchin the 1970s (Geller et al., 1982) emphasized that it links the
nancial cnsequences energy use mre clsely t behavir
by shwing the csts immediately r daily, rather than via the
delayed cnsequences represented in a mnthly energy bill. The
act that eedback eects are bserved very quickly suggests
that they are achieved by changes in the use husehld
equipment rather than by the adptin mre energy-eicient
equipment.
Psychlgists have als studied interventins that emply
scial mtives, r instance by mdeling energy-cnserving
behavir (Winett et al., 1982; Arnsn & o’Leary, 1983), using
messages rm riends (e.g., Darley, 1978), emplying scial
marketing techniques (e.g., McKenzie-Mhr & Smith, 1999),
and making appeals t prscial gals (Krantz & Kunreuther,
2007) r scial nrms (e.g., Cialdini, 2003). Such studies have
demnstrated eects in cntrlled eld settings with requently
repeated energy-using actins, but have nt been studied as
ptential inuences n actins that accunt r large prtins
husehld energy budgets.
Knwledge the prcesses that determine the eects
cmmunicatin instruments can help design these interventins.
Fr instance, an inrmatin campaign may be assumed t
wrk by increasing the sense sel-eicacy in thse receiving
inrmatin. I the interventin ails, empirical analysis culd
determine whether the campaign ailed t build this sel-eicacy
r because changes in sel-eicacy were insuicient t change
behavir. Knwing which part the prcess ailed can help in
designing a mre eective campaign.
Psychlgists and ther researchers have als studied
the eects interventins that change nancial incentives,
r example, by time--use electricity pricing, rewards r
reduced energy use, and nancial incentives r investments
in residential energy eiciency (e.g., Heberlein & Baumgartner,
1978; Staats, Harland, & Wilke, 2004; Abrahamse et al., 2005).
An imprtant cntributin this wrk has been t imprve nsimple ecnmic mdels that presume a cnstant respnse
t changes in nancial cst (i.e., price elasticity) regardless
their rm r implementatin. In act, price respnses vary with
the particular chice (e.g., which appliance is being purchased;
Ruderman, 1985) and with the ways incentive prgrams are
implemented. Husehld adptin hme weatherizatin
measures in respnse t incentives cmmnly varies by a actr
10 r mre r the same incentive, depending n prgram
implementatin (Stern et al., 1986). Amng the nnnancial
actrs that accunt r this variatin are the cnvenience theprgram and the degree t which it reduces cgnitive burdens
n husehlds, such as thse impsed by the need t nd a
cmpetent cntractr (Gardner & Stern, 2002).
Perhaps the highest-impact cntributin t limiting climate
change that has been bserved rm the kinds nnnancial
interventins psychlgists typically cnsider was achieved by
cmbining them with nancial incentives in hme weatherizatin
prgrams. Multiprnged interventins that cmbined strng
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nancial incentives, attentin t custmer cnvenience and
quality assurance, and strng scial marketing have led t
weatherizatin 20% r mre eligible hmes in a cmmunity
in the rst year a prgramresults ar mre pwerul than
achieved by the same nancial incentives withut strng
nnnancial prgram elements (Stern et al., 1986; Hirst, 1987).
Behaviral research n interventin suggests that the
barriers t husehld behavir change vary with the behavir
and the individual. The mst eective interventins, therere,
are thse that are tailred t the target individual r husehld
r that address all the signicant barriers that matter in a
target ppulatin by cmbining interventin strategies, such as
inrmatin, persnal cmmunicatin, mass-media appeals,
cnvenience, nancial incentives, and ther strategies as the
situatin requires (Gardner & Stern, 2002; McKenzie-Mhr,
2006; Stern, 2008). Many the shrtcmings plicies based
n nly a single interventin type, such as technlgy, ecnmic
incentives, r regulatin, may be surmuntable i plicy
implementers make better use psychlgical knwledge.
Similarly, the shrtcmings cmmunicatin and diusin
instruments can be addressed by cmbining them with ther
plicy instruments. It is pssible t plan eective interventins n
the basis the multiple-barriers principle and cntext-specic
knwledge barriers t a target behaviral change (e.g.,
Matthies & Hansmeier, 2008).
Organizational, policy, and cultural change
Psychlgists have nt yet cnducted much empirical researchrelated t reducing greenhuse gas emissins resulting rm
rganizatinal actins r n psychlgical actrs aecting
change at the levels plicy and culture that can mitigate
climate change. Hwever, individual attitudes, belies, values,
and emtinal reactins can aect rganizatinal and cllective
actins in rms, cmmunities, and gvernments and have
been shwn t aect acceptance plicy measures and
technlgies (e.g., Jakbssn, Fujii, & Gärling, 2000; Clark,
Ktchen, & Mre, 2003; Schade & Schlag, 2003; Nilssn, vn
Brgstede, & Biel, 2004; Steg, Dreijering, & Abrahamse, 2005;Matthies, 2008). In the lnger term, varius rmal and inrmal
educatinal experiences may als cntribute t cultural changes
and increased public supprt r plicies t limit climate change.
only a ew psychlgical studies s ar have examined
energy cnservatin in rganizatins (e.g., Sier, Bakker,
Dekker, & Van Den Burg, 1996; Daamen, Staats, Wilke, &
Engelen, 2001; Griesel, 2004; Matthies & Hansmeier, 2008).
Hwever, a grwing bdy research cncerns the eects
values, attitudes, belies, and wrldviews n public supprt
r and activism abut envirnmental plicies. These studies
shw that public supprt r plicies t limit climate change is
assciated with envirnmental values and wrldviews (Dunlap
& Van Liere, 1978; Dunlap et al., 2000; Stern et al., 1999) and
suggest that erts t rame the climate prblem in terms
widely held supprtive values might increase plicy supprt.
A large bdy psychlgical research n risk perceptin
is als relevant t the public acceptance technlgies that
may signicantly limit climate change (Slvic, 2000; see Sectin
1 this task rce reprt). Past research n perceptins the
risks nuclear pwer and ther technlgies (e.g., Fischh
et al., 1978; Slvic, Flynn, & Layman, 1991) can shed light
n ptential public acceptance large wind energy prjects,
“geengineering” prpsals, bienergy prjects, and ther plicy
prpsals r limiting climate change. Attitudes, belies, and
values als may underlie, as well as be inuenced by, cultural
changes such as the develpment green cmmunities, which
can create scial nrms that shape individual behavir (e.g.,
Kntt, Muers, & Aldridge, 2008).
Emtinal reactins t the threat climate change may
als aect plicy supprt, either psitively r negatively.
Scientists’ warnings abut the dire cnsequences expected rm
unchecked climate change can generate aective respnses
(ear, guilt, despair, sel-directed and ther-directed anger, hpe,
pride) that can in turn aect willingness t act n the inrmatin
The respnses t aect may nt always be as intended, rinstance, when ear appeals backre (. Messages abut the
climate prblem may als be ramed in ways that activate
varius gals and may indirectly aect climate-relevant behavir
(e.g., a hednic gal eeling better right nw, a gain gal
maximizing persnal resurces, r a nrmative gal acting
apprpriately; Lindenberg & Steg, 2007). Such raming eects
may inuence willingness t act bth t limit and adapt t climate
change.
w Pscg C d hp
The abve discussin what has been learned suggests a lng
agenda r uture research. A ew prmising research directins
are listed belw:
Developing behavioral understanding o ESBs
• Analysis of the household-level behaviors that can have
the greatest impact r limiting climate change. Generally,
the highest-impact behavirs invlve investments in
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energy-eicient equipment, particularly uel-eicient
vehicles, hme insulatin, and energy-eicient appliances
(Gardner & Stern, 2008). Hwever, the highest-impact
behavirs are dierent in dierent ppulatins and
cmmunities (climatic regins, urban vs. rural, etc.).
• Analysis of variation in, and barriers to change in,
individual and husehld purchase decisins with majr
climate eects (e.g., purchases hmes and energy-eicient vehicles and appliances).
• Analysis of the barriers to changes in the use of personal
and husehld equipment that culd yield sizable
emissins reductins, such as lwering driving speeds and
slwing acceleratin rm stps; resetting thermstats n
heating and air cnditining systems and water heaters;
and replacing urnace lters.
• Behavioral studies of the determinants of choices by
the suppliers cnsumer prducts that have imprtant
indirect eects climate (e.g., appliance retailers and
installers, hme builders and develpers, hme repair
cntractrs, autmbile dealers). Psychlgical research
can clariy hw the attitudes, belies, knwledge, incentive
structures, and scial and rganizatinal relatinships
these peple aect their chices and, wrking with thers,
use this knwledge t inrm interventins t change
behavir amng these imprtant actrs.
• Studies to quantify the climate eects of household
actins that aect climate indirectly thrugh the prductin
and distributin d and ther husehld prducts.
Existing carbn calculatrs need imprvement (Padgett,
Steinemann, Clarke, & Vandenbergh, 2008). Psychlgists
can help in classiying behavirs and with understanding
their determinants and the barriers and pssibilities r
change.
• Studies to improve understanding of the bases for public
supprt and ppsitin t technlgies and plicies
prpsed r limiting climate change.
Developing and testing interventions to limit
climate change:
• Testing information and communication campaigns for
changing husehld equipment use and travel behavir
(e.g., eedback mechanisms and tls, appeals t scial
and persnal nrms, cmmunity-based prgrams).
• Studies exploring the most eective uses of
cmmunicatin and diusin instruments and prgram
implementatin methds t imprve the eectiveness
nancial incentives r energy-eicient investments.
• Studies to explore human factors design options for
imprving the attractiveness t users energy eiciency
and energy inrmatin technlgies.
• Intervention studies aimed at important understudied
individual behavirs (e.g., travel mde chice, appliance
purchases, vehicle driving behavir).
• Studies of community-based eorts to diuse climate-
riendly technlgies and practices and t establish and
enrce scial nrms.
• Evaluation research addressed to intervention programs to
limit climate change.
Working with others
Many these lines research wuld invlve psychlgists
in wrk with gvernment agencies, utility cmpanies, andtechnical experts in designing and evaluating specic practical
interventins (e.g., human actrs designed r eedback
devices and displays; designing and testing better rating and
labeling systems r energy eiciency and carbn tprint
r cnsumers; designing the implementatin incentive
prgrams). Psychlgists can be invlved as cnsultants and
as members evaluatin teams. There is increasing interest in
these kinds cllabratins amng gvernment agencies in the
United States and Eurpe.
Psychlgy can help in the develpment and
implementatin new technlgies that can reduce GHG
emissins by imprving energy eiciency, prviding GHG-ree
energy surces, and redesigning human settlements. A ew
examples illustrate the pssibilities. S-called smart meters
are being designed mainly t meet needs energy supply
cmpanies, but they culd als prvide very valuable energy-
use eedback t cnsumers i they had the apprpriate displays
and human actrs design. Zer-energy buildings are nw being
develped and tested r their engineering characteristics, but
i they are t apprach their technical ptential, they need t be
designed s that ccupants will nt cunteract the engineering,
as many husehlds nw d with prgrammable thermstats.
Similar issues arise with the design “green” cmmunities,
i they are ever t becme attractive t mre than cmmitted
envirnmentalists. Psychlgy can help with these design
issues, which require an interdisciplinary apprach r ptimal
eect.
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on the energy supply side, psychlgy has already
cntributed t understanding the bases public reactins t
nuclear pwer develpment (e.g., Slvic et al., 1991) and green
electricity (Clark et al., 2003), as well as t develp prcesses
t better inrm decisins abut risky r hazardus technlgies
(Natinal Research Cuncil, 1989, 1996, 2008). Similar issues
are sure t arise in cming years ver the many prpsals
being advanced t address the climate prblem by expanding
nuclear pwer prductin, building large wind and bimass
energy systems, capturing emissins rm cal burning and
sequestering them in gelgical rmatins, engineering new
rganisms t capture carbn dixide rm the air and turn it int
uel, and s rth. Psychlgists can wrk with ther scientists
t anticipate public cncerns and develp prcesses by which
sciety can cnduct inrmed debate abut whether and hw t
prceed with such prpsals and hw t weigh their risks and
benets (Natinal Research Cuncil, 2009).
Psychlgy can als help with cused research related t
lnger-run strategies r limiting climate change. Tw examples
will illustrate. Calirnia and sme ther states are beginning
t mandate that new buildings will use “zer net energy”
technlgies (cmmercial buildings by 2020; residential by
2030). Engineers and architects are designing buildings t have
the desired energy prperties, but they will nt becme the nrm
unless peple want t buy and ccupy them. Psychlgists
can wrk with building design pressinals t study peple’s
reactins t designs and prttypes and develp designs that
will be attractive as well as technlgically advanced. Similarpprtunities arise with designs at the cmmunity level t reduce
the need r mtrized travel in new cmmunities, with ptential
benets r public health as well as the envirnment. These
designs will require numerus changes in peple’s daily rutines
and perhaps in their scial relatinships, and these changes
culd be made mre r less attractive by design chices. T
make new designs practical and attractive, research is needed
n peple’s respnses t a new gegraphy cmmunities.
In additin t the abve research areas cused n airlyspecic questins, there remains a need r mre undamental
psychlgical research related t limiting climate change. Fr
example, it is cmmnly remarked that a culture cnsumptin
underlies demand r energy-using gds and servicesbut a
much mre nuanced understanding cnsumptin is needed t
inrm change.
As nted abve, ecnmic cnsumptin is nt the same
as envirnmental cnsumptin$500 spent n cmputer
stware has a much dierent eect n the climate than $500
spent n an airline ticketeven thugh they are the same in
ecnmic accunts. Peple’s wantst visit their amilies, heat
their hmes, impress their neighbrs, and s nare related t
energy use nly indirectly, thrugh the technlgies available
t ulll them. Psychlgical research can help unpack the idea
cnsumptin and can eventually help identiy ways t satisy
peple’s needs while reducing GHG emissins. It may als
help by building undamental understanding hw peple’s
desires changea line knwledge that may becme critically
imprtant in the lnger run.
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Psychlgy has imprtant cntributins t make tward
understanding, limiting, and cping with climate change.These cntributins can be develped rm knwledge
and cncepts in many subelds psychlgy and enhanced by
cllabratins with psychlgists wrldwide and with a number
ptential stakehlders, including cmmunity members,
plicymakers and clleagues rm ther elds, including
the natural and scial sciences. Belw we summarize sme
characteristics assciated with psychlgy and the research that
has been cnducted that are useul r prgress t be made n
climate change, discuss the imprtance attending t crss-
cultural issues and ther rms human diversity, and discussways that psychlgists can maximize their ability t meet the
challenge climate change.
Pscgc appc Sg C Cg
There are several qualities assciated with psychlgical
appraches t understanding and appraching scial prblems
and issues that make them valuable r advancing sciety’s
ability t address the glbal prblem climate change andits eects. These qualities include, but are nt limited t the
llwing: Psychlgy prvides a theretically and empirically
based understanding human behavir at the individual level
analysis.
Psychlgists, alng with ther scial science disciplines,
have lng recgnized the imprtance and interrelatins
amng prximal (e.g., the presence thers, structures
neighbrhds) and distal (e.g., cultural and ecnmic)
predictrs behavirs. Psychlgical research methdsuncver individual, interpersnal, and scial rces capable
changing human behavir that are nt therwise clearly
r widely understd. Psychlgists are well-psitined t
design, implement, and assess interventins t amelirate the
psychscial impacts climate change. These qualities have
resulted in literature and research that is already use by
thers, thugh mre culd be dne.
Pscg’s rsc CsThis reprt illustrates many ways that psychlgists can
cntribute t understanding and respnding t glbal climate
change.
• Psychology can help illuminate how people form
understandings the risks climate change and hw
thse understandings aect individual’s cncerns and
respnses.
• Psychologists can help clarify and identify interrelations
amng individual (e.g., belies, skills, needs) and
cntextual (e.g., structural, scial, cultural) predictrs
ppulatin grwth and ecnmic and envirnmental
cnsumptin.
• Psychologists can describe behaviorally based links
between ppulatin grwth, cnsumptin and climate
change.
• Psychologists can identify psychosocial impacts of climate
change including: a) emtinal, cgnitive and behaviral
Summary and diSCuSSion
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respnses t anticipated threats and experienced impacts,
b) mental health utcmes, and c) scial and cmmunity
impacts.
• Psychologists can explain how stress and coping
respnses mderate and mediate the psychscial
impacts climate change and the ability individuals and
grups t respnd adaptively.
• Psychologists can help identify structural, cultural,
institutinal, cgnitive, and emtinal barriers inhibiting
behaviral change and prpse methds r vercming
them.
• Psychologists can provide empirically supported models
behavirs that drive climate change and help design
eective and culturally relevant behavir change prgrams.
• Psychologists can help understand public and
rganizatinal behavir that cntributes t eective
scietal respnses t climate change,• Psychologists can assist in the design of eective
technlgies and inrmatin systems r respnding t
climate change by applying their knwledge cgnitin,
cmmunicatin, and human actrs engineering.
C h ds
An imprtant cnsideratin in a review paper such as this is
t reect n the representativeness and selectivity bth
the authrs and the research cvered. We cme rm diverseareas psychlgy and represent ur cuntries. We have
tried very hard t retain a mre glbal cus and crss-
disciplinary cllabrative rientatin, given ur cus n glbal
climate change and the need r psychlgy t have a mre
cllabrative invlvement in addressing the challenges climate
change. Yet, it can be argued that the dcument is primarily
representative research rm Nrth America and Eurpe
and shares general wrldviews and assumptins rm these
perspectives.
It is imprtant that cntinued research in this dmain be inclusive
the diversity human experiences. Varius understandings
and respnses t climate change will be inuenced by ne’s
wrldview, culture, and scial identities. Much research in
ther disciplines has taken place in regins the wrld such
as Arica, Asia, the Andes, and Alaska, where climate change
impacts are ar mre evident and salient. Lcal ppulatins
in these areas have cultural vantage pints, ecnmies, and
liestyles ar remved rm the largely urban-based, highly
industrialized, human settings much Nrth America and
Eurpe. The inuence the mass media and cntemprary
inrmatin technlgies vary cnsiderably acrss regins the
wrld. There is als diversity within all cuntries that is imprtant
t cnsider that reect demgraphic grup membership scial
identities, and intersectinality identity grup membership.
Intersectins between grups are imprtant t attend t
because, r instance, gender dierences in experiences with
climate change and climate change respnses can vary by race,
ethnicity, age, disabilities, religin, etc.
In the cntexts bth climate change adaptatin and mitigatin
cultural cntexts and dierences may prve t be sme the
mst imprtant cnsideratins t be addressed in the human
dimensins glbal climate change. Fr example, cultural
cnsideratins will be critical in prviding suitable interventins
and resurces r cmmunities experiencing dramatic
upheavals, such as ppulatin relcatins, as a result glbal
climate change.
Further, dierent cultural grups are likely t have strengths
and insights that can ptentially advance ur understanding the
human drivers climate change, its impacts, and means
respnding t it. Crss-cultural psychlgy is can cntribute t
cllabrative initiatives that inrm respnses t climate change
with cultural understanding.
ec CssRecgnitin the psychscial impacts climate change
prmpts a cnsideratin ptential ethical imperatives r
psychlgists and psychlgical plicy. APA ethical standards
prvide a ramewrk r understanding mtivatins r
psychlgists’ invlvement in this tpic. As with ther tpics n
which the American Psychlgical Assciatin (APA) has taken
a stand (e.g., pverty, discriminatin), climate change becmes
a cncern r psychlgists because it is likely t have prund
impacts n human well-being and because the anthrpgenic
causes climate change mean that human behaviral changeis required t address it. In additin, the magnitude and
irrevcability climate change demands ur attentin i we
are t cntinue t study and prmte healthy psychlgical
unctining.
The ethics cde the APA sets the standard pressinal
cnduct and training r psychlgists and cntains aspiratinal
guidelines as well as enrceable standards (Barnett & Jhnsn,
2008). While the cde serves “t guide and inspire psychlgists
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tward the very highest ethical ideals the pressin”
(American Psychlgical Assciatin, 2002), there is n explicit
reerence in the ethics cde t the natural envirnment r the
inuence eclgical and bisystemic variables n human
health. The cde’s general ethical principles, hwever, reveal
ptential guidelines r psychlgists’ invlvement in the tpic
climate change. Fr example:
• Ethical Principle A, Benecence and Nonmalecence,recgnizes a cre value the pressin, that psychlgists
strive t benet thse with whm they wrk and take care t
d n harm. Because the prcess glbal climate change
presents bth direct and delayed threats t individual and
cmmunity health, including mental health, we recmmend
that climate change be cnsidered an apprpriate arena r
psychlgical examinatin and interventin.
• Ethical Principle B, Fidelity and Responsibility, highlights the
pressinal and scientic respnsibilities psychlgists t
sciety and t the specic cmmunities in which they wrk,and, thus, the need t cnsider the psychlgical and scial
implicatins climate change as a cus interventin,
plicy, and research.
• Ethical Principle D, Fairness and Justice, reminds us that
all persns are entitled t access and benet rm the
cntributins psychlgy and prvides a basis r addressing
scial justice issues, such as disparities and the ptential r
intergrup cnict, inherent in climate change impacts. This
principle als stresses that psychlgists exercise reasnable
judgment and recgnize the bundaries their cmpetenceessential in dealing with nvel and cmplex interdisciplinary
issues like glbal climate change.
• Ethical Principle E, Respect for People’s Rights and Dignity,
recgnizes the ptential need r special saeguards t prtect
the rights and welare persns r cmmunities wh may
be mst vulnerable, in this case recgnizing that sme are
particularly vulnerable t climate change impacts. Principle E
als mandates attentin t cultural and individual dierences
regarding perspectives n human-nature relatins, livelihd
and basic needs, and prper behavir tward the natural
envirnment.
mzg Pscg’s C Scc C Cg
Specic research recmmendatins can be und at the end
each the literature review sectins abve. Here we discuss
the issue hw psychlgists can maximize their cntributin
t the brader science climate change. Psychlgists can
be dramatically mre eective i they cnnect psychlgical
wrk t cncepts develped in the brader climate research
cmmunity and cllabrate with scientists rm ther elds.
Althugh psychlgists have been ding wrk n climate change
and related subjects r decades and the discipline has a unique
perspective and bdy knwledge t cntribute, the relevance
psychlgical cntributins is nt yet established r widely
accepted. We recmmend that psychlgists adpt the llwing
principles t maximize the value and use psychlgical
cncepts, research, and perspectives r understanding the
causes and impacts climate change and inrming eective
respnses t climate change:
1. Use the shared language and concepts o the climate
research community where possible and explain dierences
in use o language between psychology and this community.
Anthrpgenic climate change is an interdisciplinary issue
with a develping interdisciplinary language. Fr example, in
this dcument we use language climatlgists have used t
discuss human interactins with climate change in terms
human cntributins r drivers, impacts r cnsequences,
and respnses. Being knwledgeable and sensitive
t language and cncepts used by thers and using this
language and cncepts when apprpriate and pssible can
aid cmmunicatin. Thus, we advise adpting current usage
thers’ terms when pssible t aid in cmmunicatin.
Hwever, dierences between psychlgists’ and ther elds’
usages certain terms and cnstructs can als be critical. Ia psychlgist believes that reliance n the usual language
climate research wuld result in cnusin r a lss meaning
r clarity, it is imprtant t be explicit abut dierences in usage.
Further, attending t language dierences can help reveal
dierences in assumptins and appraches t understanding
climate change. Fr example, the term adaptation is ne that
has varying usages acrss disciplines that reect dierent
understandings human respnses. Clariying such dierences
is ne way psychlgists can help imprve verall understanding climate change, cmmunicatin between disciplines, and their
wn appraches t climate change.
2. Make connections to research and concepts rom other
social, engineering, and natural science felds. The eects
psychlgical variables smetimes depend n variables
that are mre thrughly understd in ther elds, and vice
versa. Fr example, the eectiveness inrmatin and
persuasin n GHG emitting behavirs depends n the csts
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energy and the technical prperties energy-eicient
equipment. Further, a thrugh understanding the ptential
psychlgical cntributins t research and respnses
t climate change shuld take int accunt knwledge rm
ther scial sciences, such as scilgy, plitical science,
cmmunicatins research, and ecnmics, as well as
thse rm engineering, cnsumer prduct manuacturing
and distributin, and ther elds. Fr example, individuals’
understandings climate change depend n the peratin
psychlgical prcesses n inrmatin presented by
mass media, and are best understd by cmbining cncepts
rm psychlgy, cmmunicatins research, and ther scial
science elds. By the same tken, understanding human
drivers climate change, the impact climate change n
humans, and the eectiveness instruments that are central
t ther disciplines cannt be ully understd withut an
appreciatin psychlgical and scial prcesses.
3. Present psychological insights in terms o missing pieces
in climate change analyses. Psychlgists can prvide
climate researchers rm ther disciplines with psychlgical
cnstructs that are relevant r understanding prblems
thse ther disciplines already recgnize and can crrect
misunderstandings and misuse psychlgical cnstructs
when these are encuntered. Fr instance, they can
describe hw psychlgical prcesses risk perceptin and
stress management may alter peple’s willingness t make
anticipatry adaptatins t climate risks. As anther example,
disciplines vary in their tendency t cus n dierent levels analysis. Psychlgists can prvide insights int the
useulness and imprtance including psychlgical levels
analysis within climate change research.
4. Present the contributions o psychology in relation important
challenges to climate change and climate response. Within
psychlgical research, ndings are typically presented in
terms statistical signicance r eect size in behaviral
terms (the percentage peple whse behavir changed r
the amunt that change in requency r duratin). Whatmatters r the interdisciplinary climate issue is the strength
eects r causes in envirnmental terms. Fr example, a
gd indicatr the imprtance psychlgical variables r
understanding human cntributins t climate change is the
amunt GHG emissins they can explain. This depends n
the cmbined eects behavir explained and the impact
the behavir n emissins. A gd indicatr the imprtance
psychlgical variables r understanding human
cnsequences climate change is the extent t which majr
r widespread human cnsequences can be linked thrugh
these variables t the anticipatin r experience specic
aspects climate change.
A gd indicatr the imprtance psychlgical variables
r aecting climate respnses is the amunt GHG emissins
r impact reductin that can be achieved by interventins that
manipulate r aect thse variables.
5. Prioritize issues and behaviors recognized as important
climate change causes, consequences, or responses.
Fr example, in develping and describing psychlgical
cntributins t erts t mitigate climate change, emphasis
shuld be placed n changes that have large ptential eects
n emissins (e.g., reducing greenhuse gas emissins
rm persnal travel) in preerence t changes that have
smaller ptential eects (e.g., recycling husehld waste).
I ndings abut lwer-impact kinds behavir are deemed
imprtant, the imprtance shuld be described in terms
the implicatins r climate change verall, perhaps by
making the case that a principle established in studies lw-
impact behavirs is generalizable t higher-impact behavirs.
Similarly, in studying psychlgical cnsequences climate
change, psychlgists shuld be prepared t indicate the
brader imprtance and relevance these cnsequences.
Fr instance, the imprtance emtinal r aective
respnses may need t be explained t thse utside
psychlgy. This culd ptentially be dne in terms hw
these respnses inuence risk perceptins and subsequentwillingness t change behavirs r supprt plicies, hw
debilitating mental health utcmes aect preparatin r
r respnse t the impacts climate change, r hw the
magnitude these utcmes cmpares t the magnitude
ther scial phenmena.
6. Be cognizant o the possibility that psychological phenomena
are context dependent. Psychlgical principles are ten
established within narrwly dened cntexts: labratry
experiments, small-scale eld experiments, surveys particular ppulatins, and s rth. T apply these principles
t climate change, ne needs t take seriusly a set
questins abut external validity, such as whether the
principles are applicable in ther cultures r ecnmies,
in places with very dierent physical inrastructures r
gvernment regulatins, r in vastly changed technlgical
cntexts that might appear a generatin in the uture. Fr
example, studies have demnstrated the eectiveness
interventins t change cmmuting behavir and energy
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use amng cllege students. Withut urther research and
analysis, it is nt pssible t knw hw much these ndings
are a unctin the interventin alne as ppsed t an
interactin the interventin and the cntext (e.g., drmitry
living, lw incme, yung single ppulatin, availability
mass transit, etc.).
Wider scial cntexts, such as the cuntry r culture in which
research is cnducted can als ptentially inuence ndings.
Psychlgists shuld be careul nt t claim that their ndings
have general applicability withut evidence r strng thery t
supprt such claims.
7. Be explicit about whether psychological principles and
best practices have been established in climate-relevant
contexts. As an example, the t-in-the-dr eect has been
established in many psychlgical experiments. Inducing
a small behaviral change ten sets in mtin changes
in attitude r sel-perceptin that lead, ver time, t larger
behaviral changes. The phenmenn has sme generality,
and it has been argued n that basis that erts t change
behavirs with small envirnmental impacts (e.g., recycling)
will therere lead t changes in mre envirnmentally
cnsequential behavirs (e.g., travel mde chice). But this
is reasning by analgy that has nt been tested empirically
with the behavirs mentined, and available evidence
raises questins abut such “spillver” eects (Crmptn
& Thøgersn, 2009). It is imprtant t be explicit abut the
extent t which psychlgical phenmena being discussedhave been shwn t perate in climate-relevant cntexts and,
i this has nt been shwn, abut the kinds extraplatin
that are being made rm cntexts in which the phenmena
have been established. In cnsidering the psychlgical
cnsequences climate change, extraplatin is usually
necessary because, except r the cnsequences warnings
abut climate change, the mst signicant cnsequences lie
in the uture. Such extraplatins shuld be explicit abut their
evidence base and its likely applicability t prjected uture
events.
8. Be mindul o social disparities and ethical and justice
issues that interace with climate change. C limate change,
adaptatin, and mitigatin respnses have the ptential
t have dierent impacts n dierent ppulatins (e.g.,
demgraphic and cultural grups). Further, dierent
ppulatins may have dierent scial cnstructins the
meaning climate change. Dierent cultural meanings and
scial justice cncerns are imprtant t address in rder t
recgnize the limits ne’s research and be able t speak
t and be heard by dierent ppulatins. Further, attending t
scial and cultural dierences can ptentially urther research
by suggesting new ways thinking abut basic psychlgical
prcesses and new ways addressing climate change.
In sum, a psychlgical perspective is crucial t understanding
the prbable eects climate change, reducing the human
drivers climate change, and enabling eective scial
adaptatin. By summarizing the relevant psychlgical research,
we hpe nt nly t enhance recgnitin the imprtant rle
psychlgy by bth psychlgists and nnpsychlgists,
but als t encurage psychlgists t be mre aware the
relevance glbal climate change t ur pressinal interests
and enable them t make mre the cntributins the discipline
can er.
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FIGURE 1: Schematic ramewrk anthrpgenic climate
change drivers, impacts, and respnses (rm IPCC,
2007a)
FIGURE 2: Psychlgical perspectives n anthrpgenic climate
change drivers, impacts, and respnses
FIGURE 3: Lcatin 81 hazards in a tw-dimensinal space
derived by actr analysis rm the intercrrelatins 15 risk characteristics Each actr is made up
a cmbinatin characteristics, as indicated by the
lwer diagram (Slvic, 1987).
FIGURE 4: The relatin between ppulatin and Co2
emissins
Numbers in the graph represent cuntries used in the
analyses (Dietz & Rsa, 1997).
FIGURE 5: The relatin between per capita afuence and Co2
emissins Numbers in the graph represent cuntries
used in the analyses (Dietz & Rsa, 1997).
FIGURE 6: Wrld ppulatin size and annual increments: 8000
BC t 2050 AD (prjectins based n medium ertility
assumptin; United Natins, 1998)
FIGURE 7: Examples predictrs and climate-change relevant
cnsequences envirnmental cnsumptin
FIGURE 8: Psychlgical prcesses that inuence cping with
climate change.
TABLE: Types behavirs and examples
liSt o iGureS table
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ac () sss: An immediate state arusal
during which a persn eels that he r she des nt have the
resurces available t meet the demands placed upn him r
her.
ap ( c cg): Adjustment t climate change,
by individuals, human systems (husehld, cmmunity, grup,
regin, sectr, cuntry) and/r natural systems, that mderatesharm r explits benecial pprtunity.
ap cpc ( c cg): Having the ability and
resurces (psychlgical, scial, cmmunity, ecnmic, etc.) t
adjust t, adapt t, and cpe with the impacts climate change.
ajs: Changing ne’s situatin r lie circumstances
t achieve a desired utcme in relatin t ne’s perceptin
threats and changing circumstances, particularly thrugh
direct actin and/r alteratin ne’s immediate envirnment.
oten adjustment is cntrasted with adaptatin, with the rmeremphasizing external changes and the latter emphasizing
internal respnses.
apgc: Made by peple r resulting rm human
activities. Usually used in the cntext emissins that are
prduced as a result human activities.
a s: Theretical appraches cncerning
individuals’ explanatins r why an event ccurred and/r wh
was respnsible r causing it. These theries examine the
kinds inrmatin peple use t determine causality, the kinds
causes they distinguish, and the rules and psychlgical
prcesses that lead rm inrmatin t inerred cause.
bp: “Psitive emtin tward, interest in, r a wish t
ailiate with living things.” The ppsite biphbia (Claytn &Myers, 2009, p. 207).
Cc () sss: A lng lasting state arusal
during which a persn eels that he r she desn’t have the
resurces available t meet the demands placed upn him r
her.
C: The mean and variability , r instance, temperature,
precipitatin, clud cver, and wind r bradly the state
the atmsphere (gaseus envelpe surrunding the earth),
hydrsphere (water n the surace the earth), crysphere
(snw, ice, and permarst n and beneath the surace the
earth and cean), land surace, and bisphere (ecsystems and
rganisms living in the atmsphere, land, and ceans).
C cg: In IPCC usage reers t any change in climate
ver time, whether due t natural variability r as a result
human activity. This usage diers rm that in the Framewrk
Cnventin n Climate Change, where climate change reers t a
GloSSary
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change climate that is attributed directly r indirectly t human
activity that is in additin t natural climate variability bserved
ver cmparable time perids.
Cc cpg: Scial-based cping strategies such as
cmmunity respnses t draughts.
Cc fcc: A cllective’s r grup’s perceptin its
ability and capacity t meet envirnmental demands. (JR)
Cs ( g cs, sc
): one type scial dilemma in which an individual r
grup verexplits a cmmnly shared resurce.
Ccss : A sense an emtinal bnd with
the natural envirnment.
Cs pscg: A eld psychlgy that attempts
t apply psychlgical methds and theries t understand the
human relatinship t the natural envirnment and t prmte
envirnmentally sustainable behavir.
Cpg: The prcess managing specic external (e.g.,
envirnmental) pressures and/r internal demands that are
appraised as taxing r exceeding the resurces the persn.
Cpg ppss: Appraising r evaluating cping respnses
ne might make t the stressr in terms , r example, sel-
eicacy, the ability t carry ut the cping respnse, r respnse-eicacy, the likelihd that the respnse will have the desired
utcme.
Cpg spss: Behavirs, cgnitins, and regulatry
mechanisms that a persn uses t respnd t a stressr. Cping
respnses may be aimed at managing and reslving a stressr
r at amelirating its negative emtinal r bdily eects, r
example by re-appraising the signicance r persnal relevance
a threat r by cnrnting the perceived cause the prblem.
(JR)
Cpg scs: Prperties individuals (e.g., sel-eicacy),
their scial envirnment (e.g., scial supprt), and physical
envirnmental resurces (e.g., privacy ardances) that enable
them t respnd t stressrs.
dp cg: “A philsphical psitin that encurages a
sense identity that transcends the individual and encmpasses
the ecsystem, striving r a sense similarity r shared
cmmunity with the rest nature” Claytn & Myers, 2009, p.
208).
dscp s: Descriptins what mst peple d.
dscs: Extended discussin a tpic via written r verbal
cmmunicatin.
dscg: The tendency t reduce the imprtance
an utcme with greater ‘distance’ (temprally, scially,
gegraphically, and prbabilistically).
ecc csp: Paying r gds and services.
ecg: The reciprcal relatinship amng all rganisms and
their bilgical and physical envirnments. (JR)
ecgc Pscg: “Thery and research abut hw
individual experience (particularly perceptin) is cnstituted by
intimate and ten bilgically entrenched relatins t cnstant
envirnmental patterns” (Claytn & Myers, 2009, p. 210).
ecpscg: A amily hlistic appraches t
understanding human-nature relatinships and eclgical
degradatin, ten applying therapeutic theries and metaphrs
and using experiential methds. Als, psychtherapy based n a
link between mental and eclgical well-being.
e csp: The use gds and servicesthat directly inuence the envirnment.
e g s: The gradual lss
knwledge abut what shuld cmpse a healthy ecsystem,
as each generatin experiences a new level envirnmental
degradatin as the baseline against which changes are
assessed.
e zs: Extreme events r substances in
the earth and its eclgical system that may cause adverseeects t humans and things they value. Envirnmental hazards
include gephysical and meterlgical phenmena such as
earthquakes, drughts, and hurricanes, ten called ‘natural
hazards,’ as well as pllutin prblems and ther ‘technlgical’
hazards.
e : A sense emtinal and cnceptual
interdependence with nature; a belie that the natural
envirnment is imprtant t ne’s sel-cncept.
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e s: “The prduct a hazard and the likelihd
its ccurring, using a simple rmula that denes a risk as the
prduct the prbability an event and its severity measured
in terms the ppulatin expsed, and the nature the
cnsequences” (Liverman, 2001, p. 4656).
e pscg: The study the transactins
between individuals and their physical settings. In these
transactins, individuals cllectively impact the built and natural
envirnment, and the built and natural envirnment impacts
them. Envirnmental psychlgy includes thery, research,
and practice aimed at better understanding and imprving ur
relatinship with the natural envirnment.
e sgc (eSb): Behavirs
that change the availability materials r energy rm the
envirnment r alters the structure and dynamics ecsystems
r the bisphere itsel. other behavirs are envirnmentally
signicant indirectly, by shaping the cntext in which chices are
made that directly cause envirnmental change.
e Sss: Adverse individual and cmmunity
impacts as a result bth acute and chrnic envirnmental
stressrs including multiple and interacting stressrs in the
extended envirnment (e.g., nise, crwding, traic cngestin,
pllutin, cntaminatin, natural and technlgical disaster
events, and envirnmental threat.) (JR)
cg: Any impsed mechanism that rces climate t change.Natural rcing climate change results rm vlcanic eruptins
and slar variability; human-made r anthrpgenic rcing
climate change cmes rm behavirs that inuence the
emissins greenhuse gases.
G g: Literally ne the mre salient and
cnsequential impacts and mediating prcesses current glbal
climate change, but used by many, particularly in Nrth America,
as a synnymus expressin r glbal climate change.
Gs fc: The warming the planet via the
absrptin inrared radiatin by the earth’s atmsphere. The
eect is similar t hw a plant warms when it is encased in a
huse glass r hw a blanket traps bdy heat. It prvides
that the average surace temperature the earth warms t 15
degrees Centigrade (59F). Greenhuse gases absrb thermal
radiatin emitted rm the earth’s surace and then reradiate this
energy back t the surace the earth – allwing temperatures
t be signicantly warmer than they wuld be in the absence
an atmsphere.
Gs gss: Gases in the atmsphere that cause
the Earth t retain thermal energy by absrbing inrared light
emitted by Earth’s surace. The mst imprtant greenhuse
gases are water vapur, carbn dixide, methane, nitrus xide,
and varius articial chemicals such as chlrurcarbns.
All but the latter are naturally ccurring, but human activity
ver the last several centuries has signicantly increased the
amunts carbn dixide, methane, and nitrus xide in Earth’s
atmsphere, causing glbal warming and glbal climate change.
h: A decrease in respnse t repeated stimulatin.
Respnse decrements due t altered sensitivity receptrs are
ten termed receptr adaptatin.
ig P C Cg (iPCC): The
main internatinal bdy established in 1988 by the Wrld
Meterlgical organizatin and the United Natins Envirnment
Prgram t assess climate change science and prvide advice t
the internatinal cmmunity. The IPCC is an internatinal grup
scientists wh summarize the current understanding climate
change and predict hw climate may evlve. The purpse the
IPCC reprts is t give plicymakers and ther interested parties
an in-depth, authritative view the state scientic knwledge
abut climate change, making pssible mre-inrmed climate-
related decisins. The IPCC des nt recmmend specic
plicies, but is restricted t describing scientic knwledge andits limitatins.
mg: With regard t climate change, any human actin
that reduces the surces r enhances the sinks greenhuse
gases. Emissins can be decreased by a variety means such
as lwering energy demands, making existing energy systems
mre eicient, increasing the cntributin renewable rms
energy prductin, and arestatin r stpping derestatin.
Pc c: Emtinal attachment t a place, which mayinclude the extent t which ne is dependent n that place t ul
ne’s gals.
Pc : The cmpnent identity that is assciated with
a particular lcale.
Pscp s: A descriptin behavirs that ne shuld
engage in as rmulated by ne’s reerence grup r the wider
sciety r culture.
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Pc cpg: Practive cping is a rm anticipatry
cping in which anticipatin and planning play imprtant rles.
Pscgc ap: Internal adjustment t envirnmental
changes and disruptins, thrugh the management individual’s
cgnitive and emtinal respnses t perceived threats
and changing circumstances. In terms climate change,
psychlgical adaptatin can include cgnitive reappraisal, the
use prtectin mtivatin strategies, and erts at emtinregulatin.
Pscsc pcs: The cnsequences an intrduced
interventin r natural change in the envirnment. Psychscial
impacts ccur at the level individual r shared experience
(e.g., husehlds r cmmunity) and entail cnsequences such
as distress r anxiety, heightened envirnmental cncerns, and
ptimism r pessimism abut the uture.
rcc: “Resistance t bvius attempts at behaviral
cntrl, usually by ding the reverse the behavir that isdesired” (Claytn & Myers, 2009, p. 211).
rsc (Pscgc): Individual, cllective, r grup
patterns successul adaptatin (in the cntext signicant
risk r adversity.) Enduring the temprary upheaval lss r
ptentially traumatic events remarkably well, with n apparent
disruptin in ability t unctin, and mving n t new challenges
with apparent ease. Resilience typically arises rm the peratin
cmmn human adaptatin systems rather than rm rare r
extrardinary prcesses.
rsc (C cg, ss c): The ability
a system t respnd and recver rm disasters. It includes
inherent cnditins that allw the system t absrb impacts, cpe
with an event, re-rganize and change in respnse t a threat.
rs s: Envirnments whse qualities
reduce stress and restre cgnitive abilities. Natural
envirnments have been shwn t be particularly eective at this.
rs: A situatin r event in which smething human value
(including humans themselves) has been put at stake and where
the utcme is uncertain.
rs pps: Individual r public subjective evaluatins the
magnitude, prbability, r persnal vulnerability t a perceived
risk.
rs ssss: A mre rmal and bjective assessment
risk by experts, against established criteria, t an envirnment,
envirnmental attribute, r cmmunity r grup peple (e.g.,
Gird, 2007; o’Rirdan, 1995). (JR)
rs pcp: Subjective belie (whether ratinal r irratinal)
held by an individual, grup, r sciety abut the chance
ccurrence a risk r abut the extent, timing, r cnsequences
its eect(s).
Sc p: Cntinually adjusting grup r cmmunity-
level respnses t cncerns and perceptins threats and
changing circumstances. Examples include grup level sense-
making, adjusting explanatins, respnsibility attributins, meta-
narratives, shared accunts and scial cnstructins climate
change as a risk dmain.
Sc pc s: The intensicatin perceptins
risk and its management via cmmunicatin prcesses
including the way that risk signals (images, signs, symbls) aredisseminated via psychlgical, scial, institutinal, r cultural
prcesses. The theretical starting pint is that the assumptin
that ‘risk events’ which might include actual r hypthesised
accidents and incidents (r even news reprts n existing risks),
will be largely irrelevant r lcalised in their impact unless human
beings bserve and cmmunicate them t thers.
Sc : A situatin in which the pursuit individual’s
gals cnict with cllective gals.
Sc ps: “Systems values, ideas and practices”
that “enable individuals t rientate themselves in their material
and scial wrld and t master it” and “enable cmmunicatin
t take place amngst members a cmmunity by prviding
them with a cde r scial exchange and a cde r naming and
classiying unambiguusly the varius aspects their wrld and
their individual and grup histry.” Scial representatins are
built n shared knwledge and understanding cmmn reality.
In the cntext climate change, scial representatins include
media cverage, articles, bks, magazines, dcumentary andppular culture lms, research ndings, cllective knwledge,
and public discurse abut climate change and its nature,
causes and cnsequences.
Sss: “Cnditins threat, demands, r structural
cnstraints that, by the very act their ccurrence existence,
call int questin the perating integrity the rganism”
(Wheatn, 1996, p. 32).
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Ss p: Develpment that meets the
needs the present withut cmprmising the ability uture
generatins t meet their wn needs.
Sc cpg: The prcess apprpriating the nvel and
unamiliar in rder t make it intelligible and cmmunicable. This
includes sense-making such as naming the nvel and attributing
characteristics which allw the phenmenn t be talked abut.
In this understanding symblic cping is the cllective activity
a grup struggling t maintain the integrity its wrldview which
is als crucial r scial identity.
t pps: Evaluating the extent t which an upcming
situatin exceeds the perceptins abilities r resurces
needed t cpe. Threat appraisals dier rm challenge
appraisals where ne anticipates that ne has suicient abilities
and resurces needed t cpe and diers rm harm/lss
appraisals that ccur ater an event ccurs.
u ns C C Cg:
An internatinal envirnmental treaty set ut t reduce emissins
greenhuse gases in rder t cmbat glbal climate change. It
was agreed upn at the Earth Summit, staged in Ri de Janeir,
Brazil, in June 1992.
v (C cg): The extent t which systems
and individuals are susceptible t, and unable t cpe with,
adverse eects climate change. Vulnerability is a unctin
the characteristics climate change impacts (e.g., its magnitudeand rate change) and variatin in systems and individuals
(e.g., degree expsure t climate change impacts, individual
and cmmunity adaptive capacity, and cnnectedness t
cmmunities).
w: “An integrated set belies abut what is real, what
is knwable, what is valuable, and what it means t be human,
typically learned as part a cultural scializatin” (Claytn &
Myers, 2009, p. 212).
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