A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
A Contour Tone Chain Shiftin Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Lucien Carroll ([email protected])
Workshop on East Asian LinguisticsUC Santa BarbaraFebruary 20, 2010
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
1 Jinhua sandhi in contextSociolinguistics of JinhuaIsolation tone systemTone sandhiConditions for change
2 A sociotonetic studyData collection and processingSpeaker similaritiesSandhi contours are shifting
3 Conclusions
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Jinhua sandhi in context
Sociolinguistics of Jinhua
Inland southern Wu
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Hangzhou
Nanjing
● Shanghai
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Huzhou
Taizhou
Jiaxing
Lishui
Ningbo
Quzhou
Shaoxing
Suzhou
Wenzhou
Wuxi
Xuanzhou
Yongkang Tangxi
●
Jinhua
100 km
Figure: Wu is spoken in Shanghai, mostof Zhejiang, and neighboring corners ofAnhui and Jiangsu.
Inland Wu area charac-terized by:
High lexical andphonologicalvariation
Complicated tonalphonology
Language attritionin youngestgeneration
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Jinhua sandhi in context
Isolation tone system
Tone categories and contours
Table: Tone categories of Jinhua (of generation born ca. 1930) comparedto Middle Chinese, according to Qian (1992)
MCÀ MCÁ MCÂ MCÃa MCÃb
MC [−vc] ons T 4351 T 544
3 T 455 T7
4P
MC [+vc] ons T 2132 T 24
6 T82P
Typical Wu tone inventory: similar categories, differentcontours (Notation: T contour
category )
MC voiced obstruents have devoiced in urban Jinhua, but aremurmured in some nearby areas; generation born 100 yearsago had a T4
T7 and T8 have very short contours, so will not be used inthis study → 5 isolation tones ∼ 6 historical categories
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Jinhua sandhi in context
Tone sandhi
Beijing sandhi
Tone sandhi: phonological change to lexically specified tone
Example
Rule ExampleT3 → T214/ # foN55ùwej214 ‘feng-shui’→ T2
35/ T3 ùwej35kwo214 ‘fruit’→ T21/elsewhere ùwej21khu51 ‘reservoir’
The disyllabic sandhi of Beijing Mandarin is reducible, with fewexceptions, to this one three-part phonological rule.
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Jinhua sandhi in context
Tone sandhi
Jinhua sandhi
The disyllabic sandhi of Jinhua is very complicated.A general summary:
5× 5 combinations of long tones produce about a dozendisyllabic sandhi contour categories
The sandhi patterns are not reducible to coarticulation nor toa small number of rules or constraints.
Jinhua exhibits ‘tone type recovery’: In some cases, historicaltone categories that have merged in isolation have differentsandhi patterns
Different grammatical structures have different sandhi, and inaddition, there is some unexplained lexical variation
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Jinhua sandhi in context
Tone sandhi
Lexical variation in sandhi
For some combinations, as many as three different patterns areobserved, and the source of this lexical variation is largely unknownCao (2002, p. 111):
Example
T555 T2
313 →a. T33T14 pu.a tCju.dýjoN
cloth shoe bedbugb. T33T55 su.ju sje.mAw
veggie oil delicatec. T55T3 thja.m@N sje.dýju
steel door snowball
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Jinhua sandhi in context
Conditions for change
Jinhua is ripe for change
Conditions predispose Jinhua phonology to change:
A generational shift from Wu dominance to Mandarindominance
Urbanization — contact with similar dialects
Likely recent loss of obstruent voicing contrast and T4
The sandhi system is difficult: highly complicated andidiosyncratic
Researchers as well as speakers mention that “young people speakdifferent”, but there has been no systematic study of variation inJinhua sandhi systems.
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
A sociotonetic study
Data collection and processing
Elicitation
Based on procedure of You and Yang (2001)
Stimuli are disyllabic words representing tone combinations
In carrier sentence thiN5 sa1 pje6 (‘Listen to three times’)
4 groups of speakers:
urban older group: 5 speakers born 1931-1952urban younger group: 5 speakers born 1984-1989rural older group: 2 speakers born 1946-1949rural younger group: 3 speakers born 1985-1986
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
A sociotonetic study
Data collection and processing
Stimuli
Structure of compound or modifier+noun
Tone domain (domain of characteristic tone contour) assumedto be the final (yunmu) (Rose, 1998)
108 stimuli: 3 words for each combination of the 6 historicallong tones (MC À, Á, Â × [±vc])
Example
foN1 Cy3 ‘feng shui’
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
A sociotonetic study
Data collection and processing
Data Processing
Tone domains annotated by hand
Pitch tracks extracted automatically in Praat
Each tone domain’s contour summarized as a quadratic curve,by polynomial regression with the intercept in the middle ofthe tone domain → each disyllabic contour is two parabolas
The collection of all speakers’ contours for a word is used asmathematical abstraction of that word
The collection of all words’ contours by a speaker is used asmathematical abstraction of that speaker
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
A sociotonetic study
Data collection and processing
Principle Components Analysis (PCA)
The procedure is highly bottom-up, and a key tool here is PCA
1 Represent words or speakers as a vectors of contourparameters
2 Select dimensions that represent the most variance
3 Visualize similarities and differences in those dimensions
The resulting dimensions might not have obvious meaning, butsometimes they do.
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
A sociotonetic study
Speaker similarities
PCA of speaker similarities
A B C D E F G H I J K L M N
Variance per dimension
Dimension Index
Pro
port
ion
of v
aria
nce
0.00
0.05
0.10
0.15
Figure: The 4dimensions with themost variancerepresent 47% of thebetween-speakervariance.
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
A sociotonetic study
Speaker similarities
Dimensions B and D
Figure: Dimensions Band D show that thedata from speakers 18and 23 are atypical,so we set them aside.Borders: older (blue)and younger (red);Fill: urban Jinhua(blue) and Zhumavillage (yellow);Shapes: men (circles)and women (squares).
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
A sociotonetic study
Speaker similarities
Dimensions A and C
Figure: Dimension Ais associated withgeneration, andDimension C isassociated withlocation. The circledgroups become thebasis of furtheranalysis.
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
A sociotonetic study
Sandhi contours are shifting
PCA of word differences
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 11
Variance per dimension
Dimension Index
Pro
port
ion
of v
aria
nce
0.00
0.10
0.20
0.30
Figure: Dimensions 1and 2 togetherrepresent 61% of thevariance. We will alsolook briefly atDimensions 3 and 4.
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
A sociotonetic study
Sandhi contours are shifting
Dimension meanings: archetype contours
0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0
−1.
0−
0.5
0.0
0.5
1.0
Older speakers
Normalized time
Arb
itrar
y F
0 un
its
1st domain 2nd domain
0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0
−1.
0−
0.5
0.0
0.5
1.0
Younger speakers
Normalized time
Arb
itrar
y F
0 un
its
1st domain 2nd domain
Dim 1Dim 2Dim 3Dim 4
Figure: Older speakers: D1 ∼ tone domains’ height difference; D2 ∼fall-rise vs rise-fall; D3 ∼ overall height; D4 ∼ contours rise/fall equally.Younger: D1 and D2 contours are shifted.
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
A sociotonetic study
Sandhi contours are shifting
Contour changes
Figure: The change in D2captures the rising tonesgetting lower and the fallingtones getting higher. Thechange in D1 captures thelow turning towards fallingand the high turning towardsrising.
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
A sociotonetic study
Sandhi contours are shifting
The shift is a generalization
−2 −1 0 1 2 3
−3
−2
−1
01
23
Counterclockwise words
Dimension 1
Dim
ensi
on 2
−2 −1 0 1 2 3
−3
−2
−1
01
23
Clockwise Words
Dimension 1
Dim
ensi
on 2
Figure: Each arrow indicates one word’s change from older speakers’contour to younger speakers’ contour. A large majority of words havemoved in a counter-clockwise direction.
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Conclusions
Why are the contours changing this way?
Hypothesis A: The younger generation are reclassifying wordsaccording to Mandarin categories↪→ A few words are being reclassified, but most of thechanges are small, not categorical
Hypothesis B: The younger generation areperceiving/producing contours according to the Mandarincontour shapes↪→ This could cause falls to get higher (cf. Mandarin T 51
4 )and maybe lows to turn to falls (cf. Mandarin T 214
3 ∼ T 213 ).
But not rises to get lower (cf. Mandarin T 352 ), nor highs to
turn to rises (cf. Mandarin T 551 )
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Conclusions
Why are the contours changing this way?
Hypothesis C: The younger generation misperceives ormisproduces the contour slightly later within the syllable.
1 The end of the contour is lost.2 The beginning is recreated from coarticulation.
Sanders (2008) provides a similar account for how Beijing T 352
became Taiwan Mandarin T 3242 .
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Conclusions
Conclusions
The observed change is consistent with shifting of thecontours within the syllable
The change is not consistent with direct influence fromMandarin tone categories
The social conditions in Jinhua predispose it to change
We should expect to find similar tonal evolution in othercontour tone languages
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Conclusions
Acknowledgements
Special thanks to:
The people of Jinhua, especially the native speakers recordedfor this study, and Emily Cen, Betty Hu, and Angie Kim
The linguists of UCSD, especially Sharon Rose (my advisor onthis project) and the other members of SaD PhIG
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Conclusions
References
Cao, Z. (2002). Nanbu Wuyu yuyin yanjiu [Southern Wuphonology research]. Beijing: Shangwu Yin Shuguan.
Qian, N. (1992). Dangdai Wuyu yanjiu [Contemporary Wuresearch]. Shanghai: Shanghai Jiaoyu Chuban She.
Rose, P. (1998). The differential status of semivowels in theacoustic phonetic realisation of tone. In 5th ICSLP. (Paper298)
Sanders, R. (2008). Tonetic sound change in Taiwan Mandarin:The case of tone 2 and tone 3 citation contours. In 20thNACCL (pp. 87–107).
You, R., & Yang, J. (2001). Jinhua fangyan shengdiao shiyanyanjiu [Jinhua dialect tone experimental research]. In Wuyushengdiao de shiyan yanjiu [Wu tone experimental research].Shanghai: Fudan Daxue Chuban She.
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Conclusions
PCA of groups’ mean contour representations
−0.2 −0.1 0.0 0.1 0.2
−0.
2−
0.1
0.0
0.1
0.2
PC1
PC
2
11_111_211_312_112_212_3
13_113_213_3
14_114_214_3
15_115_2
15_3
16_1
16_2
16_3
21_121_221_3
22_1
22_2
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23_1
23_223_324_1
24_224_3
25_1
25_225_3
26_1
26_2
26_3
31_131_2
31_3
32_1
32_232_3
33_133_233_3
34_1
34_2
34_335_135_2
35_3
36_1
36_2
36_341_1
41_2
41_3
42_1
42_2
42_343_1
43_243_344_1
44_244_3
45_145_245_3
46_146_2
46_351_151_2
51_3
52_152_252_3
53_153_253_3
54_1
54_2
54_3
55_1
55_2
55_356_1
56_256_3 61_1
61_2
61_3
62_1
62_2
62_3
63_163_263_3
64_164_2
64_3
65_1
65_2
65_3
66_1
66_2
66_3
−5 0 5
−5
05
a1oa2o
b1o
b2o
c1o
c2oa1y
a2yb1y
b2y
c1y
c2y
Figure: Originalrepresentationsprojected onto firsttwo dimensions.Speaker groups: ‘o’,‘y’ and ‘z’ vectors;Heights: ‘a’ vectors;Slopes: ‘b’ vectors;Curvatures: ‘c’vectors
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Conclusions
Word similarities and groups
A
AAA
AA
B
BBB
BB
AA
A
C
A
B
D D
D
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A
BB B
DD
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HHH
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JJJ
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C J
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BH
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−4 −2 0 2 4
−2
02
4
Dim. 1
Dim
. 2
11_1
11_2
11_312_1
12_212_3
13_1
13_213_314_1
14_214_3
15_115_2
15_3
16_1
16_2
16_3
21_1 21_2
21_3
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22_2
22_3
23_1
23_2
23_3 24_1
24_224_3
25_1
25_225_3
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26_3
31_1
31_2
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32_1
32_232_3
33_133_2
33_3
34_1
34_2
34_3
35_1
35_2
35_3
36_1
36_2
36_3
41_1
41_2
41_3
42_1
42_2
42_3
43_1
43_243_3
44_1
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45_145_245_3
46_1
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51_151_2
51_3
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53_153_2
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56_3 61_1
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62_3
63_1
63_2
63_3
64_164_2
64_3
65_1
65_2
65_3
66_1
66_2
66_3
Figure: Plot of stimulicontour similarity, inthe first two principlecomponents. Wordclusters are indicatedby the colored letters.The first two digits ofthe word labels referto the tonecategories, numberedsequentially 1through 6.
A Contour Tone Chain Shift in Jinhua Wu Sandhi Tones
Conclusions
Word familiarity vs contour change
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−2.0 −1.5 −1.0 −0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
−3
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2
Mean Familiarity sec. Young Speakers
Clo
ckw
ise
mot
ion
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Figure: Familiarityof a word doesnot predict themagnitude ofcounter-clockwisemotion
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