Working Paper Complexity

8/9/2019 Working Paper Complexity

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Rethinking the creative city: therole of complexity,

networks and interactions in the urban creative economy

This is a working paper. Please ask the authors permission before quoting it

Dr Roberta Comunian, School of Geography, University of Southampton, Highfield - SouthamptonSO17 1BJ Tel +44 023 8059 [email protected]

Regional Studies Association Research Network on Creative Industries and the Regions www.creative-regions.org.uk

0 Abstract

This article engages with the current research and debate about the creative city and the importance of

cultural infrastructure in contemporary cities. It argues that much of the focus has been around the

investment of cities in specific regeneration projects or flagship developments rather than addressing the

nature of the infrastructures, networks and agents engaging in the city's cultural development. The

complexity theory and its associated principles can provide a new understanding of the connection

between the urban space and the systems of local cultural production and consumption. Drawing on

interviews with creative practitioners in the North East region of England, the paper argues that the

cultural development of a city is a complex adaptive system. This finding has implication both for policy

makers and academic research. It emphases the importance of micro-interactions and networks

between creative practitioners, the publicly supported cultural sector and the cultural infrastructure of the

city.


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economy literature. Limits and challenges of the CT are also illustrated. In the third section, the case

study of NewcastleGateshead is presented and empirical materials are discussed in order to

demonstrate that a creative city is a CAS. The focus here is on the agents and their interdependence

and interconnection with the context. Finally, the paper proposes the need to re-think the creative city

and its link to economic and cultural development from the prospective of the agents interacting in this

CAS.

2 Definitionsandlimitsofthecreativecity

2.1 Whatisthecreativecity?

Part of confusion and misunderstanding which surrounds policies and theoretical approaches to the

creative city are linked to a poor definition as a concept and the connotations which have been attachedto it.

The first coherent formulation of the concept of creative city is to be attributed to Bianchini and Landry

(1995). Their work, taken forward singularly by Landry (2000), was linked to new re-positioning of

cultural industries and cultural regeneration in urban development in UK in the late 1980s and early

1990s. They present creativity in its broadest sense, considering how thinking outside the box can help

cities solve their everyday problems in innovative ways. Any lack of creativity needs to be solved in a

multi-disciplinary way: all creativity be it scientific or artistic can make a difference to cities. Among

the examples, many present the interaction between artists or art organisations and places orcommunities. In these examples a vision of culture as an engine to support a cities image and

economic future is also portrayed. Their work coincided with a new interpretation of role of culture within

the European Capital of Culture (ECC) initiative, specifically after the title was awarded to Glasgow in

19901.

Until the end of the 90s, the European academic and policy interpretation of creative city as a concept

largely corresponds to the regenerative potential of culture presented in the ECC vision. The focus in

both interpretations is on an improvement of the city (with potential economic returns) and its image

through creative interventions and cultural activities. The cultural economy, specifically focused onconsumption and image, becomes central.

Nevertheless, from 1998 onwards, the word creative become popular in a variety of contexts and

interpretations which still influence the meaning of the concept creative city today. This represents a

shift towards the production of culture and creative products and the presence of skilled labour driving

the new knowledge / creative economy. This shift is linked, chronologically, first to the emergence of the


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term creative industries (DCMS, 1998) and secondly to the development of the creative class theory

(Florida, 2002b).

In reference to the first, the acceptance of the term creative industries and the DCMS definition implied

a new focus on the production of cultural/creative products, the infrastructure behind them and the

creative worker. Therefore, a new interpretation of the creative city emerges as the city where work and

production of creative industries is concentrated and supported (J Montgomery, 2005). There are

elements of consumption here, when the creative industries and their cultural scenes are able to shape

the image of a city and attract visitors, but these are only peripheral to the production perspective.

The second, more recent and more powerful association is the one between the creative city and the

creative class (Florida, 2002b). This has emerged from the success of Floridas first book (2002b) and

has added an extra connotation to the creative city term and in many cases has superseded the

previous understanding. Floridas theory (2002a, 2000b) suggests that the economic success of a city is

determined by the presence (and attraction) of the creative class. This creative class is encompassing

a wide range of professionals, of which creative industries workers are only a small proportion2.

Nevertheless, the creative city can now be interpreted as the city with the highest actual presence of -

or potential to attract the creative class. Floridas suggests that in order to appeal to this group, cities

should foster a cultural climate able to promote diversity, investing in structures devoted to culture and

entertainment3. Many American and European cities have seen in Floridas (2002b) theories a ready-to-

use methodology and a guide for local economical development. However, his theory has been criticised

on different fronts; for many authors adopting Floridas hypothesis as a reliable methodology for the

development of future urban growth is considered a scientific overstatement. Limits of the theory can beidentified from the following:

From an economic perspective. In reference to traditional measure of development, the

correlations found in the research have not proven to have a precise connection of causality with

economic development (Malanga, 2004). Furthermore, the theory does not seem to take into

consideration the decline that followed in many USA cities after the dot com boom (Kotkin, 2005).

From a policy and political perspective. Florida has secured himself consultancy contracts and

space in the building of a fast urban policy for creative cities worldwide: so packaged, creativity

strategies were in a sense pre-constituted for this fast policy market (Peck, 2005, p. 767) From a social perspective. Donald and Morrow (2003) highlight how many local policy makers,

including Florida himself, tend to mistake tolerance - an open-minded approach towards diversity - with

the simple presence of cultural diversity. Additionally, it is significant that Florida forgets to include in his

indexes certain critical social factors (such as age, differences in income, racial segregation, etc.).

Similarly, McCann (2007) underlines the strong links between the creative city-region approach and

inequalities, which also for Florida (2004) remains an open question.


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Although all of these criticisms are interrelated, the present article aims to consider the limits of this

approach specifically from cultural policy perspective.

The limitation of this kind of policy intervention is that it is fundamentally based on developing assets for

attraction and growth, from a top-down perspective. It forces the idea that for a city to be creative there

needs to be specific local assets such as cultural amenities, caf culture, cultural diversity, as well as a

provision for high technology. It does not seem to explain how the creative class interacts with these

types of assets, or what competitive advantages they actually create.

Many of these policy actions suggested by the creative class theory are geared towards building an

attractive faade that gives the creative class the impression of living in an appealing cosmopolitan and

buzzing city, a cool city strategy (Kotkin, 2005). Nevertheless, this faade remains there for mainly

aesthetic reasons: it is hard to prove that the high-skilled knowledge workers of the new media sector

are going to be the ones particularly interested in visiting an art gallery or taking part in an ethnic festival.

What is not being argued here is that there is an intrinsic value in culture that attracts the creatives

(Pratt, 2008, p.108). On the contrary, it seems that the creative class profiled by Florida simply merges

together professions which have very different approaches to life and culture (Markusen, 2006b).

Many of Floridas (Florida, 2002a) indexes are based on the presence of specific assets (hard factors)

and infrastructures - as well as specific type of professions (bohemians): for his cultural index and

coolness factor the cultural infrastructure, such as museums and galleries - is considered a proxy as

well as the presence of nightlife and clubs. The CT, which will be introduced in the next paragraph,

suggests that while these assets can play a role, the key to understand the development of creative

cities is not in the assets but in the interactions and relations developed between the community andthese assets and between different elements of this infrastructure. It is argued that a complexity

perspective which takes in consideration the importance of networks and non-linear interactions -

needs to acquire a new, central role in the argument of the creative city.

2.2 Contradictionsandlimitsofthecreativecitypolicy

The concept of creative city has a variety of connotations and is linked to a variety of perspectives on the

role of cultural consumption and production in the city. However, it can be argued that the policy success

of the creative class theory and the oversimplification it implies has created a strong contradiction

between the creative city as a global discourse and its possible articulation in local urban development.

Furthermore, the paper argues, it has enforced globally a top-down homologated approach to local

cultural development. As with many fuzzy concepts (Markusen, 2003) and global branding exercises

(Jensen, 2005; Kearns and Philo, 1993), it can be seen as another globalised brand which has been


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accepted and adopted without critical debate or intervention. In particular, Europe has been very

receptive to the concept (Florida and Tinagli, 2004), although previous research adopting a more

embedded approach to the creative city (Bianchini and Landry, 1995; Landry, 2000) did not enjoy the

same success.

Some of the limits emerging in urban policy discourses can be understood in light of the following

contradictions and policies dilemmas:

Creative class versus creative industries / cultural workers. In the policy arena these two terms

are often confused but they refer to a very different set of stakeholders. It is wrongly believed that these

groups want the same interventions and that interventions will cater homogenously for both (Markusen,

2006a). This is examined by Montgomery (2005) who points out that the creative cities listed by Florida

(especially in the European analysis) often do not reflect the reality of the creative industries4. Similarly,

Gibbon (2005) suggests that even though Floridas theory might be valid for the American context, this

does not imply that a similar correlation can be found in European cities.

Local values versus global competitiveness in urban regeneration. This relates both to the kind of

assets that are promoted and the kind of audiences that are targeted. There is a contradiction in how

urban regeneration and other policy intervention cater for the creative class or for the local

distinctiveness value. This is explained by Bailey et al (2004) who point out that Floridas creative class

is far from promoting the kind of local culture and identity that is central to many successful urban

regeneration projects. They argue that this paradigm promotes a globalised culture that can cause a

location to become anonymous by virtue of its prescribed diversity. On the contrary, successful urban

regeneration projects are, according to the authors, those implying a strong involvement of the pre-existing community and local identity. In these terms, culturally based urban regeneration processes

should not aim towards a multicultural and multi-identity town, offering the widest choice of cultural

opportunities for the creative class. Instead, it should rediscover a sense of place, history and belonging.

This vision is almost in antithesis with the decline of the identity and community links typical of Floridas

globalised city model. This is also linked to a larger debate on who should be the audience and target for

cultural development of cities: the local community that can interact with the development in the long-

term but may not have high-spending capacity or the visitors with their short-term use of the city that can

generate economic returns. Short-term attraction versus long-term retention policies. There seem to be a tendency for policy

to adopt a short-term perspective and underestimate the need for balance between the attraction of

foreign talent and the development of local talent. Theoretically, there is no guarantee that investing in

the attraction of outside talents produces better long term results than investing in the empowerment

and consolidation of local talent. On the contrary, if the focus is the attraction of a highly mobile creative

class, cities would have to continuously compete for the retention of those highly skilled people with


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other fast-growing creative metropolises (Evans, 2009). As Gray argues (2009, p. 19) the Creativity Fix

is most insidious when it assumes that everycity can win in the battle for talent and growth. Creativity

scripts, however, are better understood as zero-sum urban strategies constituted within the context of

uneven urban growth patterns. On the contrary some literature suggests that the grassroots

development of creative industries can provide a long-term view: the development of a viable

indigenous sector is crucial to providing a long-term basis for employment in the industry. (Coe, 2000, p.

392). Moreover, this could lead to the possibility of many investments and projects attracting the creative

class towards a city or town causing the progressive exclusion or displacement of local artists, especially

when they are forced out of the regenerated area due to rising property values (Catungal et al., 2009;

Zukin, 1985, 1995).

These contradictions and dilemmas present in current policy are the result of a limited understanding of

the system of relations and interconnections of the complex system which is the cultural development of

the city. This has led to the wishful thinking that one policy solution can cater for all cities cultural

development. As Garca (2004) suggests, in the lessons to be learnt from past examples of culture-led

urban-regeneration the hype is surrounded by strong pressure among policy-makers and cultural

practitioners to find the perfect model of action [] there are no straight answers, or clear models to

follow (Garca, 2004, p.322).

However, in this fast-policy world, it is suggested that a careful reflection on the features of the

promoters and beneficiaries of the creative city model is needed: until we have a serious debate

concerning values and ethics, the creative city will remain a comfortable feel-good concept for

consultants, policy makers and politicians rather than a serious agenda for radical change (Chatterton,2000, p. 397).

The next paragraph will introduce CT, its principles and its possible application to a better understanding

of the cultural development of cities. It will be argued that a complexity perspective can help to better

understand the interactions and dynamics concerning these different dilemmas.

3 Complexitythinkingandthecreativecity

3.1 Complexitytheoryanditsprinciples

While this paper cannot present a full account of CT, it attempts to explore how this theory might provide

a new key for a deeper and more articulated understanding of the cultural dynamics that unfold in urban

contexts. In order to do so a brief outline of the theory is provided and its main principles are introduced.

Secondly, the application of complexity to cultural economy is explored, in particular as related to


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creative industries and cultural production in previous research. Finally, methodological issues are

addressed to explore the potential and limits of using CT in the creative city debate.

As many authors (Finch and Orillard, 2005; Mitleton-Kelly, 2006) point out, complexity theory (CT) is not

a single unified theory, but has been developed through the study of complex systems in different fields,

such as biology, computer science and organisational studies. The CT was first developed in scientific

disciplines but has recently been adopted and integrated in the social sciences approaches (Byrne,

1998; Urry, 2003). This new focus on human systems has suggested that complex social systems, such

as cities or institutions, share features with other complex systems. CT offers some useful suggestions

regarding the principles which guide the evolution and development of complex systems and how agents

interact, respond and evolve in different environments. Nevertheless, it can be argued that its insights

have not had wide adoption in social and economic geography although some seminal papers such as

Thrift (1999) and more recently, Martin and Sunley (2007) have attempted to clarify its potential and

challenges.

Across different disciplines, a system can be considered complex when it displays the characteristics

and specific principles outlined in Table 1. The key feature of the system must be that its elements

interact in a non-linear way: it is not possible to forecast the behaviour and direction taken by the system

as a whole by simply having knowledge of its components.

The first step to understand a complex system is identifying who are the agents interacting within it.

These can be both human and non-human elements. This is particularly relevant to the cultural field as

non-human elements such as a specific place, idea or cultural product can have powerful influences on

a citys cultural development.Complex systems are also open systems; therefore, external elements interacting with the cultural field

must also be taken into consideration. Elements which might be marginal to the cultural development,

such as the local environment and its economic development can have important influences on the

system. Through CT we accept that there are no deterministic patterns that can be followed, this is one

of the main criticism to the creative class theory. The value of using CT lies in the possibility to

understand the micro-dynamics of the system. This allows us to identify the emergence of structures and

organisational forms that support and facilitate the connectivity and growth of the system will be

addressed.Another key aspect of CAS is their evolutionary nature; they develop through processes of trial-and-

error, failures and successes are not primarily the signals of right or wrong policies but, rather, the by-

product of a natural learning process (Lambooy, 2002, p. 1033).


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Principles ofCT

Explanation Possible applications / examples in thecultural development of cities

Complexsystem arefar fromequilibrium

The system is never fully stable as itsstructure, openness and connectivity impliescontinuous change.

The cultural activities and organisations of citiesare always changing influenced by policies,fashion, audiences and different communitiestaking part in the cultural life of the city.

Interactionsare non-linear Feed-back loops and self-reinforcinginteractions mean that small events can havelarge impact on the overall system.

The decision of small players, such as artists, oflocating in a specific area of the city can be thecatalyst which develops a whole cultural quarter.

Complexsystem areopen

There is not fix boundary between thesystem and its environment. The system isoften defined by the researcher foroperational reason but this is always anapproximation.

The city cultural policies and activities interact witha series of other political, social and economicfactors. The built and natural environment of thecity can also affect the cultural development ofcities.

Distributedconnectivity

The large number of agents interactsdynamically; agents and relations takeplaces on a variety of scales, with nocentralised control over the system. Thisconnectivity is often hybrid as involve humanand non-human elements

Audiences interact with cultural providers but alsowith the built environment, the cultural content andwith each others. The cultural planners need tointeract with regional and national culturalagencies, funding schemes, planning anddevelopers as well as with the audiences.

Path-dependenceand history

Complex system can often display path-dependence: they have a history and thisoften contributes to their present behaviour

It is not possible to understand the culturaldevelopment of a city in a vacuum. The specificityof the context and its historical developmentcontribute to the cultural profile, activities andindividuals which exist within the system. Culturalplanning needs to take into consideration thispath-dependence.

Adaptivebehavior andfeed-backs

Individual agents are often unaware of thebehavior of other agents and the system as awhole. They simply respond to continuousinteractions and provide feed-back allowingfor co-evolution mechanisms and self-organisation to take place.

Artists tend to interact with a other artists and co-operate towards common goals. Changes infunding structure or urban patterns, such as theemergence of an artists quarter might influencetheir future decision on location or career choices.Forms of self-organisation, such as co-operatives

and shared studios can emerge.Emergenceand self-organisation

The system tend to organise itself throughmacro-structures (both soft / ideologicalinfrastructures and spatial / physicalstructures). The dynamics resulting from themicro adaptive interactions will give space tothe emergence of new structures.

From an audience perspective common passionsor interests can give raise to associations orpressure groups pushing towards saving abuilding or institution or requesting specific typesof cultural provision.

Non-determinismand non-tractability

Complex systems are non-deterministicsystems. This means that is not possible toforesee the behaviour of the system from theknowledge of its components behaviour.Small changes can have unpredictableinfluences which can not be traced back

The decision of a city to establish a new art venuecan have positive impact on the local communityand children attending the venue. In twenty-yeartime, those children might have all become artistsand establish themselves in the national scene.Rarely, it will be possible to establish if the

opening of that venue was the reason for theircareer choice or if other market / careeropportunities were more relevant.

Table 1: Principles of CT and possible application in the cultural field (sources: Colliers (1998); Pavard

and Dugdale (2000), Martin and Sunley (2007)).


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3.2 Complexityandthecreativeindustries

As suggested, there are a variety of ways to read the development of cultural economies in cities as a

CAS. To support this view, there are a series of other contributions, which are linked with the creative

industries literature, which needs to be acknowledged. They also seem to integrate the complexity

perspective at different scales: looking at interactions between creative industries within local clusters

and, at the macro-level, in relation to the interaction between creative products and their global markets.

The paper argues that these perspectives need to become part of the policy thinking also at an urban

development level. The limits of the current debate, specifically in relation to the opposition between

cultural production and cultural consumption, needs to be considered. When analysing creative

industries production systems, the importance of patterns and dynamics of cultural consumption in the

city is often overlooked. On the contrary, when cultural consumption (from the perspective of

regeneration, image or participation) is studied, the system of local cultural production of that specific

context is often ignored.5

At the micro-level (interaction among creative practitioners and local networks) there have been key

contributions underlining the role of local intermediaries in facilitating interactions among local creative

industries (Fleming, 2002), the importance of social dynamics in the interaction of creative industries

(Kong, 2005) and the role of place as creating consensus among different agents (Julier, 2005). A large

part of the literature relating to clusters and regional economic development suggests the importance of

networks (Christopherson, 2002; Coe, 2000; Crewe, 1996; Ettlinger, 2003; Gordon and McCann, 2000;

Grabher, 2002; Johns, 2006; Knox et al., 2005; Meusburger, 2000; Mossig, 2004; Neff, 2004; Sturgeon,

2003) and these arguments have been, on various occasions, interconnected with the urban cultural

infrastructure through terms such as cultural quarters or cultural milieu.

At the meso-level (the urban development and its cultural dynamics) the contributions have been weaker

in reference to identifying key structures and dynamics but the need to a better understanding of the

interaction between consumption and production in the creative city as been acknowledged (Chapain

and Comunian, 2009; Hall, 2000, 2004; Pratt, 2009).

At the macro-level (the markets dynamics in the creative economy) there has been a growing recognition

of the specificities of the creative sector, particularly: its social contagion dynamics (Kretschmer et al.,

1999); the thin boundaries between the creative, knowledge and information sectors (Cunningham,

2004); its evolutionary dynamics and the role of social network markets (Albertsen and Diken, 2004;

Potts, 2007; Potts et al., 2008); the role of consumer and meanings creation (Hartley, 2004) and the

breaking down of barriers between producer and consumer (Uricchio, 2004).


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The nature of the creative industries, as described by the literature mentioned, seems to suggest a

potential role for CT, without directly acknowledging or applying it. In fact, while creative industries are

embedded in closely linked local networks (Banks et al., 2000; Coe, 2000) they also are part of a global

cultural production system (Scott, 2004). The interactions between public and private in the sector also

implies a strong openness and instability (O'Connor, 2002). This is further accentuated by the bifurcated

structure of the sector where few multinational corporation co-exist with a miriade of micro-enterprises,

freelancers and sole-traders (Jeffcutt and Pratt, 2002). All these features inevitably add to the complexity

of the sector and its relation with the urban context.

The understanding of micro-dynamics among creative industries and other agents at the local level is

key in the understanding of the development of creative cities. This needs to be also integrated into the

bigger picture of the creative economy and its global dynamics, although for space constrains this paper

will only superficially consider this.

3.3 Methodologicalimplicationsandlimits

The application of CT encourages a stronger focus on process rather than outcomes. It does so by

exploring the interaction among agents alongside the changes taking place in the context. We must

consider what the manifestations of these interactions are and how they can be capture by the

researcher. This is one of the most challenging aspects of CT. Most of the changes and interactions are

hard to identify as they involve micro-interactions within the system. It can be argued that this long-term

complex perspective should be embedded in most of the academic research, but the reality is that the

short-term policy (Jayne, 2005; Oakley, 2004, 2006) does not take into account this complexity

perspective.

The application of CT allows for a variety of research methods, from qualitative approaches to

mathematical modelling and network analysis. In this paper, the results from qualitative interviews and

ethnographic materials from NewcastleGateshead are used to demonstrate the way in which the cultural

development of the city behaves like a CAS. The findings imply an awareness of the agents of the

complex network of interactions in the cultural economy of the city. The manifestations are very different

across different sectors of the creative industries6 as well as across public, private and not for profit

sectors.

The way in which the principles of CT can be applied to the social and economic dynamics of a city has

been questioned. Green (1999) argues that, although we can have snapshots of the complexity of a

system and its behaviour, it is more difficult to address its evolutionary nature. This is a limitation which

could not be overcome in this research, as it would require revisiting the context over time. Using the


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framework developed by Green (1999) the last part of the paper seeks to question how the cultural

economy of a city needs be studied as a CAS, meaning that creativity and the cultural aspects of the

urban context do not just adapt to changes in the environment (such as a specific policy or a large

investment) but they also influence and affect that specific context.

The results presented in the following section were gathered over two years of research carried out in

NewcastleGateshead and the North East region of England between 2004 and 2006. The project

included 136 interviews and collection of social network analysis data with local creative/cultural

professionals in both the private, public and not for profit sectors.

4 NewcastleGatesheadascreativecity:acomplexityapproach

4.1 Thecontextanditsdevelopment

The context of NewcastleGateshead and the North East represents a challenging case study for

research into the development of local creative and cultural economies. On one hand, the region's

growing attention towards this sector is part of a long-term regeneration commitment. While, on the

other, the area lost the opportunity to be European Capital of Culture in 2008 (Griffiths, 2006; Jones and

Wilks-Heeg, 2004) making it difficult to relate it to the famous ECC case studies in the literature (Balsas,

2004; Herrero et al., 2006; Richards and Wilson, 2004). Nevertheless, for a variety of reasons, the city,

and in particular the Quayside regeneration project undertake by Gateshead city council is looked at asuccessful model of cultural regeneration (Bailey et al., 2004; S. Miles, 2005a; Minton, 2003). While

some authors have presented reasons and supporting data for this success (Bailey et al., 2004; S. Miles,

2005a, 2005b), others have considered the limited reach of the regeneration (Byrne, 2002; Byrne and

Wharton, 2004) . Our focus is not on the outcomes but on the learning process and micro-dynamics

which characterise this case study.

The region's focus on cultural investment began with the Year of Visual Arts in 1996. The ability of some

regional actors (led by Northern Arts, now the Arts Council North East) to attract large public investments

to the region is widely acknowledged (Bailey et al., 2004). These investments enabled the creation oflarge publicly funded cultural infrastructures such as The Baltic and The Sage Gateshead and other

important events supported by the umbrella organisation NewcastleGateshead Initiative (NGI).

Nevertheless, the question of whether and to what extent public sector infrastructure has benefited and

boosted the local creative economy is not a simple one to address. The region, and specifically

NewcastleGateshead had enjoyed a new image as a creative city7, but local development was affected


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when the ECC award was lost. New motivations and reasons to keep the city's commitment to its cultural

investments needed to be found.

Fig 1: The Gateshead Quayside: from the left The Baltic, new centre for contemporary visual arts, The Sage

Gateshead, music centre designed by Lord Norman Foster and the award winning design of the Millennium Bridge

linking Gateshead and Newcastle Quayside.

At the beginning of the 2000s, the Regional Development Agency (RDA), local authorities and support

agencies started to look at the potential economic impact of the creative economy locally and regionally,

with a strong commitment to the idea of cultural quarters (Jayne, 2005). At the marketing and

promotional level, a first formulation of the cultural quarters map of the city was developed by NGI. Inthis first presentation, five cultural quarters8 were included: the Quayside, Grainger Town, the

Haymarket, Chinatown and Jesmond. The interpretation of cultural quarter was based mainly on the

consumption of culture either through the presence of large cultural institutions or shops and restaurants.

In this classification, no mention was made of the Ouseburn Valley, the largest co-location of artists and

creative practitioners in the area. Since 2002-3, a second cultural quarter strategy has been led by the

University of Newcastle, which developed a new master plan and major refurbishment initiative for its


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cultural facilities, but also addresses the role of cultural production (specifically through the Culture Lab

and the Northern Writers Centre). Additionally, investments in the Ouseburn Valley as the cultural

production heart of the city started taking place. More recently, the RDA has commissioned more

focused research on the Commercial Creative Industries Sector (ONE North East, 2007) recognising

that this could be the driver to local economic growth.

In the following paragraphs, we use the material collected through interviews and ethnographic research

to argue that the cultural and creative development of a city follows the principles of complexity and can

therefore be defined as a CAS. The principles are clustered together under four headings: 1) Spaces of

possibilities, far-from-equilibrium and innovation; 2) Non-linearity, feedback and co-evolution; 3)

Connectivity, interdependence and self-organisation; 4) Emergent properties: clusters, networks and

interconnections. While arguing that these principles are actively governing the cultural development of

our research context, we present how they are valid at different levels of the system; in particular we

focus on two levels: the creative practitioners individual career / work dynamics and the policy /decision

making level9.

4.2 Fromindustrialcitytocreativecity:spacesofpossibilities,far-from-equilibrium

andinnovation

In the general literature about the creative city and urban regeneration there is always a strong rhetoric

of change: a movement from the industrial to the post-industrial. Nevertheless, very little attention is

given to the phase of transition between the old and the new. It can be argued that this is because there

is in fact no single turning point and events in the urban cultural landscape evolve cumulatively. In this

respect, CT uses very interesting terminology to describe how complex systems experience change. A

system changes usually because some of its elements experience small changes that push the system

"far-from-equilibrium: for a system to be innovative, creative, and changeable it must be driven far from

equilibrium where it can make use of disorder, irregularity, and difference as essential elements in the

process of change (Stacey, 1995, p.490).

It is often a single event, such as the ECC or a specific flagship investment which is seen as the main

catalyst for urban development. However, while this provides a simple explanation, there is no

understanding of how change is organically embedded in the context and its predisposition. Another

interesting idiom found in complexity literature is the idea of "space of possibilities". None of the literature

which looks at creative cities and urban regeneration consider the real spectrum of possibilities within

an evolving urban context. The majority of case studies presented in the literature are described as


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positive examples and good practices, little consideration is given to alternative outcomes and the role of

failure.

In the space of transition dynamics the merging of Newcastle and Gateshead cultural policy needs also

to be considered. The account of the interactions between the two municipalities before the joint bid for

capital of culture is one of rivalry (S. Miles, 2005a); the cultural development policies adopted on both

sides were initially self-interested. Accounts of the brave vision of Gateshead in reference to the large

bids and cultural infrastructure attracted on its side of the river are described as contrasting with the timid

and sceptical approach of Newcastle.

The joint bid for ECC becomes the catalyst for working together under the banner of

NewcastleGateshead (Matarasso, 2000). The possibilities created by this joint bid were much wider

than the ones any of the two municipalities could have taken separately. Respondents recognise that the

risk taking approach of Gateshead has had more effect that simply putting the region on the map. A form

of the learning process seems to take place if linked to the chronological development of major

infrastructures of the two cities. Initially Gateshead pioneers in cultural development with The Angel of

the North (2000), The Gateshead Millennium Bridge (2001), The Baltic Centre for Contemporary Art

(2002) and The Sage Gateshead (2004). Newcastle follows with another wider range of cultural

developments such as Dance City (2005), Seven Stories, The Centre for Childrens Books (2006) and

the refurbishment of the Live Theatre (2007), Tyneside Cinema (2008) and others. This could be simply

read as emulation, but it is certain that the risk-taking approach of Gateshead had upset the traditional

balance between the two cities where Newcastle was the headline making city of the region. The

reaction of Newcastle is both opportunistic and engaged as the new NewcastleGateshead brand isdeveloped and the NewcastleGateshead Initiative established. Ultimately, there is also an element of

contamination among the cultural infrastructure as people involved in the larger bids for Gateshead

move to new positions in different organizations across the Tyne. Even if the linking of the two

municipalities can be read a marriage of convenience for the ECC title, it can also be read as a new form

of innovation and self-organisation which maximize the cultural offer of the two cities. It can be read as

an innovative model of work in terms of cultural development of a urban area as none of the other UK

cities had previously overcome their municipal boundaries a part of their bid. The exploration of the

space of possibilities can be read at different levels. At the city level, it can be argued that differentcities have seen in the support and development of culture economies and infrastructure the exploration

of new solutions for their competitiveness and development. It is important to understand to what extent

the post-industrial decline, the crisis derived from it and its social implications have shaped opportunities

within cities. Elements such as a redundant workforce or disused buildings have left a vacuum for new

organisations, such as regional development agencies or local trusts, to grow. This is explained by a


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local policy maker in the context of NewcastleGateshead referring to the political will of the council to

bring about change in the city:

the drive was very much from the public sector, particularly Gateshead Council, them to have the

ambition and guts to say this is a region which has suffered for hundreds of years of decline,

declining industry, mining, shipbuilding, high unemployment, not a lot going for itself, they have

looked at alternative ways to reinvigorate the city (Public sector officer,)

This exploration of new possibilities works not only at the city level but also at the individual level, where

gaps result in different choices and innovative thinking:

I decided I did want to carry on being an artist [] I just realised that there was a very big gap in

Newcastle for an artist run gallery, a project that came from an artist point of view so that became

my focus [] it was quite strategic in terms of my own career as an artist because I felt quite

invisible in the North East (Visual artists)

Allen (1997) talks about a collective, spatial response to changing conditions (p.6). In this respect, we

can recall that the growing importance of culture and cultural economies has been a social and spatial

response to the decline of the traditional industry. Even spatially, the old industrial warehouses have

been the first spaces to be taken over by artists and new creative practitioners in order to develop their

practice (Zukin, 1985). This has occurred in NewcastleGateshead in the areas of Grainger Town, where

derelict buildings have been converted into office space for media industries, and in the Ouseburn

Valley, where artists have clustered around an old warehouse building (36 Lime Street). This space of

possibilities cannot be detached from the history and recent past of the area. As a photographer

suggests:I think people underestimate the North East culture, I think it is very deeply-rooted in various

areas like the industry that used to be here, things like shipyard and mining and I think the lack of

that now has left a bit of a void and some of the art works have helped to fill in that gap

(Photographer)


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Fig 2: 36 Lime Street, former flour mill and warehouse, now hosting the 36 Lime Street Ltd, an artists co-

operative, established to run the building on a not-for-profit basis.

4.3 Non-linearity,feedbackandco-evolution

In CT interactions are not centrally regulated but are depending of internal and external feed-back of the

system. Its connectivity and adaptive capacity implies that making predictive assumptions about

outcomes and trends, can no longer be given for granted (Holland, 1995). It also means that behaviour

patterns can emerge without being intended and in fact often emerge contrary to intention, producing

unexpected and counter intuitive outcomes (Stacey, 1995, p. 480). This is experienced also in the

cultural development of cities. For example, at the policy level, there is often an assumption that public

policy and investment act in a direct causal way, and have a straightforward effect on the matter

addressed. On the contrary, cultural agents, creative industries and agencies of the city identify non-

linear interactions influenced by processes of adaptation and feedback. Even large investments such as

the establishment of a new art gallery, which could be seen as having a positive impact on local cultural


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economies, do not always provide a direct connection with local artists or inspire the development of

creative industries. This has been seen in the case of the Baltic:

I think Baltic is kind of this great resource that weve got, but its not functioning regionally; artists

arent trying a connection with Baltic, and Baltics not really helping artists in the region

(Commercial art gallery).

Nonetheless, because of the Baltics outreach and participation programmes it has helped to build an

audience for arts events and for the art market. This ultimately is having an impact also on local artists,

despite this not being its primary intention. As CT suggests, microscopic interactions can result in new

and different possible outcomes at a higher level. A possible non-linear effect of the Baltics activities can

be seen in the impact of the Own Artscheme. The North East region of England accounted for 23%10 of

the national sales of contemporary art supported by this scheme (despite having only around 4.2% of the

national population). However, it is impossible to attribute this outcome to one single element or incident,

but it needs to be linked to a combination of many elements and their interaction.

The same non-linear effects can be seen in the growth of the creative industries sector in the region.

Although it could be interpreted as an effect of the region's investment in culture, it needs to be further

conceptualised not in the attraction of talents and international companies11, but in the regional

supportive environment and its grassroots cultural development. The non-linearity of the regeneration

process has been described elsewhere: these developments were underpinned not by economic

imperatives, but by a will and determination on the part of local arts activists and politicians to provide the

area with the cultural facilities that it deserved. It may well be the case that the cultural imperative is the

crucial ingredient here (Bailey et al., 2004, p.61). The possibility to support and implement creativeeconomies without a direct investment, but with indirect support from audiences and the market, through

advocacy and participation is further presented by a designer:

from the public sector perspective I think thats were they should be putting the main effort in

educating people, helping people understand, highlighting, showcasing and that would do more

for the design business than any grant that they give out, grants just increase the number of

businesses while this would increase the number of contracts available and the industry would

expand consequently (Designer)

Part of the public strategy behind the development of the cultural infrastructure of NewcastleGatesheadhas been in the long-term embedded approach to culture and in the focus on participation and access.

This kind of policy seems to respond to a need for the agents of the system to co-evolve, to change

within a changing environment, and to reciprocally influence each other. The evolution of one domain or

entity is partially dependent on the evolution of other related domains or entities (Kauffman, 1993). It is

not just simple adaptation; it is an evolution which changes the agents and changes the environment.

This is illustrated by a gallery owner:


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you see places like The Sage Gateshead, people are making hard business decisions, obviously

thinking that it is worth investing in it and they would not be doing it if there was not a market, it is

fantastic for the city and the knock-on effect is that you get smaller groups following, it is a sort of

piggyback effect and hopefully it is gathering momentum (Commercial art gallery).

The co-evolution is also suggested by the long-term implementation of the cultural investments which

started in the early 90s to culminate in 2004 with the opening of The Sage Gateshead but which have

been also implemented through Culture10, a 10-year support programme of festivals and events running

until 2010.

In 2001 NGI lead the bid for the European Capital of culture, the announcement came in 2003

and we were the bookies favourite to win and everybody was very shocked when that did not

happen, but the partners [...] decided that the bidding process and the momentum developed and

the profile gained was too important to lose, so they created the events team at Culture10. (Public

policy officer)

4.4 Connectivity,interdependenceandself-organisation

A CAS is characterized by interaction and inter-connectivity of the agents of the system and between the

system as a whole and its environment. The levels of interaction generate the complexity. If one looks at

the culture offered by a city, it is easy to see how different organisations build partnerships and

collaborate on events and projects. The private and public sectors often come together, and the

connectivity in the contemporary art and cultural scene arises from the overlapping and exchange

between different art forms. One element that is perceived as a key factor for the development of this

connectivity in the context of NewcastleGateshead has been the joint bid for the ECC title. Matarasso

(2000) stresses the importance of the bidding process itself: it encouraged the networking of cultural

institutions, created partnerships and common goals and provided a strong experience in terms of

acquiring competences for cultural planning and management which is long-lasting legacy in the urban

context. This is clearly described in the approach of the director of this organisation

In the first 18 months I was here we worked in shared public projects with almost every cultural

organisation in the city it was a very deliberate policy, we also opened the building to creative

people, young people in the region, people who had no real access to other venues (Director,

Public Cultural Organisation)

The importance of connectivity is present both at the institutional level, as the director of one of the major

arts institutions on the Quayside explains:


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I am part of this supper-club which is called NewcastleGateshead Arts Forum which meets

regularly for dinner, basically it is the big institutions of the city Sage, Baltic, Seven Stories, Live

Theatre, Northern Stage and others, and we talk over projects and what is going on. (Director,

Public cultural organisation)

But the connectivity and interdependence runs not only at the macro-level of agencies and institutions,

but also at the micro-level in the creation of networks between creative and cultural practitioners. Peer

to-peer interconnections, through formal and informal networks seem to be a means to create the

personal support infrastructure which a creative practitioner needs. As suggested:

The most important thing is mixing with other people, you can make do without all the services

provided and business advice but the most valuable information comes from other people doing

the same things as you [...they] can remember how it is like to be in your position but they worked

through those problems and they can advise you (Jewellery Designer and Maker)

Interdependency is also essential in the cultural and creative economy ecosystem as often the cultural

product is the result of collaboration across a variety of creative sectors and skills and also across

private sector and public funding. Dependence on public investment and support is recognised by

practitioners and expose the reality of an often money dependent rather than money making creative

economy.

we have a very strong Arts Council and a lot of the work that they do is fabulous they are very

supportive but we also have a very strong grant culture in the North-East, I could not name you

10 artists whose practice has not been dependent in the past on grants either from the Arts

Council or Newcastle City Council (Visual artist)Responding to emergent properties or to particular innovative and enabling contexts, a complex cultural

system can experience self-organisation. In the context of cultural and creative practitioners, self-

organisation seems to be a common trend. In particular through collectives of artists, voluntary run

spaces and galleries, but also through networks which are run organically and developed from the

grassroots by artists, as clarified in the next paragraph.

4.5 Emergentproperties:

clusters,

networks

and

interconnections

One of the complexity aspects which also characterises the creative and cultural infrastructure of the

city, is the emergence of specific structures that regulate and inform the environment. These emerging

structures can be identified with creative clusters (Pratt, 2004) and the development of organic and

institutional networks to support and govern the cultural actors and their agencies.


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The fast growth of the sector as a whole can be seen as an emergence pattern: The North East

(creative economy) has grown faster than any other region except Scotland, but from a lower base than

any other region (CURDS, 2001, p.23). As Allen (1997) suggests these emerging structures are not

determined uniquely by the context and its parameters, but are also dependent on timing and specific

external intervention.

Although in the economic argument networks are important mainly in terms of inter-firm trade, the

creative industries seem to rely on networks for other aspects as well. The network structure in the

creative and cultural industries seems to provide access to the market, but also to support the exchange

of ideas and social interaction that is instrumental to the development of their work. Artists and craft

makers rely on the network as a market building strategy and as a marketing strategy in itself. One

example, in the context of the North East, is Designed and Made,which was established organically

among designers and makers in the region with the vision to establish a brand and a way to promote

their work and their practice.

I think it is really important for the North East to show that this kind of work exists in the region,

that there is work here which is pushing the boundaries, and unless you have something like

Designed & Made, other regions, and the rest of the UK and the world wont know about the

North East and what is going on here (Designer and Maker)

Another example is NetworkArtists. Artists use the network to promote their practice and through the

open studios Art Tourproject they even get direct access to the market to sell their work. Cohesion, the

glass artists network started by the local authority of Sunderland, has a specific focus on promoting the

market for glass art and does so by specifically investing in exhibitions and the participation of artists inart fairs.

Networks are emergent structures which function in terms of support for creative practitioners, even if

this may be only moral and psychological support in response to the isolated work dynamic of the artists

/ makers, as suggested by a jewellery maker:

I found it quite a life-line because it got me involved with the artistic community and it made me

feel part of something [] I think it is really important because as an artist/designer people work

on their own and feeling quite isolated, it makes you feel there is other people out there that you

can share experiences with, you get ideas bouncing ideas to people, it just helps (Designer andMaker)

Creative industries tend to rely on different types of networks. Although they would attend events and be

within the network of specific formal organisations, they also have a smaller network of peers with which

they talk more often and from whom they would seek advice. It seems that sometimes formal networks

are considered useful but impersonal and too structured; they are more like professional development

organisations than actual networks. As Kauffman (1993) suggests in reference to biological systems


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ecosystems are not totally connected. Typically each species interacts with a subset of the total

numbers of other species; hence the system has some extended web structure" (Kauffman 1993, p.255).

This element seems central is the social dimension of the network and the type of bond and experience

that holds people together. In this respect, it is often the case that within large formal networks people

form smaller and closer social networks. Connectivity between individuals or groups is not a constant

or uniform relationship, but varies over time, and with the diversity, density, intensity and quality of

interactions between human agents (Mitleton-Kelly, 2003, p.6). As an artist who started a network in the

Newcastle area suggested:

I thought the network would grow and become more established, but it remained quite organic

and it is made by how much people want to interact with it. It is very organic, in this sense

because, as a living organism, sometime it is very active and lots of things go on, some other

times it is more quite and slow but this is how it should be because it follows the will of people to

interact with it (Visual artists network manager)

Furthermore, as an artist suggests, organic networks seem to respond more directly to the need of the

people involved in the sector,

Yes it is very important, because it is artist-led we are making it what we need, we know what we

need and we are making it that, coming from us it is going to be more relevant than if it was

coming from people in the public sector, who have the best intentions but they do not work in the

sector and they do not exactly know what we need (Glass artist)

The social dimension, and the trust relationship which can be built (Banks et al., 2000) are perceived as

very important for the person and their work. Therefore, networking often takes place informally and aspart of normal social interactions, these are structures of feeling which are very difficult to grasp, let

alone strategically direct, but which nonetheless are crucial to the urban regional innovative milieu

(OConnor, 2002 p.27). These are described as being in contradiction with formally planned professional

networks:

it was a voluntary organisation, it was founded by two writers and had come from grassroots level,

we used to have a meeting once a month, we would have a speaker in and then go down to the

pub, it was fantastic, then when Northern Arts decided to have a new full-time officer, a professional

came in [] it seems to me that everything now is so much more formal rather than informal, thatkind of social network disappeared (Freelance scriptwriter)


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5 Conclusions

The paper has used the case study of NewcastleGateshead to demonstrate that the cultural

development of a city is a CAS and follows the principles of complexity. What are the implications of

these findings? How can complexity theory help us rethink the structures and potential of the concept of

the creative city? What difference can this re-thinking of the creative city concept make? The paper

argues that it can make a difference both at the research level (and the way the research aims to collect

and interpreted data) but it also needs to make a difference in the way policy makers address the

cultural development of cities.

The importance of the conclusions is twofold. Firstly, in reference to what is the lesson learnt from

NewcastleGateshead and the implications for policy makers specifically in reference to the policy

contradictions identified earlier on in the paper. Secondly, there are wider implications for the research

agenda and how this has moved forward our understanding of the creative city specifically in reference

to the creative class theory.

5.1 Policyimplications:lessonsfromNewcastleGateshead

First, the use of a CT approach to the study and understanding of the cultural and creative economy of

NewcastleGateshead has shed some lights on how changes take place in an urban context in relation to

the cultural economy. This is only a snapshot of the whole complex evolving system which surrounds the

cultural development of a city and is therefore not exhaustive. It means that any other data or findings

from the same or connected contexts can be integrated in order to provide a better understanding of how

the system is constantly changing. Differently from other approaches centred around the local creative

clusters or the policy infrastructure, this approach suggests the need to take in consideration a variety of

actors and agents across different levels of interactions. Viewing the case study of

NewcastleGateshead through the CT lenses allows us to understand some important dynamics, but it is

not possible to develop a recipe for success for other cities. Nevertheless, cultural policy tends to

remain instrumentalist despite the insights of complexity theory that outcomes of a given intervention

cannot be predicted in the way assumed in the rational planning model (M. Miles, 2005, p.894). As Allen

(1997) suggests from a CT perspective - the concept of what policy can or should do needs to be

completely revisited.

The focus on the interaction and interdependency of different agents in the context offered by CT is the

key to solve the policy contradictions identified in the first part of the paper. The opposition between

creative class and creative industries need to be articulated further and while certain policies might

concern and influence both, others will need to address specific needs of the two groups. Investments

towards one of these, would not necessary facilitate or promote the other group but might nevertheless


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present longer term impact on the system as a whole. The attention towards local assets and local

dynamics becomes the key to unlock global markets. In particular, in the case of NewcastleGateshead

the local creative workforce and grassroots community becomes the leverage to acquire a national and

international profile. As shown by Miles (2005a) the sense of local pride becomes the key to successful

regeneration in NewcastleGateshead. A long-term vision can be adopted alongside short-term policies

as the system interacts at different levels. For example, while the bid for ECC was a short-term

possibility for the city, the decision to invest in a 10 year programme of event (NGI) was a long-term

infrastructure established to support short-term goals. Possibly this model can never be replicated: it

implied the access to large capital investments which are simply no longer available; it required a very

bold and risk-taking approach from specific agents and a strong political consent, again hardly replicable

in other UK contexts12. Moreover, it required a context for which local agents felt a strong attachment

and affection, despite it being in decline (Taylor and Townsend, 1976). Interestingly, if we apply the

creative class theory, these local agents had been attracted by more creative places in the period

where NewcastleGateshead was a declining industrial city. Consequently, the cultural development of

NewcastleGateshead would not have been possible. Attracting the creative class can be seen as one of

the possible strategies to the development of the creative city. Nevertheless, the knowledge of the

instability of the system requires a longer term view which integrates attraction with support to local

talent - specifically through social inclusion and participation - as exemplarily adopted by Gateshead. As

Landry (2000) recognises successful cities seem to have some things in common visionary

individuals, creative organisations and a political culture sharing clarity of purpose. They seemed to

follow a determined, not a deterministic path (Landry, 2000, p.3).

5.2 Movingtheresearchagendathroughcomplexity

This paper has attempted to use CT to highlight some of the dynamics in the creative economy of the

city against a common tendency towards reductionism. The arguments presented suggest that we

should consider the creative and cultural factor as constitutive and grounded in the urban context rather

than simply instrumentally additive to other urban discourses of economic growth. Also, Ormerod (1998)

argues the need for a less mechanistic approach to the study of economic phenomena: Economies and

societies are not machines. They are more like living organisms. Individuals do not act in isolation, but

affect each other in complex ways (Ormerod, 1998: x). This proves to be in contrast with the

deterministic approach proposed by Floridas work. While, the data he presents can help estimate the

presence of certain kind of creative occupations in different cities they provide very limited explanation

about the interaction of these creative workers with the contexts and with each other. The creative class

theory although highly considered by policy makers does not give account of the dynamics related to the


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creative industries, specifically as they are merged in a wider industrial base. This further weakens the

possibility to understand in what way the agents of the creative economy interact differently within the

urban environment.

Therefore, measures such as a cultural index should take into consideration not just the presence of

certain assets but also how many citizens (alongside tourist) visit that asset, which kind of participation

and outreach program is developed for the community, how artists and other organisations are involved

in it. It is these intangible elements that provide a more realistic measure of the success of the cultural

infrastructure and how it can possibly impact on a city at large.

There are no fast-track solutions in the development of creative cities, while cities can act on certain

dimensions, such as building a new art museum, the connections between that infrastructure and the

local community and local creative practitioners cannot be given for granted but is built by daily positive

interactions and feed-back.

New understandings of the dynamics of the creative economy need to be implemented. Attention should

be paid to the dynamics across different sectors of the creative industries. This new approach must

bridge the gap between the top-down investments in the cultural infrastructure of a city, with a grounded

understanding of the emergent structures arising from actors and agencies working in the sector. As

Green (2001) underlines the challenging aspect of CT when applied to social systems is that instead of

seeing how a social system changes as being a function of how it is, it clearly acknowledges that how it

changes even those small little changes at the grassroots level - affects how it is, and how it

subsequently changes again. This should be the new challenge for researchers wanting to investigate

the role of culture in urban environments.

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Endnotes

1Glasgow is the first city to be given the title that had not been a culturally recognized leading European city;

previous hosts had been cities like Florence and Paris (see Garca 2005). The choice of Glasgow was motivated

specifically by the potential to improve of its image and regenerate the city.2

In Floridas own words at the core of the creative class there are people in science and engineering, architecture

and design, education, arts, music and entertainment, whose economic function is to create new ideas, new

technology, and/or new creative content, but also the creative professionals in business and finance, law,

healthcare and related fields. These people engage in complex problem solving that involves a great deal of

independent judgment and requires high levels of education or human capital (Florida 2002b, p.8).3

This is articulated further in the three Ts indexes: technology, talent and tolerance are the proxy by which the

ability of a city to attract creative class can be measured and implemented.

4For example, Montgomery (2005) suggests how Leicester becomes the second most creative city in UK, just

because too much weight is put on the fact that it has a large non-white population even if its creative economy is

not developed more than other UK c

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