Women's Participation in Disaster Relief by Prema Gopalan

7/27/2019 Women's Participation in Disaster Relief by Prema Gopalan

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Womens Participat ionin Disaster Relief andRecovery

by Ayse Yonder

with Sengul Akcar and Prema Gopalan


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Womens Particin Disaster Reli

Recoveryby Ayse Yonder

with Sengul Akcar and Prema


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is a pamphlet

series devel-

oped to meet

requests from

all over the world for information about

innovative and practical program ideas

advanced to address the economic rolesand needs of low-income women. The

pamphlets are designed as a means to

share information and to spark new ini-

tiatives based on positive experiences

from projects that are working to help

women generate livelihoods and to

improve their economic status. The pro-jects described in this and other issues

of SEEDS have been selected because

they have served not only to strengthen

womens productive roles but also to

integrate women into various sectors of

social and economic development. All

projects documseries involve wo

organize women

broader policy is

nomic roles of wo

These reports

prescriptive, beca

effort will face possibilities. Rath

ten to describe th

its implementatio

lessons learned c

of settings. They

bring to the atte

sionmaking positwomen play not o

their individual

the economic life

This edition o

ble by support o

and the Populati

The Population Council is an international, nonprofit, nongovern

seeks to improve the well-being and reproductive health of currenaround the world and to help achieve a humane, equitable, and sust

people and resources. The Council conducts biomedical, social sc

research and helps build research capacities in developing countr

the Council is governed by an international board of trustees. Its

supports a global network of regional and country offices


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ForewordSEEDS is pleased to publish its twenty-

second pamphlet: Womens Participation

in Disaster Relief and Recovery by

Professor Ayse Yonder with Sengul Akcar

and Prema Gopalan.

Since this pamphlet was researched andprepared, the world has been reshaped

dramatically by natural disasters. In late

December 2004, a record-breaking earth-

quake in the Indian Ocean produced a

powerful tsunami killing more than

225,000 people and forcing more than 1.2

million people from their homes in sevenAsian countries, in Somalia, and in parts

of East Africa (UNICEF 2005). Months

later, in July 2005, two successive hurri-

canesDennis and Emilystruck a

number of Caribbean islands, Mexico,

and the Gulf Coast of the United States.

Although the loss of lives was minimal,the economic loss was severein excess

of five billion dollars (of which half was

borne by the Caribbean).

The past three decades of disaster

relief and reconstruction efforts bear evi-

dence that the poor are the most vulner-

able and the most severely harmed bysuch events. Yet too little attention has

been given to the gender-differentiated

effects of natural disasters, that is, wom-

ens losses relative to mens, how wom-

ens work time and conditions change (both

participate in postdisast

covery and secure decen

hoods, and the restoratio

ices for themselves and f

The detailed case stu

earthquake-stricken areTurkey that are containe

pamphlet help fill this i

They provide examples of

women who have lost eve

groups and become activ

the relief and recovery p

learn how women becahousing, created busine

funds, and provided cru

services.1 The pamphlet

the roles that NGOs a

policy and procedures pl

(or impeding) womens i

The structural barriedisaster aid and recove

respond to the realities a

income women are subst

ens Participation in Dis

Recovery indicates that w

womens groups can fo

transfer and scale up tapproaches across many

ties, these networks can

the political and policy

required (see SEEDS ed

for other examples). T


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Natural Disasters:

A Growing DevelopmentChallenge for Poor

Women and TheirCommunities

Disasters destroy lives, disrupt the social,

economic, and political fabric of commu-

nities, and can erase decades of develop-ment gains, sometimes in a matter of min-

utes.1 Today, despite increased invest-

ments and advances in hazard-manage-

ment technology, human and economic

losses from natural disasters are rising

annually worldwide. Natural events, com-

mon in the developed North as well as thedeveloping South, turn into disasters

when conditions of vulnerability (poverty,

insecure housing, overcrowding, rapid rates

of urbanization) compound the damage

(Hewitt 1998; Davis 1999). The combina-

tion produces devastating results: Devel-

oping countries account for 95 percent ofall deaths caused by such disasters and

suffer losses that are 20 times greater (as

a percent of gross domestic product) than

those of industrial countries experiencing

i il (W ld B k G 2005)

metropolitan ar

located in the SoAt the local le

social exclusion a

ties, disproportio

women, and child

Handbook for E

economic and E

of Disaster(200consequence of

talization of wom

their share of pro

formal and inform

disadvantaged in

Not only do the

ages or produand means of also . . . lose in

to apply themunpaid emergecreased amountive work, succhildren when

Such reproducgranted a lowwork . . . . It is . . . which limand can som

them from exercitizens (p 46

Womens Participation in

Disaster Relief and Recoveby Ayse Yonder

with Sengul Akcar and Prema Gopalan


6/42

yard economy and of small business-

es run by women from their homes);

Increase in reproductive work; and

Other economic damage resultingfrom outstanding debts or loans.

Womens restricted mobility and ac-

cess to assets and resources make their

links to everyday survival precarious and

increase their vulnerability before, dur-

ing, and after disasters (UN/ISDR 2001).

Although natural disasters vary in ori-

gin, in suddenness, and in predictability

(with regional drought in Africa develop-

ing slowly, for example, in contrast to the

rapid massing of a hurricane), disaster

response commonly divides into short-

and longer-term stages. Although each

disaster is unique, response efforts tend tooccur in phases: search and rescue, im-

mediate relief (for immediate medical

help, shelter, sanitation, and food), recon-

struction and recovery, and long-term

Reconstruction and rec

of postdisaster response

Typical priorities in this

relocation of affected com

sturdier temporary housi

prefabricated settlements

pair and construction of p

ing; restoration of runn

tricity, and sanitation; an

of community health and

ities. Relief efforts also in

food supplies (and food areas) and commercial

stage typically lasts two

depending on the level

Table 1 A Selective Review of the Losses from Recent Natural DDeveloping Countries

Location (year) Type of disaster Estimated deaths

Sumatra, Indonesia (2004) Earthquake, tsunami 174,000 5

Bam, Iran (2003) Earthquake 43,000 6

Gujarat, India (2001) Earthquake na 6

Orissa, India (2001) Cyclone 10,000 n

China (2000) Floods na 1

Venezuela (1999) Floods/landslides 50,000 n

Caribbean coast (1999) Hurricane na 2

na = Not available.Sources: a British Broadcasting Company (2005);

bUnited Nations Commission on Human Settlements (UN-Habi


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tained and access to resources, and it

marks a period when affected families

need clear information about entitlementsand other opportunities associated with

restoring their assets and livelihoods.

Community preparedness is the only

practical solution for poor countries

located in high-risk areas. The locals

are the ones who can bring any effec-

tive help in the first few hours, and itis their capacity that has to be

strengthened. This is less heroic than

flying in after the event waving fist-

fuls of dollars, but it is cheaper and

demonstrably effective (IFRC 2001).

Across these stages, serious problems

arise over what, when, and how disasteraid is delivered. International agencies and

national governments typically provide

emergency assistance in a top-down man-

ner that reduces affected people to victims

and passive recipients of aid. In a period

when community involvement and coop-

eration could be encouraged and survivorscould regain a measure of self-reliance by

participating in setting priorities and dis-

tributing supplies, information, and work

during the relief stage, agencies behave as

benefactors and do things for, not with,

survivors. This behavior wastes funds

and fosters dependency and cynicismwithin affected communitiesproblems

that carry over to the recovery stage.

Emergency relief and aid processes

particularly disadvantage women who

m st organi e food pro ision shelter

range of womens

purposely exclud

ties based on thgender roles (

2000:16). Wheth

field accounts a

unwritten and u

practices disadva

ing them from foo

. . limiting their aprograms, or exc

from decision-ma

programs (Enar

Poor women f

in applying and q

ing limited liter

information on hgate the burea

requirements th

frequently than

lines in the relief

favor men over w

property owner

bank-account hheads of househo

assistance conce

the formal econo

awarded to form

economic positio

In the reconst

ment programs ftheir loss of pr

favors owners in

and geographica

or harms nonown

and ethnic and o


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how important housing and informally

held resources and assets are to womens

security. As a consequence, postdisasteraid and investments generally under-

mine womens collective capacity to sur-

mount day-to-day problems and erode

their economic base. As Enarson (2004:

1415 notes:

Womens work is heavily impactedby disasters, and their economic

losses can be extensive. Domestic

work increases enormously when

support systems such as child care,

schools, clinics, public transporta-

tion and family networks are dis-

rupted or destroyed. Damaged living

spaces are damaged working spacesfor all women. For those whose in-

come is based on homework, the loss

of housing often means the loss of

workspace, tools, equipment, inven-

tory, supplies and markets. [In addi-tion,] domestic violence appears toincrease when mens sense of control

is diminished in disasters.

What conventional rescue and recov-

ery programs that focus on delivery of

food and supplies, large-scale construc-

tion projects, and environmental engi-

neering programs fail to recognize is that

womens participation in decisionmaking

in all these undertakings

way to sustain communit

emergency measures are

Reshaping DisaResponse To EsOpportunities

Women andCommunities

Postdisaster response an

grams represent huge

development and hum

agencies. Since 1980, t

alone has invested abdollars in loan commitme

that included at least on

ponent (World Bank 20

tating as natural disaste

become focusing even

improved future develop

Disasters should also

opportunity to improv

conditions, including

Reconstruction, ther

not be thought of simp

of replacing what has

also as an opportuni

actions that make the

Adapazari1999


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privileged groups less vulnerable,

favor sex equity and improve living

conditions for women, especially

those who are heads of households.

(UNECLAC 2003:45)

Postdisaster recovery can be seen as an

opportunity to channel and leverage

investments to upgrade the living stan-

dards of the poor, to enable the most mar-

ginalized to participate, and to establish

dialogue mechanisms between affected

citizens and government to fosteraccountability. It is a chance to build back

better and apply principles of sustainable

development and hazard reduction to

communities and regions that are likely to

i t hi h i k f f t di t T

in the name of

survival and we

after Hurricane M

gua and Hondur

dug out wells; blatrines, and tem

systems; and h

fences, roof mate

plements (Delane

In many oth

recovery situatio

India, Jamaica, anbeen active in reb

ties. Field repor

take the initiativ

community meet

aster response c


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Even in marginalized communities,

natural disasters such as floods and hur-

ricanes have inspired women living in ex-treme poverty to take action and organize

their own self-help initiatives. For exam-

ple, in Honduras, the Garifuna, an ethnic

group of African descent watched their

already poor communities be decimated

when Hurricane Mitch swept the country

in October 1998. Aid and relief programsdid not reach their isolated North Atlantic

coastal town and villages, and residents

were forced to fend for themselves.

The Emergency Committee of Gari-

funa (Comite de Emergenca Garifuna)

was formed right after the hurricane

struck by a small group of communityresidents in Santa Rosaeight women

and four men. Deciding to work together

and pool their limited resources, they

started by going in boats to save those

stranded in high waters and by sharing

the food they had. The group quickly

expanded and started working on a rangeof livelihood, community development,

and governance initiatives. Women who

had lost all their crops organized small

cooperatives to pool their few resources

and cultivate their land together. In re-

mote areas, people who had lost nets and

other fishing equipment began workingin groups and giving part of their catch

to the committee to distribute to those in

need. Instead of approaching the author-

ities for aid to build houses one by one,

14 single mothers whose homes were

work, and they travel to

communities along the c

them in improving loFocused on food securit

fishing and the planting

yucca, and they opera

seed and tool banks for

port. To guard against

phe, they have bought l

some villages to higher ged trainers from the Jam

Construction Collectiv

dozens of residents to id

hurricane-safe roofing in

year, the United Nation

Programs Equator Init

selected this communitzation as one of 26 best

in community involveme

natural resources and

tainable livelihoods and

Yet far more informat

bring about a shift in di

and investment toward ties and the women strug

nize daily life in them. To

in-depth case studies ha

long-term development

ter responses organize

groups over an extended

known about practical wing and sustaining wome

for a three-to-six-year pe

nities emergency assist

and hazard-reduction ini


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These case studies describe how

groups of local women formed and orga-

nized to secure housing, livelihood activ-ities, and basic services after earth-

quakes struck two states of India (Maha-

rashtra and Gujarat) and the Marmara

Region of Turkey. In both countries,

women-focused, nongovernmental orga-

nizations from outside the devastated

areas (Swayam Shikshan Prayog, or SSP,in India and Kadin Emegini Degerlen-

dirme Vakfi, or KEDV, in Turkey) reached

out to and organized local womens groups

to enable women to participate in relief

and recovery processes and to build the

skills and capacities necessary to sustain

their involvement. Because many NGOSoffer direct services to communities rath-

er than facilitate community participa-

tion, it is useful to examine the origins,

shared approach, strategies, and work-

ing styles of the Indian and Turkish orga-

nizations involved. Such an examination

illuminates ways in which NGOs canwork differently to support and sustain

womens involvement from postdisaster

recovery to long-term development.

Swayam Shikshan Prayog (translated

as learning from ones own and others

experiences) in India and the Kadin

Emegini Degerlendirme Vakfi (translat-

ed as the foundation for the support of

womens work) in Turkey, are two non-

profit organizations founded in the 1980s,

each having more than 15 years experi-

ence working with women and poor com-

munities. Both or

social movement

focused on helpinnomic activities

development. Al

rural and KEDV

areas,2 they shar

ing with women t

ing elements:

They functfinancial res

local women

and impleme

They leverag

ative grassro

methods thato participat

ty-to-commu

Both group

fectiveness i

sure to succ

They work

spect of locment officia

makers. And

womens grou

sharpen dec

tion of wome

lief and rec

Most imporgovernment

mal protoco

recognize an

womens inv


12/42

They are committed to networking

and sharing their experiences with

other community-based womensgroups elsewhere that are involved in

development and disaster-response

initiatives as a means of improving

their own programs and to pressing

for program and policy change that

will create opportunities for poor

women nationally and globally.Both organizations try to disseminate

the lessons they have learned, informing

policy design through advocacy and dia-

logue with major policymakers and fund-

ing agencies locally, nationally, and

internationally.

The two organizations became ac-quainted in 1996 when they participated

in the United Nations Habitat Confer-

ence in Istanbul. KEDV was chairing the

NGO host committee and SSP was active

in workshops on womens initiatives in

human settlements. Both groups are

also members of the GROOTS Interna-tional network,3 so they came together

again in 1999 when SSP hosted a

GROOTS exchange in India, enabling

KEDV leaders to see how the womens

groups organized after the earthquake in

Maharashtra. This exposure and infor-

mation was invaluable when an earth-quake struck Turkey later the same year,

and it intensified bonds and direct collab-

oration between the two organizations.

Although SSP and KEDV used differ-

t t t i t h l ti i t

opportunity for instituting

in long-term developme

working-class communitnized that significant g

international resources w

cated to the earthquake

the crisis created new

collaboration among com

NGOs, and the governm

saw major mistakes beresources wasted and k

women would suffer th

waste continued. SSP an

the opportunity to sup

organizing and partic

reconstruction and dev

cess. Together, their pcommunity womens g

detailed overview of th

womens involvement

recovery and reconstruc

The case studies d

present womens experie

quake recovery in chrostarting with the 1993 Ma

quake and womens wor

strengthening houses. A

womens efforts to estab

women and children follo

quake in the Marmara r

in 1999 follows. The exawith an account of wom

India, who became activ

2000 earthquake there

the grassroots women

M h ht t l d t t


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Centering WomensParticipation inReconstruction Effortsin India: The SSPExperience inMaharashtra

India is one of the most disaster-prone

regions in the world. Floods, cyclones,droughts, and earthquakes hit South Asia

every year, causing substantial human

and material losses. About 57 percent of

India, mostly in the northern Himalayan

region and the Deccan plateau in the

southern and central sections, is prone

to earthquakes (Parasuraman and Unni-

krishnan 2000).

In the past 12 years, two major earth-

quakes devastated communities in the

west/central section of the country. On

30 September 1993, an earthquake with

a magnitude of 6.3 on the seismic scale

hit the Latur and Osmanabad districts in

the Marathwada region of Maharashtra

State. Fifteen hundred villages lay in the

epicenter of the quake, and 69 of them

were totally destroyed. Official figures

placed the death toll near 8,000 and the

number of those injured at 16,000. Ma-

terial losses included more than 200,000

houses categorized as seriously dam-

aged. Eight years later, another earth-

quake with a magnitude of 8.0 hit the

Bhuj District in neighboring Gujarat

State on 26 January 2001, disrupting

World Bank sup

US$216 million, w

the countrys hisgovernment deci

lages hit hardes

new settlements

voluntary agencie

es and requisite

1,300 villages th

aged, the governpair and Strengt

to rehabilitate as

as possible. Acc

share of governm

gram was desig

driven, self-help

each affected farupees (approxim

the repair of thei

families were off

if they provided

materials and

masons, and sup

strengthening ofFrom the ou

problems. Access

cal support, and

obstacles. By giv

work to individu

than to commun

encouraged patrcorruption. For e

control of identi

households were

Those homeown

subsidy and beg


14/42

tended to be innovative aspects of this

program, neither the World Bank nor the

government transferred decisionmakingpower or resources in a manner that

enabled village committees to form and

function. Gender concerns also were miss-

ing from the reconstruction and commu-

nity-participation strategies. Despite

womens central role in the home and

their related work, they were categori-cally ignored and socially excluded from

planning, design, and repair processes

associated with the recovery of their

homes and local communities.

Meanwhile, tremors continued for a

year after the quake, and many home-

owners began to doubt that their tradi-tional mud-roof and stone-wall houses

could be made safe. Lacking information

on construction technology and new de-

sign features, many believed that they

needed new concrete houses and reject-

ed the Repair and Strengthening Pro-

gram. In village after villa

frustrated and mistrust

plexities of the reconstthe R&S program was co

still, and the governm

was at stake.

In late 1994, the state

Maharashtra appointed S

Prayog (see Box 1) as i

insure community partiRepair and Strengthen

300 Latur and Osmanab

assignment required SSP

role as an advisor to th

identity as an NGO comm

ring decisionmaking pow

munities and especially time pressure to move vi

safe housing was great be

SSP to find practical and

for the residents of 300

cooperate, and apply new

construction techniques

Swayam Shikshan Prayog (SSP) was formal-ly established as an NGO in 1988 to buildthe capacities of rural womens groups to ac-cess and manage development resourcesand to participate in decisionmaking pro-

dialogues for women designto learn to work with banks agencies.

Today SSP, with a staff opartners with women's colle

Box 1

Swayam Shikshan Prayog (SSP):A Maharashtran NGO Strengthening theOrganizational Capacity of Rural Womenand Their Role in Local Development


15/42

Marathwadi Womens

Involvement in Recovery and

Reconstruction

When the government appointed SSP to

facilitate community participation, its

staffcommunity organizers, engineers,

and othersfirst looked at what had

gone wrong or gone missing. Through

interviews, village mapping, and the use

of rapid-appraisal techniques, they creat-

ed a picture of the problems as well as

the potential. The government authori-

ties clearly lacked a common view of how

to implement the program and what

roles should be played by those involved

(district officials, engineers, local gov-

ernments, and affected residents). Vil-

lage officials and homeowners lacked not

only basic information but also opportu-

nities to discuss and evaluate what was

happening. In response to these prob-

lems, SSP undertook two concrete tasks:

training government officials to dissemi-

nate information and facilitate bureau-

cratic processes (such as entitlement and

procurement) and identifying communi-

ty groups that could catalyze and engage

local residents.

The latter task led SSP to decide to

revive and reorient the government-

established womens groups (mahila

mandals) as community agents for

involving households in the Repair and

Strengthening Program. By means of a

large-scale publicity campaign (pam-

(samvad sahaya

gram. To formal

negotiated with the state, not SS

sahayaks to work

way, the mahila m

formally as the o

the communitie

administration. B

March 1998, 300appointed in as m

Managing larg

repair progra

In a mistrustful,

tially hostile envgroups had to p

form, motivate, a

owners. To prep

ment, SSP provid

training with m

women appointe

(Larger teams ofsupport the 300

by the governme

the basic constr

for adapting and

al village house

type of construc

dents from futurtion assistants an

their responsibil

community grou

to ensure that pe

and use their e


16/42

To accomplish these goals, the wom-

ens collectives organized themselves

into teams to map and survey householdsin their villages. Visiting and interview-

ing neighboring homeowners, especially

women, gave them a clear picture of sit-

uations in the villages and of the needs of

their constituents. (See Box 2.)

As the women began t

leadership positions, the

faced dual and persistentto empower themselves a

sensus among village re

laborating officials. For e

ber of women appointe

hayaks traveled to the

Participatory mapping is a useful and

enjoyable exercise to bring women into a

discussion of the concerns they have about

their settlements and basic services. While

drawing the map and discussing problems,

women have a chance to take a focused

look at their community. Mapping begins

by drawing the most familiar elementsthe main road, houses, the school, the tem-

ple, and the shops. Some women become

aware for the first time where their settle-

ments are in relation to where the market

is, where the water resources are, whether

there are any vacant lots or houses, who

lives where, and who obtai

the government. It prompt

about the condition of the co

ities, the power structure of

ty, and how resources are al

Once all the information

lected and mapped, the nex

cuss womens priorities and of action. One benefit of the

cise is to prepare women to

maps and plans. As valua

data and visual support, t

women in their negotiation

ment officials and technical

Box 2

Women and Participatory Mapping:A First Step Toward Planning Settlemen


17/42

meeting accompanied by male members

of their families, explaining that this

made them feel more secure. Yet somemenfamily members and village lead-

ershindered rather than helped women

assume their new public roles, ex-

pressing shock that the government

could actually offer jobs to women.

Engineers and bankers often withheld

information from the leaders or simplyturned them away, and masons common-

ly thwarted womens efforts to supervise

their work.

These realities required SSP to make

investments in a range of simple strate-

gies to help women counter social hos-

tility and promote public responsivenessto the urgency of repairing local houses.

Women organized themselves to:

work in a team, never alone;

speak with everyone in the village,

regardless of caste, age, or gender

to publicly foster an open, inclusive,approach;

support local village assemblies (gram

sabhas) to function as informed, pro-

active, problem-solving bodies; and

speak frankly and directly about

problems (such as shortages, cor-

ruption, and lack of information).

The groups held informal meetings in

village lanes to bring women (especially

those from poor and lower-caste fami-

for example, wen

officials to comp

neer who was tathat his lower-lev

supporting his be

As womens in

situation became

forced to act, r

cooperation grew

neers became opsign of houses t

women househo

ties, including,

space between liv

chimneys, strong

for grain storag

gious offerings. houses began to i

cal elements as

welcome symbol

nity. As villagers

gaged as homeow

ther than as vic

aid), trust and pbecame more act

ing materials wit

advancing paym

laborers. The wo

these initiatives b

cooperation amo

chasing and trabulk and pooling

As this level o

nership increas

Prayog realized t


18/42

homeowners, offering technical advice on

how to choose and purchase building

materials collectively, design a house, andimplement new construction techniques.

These leading villages proved to be

an effective means for connecting wom-

ens groups across communities as teams

of leaders routinely journeyed back and

forth to learn firsthand how to apply new

building processes at home. Exposure toone villages success energized others.

Soon, groups of homeowners began to

build houses collectively, sharing costs and

designs and jointly dealing with the engi-

neers and supervision of masons and other

laborers. As people found self-help solu-

tions to the shortage of masons, water, andcash, their problem-solving skills im-

proved. They began to recycle materials

from their traditional housesdoors, win-

dow frames, stones, bamboo, and sheets of

tin. In several villages, womens groups set

up committees for accessing water, pur-

chasing materials, super

tion, and managing cash

handling the documentaexpedite government pa

Interacting with villa

and district governm

Prior to the earthquake, w

regularly included in locings (nor did these mee

regularly). To keep the r

track, however, women

nized community wome

in village assemblies and

to describe the problems

holds to local leaders (grmembers) so that the le

forced to respond with

tions and action. In s

where local governments

not conducted villag

womens groups pressur

Yo

nder,Maharashtra,1999


19/42

to do so. Women used these assemblies

as public platforms for demanding

changes in procedures and governmentaccountability, and for pressuring influ-

ential local men, including bankers, to

support them.

Early in the reconstruction process,

womens groups had begun to meet with

senior district government officials (the

district is an administrative unit in chargeof dozens of villages) to report formally

on village problems and decisions. Over

time, they persuaded block and district

officials to attend village assemblies reg-

ularly in order to share information and

make decisions together with affected

families.The dramatic increase in womens

interaction with engineers and govern-

ment officials and their participation in

village assemblies and meetings pro-

duced many benefits. Women helped to

expose and reduce local corruption and

to promote greater public disclosure ofinformation and investments. They set

an example by publicly displaying prog-

ress charts, reviewing the goals and out-

comes of meetings, and convening pub-

lic dialogues between bureaucrats and

affected homeowners. The collaborations

women promoted also saved money, ad-vanced public safety, and produced re-

stored houses that included features

that reduced womens domestic work

and improved living conditions.

acceptable, and t

was reduced. Offi

and proactive in acomplaints, and t

formation. Comm

ens greater partic

outside of the fam

womens politica

years, women st

elections, with theto advance the c

they had started

Building and mcenters

As the R&S proLatur and Osman

womens groups

need to take pr

that women stay

In conversations

groups, the wom

to secure indepthat they could

They envisioned

public homes

from five to nin

share and operat

ing, and resourc

that if they hadwould not have

for access to pu

confine their act

These newly e


20/42

some of the materials, and raise funds

locally. In turn, SSP would match a part

campaign that provided

for bus fare, books, and

In Usturi village, the womens group began

by surveying the vacant or unused avail-

able land in the area. They approached the

vice-sarpanch (village headman) to ask ifthe local government could contribute

land, only to be offered plots that were

either too small, unsafe, or in marshy

areas. Their survey had revealed a large,

unused piece of land adjacent to a temple.

The plot included an existing structure

that could provide sufficient building

materials for construction of their center.The women contacted the owner, a

religious figure living in Mumbai, and he

agreed to donate his plot for the center if

they would leave him a room to worship in

whenever he visited the area. The women

agreed and consulted SSP, people in the

village, and the government land official to

start the legal procedures for taking titleto the plot. In a short time, they had

signed the necessary papers.

To prepare for construction, the

women negotiated agreements with neigh-

boring families and the temple authority to

share adjoining walls and to gain rights of

access. Once the Usturi wo

title in hand, several of thei

eled to Pune to visit a site

womens federation and learsoil cement blocks and con

Eager to construct the b

selves, the Usturi women a

masonry training on their s

ing was organized to streng

tions across the womens gr

group members from nine su

lages participated.To build local suppor

women invited local mason

and blacksmiths to take par

explained to everyone that

would be affordable only if

helped out, creating space

women to participate. While

gained construction skills, by carrying materials, clear

mixing mortar. Four wom

the site in daily shifts, and

group developed a simple

keeping a record of everyo

tion (SSP Publications [2000

Box 3

Usturi Village Women Construct Their MKendra (Women's Communication Cent


21/42

Creating Spaces forWomen in Relief, Recovery,

and ReconstructionEfforts in Turkey:The Foundation for theSupport of Womens

Work (KEDV)

The Marmara EarthquakeTurkey is at high risk for earthquakes,

which account for the majority of dam-

age to the country caused by natural dis-

asters. A destructive earthquake occurs

about every one and a half years; more

than 90 percent of the countrys total

surface area is at seismic risk. In fact,more than half of Turkeys land area and

population are first- and second-degree

risk zones.4

Two earthquakes in the Marmara Re-

gion, occurring on 17 August and 12 No-

vember 1999, were the strongest ever ex-

perienced in Turkey, with fatality ratesfive times greater than those of previous

quakes. Rated at 7.4 and 7.2 on the seismic

scale, they occurred in the most densely

urbanized and industrialized region of the

country where 23 percent of the coun-

trys population and 47 percent of Tur-

keys gross national product were con-centrated and affected. According to offi-

cial figures, more than 18,000 people

died in the two quakes and about 48,900

were injured. About 100,000 housing

Golcuk; a middle-

nearby. The majo

the area had fled nomic problems i

Southeast Turkey

quake disrupted

highly diverse so

tural background

The Turkish Response andPrograms

In the few hours

earthquake on

and donations (

hold goods, medities) started to fl

observer put it,

open wound, vo

area. Anyone wh

dress a wound, r

all parts of the co

Even if uncoorenced, volunteer

formed most of

work. Governme

and internationa

72 hours later. By

and volunteers h

of the 10,000 pout of the rubb

rescued only abo

Despite a seco

astated the regio

fi t th


22/42

Although the speed with which the

prefabricated houses were constructed

was admirable, the units were designedand built without input from local resi-

dents, womens groups, or NGOs, so that

the size, quality, and location of the tem-

porary housing proved controversial. No

attention was paid to the livelihood needs

of the poor, particularly to those of wom-

en, so that many families refused toleave their tents because leaving would

cause them to lose their food aid and they

would have to move far from their

sources of income. Rent subsidies were

offered to households that chose to find

their own living quarters, but this offer

led to rent inflation and evictions, thusdriving more poor families to seek shelter

in the temporary housing settlements.

Even though the majority of small

businesses were destroyed and layoffs of

workers continued to contribute to wide-

spread unemployment in the area, the

reconstruction program ignored peopleslivelihood needs and replacement infra-

structure for many businesses (four

years after the earthquake, the 14,500

destroyed businesses were offered only

temporary accommodation). The govern-

ment chose to focus on brick-and-mortar

solutions and use recovery aid to con-

struct large-scale permanent housing.

Furthermore, the governments housing

program targeted only homeowners, so

at least as many households did not

qualify for housing support from the

some prefabricated hous

(more than 13,000 un

maintained after almost new units were complete

to homeowners by the e

The majority of the ho

applied for government

percent) were qualified

Many families with alte

(living with relatives, haowning a home in ano

took the governments h

and left the area, but the

placed people stayed and

First, they lived in tent c

the temporary prefabrica

tlements. Those whose hmoderately damaged re

sum payment to use for

whose housing was d

choose either to receive

struction or apply the cr

permanent housing built

ment. This policy meantto different people. For s

ers, it was an opportunit

quality of their housing

was a chance to recover

their life savings. Yet th

loan that had to be paid

and for some, especiallyple, the government hou

plan was burdensome.

On 1 June 2000, the M

Works and Housing beg

of 40 000 housing units


23/42

these efforts were largely public rela-

tions strategies to gain support for pre-

determined plans. As in the case of thetemporary shelters, site selection was

controversial; many of the new settle-

ments were to be located on prime agri-

cultural land and far from city centers. A

public outcry arose concerning the selec-

tion of developers for government-spon-

sored construction of permanent hous-ing. Some of the developers awarded these

lucrative contracts simultaneously were

being sued for malpractice and for caus-

ing loss of life.

Women Organize Relief inthe Tent Cities

The governments initial response after

the Marmara earthquake was to house

those displaced from their homes in tent

cities. Poor women whose homes had

been destroyed circulated, searching for

ways to ensure the safety and survival of

their families. They were looking for food,collecting usable items, talking to the

press, and caring for their families and

the injured. Men, in contrast, seemed to

be in shock from having lost their jobs,

their life savings, and their health, and

were looking for work. Some wandered

off to escape the responsibilities brought

by the disaster. In tent cities, women at-

tended community meetings and inter-

acted frequently with settlement admin-

istrators and local government represen-

tatives to obtain information and access

union of local s

used land, sea, an

requests for helped towns. As th

tions in the are

stopped distribu

within the first fe

on what it could

provide safe an

spaces for womeunteers were q

women could pla

the relief and re

do so they would

together, share

mutual support. L

mal as quickly aswould not bec

dependent on ou

rebuild their ow

received support

As SSP had learn

the disaster, as

could be turned

development and

The first step

with local wome

ment officials t

appropriate site

women and child

sought to identi

could accommod

of poor families,

administrators, a

as if they could

longest periods o


24/42

Four new tents were bought to be

used as womens centers, and SHEK

provided additional tents for childrens

use, mobile toilets, and shipping contain-

ers that could be used for storage as well

as for office and dormitory space for

port-group sessions. Soo

housing several income-e

(described below). At t

women discussed the e

relief programs, and eve

region They organize

Kadin Emegini Degerlendirme Vakfi(KEDV) was established in 1986 by a smallgroup of Istanbul-based professional womenwith grassroots backgrounds. Its missionwas to support poor women so that theycould organize to respond to basic needsand to develop the capacities to improvetheir own lives and communities. KEDVbegan by working with poor women fromsettlements around Istanbul who had

expressed the need for community-basedchild-care services to keep their childrensafe while they worked. KEDV helped thesewomen organize and negotiate with localmunicipalities for public space where par-ents could operate child-care centers withadjacent womens rooms that offer a rangeof capacity-building programs. In addition

to providing an essential service to workingwomen, the child-care centers also offered asocially legitimate reason for women toleave their homes to meet with their peers,thereby reducing their isolation.

KEDVs participatory appon local resources, and sucing strategic partnerships w

vate sector and governmenunique among the newly emTurkey. It formed successfincluding one with the SocChild Protection Administrin order to gain access to resto gain visibility and recogni

with poor women. The primKEDVs outside funding initpresent) was the Bernard Vdation in the Netherlands. ters in Istanbul, KEDV nowsource partner with 17 cenand children and with 20 wand credit groups in low-in

hoods of Istanbul, in earthareas in the Marmara regioneastern Turkey. It maintain35 people, including womethe local centers.

Box 4

Kadin Emegini Degerlendirme Vakfi(KEDVThe Foundation for the Support of

Womens Work): Partnering To Establish Woand Children Centers that Women Control


25/42

project produced more than 10,000 dolls

and shared earnings of approximately

US$11,000. Beyond producing much-

needed income, this project introduced

most of the women to the collective pro-

duction process. At the same time, it

served as a practical way for many of thewomen to overcome the trauma result-

ing from the disruption of their lives. As

one woman remarked, Every day, I had

to get up, come to the tent, and be to-

gether with others. It helped me forget

about my troubles. Others who did not

participate in the doll project also cameby to watch the work and chat. Ultimat-

ely, the collective process became a

major attraction at the centers and pro-

vided women with an opportunity to get

another tent city

and Guney, man

stay near their dtect their proper

live in makeshif

were concerned

could cause them

centers. They p

palities to set up

from the KEDV (

Well do anyth

here. Children

child care and

our own. We

among ourselv

land; they shou

A mother froSeptember 1999

In the meanti

secure funding

Netherlands) an

World Service to

women and chil

housing settleme

Their construct

round of meeting

eral site visits to i

the largest numb

who would stay

and, preferably, t

in close proximity

Because at this p

familiar with the

space was easie

the centers bega

KEDV,Adap

azari,1999


26/42

transition from the relief to the recovery

phase of the postdisaster intervention.

Because humanitarian relief efforts were

no longer needed, most of the local andinternational NGOs began to leave the

earthquake area. The cooperative attitude

that had existed between the public and

nongovernmental organizations during

the relief phase eroded Only those NGOs

previous experience at th

of these women took on

block representatives, bu

to fend for themselves.Living conditions in th

hastily built prefabricate

were better than in the

were still difficult. The

fered from frequent infra

In Guney, KEDV joined the women in nego-

tiations with the municipality for continua-tion of basic services (utilities and toiletfacilities) on this site. The women calculat-

ed the budget and fees needed to hire a pro-fessional staff and divided the work among

themselves. KEDV supported their effortsby organizing exchange visits to their center

for women and children in Istanbul, and bytraining the women to manage the centerand assist the only professional childcare

worker employed at the site.

Soon, the Social Services Administration(SHEK) invited the womens group tomove from the shipping containers they had

been using into a new NGO-donated com-munity building in the neighborhood. Thewomen agreed on the condition that they

would continue to be in charge of managingthe child-care center and womens room with

technical support from KEDV. Forty womenattended the first meeting organized in the

new building and decided o

management of the new centmonths, however, tensions bbetween the women and SH

building administrator, whoignorant women should lea

experts, tried to interfere ment of the center and to lim

access to the building. Eventof the summer, SHEK tookmunity center, and the wom

the governor's office and mu

alternate space was rejectednation that sufficient childexisted already in the distric

Ultimately, even though clearly demonstrated whataccomplish when they c

energy to reach a common gty of their success in light

priorities illustrates the imptutionalizing womens gains

Box 5

A Struggle for Control: The GuneyNeighborhood Experience


27/42

explored differen

and technical ass

dian Internationa(CIDA) and the

national Center

(ICSC), several w

recycled paper, w

nontraditional sk

the centers (Dern

Uzuniftlik in Izwoodworking w

women made no

also screens for

which were in gr

tlements. They

partner with loca

their skills. Forwere discussing

plumbers and e

come to their s

some of the cent

workshops for tr

en as plumbers a

Another majopied women was

ing. A summer v

from India helpe

they could accom

with KEDV staff

community meet

attended by huneven a few men.

group of determ

meet regularly t

take action. The

allocation of larger units, and the like).

Because safe and affordable housing

options were virtually unavailable else-

where, residents who were not eligible forhousing credits began to understand that

living in these prefabricated dwellings

might not be a temporary situation.

Within this context, the centers for

women and children became the only

source of community information and

services in the settlements. As the initialshock of the disaster wore off under the

hard living conditions of the temporary

settlements, the women began to focus

on their long-term economic and hous-

KEDV,

Izmit,2000


28/42

holds with young children and/or dis-

abled persons, and so forth). Collecting

and owning this information, which thegovernment did not have, provided the

women with an asset they could use in

negotiations with the government and

made them feel empowered.

Three women from each center at-

tended biweekly regional coordination

meetings with KEDV staff to discusstheir progress, findings, obstacles,

strategies, and next steps, and where

they identified local experts (lawyers,

engineers, and developers) to invite to

the centers to explain basic rules for

safety in construction and issues related

to eligibility for government programs.They strategized about the order in

which to visit the local agencies and

authorities and prepared questions to

ask that they divided up among them-

selves so that everyone would have a

chance to talk during the meeting. They

organized group visits to local agenciesand to the construction sites of the new

permanent housing being built by the

Ministry of Construction and Resettle-

ment. At one center they discovered

construction errors in some new perma-

nent housing blocks in their district. This

contributed to their concern that some ofthe new housing developers were the

same ones who had built the buildings

that collapsed during the earthquake,

calling into question how the govern-

and to keep good reco

because the governmen

not address their housinof tenant women began

developing their own h

tives linked to savings gr

After the first few mee

ized that the local auth

have clear information

ernment programs, eithjust repeat what they a

knew or would say th

things look rosy. So we

notes in the meetings a

to confirm and sign t

they think twice before

promises.

Nehir from Uzunciftlik,

As women experience

acting together as a gro

reached out to collabo

each other. Women from

began to go to meetings w

ities together. They exchand numbers of experts a

were helpful, and groups

the process began to help

ticipating in their weekl

sharing information, ex

strategies. At the same

were beginning to chanhouseholds. As a woma

remarked, My husband u

that I spent too much tim

Now he is used to it and

h d i h


29/42

ties and access resources on their own.

With support from legal experts and

friends, the women explored differentorganizational formats and decided on

cooperatives as the most suitable struc-

ture for their needs and purposes. Mean-

while, a six-year protocol signed be-

tween KEDV and the Social Services and

Child Protection Administration in 2001

provided more favorable conditions forsustaining the centers.6 By early 2003,

six of the eight centers for women and

children were consolidated as autono-

mous service-production cooperatives.

Also by 2003, four housing coopera-

tives were established by about 200

women from the three provinces, whobegan looking for funding and negotiating

with the authorities for allocation of land

for their cooperatives. This effort has

required vigilance. For example, during

their visits to public agencies, the women

learned that the Ministry of Public Works

and Housing was considering auctioningoff land in temporary housing settle-

ments to cooperatives that had been set

up by tenant groups for building apart-

ments. Even though site selection would

be based on each settlements tenure

composition, the women had already

gathered this information and could sup-

ply it to the Ministry. One outcome of this

process was a promise from the Regional

Coordinator of the Ministry of Public

Works to give the womens cooperatives

priority in land allocation

and international

hard time findin

over the managemters they had bu

ens groups organ

took control of

formed savings an

tiated partnershi

ensure the financ

centers. Tenantsing cooperatives t

housing needs. M

leaders participat

national peer e

India, and South

recently in Bam

gave them confiroots experts on

housing process

ing, and on the e

tion of centers fo

TransferriExperiencWomens Support EStruck Guin Taking A

Womens groups gency relief, res

struction efforts

ter acquire signifi

pertise that can g


30/42

shape their immediate and long-term

futures. When disasters strike, the oppor-

tunities to decrease womens marginaliza-tion arise early on, when norms of social

control and male-dominated family struc-

tures are temporarily disrupted and weak-

ened by the chaos that ensues. If affected

women can meet and benefit from the

experiences of other women who have

managed to deal successfully with disas-ter-related issues, much valuable time can

be saved and mistakes avoided. The after-

math of the earthquake in Gujarat in 2001

is one example where local women bene-

fited from the help of their peers from

Maharashtra and from the experiences of

the Turkish women from the Marmararegion.

A powerful earthquake, with an epi-

center near Bhuj, struck the Indian state

of Gujarat in late January 2001, and

nearly a million families were left home-

less. The Kutch region, a large part of

which lies in the highest seismic hazard

zone in India, was the hardest hit

accounting for 90 percent of all deaths

and almost an equal share of all

destroyed assets. The Kutch region had

high levels of social and economic vul-

nerability and fragility e

times (Martin 2003:14)

With higher poverty an

indicators than in the r

peoples capacity to abs

er from the losses caus

events is limited. The m

livelihood, agriculture

handicrafts and trade h

ously affected by the

fects of earthquake and

For a community tryin

a drought since 1999, t

. . . tested their resilien

ing their habitat, emp

family support, poor

also lost the childcare

education, and health iMany anganwadi cen

en and child welfare) p

ernment assistance c

lapsed, leaving an e

million women and c

out nutrition suppor

services, as a UN team

2003:30)

A tardy governmen

quired survivors to mob

recovery efforts on their

ber of Gujarati women

SSP,Gujarat


31/42

into action, summoning doctors, pulling

children from the debris, and rescuing

animals. Nevertheless, their initiatives

were largely invisible.

Swayam Shikshan Prayog, collaborat-

ing with the Society for the Promotion ofArea Resource Centers (SPARC), offered

solidarity by soliciting corporate, interna-

tional, and relief agency monies to help

affected communities organize them-

Gujarati villages i

Rajkot districts in

eral NGOS and dSSP began it

community-to-c

between women

Latur and Osman

federations (in

fected women in

Focused on iden

the urgent pract

the exchanges

enced leaders t

analyze their ow

upon effective

taken. For examp

women map the

earthquake cau

losses did you s

Was your house

get food? Has fam

ued or been di

money set aside

How have your

education been a

Maharashtran

ries of how they h

themselves to im

working condition

jarati women, mo

religious barriers

ters, a vision of participating in c

work together ac

In a short time

with more than

SSP,G

ujarat,2002


32/42

ted villages across Gujarat, replaying the

Maharashtran experience. When seasoned

grassroots leaders visited their strugglingpeers, they urged the women to deter-

mine who was taking bribes, where bot-

tlenecks existed in accessing entitle-

ments and repair materials, and to

decide how they would confront these

problems collectively and sustain their

action. For example Sultana (of Osmana-bad) asked Dilharba of Jodia village:

Is it true that the engineer in

Bhimkatta village asks for bribes to

approve houses for the second

installment of funds?

Dilharba: Yes, the engineer asks forbribes. I have been telling people that

if your homes are using the proper

earthquake safety guidelines, then

you should not give the engineer

any money. I completely discourage

them from giving bribes to anyone.

Have you complained to anyone

about the engineer whos asking formoney?

Dilharba: No, we have not told any-one yet.

Why not? You should bring this to the

attention of the Taluka District Office

so that the corruption stops.

One year after the earthquake, wom-

en leaders from the Marathwadi (India)

and Marmara (Turkey) regions, coordi-

t d b SSP t ith G j ti

dont get water for con

can you build your h

water in our village

every three weeks. How

construct houses in suc

Gauriben of Jamnag

scribed how her daughte

the day standing in a long

water because of the sh

manded to know: Why da choice between makin

stand in a line for water o

school? A third wo

described how her grou

compel officials to re

water shortage:

The women from Latu

us to go and talk wit

and request that the

come to our village to

for himself. [We did, agot angry and refused

told him we could h

pended if he didnt calmed down and ag

Once he was there,

severe the problem was

nized a meeting with

lage where we decide

water tank. Since hi

been getting a water

everyday, [and will conour tank is built! (SS2002)


33/42

Adapting Empowerment

Strategies to Cultural and

Social Conditions

Despite their widespread poverty, the

Gujarat villages where SSP worked had

no active savings and credit groups. Ini-

tially, the Gujarati women resisted the

idea of forming such groups, claiming

they were uneducated and would not

know how to operate as a group or han-

dle money; some anticipated that men

would forbid them to participate.

However, after repeated visits, meetings,

and study tours to observe the savings

and credit groups in Latur and Osmana-

bad (where more than 15,000 women

were running more than 1,100 groups),

the Gujarati women agreed that they

could start the process of saving and

lending together (see Box 6).

For every ste

took out of their

tion grew for hwomen had crea

groups a perman

and developmen

lages. From the

visits, they soon

the whys and

from repairing ahomes to constru

kendras. Indeed,

rat women in

once households

cess to their pa

and strengthenin

way. Although wity shaped the w

ticipated, nevert

used the inform

had received to b

In early October 2001, a study tour wasorganized by ANANDI, a womens NGO, tohelp women from the quake-affected area

learn about savings and credit groups. Agroup of 25 women from the villages ofJodia block, accompanied by a leader fromLatur, visited Rakodia, a remote village inMaliya block lacking proper roads, electrici-ty and water While there they heard

learned to keep recfor governing the grfrom Utbeth Cham

potential.

Even though SS

with us on the im

savings groups

understand the c

Box 6

Learning about Savings and Credit


34/42

ding to Phuliben of Jodhpur Vandh, in

Rapar Kutch,

Today we are able to provide proper

guidance to the masons when our

homes are being built. . . . I also help

to guide others in my community. If

my home is being built right now, I go

and ask other women whose homes

will be built later to come and help

me. Then when their homes are being

built, I go and help them. In this way,many women have been coming

together to work on rebuilding homes.

Numerous village women worked in

construction: sifting sand, mixing ce-

ment, ensuring the right proportions of

sand and cement, and supervising the

masons to make sure that they were

incorporating earthquake-safe features in

the construction.

To establish mahiti kendras, women

organized the work into five committees.

Leaders in Khirsara village described

these committees at a meeting with

Jamnagar residents. They organized:

a water committee responsible for

ensuring that water is available for

constructionarranging both access

and transport to sites;

a purchasing committee responsible

for checking the prices and qualityof construction materials before

buying them;

a materials committee responsible for

k i g d f th t i l

and end work and all

struction activities a

masons use approprisafe building techniq

Participating women

quent in expressing how

es have helped them lea

problems, and negotiat

planning and constructio

hiti kendra in a village,rashtra or in Gujarat, sy

portant milestone in the

of local women. These m

ters house the activiti

groups from as many as

villages and testify to the

en working collectively to mobilize labor, materi

and to build and manage

ty structures. Moreover,

groups can establish the

with their name on it, th

status in their village.

Conclusion

Claiming Opportu

Innovative Strateg

The case studies of the

experience highlight hosituations can be oppor

power women at the g

build more resilient co

initiate long-term social


35/42

mediaries, placing them at the center of

reconstruction processes. The womens

groups underwent training to take onthis role: to motivate householders, build

technical capacity, demonstrate collec-

tive arrangements, provide feedback,

and monitor reconstruction. Over time,

women acquired the confidence and

skills to become community-develop-

ment intermediaries, monitoring basicservices, voicing womens priorities in

their communities, initiating local devel-

opment projects, and facilitating dia-

logues between their communities and

government officials. Training of public

agency staff concerning community and

womens participation was also critical in

ensuring the success of this process. As

a result, 250,000 households were in-

volved in earthquake-safe construction

in Gujarat and Latur. As 4,000 women

and families took loans; 1,200 women

started businesses, and livelihoods and

assets were stabilized. Communities

organized for long-term development.

Today, more than 800 womens groups

work on health, education, water, and

sanitation in their communities.

In Turkey, KEDV used a different

entry point for womens participation. It

began by creating public spaces for

women and their children as a way to

legitimize and sustain womens partici-

pation in the public sphere and to rebuild

disrupted community networks. The

centers for women and children provid

dent service an

tives, also assum

centers for womstarted numerou

groups as well as

ual businesses.

organized aroun

eratives and be

government agen

to their housing

Both SSP and

ing exchanges

groups as a cap

This approach p

pansion of effect

strated that wom

grassroots level a

one another. An

the eagerness an

ens groups to pr

ance to other w

experiencing dis

the Maharashtra

helped Gujarati

formation gathe

officials, scale u

groups, and esta

sustain their invo

tion. More recen

women leaders f

traveled to Bam

who also survivequake how they

for women and c

tiated with local

nized effective m


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Gupta,Bam,2004

storing their communities in the relief

and subsequent recovery processes.

Four types of barriers are highlighted,

some derived from the tension between

emergency and development approach-

es and others related to biases about

gender roles and professional expertise.

First, despite the lip service paid to

disaster reduction and sustainable de-

velopment, policymakers often fail to

realize that postdisaster efforts are, in

fact, development interventions that

should reflect principles of participation

and sustainability Emergency short

tail in relation to the role

ment, international relie

ganizations. Lack of com

coordination between t

agencies, aid organizati

often wastes a sizeabl

resources flowing into th

International aid efforts,

emergency relief, freque

the problem by fosteri

dependency, and corru

fected communities an

trying to access this sup

Third relief and subs


37/42

approach to aid ignore womens joint

claim on family assets, it also ignores the

needs of women living apart from male-

headed households and is largely indif-

ferent to the income-generating roles

that women do and must play. These

biases substantially undermine prospects

for household and community recovery.

Gender-sensitive programming is essen-

tial during emergency relief The central

indicate that gras

ported, rapidly m

actors. Women c

al skills and tak

roles often cons

domain, overcom

skepticism, and t

to rebuild their c

Reducing the

of women and o

S.Sawant,SSP2004


38/42

productivity to postdisaster investments

(see Box 7). The lessons include a set of

good practice principles that could redi-

rect postdisaster programming toward

gender-equitable, community-develop-

ment opportunities. These principles

include:

First, donors and international emer-

gency aid agencies must broaden ac-

countability measures for aid and loan

granting to reward efforts that demon-

strably reduce social vulnerabilities and

foster participatory local development

throughout the postdisaster relief and

recovery stages. Guidelines to distribute

resources more evenly across the stages

of relief to recovery should include hold-

ing the powerful relief industry account-

able. Moreover, distribution and pro-

curement policies should encourage

innovative and appropriate local ap-

proaches, taking special note of the piv-

otal role that womens g

throughout the process

ery, and long-term devel

Second, as they reco

women are among the m

and marginalized group

strikes, policy and pro

must establish specific m

anisms to ensure that wo

resources, participate p

ning and decisionmaking

postdisaster recovery,

themselves and build th

sustain their involvem

the years of the recover

ment processes.

Third, the case stud

cornerstones for good

creating formal spaces

groups can organize to

postdisaster efforts and

ing resources and roles

Womens groups are talented in gathering

local information that is difficult, if not

impossible for outsiders to access, and in

monitoring the implementation of govern-

and the government in

improves the speed, qualit

ability of the government p

the case of Maharashtra).

Box 7

The Practical and Strategic Contributioof Affected Women to Disaster Responseand Mitigation


39/42

fected women to ensure that they can:

(1) access entitlements and assets in a

manner that reduces their vulnerability

and the prevailing gender and class/caste

biases; (2) participate in government and

donor planning processes in order to

design social, livelihood, and housing

support services that reduce the house-

hold and public work burden of poor

women; (3) claim permanent community

meeting spaces that they manage them-

selves; (4) collect and disseminate re-

sources and information; (5) publicly

establish, implement, and evaluate post-

disaster relief-to-recovery plans and pro-

grams related to social, economic, and

physical infrastructure and governance;

(6) have equal access to formal platforms

for ongoing dialogue, negotiations, and

feedback; and (7) claim recognition for

their accomplishments and knowledge,

and in turn, be given the resources to en-

able them to advise their peers in other

affected communities when similar disas-

ters strike.

The case studies also suggest that

institutional frameworks are crucial in

helping to achieve the large-scale partic-

ipation of women. The Maharashtra State

government was persuaded to make for-

mal spaces available for womens partic-

ipation available in reconstruction ef-

forts, and it supported long-term devel-

opment efforts at the district level as

well. Coupled with the Indian quota sys-

t f t ti i il

NGOS) benefit

that connect the

highlight their re

key institutions

and program cha

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Editor: Sandy SchilenEditorial and Production Coordinator: Michelle SkaerCopyeditor: Karen Tweedy-HolmesDesigner: Mike VosikaCover Photos: FrontAyse Yonder, Izmit, 2000; BackAyse Yonder, A

SEEDS Advisory CommitteeJudith Bruce (Population Council)Marilyn Carr(Consultant)

Marty Chen (Harvard University)Monique Cohen (Microfinance Opportunities)Caren Grown (Bard College, Levy Economics Institute)Ann Leonard (Consultant)Joyce Malombe (Institute of International Education)Katharine McKee (USAID)Aruna Rao (Gender at Work)Mildred Warner(Cornell University)Corinne Whitaker(International Womens Health Coalition)

No. 12 The Muekect in Tha

No. 13 Child CarWorking M(English, S

No. 14 Breaking Nto Womenbia (Englis

No. 15 Self-EmplWomens EWomen Vement Prog

No. 16 Wastelandpowermen

ExperiencNo. 17 Supporting

Green Zonlish)

No. 18 Out of thW k O

No. 2 Hanover Street: An Experiment toTrain Women in Welding and Car-pentryJamaica (English, Spanish)

No. 3 Market Womens Cooperatives: Giv-ing Women CreditNicaragua (Span-ish, French)

No. 4 Women and Handicrafts: Myth andRealityInternational (English, Span-ish, French)

No. 5 The Markala Cooperative: A New Ap-proach to Traditional EconomicRolesMali (French)

No. 6 The Working Womens Forum: Organ-izing for Credit and ChangeIndia(French)

No. 7 Developing Non-Craft Employmentfor Women in Bangladesh (English,French, Spanish)

No. 8 Community Management of Waste Re-li g Th SIRDO M i (E g

Other Editions of SEEDS Currently Available


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