The Lived Experience of Work and Career: Women Whose Parents Lack Postsecondary Education

Melinda M. Gibbons Marianne Woodside Christine Hannon Jeffrey R . Sweeney John Davison

There is a dcarrh ofrCSC;lfCh exploring the ca n::c r and work dcvclopmcnr of ad lilts and the influence offumily of origin 011 that dcvdopmt::llt. In ('his qualitative study, the authors llsed a phenomenological approach to examine the career and work experiences o f women whose parents have 110 education beyond high school and

the influences of fam ily on th!:sc npcricnccs. findings n:vt:akd 5 invariant themes, or cons[imcms, th.lI shaped the npcricnccs of these women: being a d;wglltl:r/ woman, supporr and encouragement, what matters, why I chose, and limits and options. Perseverance was found to be a related underlying component, or essence . Authors pn:scllt implications for coun~cl0r,:> working wi th ;tdult women whose parents bck postsecondary education.

As of2007, 86.4% of adult women had at least a high school diploma, and 28% had earned at least a bachelot's degree (National Center lor Education Statistics) 2008 ). first-generation college students, or those studems whose parents lack postsecondary education, account for about 16% of all 4-ycar college students (Capriccioso, 2006) and 45% of all community college snldents (Nomi, 2005). Many children of adults without a college degree arc not entering postsecondary education. Also, diHerences exist between students whose parents have advanced education and those whose parents do not (Gibbons, Borders) "Viles, Stephan, & Davis, 2006; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin) 1998). This study describes the work and career expeli ­ences of adult women whose parents lack any formal education beyond high school and explores the influence of £1mily of o rigin on those experiences.

According to Sharf (2010), work is defined as a "purposeful activity to earn money or other reward and possibly to produce a product or service to others" (p. 3), whereas career is a more general term describ­ing the "roles individuals play over their lifetime" (p . 3) . We used both terms interchangeably in our interviews for this study to create an easy understanding of what we were asking ofthe participants. Because of the phenomenological methodology lIsed in the study, however, participants defined these terms in their own ways) and we provided no information to them that might alter their perceptions of these terms.

Melinda M. Gibbons, Marianne Woodside, Christine Hannon, Jeffrey R. Swcc­ney, and John Dapis01l, Departme'nt of Educational Psychology and CouHseling, Unipcrsity of Tennessee, K1wxpille. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Melinda M. Gibbous, Department of Educational Psychology and Counseling, University of Twnessee, 441 Claxtoll Complex, Knoxville, TN 37996 (e-mai/: mgibbo1J2@utk. edu).

() J OII l>y rhe National Catc<.'r De\'dopmmt Associ.uioll. All righL~ Tescn't:d.

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As appropriate with qualitative methodology, and specifically phe­no menology. it is important to understand what drives the researchers' interest in the phenomena studied (Wertz, 2005 ). The first two authors were primarily involved in both selecting the topic and analyzing the data. The first author has an interest in first-generation college students and wanted to continue research on this population. She is interested in how the lived experiences of these adults might inform dlOSC working with younger members of this group. She aJsa has an interest in career counseling and how to incorporate the unique experiences of individuals into practice. The second author comes to this topic primarily from an interest in phenomenological inqui ry as a way to understand mo rc deeply the experiences of others. She is also interested in how this info rmation relates to psychological principles and to counseling others and is commit­ted to understanding those with less access to educational opportunities.

Women and Career DevelopmentL _ ______ _

The caree r development of women represents a significant focus in the ca reer literature during the last 20 years. A shift offoclls occurred from why women work to the role of work in the lives of culturally diverse women (Phillips & Imhoff, 1997 ). Loveland, Buboltz, Schwartz, and Gibson (2006 ) found that nearly 13% of all published articles in The Career Development Q;tarterlyduring a 1 O-year period were abo llt women in the workforce. Previously, less than 2% of articles in the journal were specifically about women. In addition , recent statistics show that women make up nearly half of the workforce and that number is expected to rise in the next 10 years ( Bureau o f Labor Statistics, 2009).

Researchers have focused on various issues affecting women and their career development including dual-career status (Shahnawaz & Ali, 2007 ), multicultural factors and career (Gushue & Whitson, 2006; Lopez & Ann-Yi, 2006) , nontraditional careers (Sax & Bryant, 2006), and career decis ion-making selfeffi cacy (Quimby & O'Brien , 2004 ). Generally, the results show that marital status, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and career choice directly affect the career development of women .

Another focus is the role of family on career development. In their literature review, Whiston and Keller (2004 ) identified several trends related to women and career development. Parents influence the career choices of girls and boys, especially prior to adolescence. For teenage girls, the level of support in the ho use hold and the strength of the mother- daughter relationship influence career decision making. For those who attend college, family of origin continues to be an influence on occupational exploration and selection. The few studies that Whiston and Keller found on adults indicated that family variables continue to influence career development. One noted concern of these authors was the lack of research on adults who do not attend college. Whiston and Keller also suggested that because family affects the career development of women , a second concern was the lack of studies examining the ef­fects of family -of-origin influences o n the work and career of adults.

More recently, a few studies attempted to address the research gap regarding the effects offamily on adult careers. Huang and Sverke (2007 ) concluded rrom a longitudinal s[tldy that parental career paths directly affected the career paths ofdleir children well into adulthood. Also, Bosco and Bianco

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(2005 ) found that maternal work patterns directly affected work choices of young adults. Schoon, Martin, and Ross (2007) examined two cohorts of aduJts and learned that the socioeconomic status and educational support of their parents directly affected later occupational achievement of these adults , although this was less so for the younger participants. Still, more research is needed regarding the influence of family on the career lives of adults.

In addition, a small number of qualitative studies examined several topics related to women's career development, including African American college graduates (Pearso n & Bieschke, 2001 ; Richie et aI. , 1997), women with disabilities (Noonan et aI., 2004), and women entering traditional versus gender-neutral careers (Whitmarsh, Brown, Cooper, Hawkins·Rodgers, & Wentworth, 2007). Similar to the quantitative studies described earlier, findings in these qualitative studies suggested that background , career choices, and culture have effects on women's career development. For example, Richie et al. ( 1997) found that women demonstrated persistence in their career plans and believed the positive messages received from family and friends regarding their ability to achieve those plans. Most of these study participants perceived famil y support for career planning and had a mentor in their lives. Participants in the Pearson and Bicschkc (2001 ) study identified as their motivator their lack of financial resources while growing up. They also mentioned a strong work ethic and family support as fi.lrthering their education . Whitmarsh et al. (2007) found that women who chose gender-neutral careers detailed multiple barriers in their career development and mentioned receiving mixed messages from peers, family, and society about working 'while parenting. These qualitative studies help researchers better understand the career development experiences of unique groups o f women and set the stage for further research on culturally and demographically diverse women. However, to date, there is no specific examination of the phenomenological meaning of the effect of parental ed ucationallcvel o n the work and career experiences of adult women.

Fi rst -Generation Coil ege __ .uSCLt.ull ... du.e.J.n.1Jtws~ ______ _ Another group that is the focus of research related to career develop­ment is prospective first-generation college students, or students who would be the first in their fa mily to attend college. Some students whose parents have nO college education make the same choice not to continue their education. Until now, most research focused on first-generation students who do continue their education , and these students appear to differ from their peers who are from college-educated familie s.

Much of what we know about prospective first-generatio n college students focuses on demographic differences and college transition is­sues (Pascarella, Pierson, Wolniak) & Terenzini, 2004). For example) fi rst-generation college sntdents tend to be from lower income families (Nunez & Cuccaro -Alamin, 1998) and are more likely to represent an ethnic minori ty (Lohfink & Paulsen, 2005 ). In high school, t1ley take fewer advanced math or advanced placement courses (Warburton, Buga­rin, Nunez, & Carroll , 2001) and report lower perceived family support for college-going (York-Anderson & Bowman, 1991 ) than their peers do. Once they arrive at college, the differences continue; first-generation students earn lower first-semester grade point averages (Warburton et ai. , 2001 ) report more problems with time management and understanding

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assignments (Collier & Morgan, 2008), and are more likely to drop out of school (Nunez & Cuccaro-AJami l1, 1998 ). First-generation students who do persist in college are 1110rc likely than other college snlden ts to want to attend graduate school (Lohfink & Paulsen, 2005), become involved in extracurricular activities (Pascarella et aI., 2004 ), and establish a mcntor­ing relationship with sorneone at their college (Reid & M.oorc, 2008).

Little is known, however, about this population's general career develop­ment after high school or abollt their careers after college graduation. The few studies examining postcollege activities f(>Lllld that first-generati()I) college students choose occupations as diverse as those of their peers and make si milar saJarics (eha)" 2001 ). A modest amount of literature focuses on the dlt:cts of tamily of origin on career development in adults, but there is a dearth of litnature on adults whose pan:nts lack postsecondary education once these adults enter the world of work (\Vhisron & Ke ller, 2004). Bccause studies indicate that womcn seem to be influenced by family background (Richie et a1., 1997; Whitmarsh et al., 2007) and lower parental educational levels atlcct first-generation college students, we wondered if there were combined dlects with these two demographic groups. T he lack of information in the lite rature led us to question the meaning of work and career experiences tor adult women whose parents lack postsecondary education. Using a phenom­enological approach, ollr areas of inquiry were (a) What is the meaning and essence of the experience of work and career for women whose parents have no education beyond high school? and (b) What is the meaning and essence of the influence of f..1.mily of origin on that experience?

Method

Phenomenology, as a research method, seeks to explore in deta il and understand participants' lived experience- the invariant C011stitucnts and the eSJencc of an experience (Creswe ll , 2006; Moustakas, 1994; van Manen, 1990). The philosophical perspectives of Husserl (193 1) and Merleau -Ponty (1962) ground phenomt:nological research: suspension of judgmt:nts, intentionality of consciollsness, rejection of the division of the subject and the object (Creswell, 2006; van Manen, 1990 ). Hus­st'rI suggested that the meaning and essence of a phenomenon could be known by putting as ide current personal perspectives, reducing a description of the lived experience for the indi vid ual and across individ u­als, and developing an essence (Moustakas, 1994) of the experience.

In our study, we uscd three methods to enhance the intt:grity of the findings: identityillg and setting aside researcht:r framc of rdert:nct: Uv1oustakas, 1994), providing concrete descriptions of participant ex ­periences, and t ri angulation (Patton , 1990). Mt:thodology limitations incl ude the difficulty of researchers to be bias free, the ability (or lack rht:reof) of the interviewer to elicit full descriptions of t he phenomena ti·om participants, the willin gness of participants to talk about their experiences, and the reality that data analysis and understanding afthc phenomena is a never-cnding process (Creswell, 2006; Moustakas, 1994).

PartiCipants

The II women participants in the current study are onc set of data gathered from 17 participants ( ll women and six men ) whose parents had no education beyond high school. T he women were fro m a si ng le

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southeastern state. O ur primary interest foc llsed solely on t he experi ­ences of women whose parents lack postsccondary education, with no constrain t related to their age, their own postsecondary experience, or the type of career they held. Although we hoped for an ethnically diverse participant group, the phenomenological area of inquiry focused solely on parcntal educati onal level. This was a pu rposeful sample, reflecting the desire to interview participants whose characteristics (parents who did not have postsecondary experience ) and experiences (work and career) matched the research inqu iry (Merriam, 1998 ). Although the interviews of both women and men were conducted si multaneously, we thought it vital to exami ne experiences by gender, so we analyzed the data from the women indepcndently from the data from the men.

Two participants cOlllpleted high school o nly, one had SOme college but no degree, onc was currently an undergraduate student, and seven graduated frol11 college, includin g one who held a master's degree and education specialist degree, one with a master's degree who was work­ing on her doctoral degree, and one with a completed doctoral degree. Their ages ranged from early 20s to late 50s. Ten of the participants were Caucasian , ,\nd one was African American . Four came from low­income families , although none of the participants came fron") wealthy or upper-income households. Three worked as administrative ass istants, two worked for nonprofit agencies, three were educators, two were currently students, and one was at hom e raising her children full time. Participants received a $15 gjft certifica te for thei r fu ll participation in th<:: project. The human su bjects review board at the university where it took place approved this stud y_

Procedure

We distributed flyers to faculty colleagues and posted them 011 bulletin boards throughout the campus and the community. O ne of three doc ­toral student in terviewe rs (the third , fourth, and fifth auth ors) made initial contact by telephone to participants who had indicated an interest either bye- mail o r phone in participating in the study. Prior to th<:: in­tc rviews~ the doctoral student interviewers received 10 hours of training and supervisio n in the phenomenological in te rview technique (Tho mas & Poll io, 2002). During the initial telephone contact, the interviewer described th e purpose of the research, the interview, and the benefits and risks of participation. The participant chose a private and quiet place for the interview. Each interview took about 60 minutes to complete and was audiotaped. Following the guidelines of the phenomenological interview proposed by Thomas and Pollio (2002 ), the interviewer used the followi ng q uestions or statements with each partic ipant: "Tell me abou t your experience of work and career; how did yo u get to whe re you arc now?" "Tell me about your experience of the influence offam ­i!y on your work and career." All follow-up questions directly related to participant refl ections and prompted participants to go into detail about their work and career experience and development. T hese prompts were "Can you tell me more about that?" "When you think abollt that experience, what sta nds out for you?" "Can you describe an experience where that happene.d to you?" Once the tapi ng was completc) we cre ­ated a complete t ranscription of each intervicw.

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Method of Analysis The methodology included phases of transcendental-phenomenological reduction and cpoche; imaginative variation; and synthesis, in this case represented by the findings (Moustakas, 1994; Wertz, 2005). A detailed description of the analysis follows.

Transcendental-phenomenological reduction and epoche. Wertz (2005) described the approach to the study of a phenomenon as establishing an "attitude of wonder" (p. 172). This means participant experiences are viewed from a fresh perspective, and researchers e mpathize with participants as they enter their world. To accomplish this , we articulated OUf preunderstandings of the phenomena by writing a description of our perspectives and participating in a bracketing interview (Wertz, 2005). For the bracketing interview, we interviewed one another following the same procedure used with participants. For the first author, themes that emerged included importance of education, parental support, and work-life balance. For the second author, emergent themes included support from parents, lack of support from parents, working hard, and struggles between family and work responsibilities. We reviewed the description of o ur preunderstandings regularly during data analysis to maintain a fresh perspective throughout the process.

Next, we ttlrned to the participants' interview transcripts and determined what information was horizontal and thematic. We rcad aloud each of the transcripts to mark meaning units. A meaning unit ends when the participant shifts the focus of the conversation. Horizontalization means that each meaning unit has equal value (Moustakas, 1994). Because participants did not separate their work and career experiences and the influence of f.:unily during their interviews, we decided to consider each interview as a whole, or as a single phenomenon.

We independently read the individual transcripts and marked meanings and themes representing each meaning unit. We each developed a list of possible invariant constituents (meanings or themes) for each participant and constructed written summaries for each participant. The written summaries included what occurred, how the experience occurred, and an initial understanding of how the constituents related to the whole of the individual 's experience.

As part of the process of triangulation, or consideration of multiple meanings, we then mct together to develop a negotiated set of invari­ant constituents for each participant and reach agreement on how each participant described the experience of work and career and the influencc offamily on those experiences. We met together multiple times to negoti­ate the invariant constituents represented across the 11 participants. We continued to meet together and also worked independently, examining the data and renegotiating the constituents until we reached agreement. A second part of triangulation occurred as participants were contacted and asked to review the constituents and provide feedback. Participants responded positively but provided no new ideas. One participant stated, "The summary reflects a lot of my own feelings and experiences," while another said, "I am fascinated by the wide range of the findings."

Tmaginative variation. Next, we rcturned to the constituents and sup­porting data and posed the questions "What does this information tell us about the meaning of the experiencc of work and career and the influence offamily on the experience?" and "What perceptions or understandings of

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work and career and infl uence of famil y does this suggest?" Th is p rocess is similar to looking at the whole of rhe individual experience rather than the individual meaning units. It includes viewing the whole of the ] 1 in­terviews instead of each individual intcrvil;w. VVe studied the relationship between constituents, what the experience as a whole looked like, Jnd diffcrent:cs between individual descriptions and the contexts in which they occurred . This process all owed us to suggest essences of the txpericnec and describe the phenomena for these participants.

Findings, __ _ The participants grounded their discussio n of work and career experi ­cnce and influences of family with detailed background intormation and chronology of their work. The five constituents that we identified-being a da1tlfhter/lI)()'JIIla1t, support and ctlcoltragpnent, what 11UUters, J))hy! chose, and limits and optious-describe th e l1le~11l i ng of the experience of work and career and ta mily influence. Consti tuents are primary t( >e i or themes of the participants, while a subconstituent is o ne component o r aspect of a total consti tuent. It is common fo r the label ofa subconsti tuent (e.g" support/no support) to be similar to the name of the overall constituent (e.g., support and encouragement) but still tCKuS only on one aspect of tha t overall theme . In the case of the interview for this study, the com­monali ty, or essence, is captured by the concept of pcrsc))c1'ft1tCc.

The Constituents

Bei1Jg a daughter/womall. Each won1;1n ta lked about work experiences and fa mily influ ences frOIll th is perspective. Be ing a daughtc.r signified the influence (or lack ofinAuence ) of the tamil y; the place in their own fami ly of origin; Jnd spouses, partners, and children . The subconstitucnts o f educatiON, being a mom, ! alit different/! tun alike, and relatiowhips Jl'ith sibliNgs framed thei r experiences. N i Ile participants Gdked about the importance ofed ucatio ll (both fc) rmal and int(")rmal), lack of sc hool ing, ambivalence about school, and/or commitment to learning . O ne woman stated, « I've always wanted to go to coll ege ... I want to be sllccessful. " Parcnts of e ight of the women did not encourage school ing or their choice of careers. One woman said, " I we ll t to college and became a home economics majo r. ' . my fat her really hated it ."

For the six women with chi ldren, being (l mom represented the prot()lllld in te rElCe between children and work and included balance, mothering ~lS a career, and ways that children framed their mother's work (day to day) and caree r choices. One woman stated, "I raised my kids, rhat was my career. " r aU l' of these mothers chose to work par t-rime , but one srated , " there wc re con Aic ts with that ... g uilt because YOLI can not be two places at once." Each mother descri bed making choices between children and work.

Participants discussed ways that they wcre alike and different from the members of their families, with some of these discllssions being conflictual while others were mo re positive . One woman described her love o flearn ­ing and spoke of how she inheri ted this fro m her dad . Another shared the values related to hel ping others that she inherited fi'om her mom.

Each participant talked about how she defined herself in relat ion to her f.:'l mily's wishes and val ues; this struggle wi th fam ily incl uded choice

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ofcarcc:rs. Om:- spoke of her fathcr~ " H e and I l13.vl.: a real sort of polar­itv bt':twl.:en LIS ... I kncw he would never understand it ... I was not

• 'gon na ' work for him." Siblings also p layed an important part in each \\'oman's story and choice of career. Several participants indicated there wcre different rules or expcctations about education, such as who should pursue higher cducation or who needed to do well in school, and that choice of careers was linked to gender. Siblings also provided support for each other regarding career choice and education. One participant described her sibling's role as "supporting ... working ... provid ing sounding boards tor each other." Roles in the tamily also played a part in career p:Iths, with One participant describing herself as the " rebel­lious one,'" while another was seen as a "doer" rather than a "thinker."

Support and enco1tragnncnt. Supporr and encouragement came from the areas of both work and tamily, could be positive or negative, and included both giving and receiving help. For instance, one woman talked about help that she had received from a speech pathologist and stated, "1 figured I can ... help children 'cause that's how I got help." Com ­mitted to providing assistancc to others, om: woman stated, " I love that word support, it about shores everyth ing lip."

The subconstitucnt of' mentors fl1Jd role models represented the otlu:rs who hdped :Ind encouraged participants in their careers. According to tour of the women, mentors "cared" and asslImed family roles or represented "bther" or "'mother" figures . As one woman stated, "They arc who I aspire to be." Mentors also "'pushed" and "'opened doors." Being helped/ 1/ot bcil1g helpcd is a su bconstituent that represcnted the effort others made to assist these women throughout their lives. }-:or example, one woman told a story of a coworker taking care of her while she was very ill. She considered this help as "one ofthl' good things'" about the job she had.

Finally, the su bconstituent support/no support focused on the emotional backing (or lack thereof) that participants pcrceived trom others. Nfany talked about what little support they received, especially related to fam­ily. Support was not always soft: and gentle. For two \\'om<;n, it 1l1eant a "push" to pers<;vere through college. One WOman stated that her parents told her, "'You're not leaving school. 1 don't care what your grades are. "

What 1IlatterJ. All participants talked about what made a diftcrencc in the ir work . Pcrso1Jal cOllllcctio1Js, fccHngJ about ",ark, being valued, and pcrsonal expcctatiollJ arose as subcollstitucnts t()f this category, PerJonai conncctiollsprovided both positive and negative ways for participants to relate to those with wbom the>' worked. ReiJcionships stood out be.cause they characterized bosses, c()\vorkers, and customers as "m3king you feel uncomfortable," "Iurassing," as thinking "'you're J girl, you're young, 3nd you don't have expe rience," or 3S inspiring the response that "they confide ill you" and arc "'supportive."

Work evoked the subconstituent Jt1'01lg feelings about wtn-It, inc luding joy, sorrow, anger, regret, and happiness. One woman shared her strong tcclings about the people she met in her work. "'I met people who im ­pressed me .. . 1. loved the writers." Another expressed both positive and negati ve feelings about working at her job. ""I loved working at the post otlice ... there were bad postmasters ... where I got se nt ... he's the reason I left."

Participants also tal ked about being lJalncn, encompassing both their apprecia tion t()r recognition and disappointmcnt from the lack of it, and

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having permnal expectations, including personal standards and beliefs about career and life. Some felt undervalued; one \voman stated, "Well you just don't feel like they feel you are needed as much as you are." Other participants described work as a place "vhere "1 got credit for doing a good job" and "He respected nlC and we were friends." One participant defined her o\vn value stating, "You are the onty one who can see the value in all that you do." Personal expectations varied greatly. Three women "didn't put a whole lot of thought into" their decision making or choices about careers and family. Four other participants al ­ways assumed they would go to college, graduate, and enter the world of \vork. "I don't want a job if it doesn't matter if I am here or not or if I do it well or not," stated one participant. This statement expressed the personal expectations of many of the others.

Why [ chosc. The primary foclls of this constituent was the rationale or description of how participants came to their work experience. The subconstituents were life happens, jlut because, encouragement, where 1 am supposed to be, and it/eels. The subconstituent l~fc happcl1srepresented times when family, health, or job loss directly determined work and career choices. One participant indicated that she had always wanted to move to the beach, but then she had her daughter, her daughter had a child, and the other grandparents lived elsewhere, so she was "here."

In explaining \vork and job trajectory as jmt because, three of the women attributed their path to lite being \vhat it was or "It has always worked out that way." They presented the facts without evaluation and did not assume responsibility for optjons or choices. One participant indicated, «I wasn't told what to major in ... being a teacher ... wasn't necessarily better or worse than anything else .. . this is \vhere I am ." Three of the participants sa\v their work and career trajectory as accidental, and one indicated, "I never mcant to end up here." They took a particular path that was open because it looked like the next step or it was \vhat was offered them.

Encouragement and believing they were where 1 am suppa.led to be also played a role in work and career, as well as job trajectory. Participants received encouragement from parents, friends, mentors, professors, and others. Through the encouragement, they believed that others had confidence in them and their abilities . For four of the \vomen, work and career \vere a calling. They spoke with assurance about their jobs, "I never wavered on what my degree \vas 'gonna' be ." One saw spiritual guidance in her choice, "God just fulfilled me with that opportunity . .. \vent back to get trained." Three others described the work as a "niche" or a "place" where they felt comfortable.

For many, the feelings (i.e., subconstituent it feels) associated with a job or career determined if they chose a job and if they stayed. One talked about how the environment in a job influenced her. "I'm just the kind of person, I soak up everybody's energy around me ... [the job 1 it stressed me out . . . that's why I took off." Another stated, "I'm getting older, it's like I'm not going to stay in a job where you're not treated well ." Career choice for another had a different feeling, "How I got to where l am now is I am a risk taker. I am fearless."

LiN1its and options. The participants discussed the restrictions (limits) or limitless options for choices made in their lives. For example, onc participant detailed how her age limited her options to move to another career or another job. In the current job, she described what mattered

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(positive and negative) to her, Jnd explained that she had chosen to remain in her current job on the basis of her s.lLlry and benefits. Another wOlllan focllsed on her many options, declaring tilat when wlut mat­tered to her was compromised, sllch as being treated unfairly or being bored, then she moved on to another job.

The Essence: Perseverance For the participants, pcrJcJlcrancc is the essence of work and career and tht: influence of t:lmily on these expeliences. In phenomt:nological rescarch, the essence is the underlying, ;md oftcn unstated, message that pervades the overall t:xperiences of thc participants. The women described times of over­coming, succeeding in spite of~ risk taking, moving torward, :md achieving th'lt served as the tC)lJndation for their stones. One participant stated, "I've been working since [I was J 18 and trying to go higher and higher ... cvcry year," while another said, "'I nevcr wavcrcd fi'om the minute I decided to go b;)ck to school." Each WOmaJl described difficult times and ;)n ability to, in thc words of one participant, "stick it out."

Pcr.lcl'crtutcc was linked to all of the major constituents. Rcbting pcrscver­ance to bcilwa daughtcr/Il'01ntrtt, thc particip:mts detailed bmily influenct:s that strengthened thcir resolve. The positive reactions increased dctermination to work or go to school, whilc thc ncgativc reactions were seen as obstacles limiting thcir options or as baniers to overcome. The women recountcd times when they received help trom others, rdating thcir struggles to sttpport and cncouragcmcnt. One particip,mt talked about "not having anyone to encourage me, help make decisions," while another stated she continucd in school because she was receiving "lots of encouragement ... very aggressive encouragement." Each told a story of independence. One woman stated, "I tried to care fix myself by myself ... I'm used to doing that." All related perseverance to be­ing part of l!'hat rnattcrs, especially whcn wlut was important was absent. For example, all talked of working in ditlicult environments and how they survived. The women tied reasons tcx choosing their career and educational path, why I chosc, to their ability to persist, whether they talked abollt jobs or school. When things were ditficult, they used their own confidence, support from others, or spiritual guidance to sustain them. In tact, one mentioned, "Lite is too short, you've just got [0 be happy." Finally, these womcn discussed perseveling even when their litnits and options stood as obstacles to their goals or plans. Thcy did not give up in the bee of barriers or limits.

As an example, one woman, who works in the administrative field, described nun)' times of perseverance in her lite. She described much of her work as "kind of degrading. You work hard all d;)y, ~llld you don't teellike it's ap­preciated at all." She later said, "I've worked since I was 18 to get to where I am now, which is nor even where r wanna be." Even with thesc feelings, though, she believed, "I've \vorked hard and I've put everything I've got into it what I do." Shc was able to recognize some good about her job,

I uk..: th.u ,~tr..:~s hOllle ;\ lot evcry d,l) but no\\' (hey try tn, th..:), really try to

1ll,lkc you kd 'lppn:ciat..:d (h..:re _ ! hav..: an dd..:dv Illother ,Illd I know th,1t

1 (,Ill k.IIT when! l1..:ed to, to take h..:r to the doctor, do Ilh,ltn..:r .. , ,llld the

h..:ndits ~He greH and you·r..: told ··thank you."

This same woman explaining,

even discllsscs pcrscverance related to family by ~

324 The Career Development Quarterly June 2011 • Volume 59

The boys wt're pu\"hecl to go to l'ol1cge; the girls were not. '\IO\\' working, we

Iwre expectecl ,IS soon :I;' you turned 18 YOII gOt Ollt of school you go to work

... Now I Im·ked out :lnd h:lppetled to go to a high M.:hoo l rh:lt h;l.d 4 hO\l rs of

business chsses j d ,IY Illy senior year, so I lOok those ... so I graduated ready to go to \\·ork ... I st arted wo rking at tho.: ,Ige of 18 right out of high school

in the so.:cro.:taria l fidd.

In this example, perseverance in stressful times and through out her work ex periences guided this woman's path. Overall , the cssencc of per sever­ance pervaded the stories of all the womcn.

Discllssion and Impiications, ____ _ This study f(xused on adult women whose parents had no t()]"Jllal educt­tion beyond high school. These women described their work and career experiences and the influence of famil y on those experienccs through phenomcnologi(al interviews . Overall , the participants' storics varied greatly, each having unique and individualized experienct:s in thei r li ves. Nevertheless, common themes emerged.

On the basis of the results , it appears that the combined dkcts of be ­in g a woman and being fi-om a fllnily with ou t college education lead to com monality of experie nces in work and career. Overall, this study adds to the current litera ture on both cart:er experiences of women ,md thc effects of parental educational level on career. First, it fills the gaps in the literature noted by Whiston and Keller (2004) by providing details about the cftects of family of origin on ad ults as well as adding to the litcraturt: on adul ts who do not attend college. Second, the research gives a voice to wome n who arc rarel y studied in carecr research. Third, the results help us better understand the effccts of parenta l educational level on working adults, addressing another gap in the research. Fourth, this study highlights ways in which counselors might better connect with womcn whost: family background is simil'lr to that of the participants ill the study. Finally, through its qualitative ICIlS, the study provides a holistic perspective of the career experien(es of this group of womt:n, tht:reby helping counse lors and educltors bettcr understand the lived expe riences of womell fi'om low-education house holds.

As tht: essence , the importanct: of perseve rancc, especially w hen g reat difficulties arose , stood out in the analysis. Also, the influences of gender and family pervaded the experit:nce across constituents. The constitue nts also guided our thoughts about impli cations of the study. The idt:as of giving and receiving support, matteri ng, and reasonin g l-or choices made all influence how counselors might work with this population. \Ne discuss each of these ideas in detail.

The women described how they persevered despi te great odds. Similar ro women in othcr qualitative stud ies that have examined the career experiences of women from at-risk groups (Pearson & Rieschkc, 2001; Richit: et al., 1997), the participants in the current study pt:rsisted in the workforce, striving to achieve their career goals with or without family support . Research o n first -generation college stlldents (t:.g., Lohfink & Paulsen, 2005; Reid & Moore, 2008) has demonstrated the risk factors faced by this population, such as high college attrition levels and lack of career role models. Counselors call recognize that these women may face barriers affect ing their career developme nt and bu ild on their teei-

rl'hl: Career Dl:vclopmcilt Quarterly June 2011 • Volume 59 325

ings of perseverance to overcome these barriers. Counselors can help women stor.v the ir lives so they speak clearly, a techn ique often lIsed in narr.ltive Jnd constructivist carccr cou nsel ing.

Genl"kr in general and being a woman in particular infllH.:nccd the study participants. They discllssed their work and career development in thl' context of being women- from rules regarding gender Set forth by parents, to diffen.:nces in beliefs about schooling based on gender, to their attempts to balance work and children, to their feelings about how they were trcatcd at work because of be ing a woman. It is clear that t() r these women, being a woman affected their career developmcnt. The obstacles the~f encou ntcred (e .g., gender roles , lack of tamily support, pressures of caring f()r family and/or children) evoked a determination to make their own way. They taced limits and discussed these as they told stories about \Vhy they chose their job and career paths. Counselors n1.1y need to tap into the strong desire many women have to find their place in the world of work and help them to assess how to balance their commitments with the realities of their multiple responsibilities.

The messages t hese women received about school fi'om their tamilies were specific and, for some pa rricip;lI1ts, directly rela ted to the ed ucatio nal level of their parents. Some discussed be ing wid that college was t()r men or mentioned that college was never really pushed in thcir t~\milies. For others, their parents guided them to college because they never had that opportunity. Other participants stated that college was expected of them, bur rhey had little guidance related 1"0 choosing a career path or navigating the college system. Given the strong influence that family has on career developme nt (vVhiston & Keller, 2004), it see ms impor­tant for counselors to be aware of the mixed and varied rnessages that women from fam ilies without postsecondary education may encounter.

Overall, the influence of tamily was significant tor these participants. Similar to findings in other research (Hargrove, Creagh, & Burgess, 2002), the results of this study indicated that the quality of family relationships and family support tor academic and career achievement affect ca reer planning and goal attainment. These results can be used to help remind cou nselors to consider thl..: effects that family-of-origin issues may have on ca reer decision -making self-efficacy bclids .

Till: cHeer of support and encouragement (or lack thereot) was another signi ficant [lCtor in this study. j\l1.entorship played a key rotc for the par­rkipants \Vho went on to college, a support system clearly found in reccnt research (Cramer & Prentice-Dunn, 2007; Cronan-Hillix, Gensheimer, Cronan-Hillix, & Davidson, 1986). In addition , being helped by others in the workplace represented a common theme. The importance of receiving both emotional and physical support from others clearly affected these women. Often, this concept was coupled with the desire to pay it fiJrjJJn1~d by helping others as well. Participants, especially the o lder women, mentioned altruism and giving back to the comillunity. Counselors GlIl help WOIllen who are ~i'olll families wid10llt the college experience by identif)ring role models and Illentors to help them navigate college and the world of work. Counselors may also want to bui ld on the desire to give back by encouraging women to consider altruism alllong other factors when making career decisions.

The participants also discllssed what mattered for them in their work ex­periences. They mentioned it was important to have personal connections and feel val lied at work and discussed how work felt to them. The\' linked -326 The Career Dcvdopl11cnt Quarterly June 2011 • Volume 59

these fee lings with the expectations they had for themselves, which o ften included personal perspectives about school and f.lI11ily. T hese concepts relate to the literature on matteri ng . Researchers defined mattering as "the perception that . .. we are a significant part ofthc world around us" (Elliott, 1<.ao, & Grant, 2004, p. 339) . Mattering is based both on being recognized by others and on the strength of re lationships in the workplace. Aspects of mattering include being noticed and recognized, feel ing attended to and C:1n.:d about, and being seen as important or vallH.:d (Elliott et al. , 2004). For these women, work was mo re than JUSt a way to pay the bills; in tact , they ta lked little about finances as ;;111 important aspect of the work experience, although they d id mention their financial struggles. Clearl y, they wanted to feci connected and valued in their work and career.

Pinally, the participants discussed why they had chosen their current career. They mentioned happenstance, o r jllst t:1lling into a career, and disc lIssed how li fe circumstances led their way. Others talked abo ut encour"..1gement by others or a teding of bt.:ing in tht.: right career path . For all, the experience of why they chose was discussni, unprompted, in the interviews. Counselors may do wel l to pay attention to the decision-maki ng rationale for clients like these women; why they chose as they did appears to be an important f.:"Kct in the career development process. All of the women also fclt d1e in ­fluence of options and limits on their work and career choices. Barriers and supports played a large role in their choict.:s; otten, decisions were based on the restrictions placed on them, sllch as geography, finances, family obli ga­tions, or lack of education. At other tim(.;s, freedom from responsibilities or the abil ity to make their own choices provided more options for these women. Counselors must help their clients idcntif)! their li mits and optio ns and help tl1em make in ti:>rtl1ed and healthy Career choices.

Ell til re Research This study examined rhe work and care(.;r development of \\IOI11(.;n whose parents had no education beyond high school. The descriptions of their expcrienct.:s and the effect of tamily on those expniences will ultimately help counselors berter understand and serve the needs of this group of women. hltllre research might f<x us o n the effects ofcthnicity, socioeconomic sta­tllS, and postsecondary educationallevcl of participants on their career and work experiences. For example, researchers could interview women f)·om low education households who rcsidt.: in urban or ru ral areas, who became rhe firs t in their fami lies to earn a college degree, o r who represent a specific age group such as young adults o r women nC:1ring retiremcnt. rn addition, longitudinal stud ies cX:1Jl1ining the influence of tamily educHionai level on the career and work of adul ts might help in d1C further understanding of its long-term impact. Finally, more q ualitative intervicws with women si milar to the participanrs in this study mig ht expand the knowledge of thc challenges and iSSlll:S unique to this popubtion.

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