Wing Sue & Nadal, Racial Miqroaggressions in Everyday Life, Implications for Clinical Practice

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Racial Miqroaggressions inJEverydayLifeImplications/or Clinic;al P r a c t i c ~

Derald Wing Sue, Christina M. Capodilupo, dina c. TprlnO, Jennifer M. Buc;c:eri,

Aisha M, B. Holder, Kevin L. Nadlll, anqMarla Esquilin .Teachers C o l l ~ g e , Columbia University

Racial microaggressians are brief and commonplace dailyverbal, behavioral, or environmenral indignities, whetherintentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, de-rogatory, or negative racial slights and insults toward

.people of color. Perpetrators of m l ~ r o a g g r e s s i o n sare oftenunaware that they engage In such communications whenthey interact with raciaVethnlc minorities. A taxonomy ofracial microaggressions in everyday life was created

through a review of the social psychologica/literatureon

aversive racism from formulations regarding the manifes-tation and impact of everyday racism. and from readingnumerous personal narratives of counselors (both White

nd those of color) on their raciaVcultural awakening.MicroaggresJions seem to ppe r in three forms: micr S-

sault, microinsult, nd microinvalidation. Almost ll inter-r ci l encounters are prone to microaggressions; this- ar-

tide uses the White counselor - client. of color counselingdyad to illustrate how· they impair the development of atherapeutic allibnce. Suggestions regarding education alUitraining and research in the· helping professions are d i s ~

cussed.

Keywords: nticroaggression, microassault, microinsuIt, microinvalidation, attributional ambiguity

. ltil. 1i111gb iII(,QiVii. ri ..hts m ovement had a signifi., · c ~ t . e ( f e c t o n o h l U ) , \ i t t t g racial interactions in this

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... · · , _ : ~ l ¥ t y , . l1\ciSQi Ci)lItlnues, to plague ilIe UnitedStalesJ l h" DpSQn a Neville, 1999),Fresident Clinton:sRace N 4 N : i ~ l ) I . Y UOl t"d COI\Q1J/ded ilIat(a? racism is one ofthe o s f < U Y I ~ l v e J o r c e sin oursoeie ty, (q) racial legacies ofthe a s l ; ~ i ~ t i n J l el \ l l 1 ~ l l i i l cwrent policies and practices ilIatc r e a t e . c 1 i f l i l i ' d 1 ~ P ~ i . \ i e s betWee l tnlnority and majorityg r o U P s . ' ( i ) ' t ~ e i a l ii (;qUities'a;re so. Ieep1y ingrained inA m e t l ~ ' , s o c l ~ \ y ' li:aitlieY ....eMariy invisible, and (d)m o s f ~ l t 4 f u . l l t i ~ s a i i H i M W a i : e of iII advantages theye n j o ~ d l l ; I l i s ~ o C i l ; y lUid of Ii iw.lheii attitudes and actionsunIti'·. . '@y 4 f s C r i J i r l t l \ t e ~ g l l i D s t p e r s o n s of color. (Adv i s p , to the Presilielji' s WtiJltive on Race, 1998).

· , . ~ I l l i i O f l i s e i ~ i l \ l . W . p t O ~ l e m a t i c in ilIe mental. . $ b c i > ~ l i l i ~ i : l ) l l s f / l t a d i i a t e s continue to be

M.ptliill\iilYifl Western European modelsof . . ' ~ e ~ , : Q t Vi: SUe . Sue 2003), For ilIatreli&I1#.if is.11r:t&usesprifiiarily otl White ilIerapist ~

client of color mtei'actions.

B ~ a l s e Whlte t h e r a p i s ~ ate ·members of the largersociety lUidnot intmUnefrom inhet irig· the racial biases ofiII.it foie.bloat'S (aurlqlfd & KnoJt, 2004; .D. W. Sue, 2005),ilIeymay becowevittims ilfitoulturll conditioning processthat ittibu"s wiihin the. il biilSes ani prejudices (Abelson,Dasgupta, Pllrk, & Blltil\ji, 1998; BlUiaji, Hardin, & RothmlUi, 1993).lh,al i s e ~ a t e against clients of color. Overthe pailt iO.years, Palls for culturai competence in ilIehelping professions (American Psychological Association,2003; D. W. Sue, Arredondo, & McDavis. 1992) havestressed ilIe importance of two therapist characteristicsassociated with effective service delivery to racial/ethnicminority clients: (a) awareness of oneself as a racial/cultural being and of the biases, stereotypes, and assumptionsthat influence worldviews and (b) awareness of the worldviews of culturally diverse clients. Acbieving ilIese twogoals is blocked, however, when White clinicians fail tounderstand how issues of race'influence ilIe ilIerapy processand how racism potentially infects the delivery of servicesto clients of color (Richardson . Molinaro, 1996). Therapists who are unaware of their biases and prejudices mayunintentionally create impasses for clients of color, whichmay partially explain well-documented patterns of therapyunderntilization and premature. termination of therapyamong such clients. (Burkard & Knox, 2004; Kearney,Draper, & Baron, 2005). i l l this .article, we describe andanalyze how racism in.ilIe form of racial microaggressionsis particularly problematic for therapists to identify; propose a taxonomy 'of racial microaggressions with potentialimplications for practice, education and training, and re;search; and use the connseling/ilIerapy process to illustratehow racial microaggressions can ittipair the therapeuticalliance. To date, noconceprual or ilIeoretical model of

Edltor'J note. Lillian COInas-Pfaz served as the action .editor for thisarticle before Deraid Wing Sue joined t h ~ At1 trlcan P.rychologist B d i , o ~

rial Board as an associate editor on 1anuary I, 2007.

Authors nore, Derald Wing S ~ e . Christina M. Capodilupo, Gina C.Torino, Jennifer M, Bucceri, Aisna M; B. Holder, Kevin L. Nadal, and'Marta Bsquilin, Department' of. Counseling and Clinical Psychology.Teachers "College, Columbia UnJv'ersity. .

Ajsha M B. Holder is n0:n at Fordham University.Correspond;ence concerning this article should he addressed to De

aid Wing Sue, Dep artrnent of Counseling. and Clinical PSychology,BoX36, Teachel1l College,Columbia University, 525 West.12Oth .Street, NewYork, NY 10027. E-mail:[email protected]

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May-june 2007 • A m e r i c ~ PsyohologistCopyright 2007 bylbe A.merican PaycboloticalA&&oclllkmOOO].066X/071 l'2,OOVol 62, No.4, 271-286 DOl: lO,I0371OOO3-066X.62.4.271

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mailto:[email protected]

mailto:[email protected]



Derald WingSue

racial microaggressions has been proposed to explain theirimpact on the therapeutic process.

'rhe h n g i n ~ Face of Rc c:ism

In recent history, racism in North America has undergonea transformation, especially after 'the post-'civil rights erawhen the conscious democratic belief in, equality for groupsof color directly olashed with the long history of racism inthe society (Jones, 1997; Thompson & Neville, 1999), Themore subtle fotms of racism have been labeled modem

racism (McConahay, 1986), symbolic racism (Sears, 1988),and aversive racism (Dovidio, Gaert:rter, Kawakami,Hodson, 2002), All three explanations of contemporaryracism share commonallties. They emphasize that racism(a) is more likely than ever to be disguised and covert and(b) has evolved from the "old fashioned" form, in whichovert racial hatred and bigotry is consciously and publiclydisplayed; to a inore ambiguous and nebulous fotmthat ismore difficult to identify and acknowledge,

It apIJl)ars that modern and symbolic racism are mostclosely associated with political ,conservatives, who disclaim personal bigotry by strong and rigid adherence totrtiditional AIilericllil values (individualism, self-reliance,hard work, etc.), whereas aversive racism is more charac

teristic of White liberals (Dovidio & GaertiJer, 1996,2(00).Aversive racists, according to lbese researchers, arestrongly motivated byegalltar ian values as well as antiminority ,feelings. Their egalltarian, values operate on a conscious level, while their antiminority feelings are less oonscious and generally covert (DeVos & Banaji, 2005). InsOme respects, these three fooos of racism can be orderedalong a continuum; aversive racists are' the least COn

sciously negative, followed by modem and symbolic rac

ists, who are, somewhat m 9 r e p r e j i i d i c e ~ , M g fipally by

Old-fljShiOtledb,itilogical,' ¢ i s t s , ~ e l ~ ) n , \ , ~ , ~i .'A,lthough much has peeh Written a \ j c ~ t ; ~ \ M i n p o r

forms of racism, many stUdies m heai$ ~ l \ f ~ ~ e i l l c Y , .Smedley,,2005);e'hi,Gaiion (Gordo!) & M l h s ~ i i , ¥ O O 3

ernploymel\t (Hinton, 2004), merital liealth (Bu.r <;l\rd &Knox, 2004), and other social settings (Sellers & Shelton,2003) indicate the difficulty of describing and definingr.acial discrimination that occUrs via uaversive racism or"implicit bias"; these types of racism are difficult to identify, quantify, and rectify because of their subtle, nebulous,and unnamed nature. Without an adequate classification orunderstanding of the dynamics of subtle racism, it willremain invisible and potentially harmful to the well-being,self-esteem, llild standard of living of people of color (U.S.Department of Health and Human Services, 2(01). ironically, it has been proposed ,that the daily common experiences of racial aggression that characterize aversive racismmay have significantly more influence on racial anger,frustration, and self-esteem than traditional overtJorms ofracism (SoI6rzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000). Fiirthermore, theinvisible nature o f acts of aversive racism prevents perpe

trators from reallzing and confronting (a) their own complicity in creating psychological dilertunas for minoritiesand (b) their role in creating disparities in employment,health care, and education.

The Manifestation of RacialMicroQggressiohsIn reviewing the literature on subtle and contemporaryfonus of racism; we have found the t on uracial microag-gressions" to best describe the phenomenon in its everydayoccurrence. First coined by Pierce in W70 the tenn refersto "subtle, stunning, often automatic, and non-verbal ex-

hristina M

Capodilupo

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Gina C.Torino

changes which are put downs'" (Pierce,Carew, PierceGonzalez, Willis, 1978, p. 66). RaCial microaggressionshave also been described as "subtle insults (verbal, nonverbal, and/or visual) directed toward people of color, oftenautomatica(ly or unconsciously" (So16rzano et al., 2(00).Simply stated, iIlicroaggressions are bri.ef, everyday exchanges that send denigrating messages 10 people of colorbecanse they belong to a racial minority group. n the worldo business the term umicroinequities is used to describethe pallern of being overlooked, underrespecled, and devalued because o one s race or gender. Microaggressionsare often nnconsciously delivered in' the form of subtlesnubs or dismissive looks" geslI,Jres, lIIId tones. These exchanges are so p ~ r v a i W a n d ~ u t o l l l a t i c in daily conversations and i i J t e r a c ~ P l l s that thlOY iireoften disiIlissed andglossed over as befug 4moceilt lIIIq innocuous. Yet, asindicated previously, mictoaggressions are demlllental topersons of color because they iI lpair performance in amultitnde of settings by sapping the psychic and spiritualenergy of recipients and by creating inequities (Franklin,2004;D. W. Sue, 2 ~

Tbere is art urgent need to hringgreater awareness andunderstllD(lin, ,g of 0 } V , ~ , ' c r o a l g r ~ S ~ i O ,ns o p e r a ~ e , their numerouSmanifestallons ill S(ICtety, ,the type of Impact theyh,ave oil p e o p l ~ of color, thl dynamic interaction betweenperpetrator an< , Mget, liJJJj 'we educational strategiesneeded tl) e l i n i f i l a t ~ i h e m . Qi ira,ttenipt to define and pro'pose it:laJl.onomy of iIlicroag l ',essicins is grounded in several l i i ~ If e n i j J i n ) ; 8 1 l l U i f e ~ r i l i l ) t i a i evidence in thep J ; ' O f e s s ~ l i a I litel'l1l\lte a n - . i ' f u , ~ ~ j j i l ( f r narratives.

, , . . l r § j , ' , i h e , w o r k b Y , . e s J ~ l i $ , O O , ¥ll;st. on, aversive r i ~ m (filiVlwQ::,4tGaef;ltler, 9 ~ 1 .PoVid o et aI., 2002), studiessugg6slfug:·tlie W l . 4 e ~ i ' e ~ d \ ¢ i f s t C l l ¢ e : o f dissociation between impIlcit and explidt SObiil1 steteotyping (Abelson et

al., 1998; Banaji et al., 1993: DeVOs Banaji, 2005), thea t t r i b u t i o n a l ~ l i g u i t yof everyday racial discrimination(Crocker&lV1l jlit, 1'989), \he, daily manifestations of racism in m l U W ~ n a s iflife, WIant , Peruche, 2005: Sellers

Shelttlil;2qo3; Vlliima1\[; Saltz, Nathan, Warren,,2004); andinjllnple similluities ,between microaggressiveincioents an< lt"ms that comprise measures of race-relatedstress/petc¢ived QiscriJnination toward Black Americans

(Bron< olo,etaL, 200,5: Klolloff Laildrine, 1999: UtseyPonterollo, i99ii) and Asian Americ ).I\s (Liang, Li, Kim,2004) all seem to 1¢lId·empirical sqilP0rt to the concept ofracil\iiIlicroaggressioll'. Second,nd¢6rous personal narratives and brief life stories on race Written by White psychologists and psychologists <:>fco111fprovide experientialevidenc¢ fol' the existence o f rIlcial'iIlicroaggressions ineveryd y,life (AmericanCouoseUng Association, 1999:Conyrie Hemak, 2005; Ponteroi o, Casas, Suzuki;Alexanoer;,200I).Ouranaly ss of th e life experieoces ofthese individUals and the researcb literature in social andcounselillg psychologY le(i us to several conclusions: (a)The personal, n;litatives were rich With examples and'incidents of racial microaggressions, (b) the formulation of

microaggressions was consistent with the research i t ~ r a -

lure, and (c) racial microaggressions seemed to manifestthemselves in three distinct forms.

orms o Racial MicroaggressionsRacial microaggre8sions are brief and commonplace dailyverbal, behavioral, and environmental indignities, whetherintentional or· unintentional that communicate- hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults to the Ulrgetperson or group. They are not limited to human encountersalone but ll1ay also be environmental in nature, as when aperson of color is exposed to an office setting that unin-

Jennifer, M.Bucceri

May-june 2007 • American Psychologist 273



isha M BHolder

tentionally assails his or her racial identity (GordonJohnson, 2 3; D. W. Sue, 2003). For example, one's racialidentity can be minimized or made insignificant through thesheer exclusion of decorati.ons or literature that representsVadOllS racial groups. Three forms of microaggressions canbe identified: microassault, microinsult, and microiuvalidation.

MicroassaultA microassault is an explicit racial derogation chqracterized primarily by a verbal or nonverbal attack meant to hurtthe in tended victim through name-calling, avoidant behavior, or' purposeful discriminatory actions. Referring tosoineone as colored or OrientaJ, using r ci l epithets,discom-aging i n t e r r ~ c i a l interactioI\s;peliberately serving awhite patton before someone of .color, and displaying aswastili:a are examples..Microassllu!ti: are most similar towhat bas been called "old fashioned"facism conducted onan iiidividual level. They ate most likely to be consciousand deliberate, although they are generally expressed inlimited ' ~ p r i v a t esillJations (micro)thllt allow the perpetratotsome degree of anonymity. In other words, peoplear.e likely -to hold notionsef minori,ty.inferiority privatelyand will only displ(iy them publiCly wheo they (a) loseconlral Of (b) reel relatively safe to engage io a microassaull.·Beclluse we bave.cbosen to analyze the uointeotionaland uncQoscious rqanifeslati6ns of microaggressioos, micrliassaujtS arenol'QIe fOcusof ourartiCle. t is important tonote, .!lowever; $atlndiViduars can also vary io the degreeof clillliciilits awa¢ness theyslliJw io ..the use of the followillg Jwa.foJ;lllS u f W i c r o a g g r ~ s i o n s . .

MJcfoi ,sl/ltA micrQlnsult is' ' c h a r a l l r i , z ~ by' communications thatconvey rtldeness and insensitivity and demean a person's

racial heritage"r d ~ ~ t i t y ~ Miproinsults represeot subtlesnubs, f r e q u ~ n ~ t i ~ n J i J t i ; i ) V t o . t h e ~ e t r a tbut clearlyconvey a i ~ e l l . i n s t i l t . @ i ; l i ~ ~ s a g e . t p U i e r of color.When ~

' e m p l q t i : , ~ ~ , a p r l l $ ~ t i v e candidate of

colof l ~ e v e l b e > s t g ~ ~ ~ d ~ r S o i lshould get thejob, t t ~ ~ 4 1 & \ l s o f i'aGll or\MII. ,an empJoyee of color isa s k e 4 . ' \ \ l ' l : \ i . ~ t l i d ) ' o u~ t Y.<lUrJI1P.?",the underlying message'lh)m,the;per$pective d f t h e ~ i p i e n t may be twofold:(a) P¢opieof color are not quBlitied, and (b) as a minoritygroup 'l;l1Clt1bef, you muslhave obtained the positionthrou8!lsQme ·affirmative a¢tloo (If.guota program and notb e c a \ l ~ c . < l f,ability. Suchs!il1iil!l-eilts are not necessarilya g g r e s ~ i O i l s ; b u t con.teJi,t is ,ii jPOrtant. Hearing these statementS j'i-equeptly when. used . ~ i l i j I s t affirmative actionmakes lheteeipient, likely !o.expeQence them as aggressions. MicroiJ;t.sujtS can also OI;Cllt nonverbally, as when aW h i t e 1 : l ) ~ c h e r falls tOlickllowlePlle students of color in theciassroOfuor When a Whitesupenti$or seems distractedduring a .conversationwith a Blackefiployee by avoidingeye coUtaCt ·or· turii ingaway· (Hinion, 2004). n this case,the m e s s a g e c o n v e y ~ to persons of color is that theircontribu'tions:are uiiimporlmit.

MicroinvalidationMicroinvalidatious are characterized by commuuicationsthat exclude, negate, or nullify the psychological thoughts,feelings, or experiential reality of a person of color. WhenAsian Americans (born and raised in the United States) arecomplimented for speaking good Englisb or are repeatedlyasked where they were born, the effect is to negate theirU.S. American heritage and to couvey that they are per-petua) foreigners. When Blacks are told that 1 don't seecolor or We are all human beings, the effect is to neg tetheir experiences liS raciaVcultural beings (Helms, 1992).

Kevin LNadal

M a y ~ J u n e 20m • American Psychologist74



;

arfa

Esquilin

When a Latino couple is given poor service at a restaurantand shares their experience with White friends, only to betold UDon t be so oversensitive or UDon t so petty ," theracial experience of the 'couple is' being nullified and itsimportance is being diminished,

We have been able to identify nine categories ofmicroaggressions with distinct .thelPes: alien in one's ownland, ascription of intelligence, ,color blindness, criminality/assumption of criminal status, denial of individual racism, myth of meritocracy, pathologizing cultural v luesl

communication styles, second-class status f and environmental

invalidation. Table I provides samples of comments or situations that may potentially be classified as racial microaggressions and their accnmpartying hidden assumptions and messages. Figure 1 visul lly presents the three large classes ofmicroaggiessions, the classification of the themes under eachcategory, and their relationship to one another.

The experience of a racial microaggression has majorimplications for both the peIJletrator and the target person.It creates psychological dilemmas that unless adequatelyresolved lead to increased levels of racial anger, mistrust,and loss of self-esteem for persons of color; prevent Whitepeople from perceiving a different racial reality; and createimpediments to harmonious race-relations (SpaniermanHeppne r, 2004; Thompson Neville, 1999).

The Invisibility nd Dynamics of

Racial MicroaggressionsThe following reai-Iife incident illustrates the issues ofinvisibility and the disguised problematic dynamics of ra·cial rnicroaggressions.

I [Derald Wing Sue, the senior author an Asian American]recently traveled with an African American colleague on a planeflying from New York to Boston. The plane was a small "hopper"

with a single row of seats on one side and double seats on -theother. As the plane was only sparnely populated, we were lold bythe flight attendant (White) thai we could sit anywhere o we satat the front, across the aisle from o ne another. This made it easyfor us to converse and provided a larger comfortable space on asmall plilne forboth of us. As the attendant was ahout t6 close thehatch, three White men in suits entered the plilne were infoniledthey could sit anywhere, and promptly' se ated themselves in front

of us. Just before take-off, the attendant proceeded to close alloverhead compartments and seemed to scan the plane with hereyes. At that point she approached us leaned over intenupted ourconversation, and asked if we would mind moving to the back of

the plane. She indicated that she needed tu distribute weight onthe plane evenly,

Both of us (passengers of color) had similar negative reactions.i r s ~ balancing the weight on the plane seemed reasonable, but

why were we being singled out? Mter all, we had boarded firstand the three White men were the last passengers to arrive. Whywere they not being asked to move? Were we being singled outbecause of our race? Was this just a random event with no racialovertones? Were we being oversensitive petty?

Although we complied by moving 10 the back of the piane, both

of us felt resentment, irritation, and anger. In light ofour everydayracial experiences, we both came to the same conclusion: Theflight attendant had treated us like second-class citizens becauseof our race. But this incident did not end there, I "cpttelling myself to drop the matter, I could feel my blood p r ~ s s u r

rising, heart beating faster, and face flush with anger. When theatte'odant walked hack to make sure our seat belts were fastened,I could not contain my anger any longer. SlrUggling to controlmyself, I said to her in a forced calm voice: "Did' you know thatyou asked two passengers of color to step to the rear of the ·bus' "7For a few seconds she said nothing but looked at me with ahorrified expression. Then she said in a r i h t ~ o u s l y in dig.QJ¥1ttone, 'Well, I have never been accused of thad Row dare you? Idon't see color I only asked you to move to balance the plane.Anyway, I was only trying to give you more space and greaterprivacy."

Attempts to explain my perceptions and feelings only generatedgreater defensiveness from her. For every allegation I made, sheseemed to have a rational reason for her actions. Finally, shebroke off the conversation and refus'ed to talk about th incidentany longer. Were it not for my colleague who validated myexperiential reality, I would have left that encounter wonderingwhether was correct or incorrect in my perceptions. Neverthe.-less, for the rest of the flight, I stewed over the incident and it lefta sour taste in my mouth.

The power of racial microaggressions lies in ,theirinvisibility to the perpetrator and, oftentimes, the recipient(D. W. Sue, 2(05). Most White Americans ~ x p e r i e n c e

themselves as good, moral, and decent human beings who

believe in equality and democracy. Thus, they findt

difficult to believe that they possess biased racial altitudes andmay engage in behaviors thai are discriminatory D. W.Sue, 2004). Microaggressive acts can usually lie explainedaway by seemingly nonbiased and valld reasons. For therecipient of a microaggression, however, there is alwaysthe nagging question of whether it really happened(Crocker Major, 1989), It is difficult to identify a mi·croaggression, especially when other explanations seemplausible. Many people of color describe a vague feeling

May-June 2007 • American Psychologist 275



. ,

Table 1EXdiT1plesof8pcia i c r c i a Q w e s , ~ i c i h s

i.·- ~ " .

Alien in own land " ' , ; W h e ; ~ a i e you from?" ,, Whlln Asian AmeriCans,Qnd lalino "Wh""e \liere:you born?" , ,

AmeriCans are q s ~ m e d 'to be YOII:speaK good English;" " ,foreigrrborn '

A persan oskin'g an Asian Ame6can, toYou te

.afotelgner.teach them words in their nativelanguage ' '

Ascription of intelligence "You <Ire /] credit to your roce." People of,color ,are generally not asAssigning intelligenc", to a person , Inlellisent CIS Whites.

of·color on the basis.oF their race "'(You tu so articulate. 1

A.kingan Asian person to help with cimath or science problem :

II is unlJsuqlJCli spmeone of your racelp·:b8Jntell igerit.

All A ~ j l ; l o s . i ~ , . i l 1 t e l l i g e n t and good inmothls"!,,Aces.. , - . - ... , ::

Color blindness "When I look at you, I don't seecol,or;"Statements that indicate that a

,.

Oe, ,Y,',i , n g a p r , ~ C 1 , n ,of color's raciall'ethnic ~ l p e i } ~ n c e s

White person does not want 10 l'Amj3rica is a melting pot. , ASI!mIIQfeiQSc,Hrurate to theacknowledge race , o i n l h q ~ l d j I M e

"There is oqly.one roce , the human race. 1 Denying the individual as a raciallcultural being.

Crlin,inc:ilily!ossumption of criminal A White man or woman clutching their You are a criminal.. ·s tot.l}s purse or checking their wallet as aA person of color is presumed to be Block or latina approaches or pa,sses

aan'g.erovs, cri TIlnal, or deviant A stor,! owner, Following a customer of You are going to steal! You areon the basis ,oF their race color around the "ore poor! You do not belong.

A White, person waits to ride the next Ypu are dangerous. ,f ) l e . v p . t o ~ when a person o color is on i t

Denial QUndividuol racism "I'm not racist. I have several Block I am immune to racism because IA .tat",menl mode when Whites friends. have friends of color.

deny their racial biases I As a woman, I know what you go Your racial oppression is no differentthrough as a racial minority. than my gender oppressi.on. I can't

be a racist. I'm like you.

Myth of meritoerQcy I believe ,the most qualified person should People of color are ,given ,extra unfairStatement, which assert that race get the job."

,does not playa role in liFe l I ~ v e r y o n e f=an succeed In this society, ifbeneFits because of.their race.

People orcolor are lazy and/ors u ~ s s s Ihey work hord enough." incompetent"o d : niled to work

harder. " .

Pathologizing cultural values! Asking a Black person: "Why do you Assimilate to domino;,t culture.communication styles have to be so loud/animatlld? Just calm

The notion thaI the values and down."cammut.lcalian styles of the To an Asian or latino. person: "Why aredamil'ldnt/White culture are ideal you so qUiet? We want to know what

you think. Be more verbal." "Speak upmore.

Dismissing an individual who brings up leave your cultural boggage outside.

race/culture in work/school setiingeconckloss citizen Person of color mistaken for a service People of c o l ~ r o r e s e r v a n t s il)

O c c ~ r s when a White person is , worker Whites. They c o u l ~ n t p p s s i b l y

given pteferentioltrealmenlas a o c c u p y l ) j g h ; s , i a t i l ~ p p ~ i t i o n s . " ,c ~ n s u m e r ver ci p e r ~ o n of 'colof Having a laxi cob pass a person of color You are,lik,,1Y10caUs'e}fouble QAd/

and pick up a White passenger or travel to odiiingerousneighborhooiJ .. , ' ,

May-June 2007; American Psychologist76



Table (continued)

Theme icrooggression Messoge

Second·da citizen IcontinueaOccurs when a White per,on i,

given preferential treatment as aconsumer over a person of color

(continued)Environmental microaggressions

MocrO level mkrodggre.,ions,which are more opp.: e t oilsystemic and environine,ntallevel,

Being ignored at d lIore counter asaiteiltion is given to the White cusfomerbehind you '

IIYou people . . .

A college or university with buildings thatare ail named after White heterosexualupper class males

Televi,ion ,how, and movie, that featurepredominantly White peqple, wifhoutrepre,entation of people of color

Overcrowding of public ,chool, in

communities of colorOverabundance of liquor ,lore,' in

communities of color

Whites are more valued customersthan people of color.

You don't belong, You are a lesser

being.Vou don't belong/Vou won t succeed

here, There is only so for you cango,

Vou are dn outsider/You don't exist.

People of color don't/shouldn't valueeducation

People of color are deviant.

that they have heen attacked, that they have been disrespected, or that something is not right (Franklin, 2004; Reid& Radhakrishnan, 2003). In'some respects, people of colormay tind an overt and ohvious racist act easier to handlethan microaggressions that seem vague or disguised (So16rzano et al., 2000). The above incident reveals howmicroaggressions operate to create psychological dilemmasfor both the White perpetrator and the person of color. Foursuch dilemmas ,are particularly noteworthy for everyone tounderstand.

i lemma I: Clash of Racial RealitiesThe question we pose is this: Did the flight attendant

engage in a microaggression or did the senior author andhis colleague simply misinterpret the action? Studies indicate that the racial perceptions of people of color differmarkedly from those of Whites (Jones, 1997; flarris Pollcommissioned by the National Conference of Christiansand Jews, 1992). In most cases, White Americans tend tobelieve that minorities are doing better in life, that discrimination is on the decline, that racism is no longer a significant factor in the lives of people of color, and that equalityhas been achieved. More.important, the majority of Whitesdo not view themselves as racist or capable of racist be..havior.

Minorities, on the other hand; perceive Whites as (a)racia lly insensitive, (h) unwilling to share their position and

wealth, (c) believing they are superior, (d) needing tocontrol everything;and (e) treating them pootly because oftheir race. People of color believe these attributes arereenacted everyday i l their interpersonal inieractions withWhites; oftentlines in the fottn of microaggressions (SoI6rzano et aI., 2(00). For example, it was fOUild that.96% ofAfrican Americans reported· experiencing racial discrimination in II one-year period (Klonoff & Laridrine, 1999),and many incidents inv<:>lved being mistaken fat a service

worker being ignored given poor service treated rudely.or 'experiencing strangers acting fearful or intimidatedwhen ar9und them (Sellers & Shelton, 2003).

Dilemma : The Invisibility 1 UnintentionalExpressions 1 BiasThe interaction between the senior author and the flightattendant convinced him that she was sincere in her beliefthat she had acted in good faith without racial bias. Heractions and their meaning were invisible to her. It was clearthat she wllS stunned that anyone wonld accuse her of suchdespicable actions. After all, in her mind, she acted withonly the best of intentions: to distribute ,the weight evenly

on the plane for safety reasons and to give two passengersgreater privacy and space. She felt betrayed that her goodintentions were being questioned. Yet considerable empirical evidence exists showing that racial microaggressi<:>nsbecome automatic because of cultural conditioning and thatthey may become connected neurologically with the processing,of emotions that surround prejudice '(Abelsonet al.,1998). Several investigators have found, for example; thatlaw enforcement ofticers in laboratory experiments will tiretheir guns more often at Black criminal suspects than Whiteones (Plant & Peruche, 2(05), and Afrocentric featurestend to result in longer prison terms (Blair, Judd, & Chapleau, 2004). In all cases, these law enforcement officialshad no conscious awareness that they respOnded differently

on the basis of race.Herein lies' a mllior dilemma. How does one prove that

a microaggression has occurred? What makes our ,beliefthat the flight attendant acted in a biased manner any moreplausible than her conscious belief that it was generated foranother reason? f she did act out of hidden and unconscious bias how do we make .her aware of it? Socialpsychological research tends to confinn the existence ofunconscious racial biases in well-intentioned Whites, that




Figure 1 . .Categories of and Relationships mong Racial icroaggressions

Racial,MicroaggrllsslonsCommonplace verbaf'ot behavioral indignities,.whether iIitentio.nalor unintentionill,

which communicate hostile, derogatory, 'or negative racial slights and insuits,

Microinsult Microassault Mjcro\nvaJidalton(Oftea.Uaconscious) (Often Conscious) (oi\en Unconscious)

Bebavioral/verbal JCD1Il'ks or comments that x p l i ~ i t racial derogations characterized Vernal comments or bChaviorsthatconvey rudeness, insetditivity and demean a tJrimarily by a violc.ht v ~ or exclude, negate, or nullify thepenon's racial heritageor identity. nODverbalattack meant to burt the psychological thoughtll, feelings, or

intended victim through"tu¢le-call ing, experiential reality of a penon ofavoidant behavior or,pUIpOseful color,discriminatory o.ctiOnB.

EnvironmentalMicro8lggresslona

(Macro-level)Racial 8nau)tB, insults 8Ild

invllJidationawhic.haremanifesled on systemic andenvironmental levels.

Ascription of IoteWgence Allen In Own LandAssigning a degree of intelligence 10 B person of Belief that visible m c i c t h n i ~ minority

color based- on their race. citi:zcns are foreigners.

SecoDd Clals'Cltizen Color nUndn(!ssTreated all a lesser person or group. Denial.or pretense that a Whit(: peI1Ion doe!l not

see color or race. ,PathologizlDE cuUural

Myth of Meritocracyvalues/communication styles Statements which 8llsert that race playa a minorNotion that the vallies and communication styles role in life success.of people of coklr are abnormal.

Denial oflDdtvldual RacismAuumptlon of Criminal statusDenial ofpersonaJ ~ c i s m or one's (ole in itsPresumed to be a criminal, dangerous, or deviantperpeluotion.based on race!.

.

nearly everyone born and raised in the United Slates inherits the racial biases of the society, and that the mostaccurate. assessment about whether racis.t acts have occurred iJ) a particular situation is most likely to be made bythose most disempowered rather than by those -who e!\ioythe privileges of power (Jones, 1997; Keltner & Robinson,1996). According to these findings, microaggressions Ca)tend to be subtle, indirecl, and unintentional, (b) ate most

likely to emerge nol when a behavior would look prejudicial, bUI when other rationales can be offered for prejudicial behavior, and (c) occur when Whiles prelend nol 10not ice differences, thereby justifying Ihal "color" was nolinvolved in the actions taken. Color blindness is a majorform of microinvalidation because it denies the racial andexperiential reality of people of color and provides anexcuse 10 While people to claim that they are nol preju-.

diced (Helms, 1992; Neville, Lilly, Duran, Lee, & Browne,2000). The flight allendanl, for example, did not realize thather "not seeing color" invalid'aled both passengers' racialidentity and experiential reality.

Dilemma 3: Perceived Minimal Harm ofRacial Microaggressions

In mosl cases, when individuals are confronred with theirmicroaggressive acts (as in the case oftheflighl attendant),the perpetralor usually believes thaI the victim hlLl overreacted and is being overly sensitive andlor·petty. After all,even i il was an innocent racial blunder, microaggressionsare believed to have minim.ainegative ·iri1.Pllct, People o fcolor are lold not tooverreacl aM ·to simply "leI it go.Usually, Whiles consider microaggressive incidenls to be

May-June 2007 o· American Psychologist278



minor, and people· of color are encouraged (oftentimes bpeople of color as·well)to not waste time or effort on them·

It is clear· that old-fasbioned racism unfairly disadvantages people of color and that it contributes to stressdepression, shame; and anger in its victims (Jones; 1997)But evidence also supports the detrimental impact ofmorsubUe forms of·racism.(Chakrahorty McKenzie, 2002Clatk,. Anderson, Clark, Williams, 1999). .For examplein a survey of studies examining racism and mental healthresearchers found a positive association between happinesand life satisfaction, self-esteem, mastery of control, hypertension, and discrimination (Williams, Neighbors,Jackson, 2003). Many of the types of everyday racismidentified by Williams and colleagues (Williams Collins,1995; Williams, Lavizzo"Mourey, Warren, 1994) provide· strong support for the idea that racial microaggressions llI'e not minimally harmful. One study specifically

.examined rnlcroaggressions in the experiences of AfricanAmericans and. found that the cumulative effects can bequite devastating (Sol6rzano et al., 20(0). The researchersreported that experience with rnlcroaggressions resulted ina negative racial clirnateand emotions of self,doubt, fros"tration, and isolation.on the part of victims. As indicated inthe incident above; the senior author experienced considerable emotional turmoil that lasted for the entire flight.When one cOl)siders that people of color are exposed continually to microaggressions.and that their effects are cumulative, it becomes easier to understand the psychologicaltoll they may take on recipients' well-being.

We submit that covert racism in the form of microaggres,ions also has a dramatic and detrimental impact onpeople of color Although microaggressions may be seemingly innocuous and insignilicant, 'theireffect scanbe quitedramatic (Steele, Spencer, Aronson, 2002). D. W S.uebelieves .that "this contemporary form of racism is manytimes over more problematic, damaging, and.jnjurious to

persons .of color than overt racist acts" (D. W. Sue, 2003,p. 48). It has been noted that the cumnlative effects,of racialmicroaggressions may theoretically result.in "diminishedmortality, augmented morbidity and flattened. conlidence"(Pierce, 1995, p. 281). It is important to study and acknowledge his form of racism in society because without documentation and analysis to better understand microaggressions, the threats that ·they pose and the assaults. that theyjustify can be easily ignored or downplayed (Sol6rzano etal., 2000). D. W. Sne (2005) has referred to this phenomenon as u conspiracy of silence.

~ i e m m a : the Catch-22 o Responding toM :roaggressions

When a microaggression occurs, the victim is usuallyplaced in a catch-22. The inunediate reaction might e aseries of questions: Did what I think happened, reallyhappen? Was ;this a deliberate act or an unintentionalslight? How should I respond? Sit an& stew on. it or confront the person? I bring tl e topic up, how do I pwve it?Is it.really worth the effort? Should I jnst drapethe matter?These questions in one· form or another have been a common, if not a universal,·reaction of persons of COIOf who

y.

o ,.e;,

,s

,

eXPerience an attributional ambiguity (Crocker Major,1989).

First, the person must determine whether a microaggression has occurred. In that respect, people of color relyheavily on experiential reality that is contextual in natureand involves life experiences from a variety of situations.When the flight attendant asked the semor author and hiscolleague to move, it was not the first time that similarrequests and situations had occurred for both. In theirexperience, these incidents were nonrandom events (Ridley, 2(05), and their perception was that the only similarityCOnilecting the dots" to each and every one of these

incidents was the color of their skin. In other words, thesituation on the· plane was only one of many similar incidents with identical outcomes. Yet the flight attendant andmost Wbite Atnericans do not share these multiple experiences, and they evaluate their own behaviors in the momentthrough a singular event (Dovidio· Gaertoer, 2000}.Thus,they fail to see a pattern of bias, are defended ·by a belief intheir own moraliiy, and can in good· conscience deny thatthey discriminated (D. W. Sue, 2(05).

Second, how one reacts to a microaggression mayhave differential effects, not only on the perpetrator but onthe person of color as well. Deciding to do nothing bysitting on one's anger is one response that occurs frequentlyin people of color. This response occurs because persons ofcolor may be (a) unable to determine whether a microaggression has occurred, (b) at a loss for how to respOnd, (c)fearful of the consequences, (d) rationalizing that it won'tdo any good anyway," or (c) engaging in self-deception

'through denial ( It didn't happen."). Although these explanations for nonresponse may hold some validity for··theperson of color, we submit that not <loing anYthing has thepotential to result in psychological· harm, It may mean adenial of one's experiential reality, dealing with a loss of

integrity, or experiencing pent-up .anger· and frustrationlikely to take psychological and phYSical tolls.Third, responding with anger and striking back (per

haps a normal and healthy reaction) is likely to engendernegative consequences for persons of color as well. Theyare likdy to be accused of being racially oversensitive orparanoid or told that tl1eir emotional outbursts confirmstereotypes about minorities. In the case of Black males, forexample, protesting may lend credence to the belief thatthey are hostile, angry, impulsive, and pr,one to violence(Jones, 1997). In this case, the person <ircolor might feelbetter after venting, but the outcome resiI ts in greaterh9stility by Wbites toward minorities. Further, while theperson of color may feel. better in· th.e immediate momentby relieving pent-up emotions, the reality is that the generalsituation ,has not been changed. In essence, the catch-22meaI\ll ypu are danmCfl i f you do, and damned i f youdon't." What is lacking';s researc)l that· points to adaptiveways of handling· microaggressions by people of color andsuggestions of how to increase the awareness and sensitivity of Wbites to microaggressions .so that they accept responsibility for their behaviors 'aiid for changing them(Sol6rzano et aI., 2000).

279ay-June 2007 • Atnerican Psychologist



R icial M i c r o a g ~ r e s s i o n s as a Barrierto Clinical PracticeIn a broad sense, counseling and psychotherapy can becharacterized as the foonation of a deeply personal relationship between'a helping professional and a client thatinvolves appropriate and accurate interpersonal interactions and communications. For effective therapy to occur,some form of positive coalition must develop between theparties involved D. W. Sue & Sue, 2003). Marty havereferred to this as the "working relationship," the "therapeutic alliance," or the "establishment of rapport" D. W.Sue & Sue , 2003). A strong therapeutic relationship is oftenenhanced when clients perceive therapists as credible(trustworthy and expert) and themselves as understood andpositively regarded by their therapists (Stro/lg & Sclunidt,1970). Helping professionals are trained to listen, to showempathic concern, to be objective, to value the client'sintegrity, to communicate understanding, and to use theirprofessional knowledge and skills to aid clients to solveproblems (Grencavage & Norcross, 1990).

As a therapeuti.c tearn, therapist and client are betterprepared to venture into problematic areas that the clientmight hesitate to face alone. Research suggests that thetherapeutic alliance is one of the major common factors ofany helping relationship and is correlated with successfuloutcome (Lui & Pope-Davis, 200S; Martin, Garske, &

Davis, 2000). More important, however, are findings that aclient 's perception of an accepting and positive relationshipis a better predictor of successful outcome than is a similarperception by the counselor (Horvath & Symonds, 1991).Thus, wlien clients do not perceive their therapists' astrustworthy ·and when they feel misunderstood and undervalued, therapeutic success is less likely to occur. Oftentimes, the telltale signs of a failed therapeutic relationshipmay result in clients being less likely 10 self-disclose,terminating prematurely, or failing to return for scheduledvisits (Burkard & Knox, 2004; Kearney, Draper, & Baron,2005).

Although the task of establishing an effective therapeutic relationship applies to the entire helping spectrum,working with clients who differ from the therapist in race,ethnicity, culture, and sexual orientation poses special challenges. White therapists who are products of their cultUralconditioning may be prone to .engage in racial micfoaggressions (Locke & Kiselica, 1999). Thus, the therapeuticaIliimce is likely to be weakened or terminated when clientsof color perceive'White therapists as biased, prejudiced,orunlikely to understand them as racial/cultural bemgs. Thatracism can potentially iJifect the therapeutic process whenworking with cliellts of color has been a cOll1nloil concernvoiced by the President's Cotilrnission onMental Health(1978) and the Surgeon General's Report on MentalHealth: Culture, Race and Ethnicity (U.S. Deparllnent ofHealth and Human Services, 2001). t has been postulatedthat therapist bias might partially account for the lowutilization of mental health services and ptemature termination of therapy sessions by African. American, NativeAmerican, Asian American, and LatinofHispanic American

clients (U:S. Department of Health and Human Services,2001).

Yet research also reveals that most people n ournation believe in democracy, fairness, and stro/lg humanistic values that condemn racism and the inequities that itengenders (Dovidio et al., 2002). Such a statement is arguably truer for mental health professionals, whose. goalsare to help rather than binder or hurt clients of col6r. Boththe American Psychological Association and the AmericanCounseling Association have attempted to confront thebiases of the profession bypassing multicultural gUidelinesor standards that denounce prejudice and discrimination in

the delivery of mental health services to clients of colof(American Psychological Association, 2003; D. W. Sue etal., 1992). Like most people in society, counselors andtherapists experience themselves as fair and decent individuals who would never consciously and deliberately en -gage in racist acts toward clients of color. Sadly, it is oftenpointed out that when clinician and client differ from oneanother along racial lines, however, the relationship mayserve as a microcosm for the troubled race relations in theUnited States. While many would like to believe thatracism is no longer a major problem and that the goodintentions of the helping profession have built safeguardsagainst prejudice and discrimination, the reality is that theycontinue to be manifested through the therapeutic process(Utsey, Gemat, & Hammar, 2005). This is not to suggest,however that positive changes in race relations have ot

occurred. Yet s in many other interactions microaggres-sions are equally likely to occur in therapeutic transactions(Ridley, 2005).

The Manifestation o RacialMicroaggressions inCounseling/TherapyMicroaggressions become meaningful in the context ofclinical practice, as relational dynamics and the humanconditi,on are central aspects of this field. The often uuintentional aild Unconscious nature of microaggressions Di-lemma 2: Invisibility) poses the biggest challenge to themajority of White mental health professionals, who believethat they are just, unbiased, and nonracis!. Further, mentalhealth professionals are in a position of power, which,renders them less likely to accurately assess (Dilemma 1:

Conflict of Racial Realities) whether raciSt acts have occurred in their sessions. Thus, the harm they perpetrateagainst their clients of color is either unki10wn or mini-

mized (Dilemma 3: Minini81Harm). Microaggressions notonly oppress and barm, but they place clients of color iii theunenviable position of a catch-22 (Dilemma 4).

In clinical practice, microaggressions are likely to gounrecognized by White clinicians who are unintentionallyand unconsciously expressing bias. s a result, therapistsmust make a concerted effort to identify and monitor m i-

croaggressions within the therapeutic context. This processis reminiscent of the importance of becoming aware o

'potential transference and countertrailsference issues be-

tween therapist and client and how they may unintention-

280 May-June 2007 • American PsychologistC



ally interfere with effective therapy WOOdhouse, Schlosser,Crook, Ligiero, Gelso, 2003). The inherent power dynamic in the therapeutic relationship further complicatesthis issue, as thempists are in a position of power to makediagnoses and influence the course of treatment. The powerdynamic between therapist and cli.ent also effects thecatch-22 of responding to microaggressions because clientsmay be less likely to confront their therapists and more

likely to question their own perceptions in the event of amicroaggression.

rable 2 provides a few examples of microaggressionsin counseling practice under each of the nine categoriesidentified earlier. Under Color Blindness, for· example,client of color stresses the importance of racial experiencesonly to have the therapist reply, We are all unique. We areall individuals. or We are all human beings or the sameunder the skin. These colorblind statements, which were.intended to be supportive, to be sympathetic, and to conveyan ability ·to understand, may leave the client feeling misunderstood, n.egated, invalidated, fud unimportant (especially i racial identity is important to the client). Moreoverthese statements presume that the therapist is c p ble ofnot seeing race and impose a definition of racial reality onthe client (Neville et aI., 2000).

Under Denial· of Individual Racism, a common response by .Whites to people of color is· tbat they canunderstand and relate to experiences of racism. In Table 2,under this category, we provide the following anecdote: Aclient of color expresses hesitancy in discussing racialissues with his White female therapist. She replies, Iunderstand. As a woman, I face disGrimination too. Themessage is that the therapist believes her gender oppressionis no different from the client s experiences o f radal/ethnicoppression. This response is problematic because such attempts by the therapist to explain how he or she canunderstand a person o color s experience with racism maybe perceived by the client as an attempt to minimize theimportance of his or her racial identity, to avoid acknowledging· the therapist s racial biases, or to communicate adiscomfort with discussing racial issues. Furthermore, thetherapist excuses himself or herself from any blame or faultin perpetuating racism and the power of racism.' This failure to acknowledge the significance of racism within andoutside of the therapy session contributes to the. breakdo\Vl1of the alIJance, belWeen therapIst and client. A therapist'sWillingness to. discuss racial matters is of central importance in creating a therapeutic alliance with clients of color(Cardemil Battle, 2003).

Under the category Alien in Own Land, many AsianAmericans and LatinolHispanic Americans report that theyare commonly seen as perpetual foreigners. For example, afemale Asian American client arrives for her first therapysession. Her therapist asks her where she is from, and whentold Philadelphia, the thempist further probes. by askingwhere she was born. In this case, the therapist s s ~ u m e

tha t the Asian American client is not from the United Statesand has i m p o ~ ethrough the use of the second question theidea that she mnstbe a foreigner. Immediately, a barriedscreated io the helping relationship because the client feels

invalidated by the· therapist (she is perceived as·a foreigner,not a U.S. citizen). UnfortunatelY, the Asiao Americanclient is unlikely to question her therapist or point out thebias because of the power dynamic; which causes her toharbor resentment and i i i feelings toward the therapist.

We contend that clients of color are at increased riskof not continuing in the counseling/therapy session whensuch microaggressions occur. Worse yet, they wili oat

receive the help ihey need and may leave the sessionfeeling worse than when they first sought counseling. Because it is unlikely that clinicians intentionally create hostile and unwelcoming environments for their ethnic minority clients, it can ·be assumed that these biases are beingexpresse4 through .microaggressions. Therapists can convey their bias to their ethnic miPority clients in myriadways, such as by minimizing symptoms for Asian Anterlcans on the basis of a false belief in the model minorityD. W. Sue Sue, 2003) or hy placing greater emphasis on

symptoms such as paranoid delusions and substance abusein NatiVe Americans and Africans Americans, who arebelieved to suffer from these afflictions (U.S. Departmentof Health and Human Services, 2001).

last, White counselors and therapists can impose andvalue their own cultural world view while devaluing andpathologizing the cultural values of their' ethnic minorityclients. Previous research has shown that pathologizing·clients' cultural'values has been a major determinant ofclients of color discontinuing psychotherapy S. Sue, Fujino, Hu, Takeuchi, 1991). Many clients of color mayfeel misunderstood by their therapists because of a lack ofculttlral understanding. Asian American or Latino American clients who enter therapy to discuss family issues suchas feeling obligated, stressed, or overwhelmed with excessfamily responsibilities may he encouraged by therapists tospeak out against their families or to make decisions regardless of family snpport or expectations. Therapists maybe unaware that they may be directly invalidating culturalrespect for authority and imposing an individualistic viewover a collectivist one.

Future irections in theUnderstanding o RacialMicroaggressions

With respect to racism, D. W. Sue (2004, p. 762) has statedthat t .e greatest chalIenge society and the mental healthprofessions face is making the 'inyisible' v i ~ i b l e Thatcan only be accomplished when people are willing toopenly and honestly engage in a dialugue about race andracism. n that respect, the education and training of mentalheitlth professionals inilst incorporate isslies of race andculture.. One woiJld ordinarily expeet that mental healthprofessionals would be more willing than ritost to d i ~ o g u e

on this topic, bllt studies suggest that White cliniciansreceive, minimll1 or no practicum or superVision experiences that address race and are uncomfortable broachingthe topic (Knox, Burkard, Johnson, Suzuki, Ponterotto,2003). Many White trainees in therapy dyads experienceanxiety in the fonn of poor articulation, faltering and/or




Table 2xamples o Raoial Microaggressions in rlierapeuficPractice

Theme . ¥ Icrooggreulon e a ~ g ~ .

Alien in oWn land A White client does nol want to work with an AsianWhen Asian Americons and American therapist because "she will not

Latino Americans are understand my problem.assumed to be foreign-born A White therapist tells an American-barn Latina

client that he/she should seek a Spanish-speakingth.erapist

Ascription of intelligence A school counselor reacls with surprise when anAssigning a degree of Asian' American student had trouble on the mqth

intelligence to a pelson of portion of a' standardized test.color on the basis of iheir A career counselor asking a Black or Latino student,race "Do you' think you're ready for college?

Color blindness A therapist says I think you are being tooStatements which indicate that paranoid. We should emph9size similarities, not

a White per •.on .does. not' pepple's differences when a client of colorwant to acknowledgE! race onempts to discuss her feelings about being the

only person of color ql her job and feelingalienated and dismissed by her co-workers.

A client of color ~ x p r e s econcern in d i s ~ u ~ s i n g

racial issues with her iherapist. Her therapistreplies wifh, IIWhen I see you, I don t see color.

Criminality/assumption of When a Black client shares that she was accused ofcriminal status stealing from work, the therapist encourages the

A person of color is presumed cHent to explore how she might have contributedto be dangerous, crimitlO.l, to her employer's mistrust of -her.or deviant onthe basis.of· A therapist takes great .care to ask all substancetheir r<;lce ~ b u s equestions in an intake with a NativB

American c.lient t and is s u ~ p i c i o l I ~ of the c1ienfsnonexistent history with substances.

Denial of individual racism A dient of c o l o r ~ s k s his. or her t ~ e r a p i s t about howA statement made when race affeels their working relationship. The

Whites renounce their therapist replies, "Race does not affect the way Iracial biases treat you.

A client of color expresses hesit.ane y in discussingracial issues with his White .Iemaletherapist. Shereplies I understand. As a woman, I lacediscrimination 9150 I

Myth of meritocracy A school counselor iells a Black sludentthat "II youStotemenfs which assert that work hard, you can succeed like eVeryone else.

race does not playa role in A career counselor is working with a' dlent 01 colorsucceeding in career., who is concerned abOut not being promoted atadvancetnent- or education: work de.pite being quaillied. The counselor

suggests, 'Maybe il you work harder you cansucceJldlike your peers.

Pafhologizing cultural ~ a l u e s i A Black client is loud, emotional, and

G0mm.I,micotion styles confrontational in a counseling session, TheThe notion thai the values .a.nd t h e r q p i s t d i a ~ n a s e s her with bord.erline. communication styles of the personality disorder.

dominorif/White culture are A dieM clASian or Native American descent hasideal . trouble maintaining eye canlact with his therapist.

The therapist dioghoies him wiih a social anxiety·dlsarder.

Advising d client., "Do you really think your problemstems from racism?

You are not American,

All Asians are smart and good atmath.

it is unusueil lor people 01 color tosucceed.

Race and culture are notimportant variables that affectpeople's lives.

You.r rocibl e x p ~ r i e n c e s are notvalid. .

You re a criminal.

You are devi.c;mt.'

Your facial/ethnic experience isnot important.

Your racial oppression is nodifferent than my genderoppression.

Peopie of colo.r are lazy and/orincompefentand need to work,harder. 'If you don't succeed,you have only yourseilloblaine Iblamlng the victim).

Assimilate to dominant culture.

Leave your cultural baggageoutside. .

~

(282 May June 2007 • American Psychologist



Table 2 continued)

Theme Mlcrocggre.ssion Message

Second",lass citizen A counselor limits the amount of long·term Whites are more valued than people ofOccurs when a White person therapy to provide of a college color.

is given preferential coun,eling center; she chooses allIrecitment as a consumer White clients over clients of color.

aver a person of color Clienls of color are not welcomed or White clients are more valued than clientsacknowledged by receptionists. of color.

EnYironmental microa9gressi ons A waiting room office has pictures of You don't belong/Only white people canMacro-level microaggressians, American presidents, succeed,

which are mare apparent ,Every counselor at omental he,olth clinic is You are on outsiderlYou don't exist.on a systemic level White.

trembling voices, and mispronunciation of words when in general and i themselves in particular; (b) understanddirectly engaged in discussjons about race (Utsey et al., how racial microaggressions, including their own, detri2005). It is fiteresting that such nonverbal behaviors also mentally impact clients of color; and (c) accept responsiserve as a form of racial microaggression. When helping bility for taking corrective actions to overcome racial biprofessionals have difficulty addressing race issues, they s s ~

cut off an avenue for clients of color to explore matters of Research n Racial Microaggressionsbias. discrimination, and prejudice.A major obstacle to understanding racial microaggressionsEducation nd Training nd Racial is that research is· in a nascent state. Researchers continueMicroag9ressions '

to omit subtle racism and microaggressions from theirt is clear that mental health training programs must support research agendas, and this absence conveys the notion that

trainees in overcoming their fears and their resisUmce to covert forms of racism are not- as valid or s important astalking about race by fostering safe and productive learning racist events that can be quantified and proven: n fact,environments (Sanchez-Hucles & Jones, 2005). t is im omitting microaggressions from studies on racism on theportant that training programs be structured and facilitated basis of a belief that they are less harmfhl encourages thein a manner that promotes inquiry and aIJows trainees to professimi to "look the other way." Moreover, the fact thatexperience discomfort and vulnerability (Young & Davis psychological research has continued to inadequately adRussell, 2002). Trainees need to be challenged to explore dress race and ethnicity (Delgado-Romero, Rowland, &

their own racial identities and their feelings abont other Galvin, 2005) is jnitself a microaggression. Pursuing'a lineracial groups. The prerequisite for cultural competence has of research examining how cross-racial dyadic composialways been racial self-awareness. This is equally true for tions impact the process and outcome of counselorlclientunderstanding how microaggressions, especiall)' those of interactions would be a tremendous contribution to the fieldthe therapist, influence the therapeutic process. This level of counseling and clinical psychology. Helms and Cookof self-awareness brings to the surface possible prejUdices (1999) o ~ that racial consciousness is a critical considand biases that inform racial microaggressions. A first step eration in determining White therapists' ability to operatefor therapists who want to integrate an understanding of effectively in cross-racial dyads.racism's mental health effects into the conceptualization of For mental health purposes, it would be useful topsychological functioning is to undergo a process of leam explore the coping mechanisms used by people of color toing and critical self-examination of racism and its impact stave off the negative effects of microaggressions. The facton one's life and the lives of others (Thompson & Neville, that people of color have had to face daily microaggtes1999). For White clinicians, it means addressing the ques sions and have continued to maintain their dignity iri thetion "What does it mean to be White?" and being fully face of such hostility is a testament to their resiliencycognizant of their own White racial identity development D. W. Sue, 2003). Whateopirig strategies have been foundand how it may intrude on people of color (Helms, 1992, to serve them well? A greater understanding of responses to1995). n addition, it has been snggested that articulating a microaggressions, both in the long term and the short term,persorial theory of reality and of therape,utic change in the and of the coping stralegies employed would be beneficialcontext (if an environment of racism is one way to begin in arming children of color for the life they will face. Suchintegrating knowledge of racism with the practice ofpsy- research is necessary because without dqcumentation andchotherapy (Thompson & Neville, 1999). Educatio11 and analysis to help better understand microaggressions, thetraining must aid White clinicians to achieve the following: threats that they pose and the assaults that they justify can(a) increase their ability to identify racial microaggressions be easily ignored or downplayed (Sol6rzano et at 2000).

May June 2007 • American Psychologist 283



Studying thdong-telin impact that microaggressions haveon mental health functioning, self-esteem, self-concept,and .racial identity development appears cnicial to 'documenting the hann microaggressions inflict on people ofcolor. The taxonomy of microaggressions proposed heremay make it easier to explore other social psychologicalquestions as well.

First, it is highly probable that microaggressions varyin their severity and impact. As indicated, a microassaultdoes not evoke a guessing game because the intent of theperpetrator is clear. However, the racist intent of microinsuIts and microinvalidations is less clear and presents different dilemmas for people of color. Some questions toponder include the following: (a) Are the three forms ofracial microaggressions equal in impact? Are some themesand therr hldden messages more problematic thl Il others?Although all expressions may take a psychological toll,some are obviously experienced as more harmful and severe than others. (b) Is there a relatiouship betweeu formsof rac ial microaggressions and racia l identity development?Recent research and formullitionsonWhite racial identitydevelopment and the psychosocial costs of racism toWhites (Helms, 1995; Spanierman, Armstrong, Poteat, &Beer, 2006) imply that forms of racial microaggressionsmay be associated with certaln statuses or trail clusters. (c)Finally, is i t possible that different racial/ethnic groups aremore likely to encounter certain forms of racial microaggressions than others? A preliminary study suggests thatAsian Americans are 'prone to be victims of microinvalidations with themes that revolve around "alien in one'sown land (D. W. Sue, Bucceri, Lin, Nadal, & Torino,2007) rather than microinsults with themes of "criminality. Is it possible that Blacks are more likely to be subjected to the lalter than to the foriner? What about Latinosand American Indians?

Second, the challenge in conducting research aimed atunderstanding microaggressions involves measurement.Adequate assessment tools need to be created to effectivelyexplore the new and burgeoning field of microaggressionresearch. Although there are several promising race-relatedstress and discrimination measures, such as the PerceivedEthnic Discrimination Questionnaire (PEDQ; Brondoloet aI., 2(05), the Color-Blind Racial Attitude Scale(COBRAS; Neville et al., 2 0 0 0 ) ~ the Index of Race RelatedStress (IRRS; Utsey & Ponterotlo" 1996), and the Scheduleof Racist Events (SRE; Klonoff·& Landrine, J999), none ofthem is 'diruJly aimed at distinguishing between categoriesof racial microaggressions or their intentional or unintentional nature. The PEDQ uses four ,stibscales that broadlymeasure stigmatization, harassment, workplace discrimination, and social exclusion; the COBRAS is specific to aperson's minimization of race and racism; the IRRS usesJones's (1997) framework to measure individual, institutional, and societal racism; and the SRE is aimed at measuring 'frequency of racist incidents. All contain examplesof racial microaggressions that support our taxonomy, butnone makes conceptual distinctions that allow for categorical measurements. of this phenomenon. It seems imperative that specific instruments ,be developed to aid in under-

standing the causes, consequences, manifestations,andelimination of racial microaggressibns.

ConclusionNearly all interracial encounters are prone to the manifes,lation of racial microaggressions. We have thosen malnlyto address the t h e r ~ p e u t i c relationship, bilt raCialmicroaggressions are potentially present whenever hunian interact ons involve participants who differ in race and culture(teaching, supervising, training, administering, evaluating,etc.). We have purposely chosen to concentrate on racialmicroaggressions, but it is important to acknowledge othertYPes of microaggressions as well. Gender, sexual orientation, and disability microaggressions may have equallypoweJ:ful .and potentially detrimental effects on women,gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender individuals, anddisability groups. Further, racial microaggressions are notlimited to White-Black, White-Latino, or White-Person ofColor interactions. Interethnic racial microaggressions occur between people of color as well. In the area of counseling and therapy, for example, research may also provebeneficial in understanding cross-racial dyads in which the

therapist is a persou of colorand

the client is White or inwhich both therapist and cHertt are persons of color.Investigating these combinations of cross-racial dyads would beuseful, because it is clear that no racial/ethnic group isimmune from inheriting the racial biases of the society(D. W. Sue, 2003). We encourage future research in thesetwo areas because all forms of D).icroaggressions havedetrimenial consequences. .

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