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    Royal African Society and Oxford University Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to

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    Royal frican Society

    ReviewAuthor(s): Paul NugentReview by: Paul NugentSource: African Affairs, Vol. 85, No. 338 (Jan., 1986), pp. 147-148Published by: on behalf ofOxford University Press Royal African SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/722233Accessed: 23-01-2016 04:38 UTC

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    14747

    OOK REVIEWSOOK REVIEWS

    Significantly,when Wheatcroft indshimselfon thin ice, he skates ast and writes

    statements hat, for example,Africanresentmentat their position in contemporary

    South Africa is really rather . . . ambiguous. They want to be rid of white

    supremacyand yet they want to go on enjoying the benefits of a rich industrial

    society. Soweto is not merely a grim compound: it is the most prosperous

    black Africancity anywhere. This explainsthe continuing ailureof the African

    Nationalist [sic] Congress . to stir up the blacks (p. 268). Not only is

    the thought of Soweto as prosperous indefensible nonsense, present-day

    developments n South Africagive the resounding ie to Wheatcroft s iews on the

    ANC.

    Institute f Commonzvealthtudies,

    London JEANACQUESANHELTEN

    What Is Political Economy? A Study of Social Theory and

    Underdevelopment, by Martin Staniland. Yale University Press, New Haven

    and London, 1985. xi + 229 pp. ISBN 0-300-03295-1 ,618 50 in UK.

    As Stanilandbegins by noting, almost every other book these days carriesthe

    term politicaleconomy n the title or sub-title. Often nothing specific s meant

    by this, but usually it is intended to convey the idea that the book in question

    hopes to show in some way an interplaybetweeneconomicand politicalprocesses.

    Stanilandarguesthat, in spite of sometimesbeing accorded he status of a theory,

    politicaleconomy s reallyonly a broad ield in which opposingtheoretical chools

    compete. WhatIs PoliticalEconomy?,hen, is an exploration f how some of these

    quite differentschools cope with the same problem of depicting the relationship

    between economics and politics, ranging from theories that are deterministic o

    those that are interactive. It covers neo-classicaleconomicsand the attemptsto

    apply its assumptions to political behaviour; counter-theory reasserting the

    primacy of politics; theories of internationalpolitical economy; and Marxism.

    This considerationogetherof theories hat areoften so at odds as regards oncepts,

    methodologyand values as to miss any point of contact, s largelywhat makes his

    bookso appealing. Inevitably n a bookwith this breadthof focus, whatthe author

    says about the content of the theories s fairly schematicand some of the critiques

    are second-hand,but the result s as lucid and accurate s one could hope for.

    A dominant heme of the book is the quite differentexpectationsand develop-

    ment of theory in Western centres of learning and the Third World. In the

    developed countries, Stanilandargues, theoreticaldebate has tended to produce

    more complex interactive theories. Thus, neo-classical economics has been

    criticized on the grounds that the Adam Smithian stress on the primacy of the

    individualand the marketbears ittle relevance n the modernworld of large cor-

    porationsand increasing tate nterventionism, ut criticshavemerelyattempted o

    incorporatepower relationships none has apparentlygone so far as to write a

    theory of political determinism. Theories that evolve in a Third World context,

    by contrast, tend towards a greaterdegree of determinism,as manifested n the

    growth of dependency heory. Stanilanddoes not really attemptto explain why

    this should be so, althoughpresumably he idea is that Third Worldacademicsare

    on the whole as much concerned to change the world as to describe it. The

    divergent demandsof Third World theory resurface n Staniland sdiscussion of

    Marxism. WithinWesternMarxism,dissatisfactionwith the instrumentalist iew

    of politics n the classical raditionhas led to an assertionof the relativeautonomyof

    Significantly,when Wheatcroft indshimselfon thin ice, he skates ast and writes

    statements hat, for example,Africanresentmentat their position in contemporary

    South Africa is really rather . . . ambiguous. They want to be rid of white

    supremacyand yet they want to go on enjoying the benefits of a rich industrial

    society. Soweto is not merely a grim compound: it is the most prosperous

    black Africancity anywhere. This explainsthe continuing ailureof the African

    Nationalist [sic] Congress . to stir up the blacks (p. 268). Not only is

    the thought of Soweto as prosperous indefensible nonsense, present-day

    developments n South Africagive the resounding ie to Wheatcroft s iews on the

    ANC.

    Institute f Commonzvealthtudies,

    London JEANACQUESANHELTEN

    What Is Political Economy? A Study of Social Theory and

    Underdevelopment, by Martin Staniland. Yale University Press, New Haven

    and London, 1985. xi + 229 pp. ISBN 0-300-03295-1 ,618 50 in UK.

    As Stanilandbegins by noting, almost every other book these days carriesthe

    term politicaleconomy n the title or sub-title. Often nothing specific s meant

    by this, but usually it is intended to convey the idea that the book in question

    hopes to show in some way an interplaybetweeneconomicand politicalprocesses.

    Stanilandarguesthat, in spite of sometimesbeing accorded he status of a theory,

    politicaleconomy s reallyonly a broad ield in which opposingtheoretical chools

    compete. WhatIs PoliticalEconomy?,hen, is an exploration f how some of these

    quite differentschools cope with the same problem of depicting the relationship

    between economics and politics, ranging from theories that are deterministic o

    those that are interactive. It covers neo-classicaleconomicsand the attemptsto

    apply its assumptions to political behaviour; counter-theory reasserting the

    primacy of politics; theories of internationalpolitical economy; and Marxism.

    This considerationogetherof theories hat areoften so at odds as regards oncepts,

    methodologyand values as to miss any point of contact, s largelywhat makes his

    bookso appealing. Inevitably n a bookwith this breadthof focus, whatthe author

    says about the content of the theories s fairly schematicand some of the critiques

    are second-hand,but the result s as lucid and accurate s one could hope for.

    A dominant heme of the book is the quite differentexpectationsand develop-

    ment of theory in Western centres of learning and the Third World. In the

    developed countries, Stanilandargues, theoreticaldebate has tended to produce

    more complex interactive theories. Thus, neo-classical economics has been

    criticized on the grounds that the Adam Smithian stress on the primacy of the

    individualand the marketbears ittle relevance n the modernworld of large cor-

    porationsand increasing tate nterventionism, ut criticshavemerelyattempted o

    incorporatepower relationships none has apparentlygone so far as to write a

    theory of political determinism. Theories that evolve in a Third World context,

    by contrast, tend towards a greaterdegree of determinism,as manifested n the

    growth of dependency heory. Stanilanddoes not really attemptto explain why

    this should be so, althoughpresumably he idea is that Third Worldacademicsare

    on the whole as much concerned to change the world as to describe it. The

    divergent demandsof Third World theory resurface n Staniland sdiscussion of

    Marxism. WithinWesternMarxism,dissatisfactionwith the instrumentalist iew

    of politics n the classical raditionhas led to an assertionof the relativeautonomyof

    This content downloaded from 103.231.241.233 on Sat, 23 Jan 2016 04:38:21 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

    http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
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    14848

    AFRICANAFFAIRSFRICANAFFAIRS

    the state and a more complex account of economic and political processes. But

    within a Third World context, the further issue of the relationshipbetween

    domestic and external orces is raised. While some have adhered o the logic of

    orthodoxMarxismand have portrayeddomesticpolitical orces as merelya reflec-

    tion of the demandsof international apital,Third World intellectualshave often

    sought a theorythat gives some role to domesticclasses. The result, according o

    Staniland, s that works such as that of Shivji are often an inversionof Marxist

    analysis,vergingon politicism.

    All of this gives plenty of food for thought, but one feels slightly cheatedby the

    conclusion to the book. Having led his readerson a great trek through theory,

    Staniland eavesthem with the followingproposition: s long as there s a varietyof

    cultures, here will be a varietyof theories,and because hese will containa variety

    of valuesand assumptions,one can criticize he theoriesbut never choose between

    them. The readermight be excused or wonderinghow culturalvarietyhas stolen

    centre-stagewhen, if anything,the book shows the strongestcorrelationbetween

    theory and levels of development,which cuts across culture. Similarly, a new

    book by Blomstromand Hettne (DevelopmentTheory n Transition) hows how

    . . .

    qulte slmllarviews on dependencyhave emergedacross the Third World, some-

    times independently. Secondly, it is difficultto see why underlyingvalues and

    assumptions hould insulate heory. Marxismhas a strongvalue content,but the

    validity of its analysis(and its values) can surely be assessed in the light of how

    successfully t copes with reality. It is true of course that no single theory has

    managed o do justice to all the complexitiesof human society but this is another

    argument, besides which there is a clear distinction between theory that is

    inherently limited (one thinks of public choice ) and theory that possesses the

    concepts but has not mastered he equation. In spite of this, What Is Political

    Ecorlomy? ill be of interest o a wide audience,not leastto Africanistswho will find

    many amiliardebatesset in the contextof the problematic f the book.

    Schoolof Oriental ndAfricanStudies,

    London PAUL UGENT

    And Night Fell, by Molefe Pheto. London, Allison and Busby, 1983. 218

    PP ?8 95

    It says something or the impactthat this book has had that it has alreadybeen

    snappedup as a paperbaekby the HeinemannAfricanWriters Series (No. 258,

    1985)within two yearsof its originalpublieation. This will no doubt give it wider

    eireulationbut the originalLondon publishers,Allison and Busby, are to be eon-

    gratulated or reeognizingdistinetion n what could easily have been a predietable

    catalogueof poliee brutality. Just as too many images of starving children or

    urbanviolence ean numb the average elevisionviewer ssensibilityso, regrettably

    but it wouldbe wrongnot to admit t, the praeticed eader f SouthAfrican iterature

    and watcherof South Afrieanplays can be over-exposed o the chillingly eandid

    prisoneell interrogation r the screamof agonyas the eleetrodesare applied o the

    testicles. These are ignoblereflectionsbut I believe them to be true. We can all

    build up a resistance o humansuffering.

    It is thereforewith a sense of debt to Molefe Pheto that I reviewAnd Night Fell,

    for he re-awakensn me, and I am sure n all his readers,a sense of immediacy t the

    horrorof South Africa sofficialrepression. His book is sub-titled Memoirsof a

    PoliticalPrisoner n South Africa . It is a recordof 281 days spent in detention

    the state and a more complex account of economic and political processes. But

    within a Third World context, the further issue of the relationshipbetween

    domestic and external orces is raised. While some have adhered o the logic of

    orthodoxMarxismand have portrayeddomesticpolitical orces as merelya reflec-

    tion of the demandsof international apital,Third World intellectualshave often

    sought a theorythat gives some role to domesticclasses. The result, according o

    Staniland, s that works such as that of Shivji are often an inversionof Marxist

    analysis,vergingon politicism.

    All of this gives plenty of food for thought, but one feels slightly cheatedby the

    conclusion to the book. Having led his readerson a great trek through theory,

    Staniland eavesthem with the followingproposition: s long as there s a varietyof

    cultures, here will be a varietyof theories,and because hese will containa variety

    of valuesand assumptions,one can criticize he theoriesbut never choose between

    them. The readermight be excused or wonderinghow culturalvarietyhas stolen

    centre-stagewhen, if anything,the book shows the strongestcorrelationbetween

    theory and levels of development,which cuts across culture. Similarly, a new

    book by Blomstromand Hettne (DevelopmentTheory n Transition) hows how

    . . .

    qulte slmllarviews on dependencyhave emergedacross the Third World, some-

    times independently. Secondly, it is difficultto see why underlyingvalues and

    assumptions hould insulate heory. Marxismhas a strongvalue content,but the

    validity of its analysis(and its values) can surely be assessed in the light of how

    successfully t copes with reality. It is true of course that no single theory has

    managed o do justice to all the complexitiesof human society but this is another

    argument, besides which there is a clear distinction between theory that is

    inherently limited (one thinks of public choice ) and theory that possesses the

    concepts but has not mastered he equation. In spite of this, What Is Political

    Ecorlomy? ill be of interest o a wide audience,not leastto Africanistswho will find

    many amiliardebatesset in the contextof the problematic f the book.

    Schoolof Oriental ndAfricanStudies,

    London PAUL UGENT

    And Night Fell, by Molefe Pheto. London, Allison and Busby, 1983. 218

    PP ?8 95

    It says something or the impactthat this book has had that it has alreadybeen

    snappedup as a paperbaekby the HeinemannAfricanWriters Series (No. 258,

    1985)within two yearsof its originalpublieation. This will no doubt give it wider

    eireulationbut the originalLondon publishers,Allison and Busby, are to be eon-

    gratulated or reeognizingdistinetion n what could easily have been a predietable

    catalogueof poliee brutality. Just as too many images of starving children or

    urbanviolence ean numb the average elevisionviewer ssensibilityso, regrettably

    but it wouldbe wrongnot to admit t, the praeticed eader f SouthAfrican iterature

    and watcherof South Afrieanplays can be over-exposed o the chillingly eandid

    prisoneell interrogation r the screamof agonyas the eleetrodesare applied o the

    testicles. These are ignoblereflectionsbut I believe them to be true. We can all

    build up a resistance o humansuffering.

    It is thereforewith a sense of debt to Molefe Pheto that I reviewAnd Night Fell,

    for he re-awakensn me, and I am sure n all his readers,a sense of immediacy t the

    horrorof South Africa sofficialrepression. His book is sub-titled Memoirsof a

    PoliticalPrisoner n South Africa . It is a recordof 281 days spent in detention

    This content downloaded from 103.231.241.233 on Sat, 23 Jan 2016 04:38:21 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

    http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp