Washington Consensus
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Transcript of Washington Consensus
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WASHINGTON
CONSENSUS
International Political Economy
POSC 128 3:00-4:30 MW Daniel Alantraca
Renee Dominique Rodelas
Justin Leon Villarante
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LATIN AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT
1930s 1970s
- Latin America (esp. Brazil and Mexico)
- Short term success
- Long term failure
Country 1960 1975 1975 - 1989
Brazil 4.57% 1.27%
Mexico 3.37% 0.76%
per capita GDP growth rates
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LATIN AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT
Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI)
Replace imports with local production:
State direction of investment and production
Tariffs, quotas and trade barriers
Infant industries
Logic: Disengagement Juan Peron President of Argentina (1946-1955)
Early adopter of ISI
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LATIN AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT
Problems with ISI
Regulation
Efficiency of infant industries
High cost of imported goods
Oil Crisis
Debt Crisis Celso Furtado and Brazil President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (2004)
Furtado is widely credited as one of the founders of ISI
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THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS
Term coined by John Williamson in 1980
Basic reforms envisioned by the World Bank, IMF
and US Treasury
Department
Rejection of ISI
Initial focus on Latin America, but expands.
When I first formulated the
Washington Consensus, it
really wasnt as a prescription of
development. It was a list of
policies that I
claimed were widely held in Washington to
be widely desirable in
Latin America.
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THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS
Emphasis on a macroeconomic (particularly fiscal) discipline, a market economy and openness to the world economy (at least with
respect to trade and foreign direct investments).
Privatize state
enterprise
Reduce govt
regulation
Control inflation
Keep money supply tight
Set prices free
Foreign investment will
flow in and produce
prosperity, creating
development.
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THE TEN ELEMENTS OF THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS
Fiscal discipline Public
expenditure priorities
Tax reform Interest rate liberalization
Competitive exchange rate
Trade liberalization
Liberalization of inflows of
foreign direct investment (FDI)
Privatization
Deregulation Secure property
rights
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THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS
1. FISCAL DISCIPLINE
Economic stability as foundation for economic growth.
Price stability essential for economic stability.
Price stability undermined by large budget deficits (through inflation).
Therefore, establishing fiscal discipline is essential.
Inflation is the general decline in the purchasing value of money;
a general increase in the price of goods.
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THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS
2. REDIRECTION OF PUBLIC EXPENDITURE PRIORITIES toward fields
offering both high economic returns and the potential to improve
income distribution such as primary health care, primary
education and infrastructure
Original formulation: Cut public spending across the board
Reformulation: Redirect public spending in a pro-poor, pro-
growth way.
Non-merit subsidies: cannot be rationalized either in terms of
offsetting externalities or improving income distribution.
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THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS
3. TAX REFORM
Broaden tax base
Cut marginal tax rates
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THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS
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THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS
Liberalization of
4. INTEREST RATES: should ideally be market-determined
6. TRADE RULES
7. FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT: by reducing barriers
9. DEREGULATION: abolition of regulations that impede the entry of
new firms or restrict competition (except in the areas of safety,
environment and finance)
Economic Liberalization: A general reduction in the role of the
government in the economy, generally encompassing reducing
barriers to trade, foreign direct investment and broader state
regulation.
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5. COMPETITIVE EXCHANGE RATES
THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS
8. PRIVATIZATION 10. PROTECTION OF PROPERTY RIGHTS
export growth as key to economic growth cheaper exports; more expensive imports
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CRITIQUES OF THE CONSENSUS
Former Chief Economist (WB) Joseph Stiglitz
When the IMF decides to assist a country, it dispatches a "mission" of economists. These economists frequently lack extensive experience in the country; they are more likely to have firsthand knowledge of its five-star hotels than of
the villages that dot its countryside. They work hard, poring over numbers deep into the night. But their task is impossible. In a period of days or, at most, weeks, they
are charged with developing a coherent program sensitive to the needs of the country. Needless to say, a
little number-crunching rarely provides adequate insights into the development strategy for an entire nation.
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CRITIQUES OF THE CONSENSUS
Former Chief Economist (WB) Joseph Stiglitz
Even worse, the number-crunching isn't always that good. The mathematical models the IMF uses are
frequently flawed or out-of-date. Critics accuse the institution of taking a cookie-cutter approach to
economics, and they're right. Country teams have been known to compose draft reports before visiting. I heard stories of one unfortunate incident when team members
copied large parts of the text for one country's report and transferred them wholesale to another. They might have
gotten away with it, except the "search and replace" function on the word processor didn't work properly, leaving the original country's name in a few places.
Oops
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CRITIQUES OF THE CONSENSUS
Former Chief Economist (WB) Joseph Stiglitz
It's not fair to say that IMF economists don't care about the citizens of developing nations. But the older men who staff the fund--and they are overwhelmingly older men--
act as if they are shouldering Rudyard Kipling's white man's burden. IMF experts believe they are brighter, more
educated, and less politically motivated than the economists in the countries they visit. In fact, the
economic leaders from those countries are pretty good--in many cases brighter or better-educated than the IMF staff, which frequently consists of third-rank students from
first-rate universities. (Trust me: I've taught at Oxford University, MIT, Stanford University,
Yale University, and Princeton University, and the IMF almost never
succeeded in recruiting any of the best students.)
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CRITIQUES OF THE CONSENSUS