Wall Hendricks (1988) Power and Knowledge: Discourse and Ideological Transformation Among the Shuar

Power and Knowledge: Discourse and Ideological Transformation among the ShuarAuthor(s): Janet Wall HendricksSource: American Ethnologist, Vol. 15, No. 2 (May, 1988), pp. 216-238Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/644754 .Accessed: 07/04/2014 13:59

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power and knowledge: discourse and ideological transformation among the Shuar

JANET WALL HENDRICKS-University of Texas at Austin

In recent years, there has been a growing interest in anthropology and other disciplines in the role of practice in the construction of social realities, particularly those related to systems of domination (Giddens 1979; Bourdieu 1977a; Ortner 1984). In linguistics and linguistic phi- losophy, much of this interest has focused on the role of linguistic practice, in the form of speech or written texts, in the constitution of ideology (Habermas 1970, 1976; Fowler et al. 1979; Pecheux 1982; Ricoeur 1981). However, studies of language in specific ideologies usually emphasize the reproduction of relations of domination through class distinctions at the level of individual utterances, as in Bourdieu's analysis of symbolic domination (1977b) or the proposal by Fowler et al. (1979) to integrate the study of language with social analysis through an analysis of syntax and its contexts of use. While such studies adopt a social and contextual approach to meaning, the restriction of their analyses to linguistic form implies that meaning is fixed by linguistic structures. An investigation of the relationship between language and ideology needs to take into consideration the symbolic content of the linguistic product as well as its form, and to take a discourse-centered approach, which not only looks at larger linguistic products (for example, texts, discourses), but also considers their relationship to the production of ideological structures.

Stressing the constitutive role of language in the production of ideology, this paper focuses on two alternative discourses pertaining to notions of power and knowledge among the Shuar of southeastern Ecuador. I will examine Shuar notions of power and knowledge as they are expressed in discourse and demonstrate that these linguistic constructs validate the traditional ideological structure, and that the same concepts have been transformed to create a new ideological structure. I suggest that these ideological structures are created, in part, through discourses, defined as modes of talking related to specific area of social life (Kress 1985), and through a mobilization of meaning in political speech that legitimates relations of domination.

Much of the literature on ideology suggests some difficulty in applying the concept to traditional societies. Gouldner (1976), for example, claims that ideology emerged in the 18th and 19th centuries as older traditions declined and modern science developed. The work of Gram- sci and his followers, along with many others, tends to limit ideology to class societies. Other writers, however, offer a more general view of ideology, defining it as "systems of beliefs" or "systems of thought" (Geertz 1973; Seliger 1976). Although these definitions allow a more

Language is constitutive of social reality through the constant articulation and re- inforcement of significant linguistic concepts, which give meaning to social relations. Among the Shuar of southeastern Ecuador, discourses on power and knowledge validate the traditional ideological structure and create a new ideological structure through the mobilization of meaning in political speech that legitimates relations of domination. Ideological transformation is assisted by a cultural predisposition to seek non-Shuar sources of technical and symbolic knowledge in the acquisition of power. [Shuar, political change, discourse, ideology, power]

216 american ethnologist


universal application of the concept, they tend to overlap with definitions of culture, while losing the essential critical conception of ideology, which maintains that ideology is linked to the process of maintaining domination or sustaining asymmetrical relations of power.

I believe that the incorporation of language into the analysis of ideology allows us to solve some of these problems. If ideology consists of ideas and beliefs, then we must recognize that ideas and beliefs are first constituted by language. Volosinov states that as the "essential ingre- dient accompanying all ideological creativity," words are the "fundamental object of the study of ideologies" (1981:151). Following J. B. Thompson, I view the study of ideology as "the ways in which meaning (or signification) serves to sustain relations of domination" (1984:4). Such a view preserves the critical aspect of ideology, while not requiring one to retain the Marxian notion of ideology as false consciousness. As language is a means of social action and ideology operates through language, ideology is partially constitutive of what is "real" in society (Thompson 1984). Language continuously articulates ideology, whether by affirming the existing beliefs and practices related to power or by insisting on new ones.

There is still the problem, however, of applying the critical conception of ideology to traditional, "egalitarian" societies. Yet, few, if any, societies are without some form of domination, whether it is based on age, gender, kinship, or some more institutionalized form of domination. Bourdieu makes a useful distinction between modes of domination, stating that in some societies "relations of domination are made, unmade, and remade in and by the interactions between persons," while in others in which social formations are "mediated by objective, institutionalized mechanisms, . . . relations of domination have the opacity and permanence of things" (Bourdieu 1977a:184). In either case, forms of domination are supported and legitimized by ideology through language, whether in the form of mythology and traditional oratory or the hegemonic apparatuses that spread ideology in modern societies, such as schools and the communicative media.

ethnographic context

Historically, the Shuar were an Amazonian society economically based on horticulture and hunting, and politically based on a balance of power among autonomous groups engaged in constant warfare, feuding, shifting alliances, and trade. Political power among Jivaroan groups was diffuse throughout the society through the intermittent power of individuals in specialized roles pursued independently without reference to any structured framework (Kelekna 1984). Yet, contact with the national society and with missionaries in recent years has resulted in the voluntary adoption of a highly structured political system, the Federaci6n de Centros Shuar, complete with hierarchical ranking at every level and an ideology that legitimates its relations of domination and reifies the system, representing it as a natural outgrowth of the traditional political system.

The encounter with the Ecuadorian national society has been successful for the Shuar, in part, because of their ability to accept some features of the dominant culture without becoming sub- servient to the dominant group. The Federation, founded over 20 years ago by a few Shuar in the Upano Valley, has been the principal instrument in preventing the Shuar from becoming a colonized people, dominated by the larger, more powerful population of the region. The success of the Federation, and ultimately the survival of the Shuar as a distinct group, depends upon widespread acceptance of a new and, for most of them, alien ideology.

While problems of transition still exist, the Shuar are in fact embracing the Federation ideology, which, rather than abandoning the traditional ideology, takes advantage of its recep- tiveness to change. In the interior, the principal agent of change is the Federation rather than the white population. As yet, the centros' east of the Cordillera de Kutuk6 are not threatened by the massive colonization that forced the western Shuar to adopt a political system that could

power and knowledge among the Shuar 217


cope with issues of land tenancy and other problems inherent in the frontier expansion of the national society.

The centro system of the Federation developed in response to the Ecuadorian government's interest in the Oriente as a political solution to land shortage in the highlands and the subsequent migrations of colonists from the highlands to the area. Issuing a series of agrarian reform laws and establishing agencies such as IERAC (Instituto Ecuatoriano de la Reforma Agraria y la Colonizaci6n), the government legalized state possessions, all undeveloped land being regarded as state property, and encouraged highland peasants to colonize the "uninhabited" land of the Oriente. The new laws emphasized the right of the peasant to obtain title to the land he works, and later ones added the concept of the "social function" of the land. That is, the land, being a productive asset, must benefit the community or nation as well as the individual owner. The result was to force indigenous groups such as the Shuar to imitate the colonists' modes of production or risk losing the land to the colonists.

The Federation's response was to seek global rather than individual titles to land2 and to initiate a cattle-raising program, designed to help Shuar centers to plant pastures and raise cattle. Using funds donated by private organizations, both foreign and Ecuadorian, the Federation began offering loans for cattle cooperatives in the centers in 1969. Only legally constituted Shuar centers can apply for such loans, and as members of the Federation, they are subject to all its regulations, including the election of a Directive Council consisting of a sindico, vice- sindico, secretary, treasurer, and two members-at-large. Membership also makes the community eligible for educational and health care services.

The presence of Shuar centers in areas not yet affected by colonization is partly the result of the economic and social advantages just described, along with the Federation's ability to dis- tribute information on the dangers of colonization through Radio Federacion, a well-organized and highly sophisticated radio station used to disseminate political messages and to provide educational and cultural programs. However, the establishment of centers in these areas does not explain the gradual acceptance of an ideology of Shuar unity, dependency, and subordi- nation within a hierarchical political order,3 which, on the surface, appears to contradict their traditional beliefs. Such a transformation must be seen as the reproduction of the social reality already existing in Shuar society. The connection between the pre-Federation4 and Federation ideologies is found in the beliefs and values associated with the Shuar concepts of power and knowledge, concentrated symbols in the traditional ideology, which, because of their multi- dimensional nature, can be interpreted in such a way as to be compatible with the ideology endorsed by the Federation.

In the interior Shuar centers, two discourses centered on Shuar notions of power and knowledge are prominent in the political domain and are expressed in the context of the political oratory of tradition-oriented and Federation-oriented leaders at the local level, as well as in the ways these concepts enter into ordinary conversation. The role of pre-Federation discourse on power and knowledge is constitutive in that the set of concepts included in it affirm a reality that the Shuar accept as natural. The role of Federation discourse is transformative in that the new meanings given to power and knowledge affirm a reality that is significantly different from the pre-Federation one. Pre-Federation ideological discourse has not been abandoned, but has changed in the colonized regions in accordance with the social reality facing the Shuar today. However, Federation discourse is represented to the interior Shuar as traditional in order to validate Federation ideology as a natural sequel to pre-Federation beliefs and practices. This ideological transformation is assisted by beliefs concerning power and knowledge that promote social change, stimulating behavior that opens the way for change. That is, the cultural emphasis on the acquisition of power through the control of technical and symbolic knowledge demands that individuals reach out to new sources of power and knowledge.



pre-Federation ideological discourse

discourse on power and knowledge For the Shuar, power, or kakaram, is not merely the ability to achieve one's goals in the face of opposition; it is a vital force necessary for survival. All men and women have power, as do plants, animals, spiritual beings, and some inanimate objects. Kakaram is identified with physical strength, endurance, sexual potency, loudness, forcefulness, and courage. A man is said to be kakaram if he has many children, is a good hunter, speaks well, and is an outstanding warrior. The reflexive form of the verb, kakarmatin, means "to make oneself courageous" and "to endure" or "to be resistant." The transitive form, ikiakartin, includes the meanings of "to give courage," "to vitalize," and "to give life." The opposite of kakaram is kakarmach, which means not only weakness, but also includes notions like "cowardly," "impotent," and "worthless."

To understand how the notion of kakaram influences the beliefs and actions of the modern Shuar, one must understand how the Shuar sense of self has been forged by prominent themes in their heritage. Kakaram is intimately associated with the practices and beliefs related to warfare, feuding, and violence, and these practices and beliefs cannot be ignored simply because the wars have ended and there has been a decline in the frequency of assassinations attributed to feuds. The societal emphasis on the acquisition of power is linked to a societal focus on violence, which has been little diminished by the cessation of warfare and the introduction of a centralized political authority. Each man must prepare himself for the possibility of violence, for everyone has potential enemies, and acquiring personal power reduces the chance that he will be attacked successfully by his enemies. Moreover, each man's image of himself and of others is perceived largely in terms of kakaram.

Discourse on power among the interior Shuar clearly demonstrates that the concept is a highly individualistic one. Shuar men often tell stories of famous raids when warriors united for war, but they always emphasize the power and courage of individual warriors rather than the collective power of the group. Shuar individualism is consistent with the highly atomistic structure of pre-Federation Shuar society in which each household was a politically autonomous unit and political power was pursued independently. Furthermore, the acquisition of personal power is an individualistic endeavor, which, although culturally patterned, encourages the individual to explore new sources of power, and the notion of power includes the belief that foreign sources of power are more potent than Shuar sources.

Although all humans possess kakaram, some men have more than others, and it is in this respect that power as a vital force becomes associated with relations of domination, or political power. In the dispersed settlements of the pre-Federation Shuar, each household had a headman who was the most powerful person in that household. The absence of villages allowed some men to remain isolated from other, more powerful men, thereby retaining their autonomy. However, some ambitious men sought political power through specialized roles such as the shaman, warrior, or big man, and their strategies were based on the individual accumulation of power. Thus, a man's kakaram was not expressed in terms of a structural relationship to others, but only in terms of his personal achievements.

The possession of power provides the prestige necessary for influencing the behavior of others. Foucault states that "power exists only when it is put into action" (1982:219). One informant told me that you only know someone is powerful when he has done something that demonstrates his power, perhaps bewitching someone. However, the social influence of a sorcerer is derived not from his ability to act on others, but from the fear he creates, which causes others to behave with deference toward him.

In effect, what defines a relationship of power is that it is a mode of action which does not act directly and immediately on others. Instead it acts upon their actions: an action upon an action, on existing actions or those which may arise in the present or the future [Foucault 1982:221].



A man who is kakaram is someone to fear, though not simply because he can dominate others by an act of will. His power may harm others unintentionally as a result of his anger or displeasure, which can bring misfortune to those against whom the anger is directed. Men who possess power greater than that of others become the political leaders, because lesser men would rather obey them, or at least not openly oppose them, than risk their displeasure.

However, allegiance to powerful men is also based on loyalty, since such men provide less powerful men with protection from enemies, and their skills and knowledge provide security in economic and social relations as well. While warriors and shamans have influence primarily over their particular areas of expertise, the uunt ("big man" or "old man") of a neighborhood, who may also be a shaman or warrior, has a more generalized sphere of influence. A big man achieves power through building up a network of alliances through his own and his daughters' marriages and through controlling access to land. His skill in social relationships allows him to acquire a number of wives and many children, keep his sons-in-law nearby as political allies, and create personal obligations among his kinsmen, thereby becoming the principal uunt of a neighborhood. Personal characteristics that enhance a big man's reputation are skill in hunting, physical strength, generosity, knowledge of mythology, ritual, and nature, and speaking ability. The success of an uunt is subject only to his ambition and skill. Like the shaman or warrior, the uunt is feared, since old age gives testimony to a man's supernatural power and knowledge in that he has achieved old age in spite of his enemies and the attacks of sorcerers. However, his ability to settle disputes among relatives, give advice on marriage arrangements and economic activities, and generally, to help create social cohesion in the neighborhood through his leadership produces a personal loyalty among his people that tempers the more coercive manifes- tations of power based on fear.

Knowledge is a resource in the exercise of power in all societies, but in traditional societies, knowledge is often explicitly identified with power. For example, the Canelos Quichua shaman is called "one who knows," and it is believed that "the more he knows, the stronger he becomes" (Whitten 1985:114). In Western social systems, it is privileged access to knowledge that gives some individuals and groups an advantage over others in the struggle for power (Fou- cault 1982). However, in egalitarian traditional societies, knowledge usually is not privileged, except on the basis of age and gender. Anyone may seek knowledge in such traditional domains as mythology, curing, and magic. Among the Shuar, knowledge is power and a powerful person is defined as such in terms of the kind and amount of knowledge he possesses.

Knowledge (nekamu) is associated with the heart and thinking, and refers to knowing, feel- ing, experiencing, and truth. The connection between thinking and the heart is expressed lin- guistically in that the terms are derived from the same root, enentai. The root by itself means "heart," while enentaisatin means "to think." In addition, enentai may be translated in some contexts as "idea," "intention," and "thought," as in nfish enentai enkeatawai (he will put in his ideas also). Both are connected to knowledge in expressions such as enentaisha jintiniai- yatniuitji, (we should teach the heart). The Shuar say that thoughts are carried to the rest of the body through blood.

Thinking refers not only to mental operations, but also to a necessary prerequisite for proper behavior. A person is said to think well if he gets along with his neighbors and fulfills his obligations. Someone who fails to carry out his obligations or constantly argues with his neighbors is said to think badly and have a bad heart. The knowledge held in the heart is also necessary for making decisions concerning when to retaliate against enemies and when to seek recon- ciliation. Referring to his decision to go on a raid as a youth to avenge the death of his father, a warrior said, "Because I had a good heart, I would have died without seeing a single child."

Among the Shuar "learning" is said to occur in the brain, whereas "thinking" occurs in the heart. The brain is the repository of practical or technical knowledge, that is, learned facts such as those learned in school or technical knowledge taught by one's elders. The heart, on the other hand, is where one holds ideas, feelings, and intentions, and the knowledge obtained



through vision quests and dreams. Both the heart and the brain are necessary in the acquisition of power, since power is obtained through mastery of both technical and symbolic knowledge.5

As with power, the potency of knowledge is enhanced by its distance from local sources. The most valued experiential knowledge is that gained by travel to distant places. The Shuar man who never leaves his home is not likely to be regarded as powerful because his understanding of the world is limited to the experiences common to everyone in the local group, even the women and children. A man who has traveled has knowledge of sources of power beyond the comprehension of others around him, and having that knowledge, is believed to possess some measure of that power.

Another mode of acquiring knowledge is through the numerous myths related to every facet of Shuar culture. Of special importance are Etsa and Nunkui, who typify the ideal man and woman respectively and who impart all of the knowledge concerning their roles in life. Etsa taught the Shuar the arts of hunting, constructing blowguns and darts, and warfare, as well as proper behavior in the family. Nunkui provides women with a model for caring for gardens, giving birth to children, making pottery, and being an obedient wife.

Shuar mythology also indicates that knowledge is directly related to the process of social transformation in Shuar thought. In mythical times, the acquisition of knowledge gave the Shuar the power to change their lives from an uncivilized and primitive existence to a well-ordered society by providing the technical and ritual skills necessary for obtaining sufficient food and the rules for maintaining harmonious social relations. Michael Brown argues that knowledge has a civilizing role in Aguaruna myths.6

Nevertheless, the general direction of change from mythical times to the present is toward increased understanding of and control over the environment. Aguaruna myths stress the civilizing power of knowledge itself, since it is knowledge that allows human beings to triumph over poverty and evil [1985:49]. Power is achieved through a combination of the knowledge of the techniques of symbolic

control over important resources and knowledge of a technical nature. For example, hunting ability is considered important evidence of a man's personal power, for a man must master a great deal of technical and symbolic knowledge to hunt well. To be a good hunter, a man must control a vast amount of knowledge about the jungle and its inhabitants. He must know the habits of all the animals he hunts, where to find them and when, and the calls each of them makes; and he must be accomplished in the use of several weapons. An effective hunter must also be able to construct blinds and traps, track game through dense forest, and stalk the game when found.

In addition to the technical knowledge necessary for successful hunting, an effective hunter must control the symbolic knowledge associated with hunting. He must know, for example, how to interpret his dreams so that he knows whether it is an auspicious day for hunting a particular animal. He must have knowledge of the food taboos associated with hunting the animal. Most important, he must know the hunting songs (anent) that attract game to the area and make the animals reveal themselves to the hunter.

The technical skills of hunting are usually taught by fathers to their sons. Hunting songs, however, may be bought or traded as well as taught by close relatives, and successful hunters are sought out for their knowledge of particularly powerful hunting anent. Moreover, the practice of acquiring magical songs from other peoples is widespread. I was told of songs originating from Cofan, Achuar, and Quichua groups, and Brown states that the words of some Aguaruna hunting songs are borrowed from the Shuar, Quichua, and Spanish languages (1985:74). Thus, in acquiring power and knowledge for hunting, the Shuar are encouraged to seek sources outside of their own group.

In the acquisition of power, the most important knowledge is that of the "real" world, the world seen in ordinary dreams and in visions induced by hallucinogenic substances. In journeys to the supernatural world, an individual learns the true nature of the universe and the



means to control events in this world. Anyone may enter the supernatural world to obtain guardian spirits for protection against sorcery. Without such protection an individual cannot expect to live much beyond childhood. However, the most potent kind of power and knowledge obtained in this way is that possessed by shamans. Shamanic knowledge is largely experiential, consisting of the accumulation of techniques and facts about the universe learned during journeys to the other world. The Shuar accept knowledge gained in this way as valid because everyone has acquired at least some knowledge from extraordinary experiences in the form of dreams. The shaman's mastery of symbolic knowledge allows him to "see" what others cannot, to transform himself into power animals, and to manipulate the supernatural world in order to cure or bewitch.

In referring to shamanic power, kakaram is only one of the words used to indicate power. The shaman is also referred to as tujfnkiachu (one who is able). The word is derived from the verb tujintkiatin (to be unable), with the negative suffix /chu/. Another word indicating power and often used in connection with shamans is timiau, literally ti-imiia-u (very much that). Tim- iau means "large" or "strong" in addition to "powerful," and can have a negative as well as positive meaning, which conforms to the Shuar view of the ambiguity of power. The statement, timiauwaitiajai (I am very powerful) can mean that the speaker has a terrible, essentially evil power or that he is a great man, known for his wisdom and generosity.

Shamans must complete an apprenticeship, buying tsentsak, magical darts used in both curing and sorcery, from established shamans and seeking power through fasting, celibacy, and the use of the hallucinogenic drug, natem (Banisteriopsis sp.). The master shaman blows over the natem, the tobacco, and over the body of the novice himself to transmit his power or magical darts. When Etsa taught the Shuar to hunt, he blew tobacco into the mouth of the hunter in order to transmit his power to make his aim certain. Nunkui blew on a woman's hands to teach her to make pottery. That the shaman, Etsa, and Nunkui are transmitting knowledge as well as power is suggested by the use of the term umpuartin (to blow) in contexts in which the meaning is "to teach."

Two important features of Shuar shamanic power are that it is an exchangeable commodity and that it is derived primarily from sources outside the group. Taylor says of Achuar shamans, "the shaman, uwishin, is a specialist in symbolic relations with the outside . . . shamanistic power is derived from sources outside the group, and the more remote the source, the stronger the power" (1981:672). The Shuar place great value on foreignness, both in material goods and in the symbolic domain. Quichua and Cofan shamans are believed to be more powerful than Shuar shamans, who travel great distances to apprentice themselves to non-Shuar shamans. The presence of a Quichua shaman in a Shuar center will bring a great many people from distant centers seeking cures. Shuar shamans always try to buy the tsentsak used to perform cures from distant shamans. Such power can be bought, sold, borrowed, or even stolen. Power symbols are borrowed from the whites also. For example, most Shuar shamans now cross themselves before drinking natem.

The value placed on foreign power is evident in the songs sung by shamans in curing cere- monies. In the following excerpts from curing songs the shaman identifies himself with foreign shamans, first the whites and then the Quichua of Napo province.

I am powerful I bring the powerful darts of the white shamans. I am powerful when I enter into trance among darts I bring the most ferocious of my cruel darts I am powerful being a Napo shaman I bring my magical darts from the Napo.



Discourse on power and knowledge not only provides the meanings that affirm the pre-Fed- eration ideology, but language use is often the mechanism through which the relations of domination supported by that ideology are realized. In societies where relations of domination are constantly redefined through the interactions between people, forms of speech supply a means of determining specific relationships. Among the Shuar, the performance of specific and often highly formalized speech events puts into practice the meanings of power and knowledge in the act of creating positions of dominance within an ideology of political autonomy, while at the same time producing social cohesion through establishing a balance of power. Further- more, formal speech events, such as ceremonial dialogues, have a semiotic function in which the society's ideological structure is represented and validated.

Speaking ability is highly valued among the Shuar, a characteristic common to many indigenous groups in South America (Basso 1985; Seeger 1981; Sherzer 1983). A man who speaks well is believed to be powerful, and forceful speech is an indication of spiritual strength. For example, after a young man goes to the waterfall to seek an arutam, the soul of an ancestor, others will know of his success by the strength of his voice. Moreover, the effective use of language is considered to be a decisive factor in a man's success in social and economic activities. "When a man occupies a position of low prestige, the form used to express the low esteem in which he is held is chichatsui, "doesn't talk," which is to say he doesn't know how to use language (chicham)" (Gnerre 1986:309).

Pre-Federation speech events include a number of distinct forms, competence in which are vital to a man's security, prestige, and ability to influence others. For example, Harner states that the manipulation of degrees of kinship during encounters with strangers can save a man's life (1972:103). Also, success in trading relationships and marriage arrangements depends upon one's expertise in verbal dueling. Both the big man, who achieves domination through controlling interpersonal relationships and land, and the warrior, who achieves domination through his success in leading men into battle, must be competent in the verbal skills that can give them decisive advantages in attracting allies and avoiding unplanned confrontations with enemies. In a society that values individual autonomy, the balance of power is tipped by those individuals who can best manipulate personal interactions to their advantage. Much as the Big Men of New Guinea use skill in economic exchanges to gain dominance, Shuar leaders use skill in verbal exchanges.

Perhaps the most important of the pre-Federation speech forms were the formal ceremonial dialogues used in greetings and as a prelude to war. The performance of these dialogues was an important skill learned by all young men as a necessary part of their training. Gnerre (1986) reports that among the Achuar, a young man who lacks the ability to perform ceremonial dialogues cannot make visits, a situation which would prevent him from initiating any social in- teraction outside the household.

Urban (1986) argues that native South American ceremonial dialogues are metacommuni- cative in that they form a model of social action. Ceremonial dialogues occur in situations where social solidarity is at issue, "particularly in interactions where there is maximal social distance between the participants and consequently an ever-present possibility of conflict" (Ur- ban 1986:2). "The trick among the Shuar-Achuar is to appear as agressive as possible while simultaneously paying attention to how this display is affecting the other, endeavoring to achieve a balance that results in coordination" (Urban 1986:31). The dialogues themselves produce meaning beyond the referential value of the words spoken. They provide participants with an opportunity to display personal power, aggressivity, knowledge, and skill, while at the same time preventing open conflict by acknowledging the power of one's opponent. I would add that, while a balance of power is achieved and conflict is prevented, the dialogues establish inequalities in power in that the more skilled participant is recognized.

In summary, pre-Federation discourse on power and knowledge gives meaning to relations of domination by affirming an ideology of individualism, personal power, and the fundamental



link between symbolic and technical knowledge in the acquisition of power. The beliefs sur- rounding power and knowledge as expressed in this discourse produce an ideological structure that provides the rationale allowing some individuals to influence the actions of others. Fur- thermore, discourse on power and knowledge includes the notion that power and knowledge obtained from foreign sources is of greater value than that acquired from local sources. Since access to power is the most important component of the male role in Shuar society, Shuar men constantly look for new means of obtaining power. Finally, the use of language intersects with power in the form of linguistic social action. That is, in pre-Federation speech events, ideology operates through language in the verbal interactions that establish relations of domination and serve as a model of social integration based on autonomy and a balance of power.

Federation ideological discourse

The Federation's ideology of dependence and hierarchical order is in sharp contrast to the pre-Federation ideology of individual autonomy and balance of power. However, the Federa- tion also gives a central place to knowledge and power in its ideology, though with altered meanings. Models of situations related to concepts are built and updated by language users on the basis of their knowledge of the world and their experiences, and these models provide the referential basis for interpreting concepts (Van Dijk 1985). The altered meanings of power and knowledge are not merely the definitions given by the Federation, nor do they constitute a false ideology. They are the product of a complex process related to the experience of national expansion and economic domination, along with a recognition that these new meanings of power and knowledge have more relevance for survival in the modern world.

Moreover, the life experiences of the interior Shuar are changing in such a way as to create a climate in which the traditional relations of domination are being called into question. The introduction of the Shuar Federation has presented the interior Shuar with a different image of Shuar life. Federation leaders visit the centers, arriving in airplanes, wearing fine clothes, and bringing gifts. Their wealth is not attributed to the personal power associated with vision quests and shamanic knowledge, but to formal education and the ability to conduct business within the national economy.7 In the upper ranks of the Shuar Federation, the occupation of teacher has become the principal means of achieving political power. All of the presidents of the Fed- eration to date have been educated in mission schools and trained as teachers.8 Their power is derived from their position in the Federation hierarchy and their wealth is incontestable proof of their power. For the interior Shuar, they present an alternate system of acquiring power, distinct from the traditional methods and complete with an ideology that justifies the relations of domination associated with it.

The knowledge that the Federation seeks to promote is the knowledge associated with literacy. The emergence of literate occupations, such as teacher, as power roles is an indication of this change. In the interior, teachers exert some influence through their knowledge of the national society, but rarely do they acquire any degree of political status. One reason is that teachers in these remote areas are often sent there by the Federation and are not part of the local kinship network. Nevertheless, literacy is becoming a criterion for certain positions of authority at the local level. Some centers will not elect officers who cannot read and write Spanish, though this ability is not specifically necessary to carry out the tasks associated with the office. Federation leaders claim that those who know Spanish are more capable of understanding and explaining the need to organize. However, a more likely reason for electing such persons is that because linguistic knowledge is recognized as an important means of acquiring power, speaking Spanish signifies access to potential power resources other than the traditional ones.

The written word is respected as a symbol of a kind of knowledge that the Shuar associate with white spheres of power. In contrast to the Yekuana, who have rejected the use of writing



as leading to a loss of power (Guss 1986), the interior Shuar accept literacy as a means of acquiring a new kind of power. In comparing the power of a sindico with that of a shaman, the Shuar say that elected leaders have power, but that their power comes from "the book," that is, the statutes of the Federation, which is revered as the source of power from which leaders obtain the right to give orders and enforce punishment. Asked if the sfndico was elected because he is powerful or if he is powerful because he was elected, an informant replied, "Be- cause he was elected, it is that. For getting power, he has a book. All the laws are there that he can make. Yes, the sfndico has power from the book. The shaman has power because he is a shaman."

Notions of power have also been changed in Federation discourse. According to Pecheux (1982), semantics cannot be separated from the sociohistorical conditions in which meaning is produced. "Words, expressions, propositions, etc., change their meaning according to the positions held by those who use them" (Pecheux 1982:11 1). While the pre-Federation concept of kakiram referred to the power possessed by an individual, acquired through such personal activities as vision quests and dream interpretation, the Shuar Federation, in its belief in the need to create unity among the Shuar and to persuade the people to work together for the common good, uses the term kakaram to mean the strength of the Shuar as a group, either locally or as a people.

Federation radio messages and books are filled with such phrases as iruntrarik kakarmaitji (only united are we strong). Furthermore, little mention is made of the wars fought among the Shuar, emphasizing instead the few instances in which the Shuar united to fight the Inca and the Spanish. The following quotes from a textbook published by the Federation are illustrative of the kinds of messages communicated by the Federation:

Our fathers lived together in peace. Only among unrelated groups were there motives for war [Federa- ci6n de Centros Shuar 1979:92]. Many Shuar groups have relatives in other Shuar tribes. The Shuar do not feel as only isolated families among themselves, but a people, a united people of brothers within the common country, Ecuador, and within the great free land, America [Federaci6n de Centros Shuar 1979:94]. We the Shuar are united in the Federaci6n de Centros, and each Centro is a true cooperative [Federaci6n de Centros Shuar 1979:200]. The last statement does not accurately reflect the reality of most centers. While the Federation

would like the centers to operate as true cooperatives, in no case do they do so. However, in expressing the ideal the Federation hopes to persuade members of the centers to join cooperatives, thereby making the ideal become a reality. The model for the centers is the cattle cooperative in which families own cattle jointly and contribute to the work equally. Many centers have no cattle cooperative and those that do have achieved only partial membership. In one center, for example, only 9 of the 16 household heads were members of the cooperative. The others claimed that they did not benefit enough from the cooperative to make it worth the extra work.

A more important reason perhaps derives from the basic individuality of the Shuar and his desire to increase his personal power. Each man is the sole authority in his household and he controls the economic activities of that household. To give his labor to a group effort would mean relinquishing the power to control his economic interests, as the cooperatives make group decisions concerning the expenditure of funds from the sale of cattle. If a man owns his own cattle he can keep them or sell them at will, and he can use the money for those things that will increase his personal power and prestige. Furthermore, Shuar men are not particularly receptive to ideas of equality. A man prefers to take his chances with his own cattle in the hope that he can increase his wealth in relation to others, rather than be an equal partner in a source of wealth, which, by being divided equally, increases no one's prestige.

Just as the meaning of concepts such as kakaram have been altered, the Federation has been instrumental in altering the meanings of terms for powerful persons. There is no equivalent for



"authority" in Shuar, and the Spanish word, autoridad, is frequently used when a Federation leader refers to categories of elected leaders in general. However, when referring to specific elected positions, such as presidente or sindico, speakers often use Shuar terms, particularly uunt, though in many cases the officeholder is not old enough to have achieved this title in the traditional way. By identifying elected authorities with traditional leadership roles, the Feder- ation provides continuity with the pre-Federation political system. The use of labels associated with traditional power encourages obedience to local leaders.

The category of uunt has become more diffuse as a result of the Federation's use of the term to include all political authorities. Because language not only defines reality but is constitutive of it, shifts in the linguistic encoding of power categories affect the world of power relations as they exist in Shuar centers. At the local level, the meaning of the categories of uunt and sindico have each acquired some of the characteristics of the other. It seems that the people demand that the sindico behave as an uunt, regardless of his age, and the uunt cannot hope to maintain his position without some effort to accommodate his position to the realities of the centro structure.

A concept introduced by the Federation that is not part of the pre-Federation ideology is "progress" or "advancement." Spanish-speakers use the terms progreso or adelanto, but these terms have yet to be incorporated into the native language. Shuar who do not speak Spanish say ekemkatin (to catch fire), wakatin (to climb) or eemkatin (to walk forward). Though constantly promoted by the Federation, the idea of advancement is little understood by the interior Shuar. When asked what they meant by advancement, most informants spoke of building an airstrip, school buildings, an infirmary, or a soccer field. Asked why they needed these things or what they would do with them, most repeated phrases from Federation speeches, for example, "we must build schools to advance our center," or simply, "for progress." The actual use of these trappings of civilization seemed to be secondary, except for the airstrip that allows them access to towns for selling beef and buying Western goods. However, such evidence of progress gives a center and its leaders prestige, regardless of whether the school has a teacher or books and the infirmary a medical practitioner to take care of their health needs. Their prestige is increased by the Federation's public recognition of a center's progress on the radio, and of course, the Federation hopes that eventually the presence of those infrastructural supports will allow the centers to make changes of a more fundamental nature, including better education and health care. The most successful effort to date has been the Federation's Escuela Radiofonica Shuar, which broadcasts lessons from Suc6a by radio and requires only a mini- mally trained teaching assistant to be present in the center to help the children.

However, the notion of progress is resisted by many of the elders, who hold to the traditional ideology. The Shuar traditionally place little emphasis on the distant future in their worldview. A man works throughout his life so that he will be a big man when he is old. Though he provides for his children, he expects them to make their own way in the world, and he believes that their time will come when they reach old age. The Federation tells the people to "prepare themselves" by educating their children. An older informant responded to this by saying, "What about living now instead of always preparing for something else?" The elders resent the authority achieved by young men who have no experience in life. Age and experience give the elders the right to be in command, but the new emphasis on the future and progress deprives them of that right.

New ideas concerning work are also being introduced by the Federation. The word takastin or takakmastin has the traditional meaning of "to do (something)" or "to work (something)" in the transitive sense of "I worked the peanuts." The Western notion of work as an end in itself or as having moral value apart from its product is not ordinarily part of the sense of this word or the nature of Shuar economic activities. The interior Shuar rarely say "I'm going to work" without specifying the activity planned, except in the context of the collective work of the center's biweekly mingas.9 Such work is done not for the individual, but for the community, and



on the orders of the sindico at specified times. Although few of the interior Shuar have experienced wage labor, this new sense of work is entering their vocabulary and consciousness through the required collective work, which many regard as a form of exploitation by the Fed- eration. Like the distinction between wage labor and work as a process of self-construction described for the Tshidi by Comaroff and Comaroff (1987), the contrast between the traditional Shuar notion of work and that presented in Federation discourse emerged out of the colonial encounter, which demanded the entrance of the Shuar into the market economy and provided the values and wants that would ensure their ties to it.

political oratory of two Shuar leaders

Pre-Federation discourse on power and knowledge articulates the traditional ideology, and specific forms of speech provide the means for creating relations of power and demonstrating their validity. In the same way, Federation discourse on power and knowledge is instrumental in constructing a new social reality at the local level whose relations of domination are validated in the political oratory of public meetings. With the decline of traditional speech forms, oratory has become the most common kind of speech event, and the oratory of tradition-oriented and Federation-oriented leaders reflects the ideological conflict present in Shuar centers today.

Decisions that were formerly made during informal visiting among heads of households are now ostensibly made by a community vote in public meetings. Most decisions, however, are still made in less formal settings, the vote being a mere formality or failing to take place at all. Bloch states that public meetings in traditional societies "can be seen less as occasions for making decisions about matters at hand than about ranking in the community" (1971:55). Shuar political speeches demonstrate the center's power hierarchy in who speaks and for how long, and in the measure of attention given to a speaker by the audience, as well as by the form and content of the speeches. Oratory also provides the means through which young men may display their skills and enter the ranks of political leaders. Most important, Shuar oratory is the linguistic means through which relations of domination are sustained by representing them as legitimate.

The examples of oratory presented in this section are from speeches that occurred in a meeting held in the centro Pampants' in 1983. One of the speakers, Chiriap', can be regarded as tradition-oriented and the other, Warush, Federation-oriented, and as such they represent con- flicting voices in the ideological competition taking place today in Shuar centers of the interior. Warush was the president of the Putufm' association to which the center Pampants' belongs, though he was not a member of the center's Directive Council. Like most elected leaders, he has some formal education, acquired at one of the Salesian mission schools. He is influential in the center in spite of being only distantly related to the principal family, and he has been active in the Federation for many years. Chiriap' is the headman of the principal family in Pam- pants' and the founder of the center, and he is regarded as the owner of the land. He has no formal education and speaks no Spanish, but he is considered to have substantial knowledge of traditional laws and customs. He is the son of an outstanding warrior and his family has been a powerful influence in the region for generations.

Many of the issues addressed publicly are related to the transition from one political system to another, and therefore reveal the corresponding conflict of ideologies present in the center. However, both traditional and modern leaders tend to agree on the issues, at least publicly. In the speeches from which I take my examples, the principal topic was the problem of nonpar- ticipating members of the center, that is, members who refused to work in the mingas. Both Warush and Chiriap' agreed that the offenders should be punished and made to participate in the future. As each speaker agreed on how the issue should be resolved, his primary goal was



not to express an opinion that varied from those already expressed, but rather to make a statement about himself. Oratory provides men with an opportunity to display their speaking skills and to make claims to legitimacy. The competition between leaders is not expressed in disputes over how the center should be run, but in claims about who should run it.

political oratory of tradition-oriented leaders In modern political oratory, tradition-oriented leaders rarely make explicit references to kakaram, but a great deal of time is devoted to evoking images of power. For example, leaders retain a style of speech in which the rhythm of the speeches, produced by repetition and pause and stress patterns, calls to mind the aggressivity of ceremonial dialogues, thereby evoking an image of the pre-Federation ideology of a balance of power achieved through individual demonstrations of power. In one speech, Chi- riap' uses the word paan' (clearly) 16 times, always to indicate his certainty of something, or his truthfulness and directness, as in "I will know him clearly" and "I tell you clearly." This reflects a pattern of speaking found in ceremonial dialogue and other ritual speech forms in which redundancy is believed to contribute to the efficacy of the words. Repetition also creates a rhythm in oratory, which adds to its aesthetic value and is appreciated by Shuar audiences. In Chiriap's speeches, there are many examples like the following one in which the function of repetition seems to be to create both a distinctive rhythm and emphasis. Without saying it, and without saying that, T6tsuk, nusha tutsuk, when you settle your problems well (say), chichamka p6nker iwiaram, "Being thus, when I am sick, I am absent." juniakun, jiakun menkaajai. And this, "When I am sick, I am absent." Jusha, "jaakun menkaajai. And that, "When I am sick, I am absent." Nusha, "jaakun menkaajai. And instead of saying that, Nusha t6tsuk, you continue only with much adversity. iya ti iti6rchatak w6ame. Yes, you do so thus, yes. Ee, t6rame ai, ee.

Chiriap's style is forceful and can be seen as a display of power. He appeals to emotion, particularly fear, and stresses that nothing happens in his center without his knowing it. He asserts his natural right to be the headman by virtue of his possession of the qualities expected in a traditional leader and his control of the land. He does not talk about the unity of the Shuar in terms of Federation unity and he makes no references to white men, but speaks of behaving according to Shuar tradition. He constantly claims that he only speaks the truth, that he knows all, and that he is powerful. He demonstrates knowledge of mythology, cultural traditions, and sorcery, as well as the kind of knowledge that comes from visionary experiences, as in the following example.

Although doing thus, although he has bewitched me, I will know. I will know him clearly, and what I say is not idle talk. I will know him clearly. Yes, I will know clearly, are there no sorcerers? Are there many sorcerers like me? One must know clearly. Like the Federation leaders, Chiriap' insists that his people follow the rules of the center.

However, his speeches tend to focus on individual instances of disobedience to the rules. He demands that offenders obey, not because they accept the Federation ideology, but because he, as headman, demands their obedience. Two important criteria for traditional leadership are old age and association with the land. The following reference to old age is interesting in view of the fact that Chiriap' was only 46 at the time of this speech. Three other men in Pampants', each the head of their residential kin groups, were older than Chiriap'. Nevertheless, as headman, Chiriap' claimed old age as an indication of his knowledge, experience, and power.

Because I am the headman, because I am bald and grey-haired, when I advise you, I will tell you very clearly. I was here from antiquity.



The following passage, in which he tells an offender that he must obey, indicates that his control over people is partly based on their fear of the consequences of disobeying him. It is said of powerful men that when they are displeased or angry, their sweat can be the cause of suffering. This uncontrolled power is feared more than anything the headman might intention- ally do to them.

If you are angry at me like your women you are one who will walk far crying Truly, I say thus, that he will walk far crying I don't lie, like someone who always lies, If I sweat, if I sweat on that one, he himself will walk only crying. While many factors are involved in the rise of a big man, control over land is vital to his

success. Without land to give to his sons and sons-in-law, a man cannot demand that his off- spring remain with him and he cannot build the network of political allies essential to his status as a big man. The importance of association with the land is brought out in his comments on recent arrivals. He reminds the audience that it is only with his permission that anyone is living on his land, and that he expects them to work for him.

Those who laugh at people, these who are living here, like me, although having come recently, they are recent arrivals. Were these from here like me? Truly, they are from very far away, these arrivals. Having arrived from far away, these are gathered here. When these arrivals from far away gather here, they do the work.

One of the nonparticipants in the center was heard to have said that he did not have to go to the center and work with the others. Chiriap' reports what the nonparticipant said and tells him that if he doesn't want to be in Pampants', he should leave. He reminds everyone that all the residents of Pampants' first came to him to ask for land.

"I don't have to tread on Pampants', I don't have to see Pampants'," they say that. And that, in what way will you not tread on it? When we the shuar only say that of the center, those shuar here who will not tread on it, truly, why should you be here? Truly then, for what reason perhaps did you come to me?

In another segment, Chiriap' responds to the rumor that a member of his center has been absent from mingas because he is becoming a sorcerer in secret. His response not only criticizes the man for his behavior, but demonstrates Chiriap's knowledge of sorcery. Chiriap' addresses him as Tepertur, a slightly derogatory nickname that implies laziness and sexual impotence.

"Doing thus he is absent, he is not sick from illness," it is said of you. "He lies down, fasting and making himself blow, he is a sorcerer," it is said of you. Then, make your self listen. And then, "Because of doing that he is absent," it is said of you. Then, "Because he is fasting in order to blow, he misses," you go thus. He who drinks natem, after we drink we are sorcerers also, and they know you clearly, that he drinks with you. Everyone knows you, that he drinks with you. and they say of you, "He is a sorcerer." Tepertur, if you think well in this time of old age, how could one be becoming a sorcerer and fasting in vain at this time?



Always they whisper about the sorcerer. Is it good? Now hiding themselves, making themselves drink nat6m, could one be becoming a sorcerer while hiding? Now there are many very superior sorcerers.

As knowledge is related to thinking and speaking correctly, that is, with a "good" or "strong" heart, much attention is given to helping children develop a strong heart, so that they will think "straight" or correct thoughts. For example, the practice of giving children hallucinogenic drugs is intended to increase their knowledge of the world of spirits so that they will acquire a strong heart and the ability to think straight. If a child does not learn to think correctly while he is young, then he will never behave well as an adult. In the following excerpt, Chiriap' addresses the same nonparticipant, stating that lying (incorrect speech) comes from a heart that was not taught well in childhood.

"I will be good now, I will help," you say. You are lying, I know you will never help. We have always seen what has always been in your heart, because you were raised badly as a child, truly, in the future you will never behave.

In addition to demonstrating his traditional knowledge, Chiriap' points out his success in dealing with problems in the past. Without formal means of enforcing obedience, success is the only measure of a man's ability to exercise power. The reference to "pounding" might be described as "haranguing," since Chiriap' means he has verbally pounded the offender until he obeyed. The excerpt indicates Chiriap's superior ability to use speech as a means of social control.

I spoke thus long ago to my friend, "You are cursed," I said this. Having done thus now, having given him punishment to pardon him, to pardon him many times, now being all right, right now he helps. I continue pounding him every moment with this which one says so much, because I am here. Indeed, he also, after continuing to pound him every moment, he also continues helping, because of that which I said so often. Long ago truly he was likewise, this one was the same. I continue pounding him over and over still.

Chiriap' expresses complete confidence in his ability to control his people. He does not tell people they should obey, but states that because he is headman, they will obey.

Because I am here, when Tepertur is sick also, when he comes after that, seeing clearly I will say, "I, the headman, am here," and because I want them to listen, I want them to come to work, it is done.

Chiriap' does not attempt to persuade listeners that he is powerful, but says pujajai, "I am." The verb pujustin means "to be" and "to be seated." In the contexts in which Chiriap' uses the term, the latter meaning refers to his being seated on the chumpi, the carved seat used only by the head of a household, and in this case, the head of the community. In Shuar mythology, Tsunki, the first shaman, used an Amazonian water turtle for a chumpf, and there is an association between the power of Tsunki and the power of a man who has the right to sit on the chumpi. Thus, when Chiriap' says amikti, wi pujun, "obey me because I am," he means that he is seated in a position of power, and there is a connotation of ancient authority behind his statement.



Chiriap' attempts to preserve his authority by appealing to those values already accepted among the Shuar, but placing them in the context of the Federation structure and activities. However, his approach to the center's problems is different from that of Federation-oriented leaders, and the pre-Federation ideology is manifested in his rhetorical style. Chiriap' uses a rhetorical style that reflects the face-to-face kinds of encounters predominant in pre-Federation politics, though the content often has to do with problems of the modern center. Also, the sanc- tions he threatens for disobedience, such as expulsion from the land and supernatural reprisals, are those associated with powerful uunts and an ideology based on power and knowledge. In pre-Federation ideology, the people are obligated to obey a leader because of his personal power, not because of his position within a system of laws and authorities outside his territory. However, it is significant that what Chiriap' is demanding is that his people obey the Federa- tion's rules.

political oratory of Federation-oriented leaders Ideological transformation among the Shuar is implemented, in part, through the political oratory of Federation leaders. One of the ways ideology works to sustain relations of domination is by representing them as legitimate. As the discussion of Federation ideological discourse suggests, the people of centers in the interior have not entirely accepted the Federation's ideas. Therefore, in Warush's speeches, a great deal of time is devoted to making claims to legitimacy both for himself and for the political system on which his position is based.

The competition between ideologies is manifested in the rhetorical styles of the speakers. Just as Chiriap' evokes images of personal power, Warush stresses collective power and evokes an image of a new political order in which authority is legitimized by the legal institutions established. His style lacks aggressivity and overt displays of power, and he relies far more on the content of his speeches to persuade his audience than on his ability to arouse their emotions. He uses instruction to convince people to obey him, appealing to the validity of the Federation and its laws. His speech style is legalistic and impersonal because the ideology that it invokes values rules and procedures. That is, the style itself conveys the substance of the ideology.

However, in addressing audiences in the interior, Warush cannot ignore the traditional values and beliefs associated with leadership. Although he speaks of laws and rules that are a part of the ideology he wants them to accept, he repeatedly reminds the audience that he is Shuar and as such finds those rules difficult to follow.

The speaker who employs Spanish phrases or Ecuadorian speech styles is claiming knowledge of the outside world and its system of dominance. However, there is considerable ambiv- alence toward their use of Spanish. When elected leaders use Spanish in speeches, they must explain its use to an audience in which only the young men understand the language. Spanish words are usually followed by the phrase, apatchamjainkia (in the white man's language), then the idea is repeated in Shuar. The only reason for a Shuar speaker to use Spanish with such an audience is to demonstrate his knowledge of the language, an ability valued in elected officials, though viewed with some suspicion. The Shuar suspect that Spanish speakers have become more white than Shuar and that they might be insulting them. In this speech, Warush explains to the audience that he is not insulting them when he calls them "senores," and states that he does not say anything against them when speaking Spanish.

With all respect I have said in the white man's language, "You are all sehores," I respect senores and senoras, senoritas, damas, or even more. Being so, although we are authorities, even I could not do such a thing to you, and with all respect I say, "senores." Never do I say anything bad to you in the white mans's language.

Similarly, he points out that contact with Western culture has not changed the way he views social relationships. He frequently reminds the audience that he too is Shuar and he thinks as



they do. In the following excerpt, Warush explains that kinship should not be a factor in electing officials and that even if one's brother-in-law, an important political ally traditionally, were elected, he could not treat his kin in a preferential way. This alien idea is followed by a com- ment that such a system is just as difficult for him as it is for them. Thus, Warush has instructed them in how they should behave to implement the Federation political system, while claiming that his personal beliefs have not changed.

Among the authorities there are no brothers-in-law. If your brother-in-law were the teniente politico right now, he being one who is experienced, you could go to your brother-in-law, and because he is your brother-in-law, going to him for some offense, he says, "Are you not my brother-in-law?" just sending you home, settling the problem. Being thus, are we the shuar not always like that? And you all see that I too am the same as you, everyone, my daughters, sisters, nieces.

As an elected leader, Warush's legitimacy depends, in part, on his knowledge of white spheres of power. Because the Shuar value foreignness and believe that power can be gained from foreign sources, men who have traveled are often elected to positions of authority. Oratory provides an opportunity to demonstrate the speaker's knowledge of the world. For example, Warush describes the system of land distribution among the colonists.

The colonists also say, "It is not only you who is hungry, there are other people who also need to get land," saying. Those colonists who are thus, they don't give permission to anyone who has land, having fifty hectares. When people go further away to get other lands, they absolutely will not give them permission. He also claims a personal relationship with white authorities, who are recognized as pow-

erful. In the following passage, he warns that the laws of the Federation will be enforced by Ecuadorian officials if the Shuar fail to obey. The mention of the letter serves not only to indicate Warush's personal contact with powerful men, but also demonstrates his ability to read and his possession of written documents.

That which is so, although he is a brave man, he has to obey. "If he is good he will obey, but truly, if he does not obey, send him to the office (to jail)." He says it right here. The teniente politico told me that when he sent me a letter. "There you all are, the united shuar, when there are problems, even bad problems, deal with them well among yourselves. But he who does not comply with what is said, with these words. 'let's be well, settling the problems,' he who is lazy, who makes trouble, that one send here to the office and send me a letter. Because he does thus, I will make him obey here." Thus the teniente politico wrote me in a letter.

Although the relations of domination introduced by the Federation may not please many of the Shuar, they would rather be governed by their own leaders than be dominated by white men. One of the means Federation leaders use to persuade the people to accept an ideology that sustains a hierarchical authority structure is to threaten them with what life would be like under white domination. Warush tells them that things would be worse if they had no authorities and were ruled instead by the white authorities.

We being thus, because the sindico is good, because the sindico loves his people,



and his people, because he says, "Let's be united well," he doesn't do anything to you, he doesn't give you punishment. What are they doing to you? What? Truly, it is not like being in jail, only kicking, giving punishment, making you sleep without eating. Do they do that?

As might be expected, Shuar attitudes toward white men are ambivalent. The Shuar recognize the superior power and wealth of whites, but disapprove of their behavior. The root of their misconduct is their inability to "see" properly. That is, they lack the spiritual power acquired through dreams, vision quests, and hallucinogen-induced trance that allows men to see reality and thereby behave properly. In the following excerpt, Warush speaks of the teniente politico as one might speak of an unruly child. Unable to "see anything," he simply speaks in whatever manner he wishes and gives orders that only satisfy his selfish greed. Again, Warush is demonstrating his knowledge of white men, while at the same time expressing his disapproval of them. The implication is that the Shuar must avoid becoming dominated by white authorities, and, of course, the only way of doing that is to accept the Federation and its authorities.

And the teniente politico, that one doesn't understand anything concerning the shuar, he behaves this way because he doesn't see anything. They all go around saying whatever they want, talking only of fines, just ordering fines, they do thus, just giving orders and taking money, the teniente who is there now is like that.

In the following example, Warush is careful to point out that he himself does not speak as a white man, with only his own interests at heart. He is also claiming that although the Federation is patterned after the white authority system, it is superior because Shuar authorities represent the interests of all the Shuar. This is a very different view of politics in that pre-Federation leaders spoke and acted primarily in the interest of increasing their own power.

It is not that, that among the shuar in the name of the assembly, he alone walks saying thus, "In my opinion, in my own interest, mine alone." He who is speaking, does not make that failing like the white men.

The Federation's interest is in securing the support of the more than 30,000 Shuar people, and to this end, its officials promote an ideology that justifies the relations of domination present in the organization's political structure. Thus, leaders speak of kakaram in terms of supporting the hierarchical political structure. The Federation's emphasis is on collective strength rather than individual strength, and leaders at all levels of the Federation include in their speeches references to working together in order to become strong. Phrases such as kakaram ajasar' (making ourselves strong) or kakartai (let's strengthen ourselves) are common in Shuar political oratory. For example, Warush said,

It is that, working together with the president, it is that which makes us strong. One must be strengthened together, fathers.

The following excerpt advises the people that they must consult the teachers about their children's education and that they must push their children to do better. The last lines state that failure to do these things will make the Shuar weak. Warush thus relates the notion of progress through education to ideas of strength and weakness.

So being, one has to push our children, although our children do not know,



when the teacher is in the house, say, "Is he all right?" "He goes all right," (he says) One must continue to push our children. Brothers, we do not do that. Doing thus, although we want to educate our children we make ourselves weak. Being thus, brothers, I tell you all that.

The following passage indicates that Federation leaders have incorporated into their ideology the idea of work as a means of acquiring power, and that they regard it as necessary to protect the Shuar from further advances of Ecuadorian colonists. The same passage again expresses an ideology of group unity, which is shared by other indigenous groups in their efforts to resist nonindigenous intervention in their lives.10

We are all Shuar. We are strong and courageous like our grandfathers. But we can no longer say "I am strong and don't need anyone else. I don't need the centros." Now we have to be strong together, we have to work together. The colonists will take our land if we don't work for it.

For the transition to a Western style of politics to be effective, some Shuar traditions must be abandoned, particularly their isolation and violence. Nearly all Shuar political speeches deal in some way with the problems created by the Shuar tendency to prefer isolation and to solve problems by violent means. Warush explains that the Federation is for the benefit of the people, that when the Shuar don't have authorities to help settle their problems, they kill each other.

And so doing, when you all behave this way, you all will kill people. Therefore, only the shuar, truly, we ourselves, if we do that, if we don't visit, if we never see each other, we would transform ourselves into something else. And who is going to settle that for you? Then, what I say is for us the shuar, it is not for the colonists. And thus, we (the authorities) are elected for that, so that one doesn't do that.

This passage also refers to the importance of visiting one another in order to avoid hostilities. Strangers are not trusted and even close kin must visit regularly to avoid suspicion. A kinsman who stays away for long periods of time is suspected of harboring some grudge and perhaps intending to do some harm. In most Shuar centers, there are some families who are only distantly related to the others, and, therefore, the seeds of suspicion are always present. In Pam- pants', for example, all of the families are related to Chiriap, either directly or by marriage, but they are not all closely related to each other. The Federation, through its officers, encourages participation in community activities as much to quiet suspicion among a center's residents as to achieve the goals of the center. In the following passage, Warush explicitly states that the traditional individualism of the Shuar, keeping them separated from one another, leads to anger.

Being thus, we the people do thus among each other, truly we say that when he who goes about saying, "I am apart," then we begin to get angry.

To summarize, Warush's speeches instruct the audience in how the Federation system works, warns them of the kind of life they would lead under white domination, and suggests that such a life can be avoided only by accepting the Federation, its rules, its leaders, and ultimately its ideology. Warush presents himself as one who knows a great deal about the outside world. He speaks Spanish, knows the white man's rules, and has contacts with white authorities. How- ever, throughout his speeches his demonstrations of knowledge of the outside world are ac-



companied by comments that show his disapproval of the white man's ways and his loyalty to Shuar ways. Only in reference to the Shuar tendencies toward isolation and violence does he clearly reject Shuar traditions. He suggests that he is truly Shuar, with the same beliefs and attitudes as his audience, but that his knowledge of the outside world has taught him that they must accommodate themselves to that world.

The image of tradition the Federation is constructing in its efforts to win the acceptance of the interior Shuar is one of Shuar unity and the collective power of the group. Warush has no illusions about Shuar unity, though he promotes it in his speeches. Unlike the Federation leaders in Sucua, however, he does not say that the Shuar have always been united, but tries to show that unity is possible and necessary. The Shuar have always rallied against their enemies. The new enemy is the colonist and the means of conquering him is to form a political system like his. Warush's speeches acknowledge the struggle against isolation and suspicion that must take place for the Shuar to survive. He tells the people that they must change, and the Federa- tion offers a kind of change that they can accept without losing their identity.

The pre-Federation ideology is still valid in the interior and Chiriap' need only claim his place within that political system. Warush, however, concentrates on claiming legitimacy for the Fed- eration system and its ideology, which are not fully accepted and on which his authority depends. Chiriap' has no need to validate the ideology that supports his position, since that ideology is based on the supremacy of anyone who can acquire sufficient power to become a leader. If the people accept his legitimacy, they have accepted the ideology. Warush, on the other hand, has no authority unless the people accept the hierarchy on which his position rests. If he cannot teach them the new political system and convince them of its validity, the office of president is meaningless.

conclusions

If one looks at the Shuar today, noting only the observable changes in political structure, one fails to see that the present system is in many ways quite consistent with the Shuar view of power relations. Even in a society undergoing significant changes in social organization, there must be enough continuity so as to allow people a sense of shared meanings according to which actions can be interpreted. Sahlins (1981) argues that sociohistorical change occurs through changes of meaning of existing relations. People act according to cultural presuppositions, in this case the necessity of acquiring power and the importance of language use in creating and legitimizing relations of power. As circumstances have changed for the Shuar, new means of acquiring power and new forms of speech used in creating and validating relations of domination have contributed to the acceptance of the Federation and its ideology.

The Shuar Federation uses the past in constructing its ideology through its use of pre-Feder- ation concepts in political oratory, providing a continuity with the past that lends legitimacy to the speakers and their messages. Fowler argues that, as "a reality-creating social practice," language is "an instrument of consolidating and manipulating concepts and relationships in the area of power and control" (1985:61-62). By continuously articulating its ideology, the Federation helps create a new reality for the Shuar people, one that includes the relations of domination contained in its institutional structure and that attempts to create unity among the traditionally distrustful and divided Shuar people.

However, the Federation probably would have had little success if the pre-Federation ideology had not contained a predisposition to accept change in its preference for non-Shuar sources of power and knowledge. Corresponding to the value placed on foreignness, knowledge of white spheres of power has become important. The cultural emphasis on the acquisition of power and knowledge has not lessened in spite of the radical sociopolitical change occurring among the Shuar, but the search for power has taken new forms, particularly through



Federation offices, the accumulation of wealth, and knowledge of Western technology. The need for power is as strong today as it was in the past, because the world is still full of malev- olent beings, which seek to harm a man's family, and he must still protect himself from sorcerers and other enemies. In addition, the advance of the market economy and national political control over the Shuar territory poses a threat to his well-being and he must be powerful to resist its dangers. Aware that the power of the whites allows them to dominate weaker peoples, the Shuar believe that they must acquire the appropriate knowledge of white spheres of power in order to compete successfully in a world dominated by the whites. To that end, they are willing to imitate the symbols of white society such as its political institutions, and to adopt some aspects of Western ideology that they believe are associated with white knowledge and power.

notes

Acknowledgments. This paper was originally read at the American Ethnological Society meeting in May 1987. The paper is based on fieldwork in southeastern Ecuador from August 1982 to August 1984, supported by a Fulbright-Hays Fellowship and a grant from the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. Subsequent text analysis was supported by a Fellowship from the University of Texas at Austin.

'The Federation defines a Shuar centro as a nucleated settlement of individuals living and working together for the purpose of advancing the economic, educational, and moral conditions of the group (Fed- eraci6n de Centros Shuar 1974). Most centers, however, are only partially nucleated, tending to consist of dispersed households as in traditional neighborhoods. Also, there are a number of different types of centers differentiated by how and by whom they were created, how their boundaries were defined, and their size and internal social relations. The most salient characteristics of all Shuar centers are that they are legally constituted members of the Federation and that they regularly elect a Directive Council.

2The first centers were established to fight colonization by forming sedentary communities that could petition the government for legal land titles. However, titles were given to individuals with the result that many Shuar sold their land to colonists, unaware of the long-term consequences of such actions. The Fed- eration's solution was to seek global titles in which all members of the community owned the land and no one could sell it without the consent of the community, which could in no case sell it to colonists. The land is divided among the center's families, reserving a communal zone for hunting and cooperative pastures.

3The presence in these centers of an emerging ideology that combines elements of pre-Federation and Federation ideologies is discussed elsewhere (Hendricks 1986).

4A distinction must be made between what is being represented today as traditional and those things that were historically part of the Shuar culture. To facilitate this distinction, I will refer to the Shuar of the historical past, before the foundation of the Shuar Federation, as "pre-Federation Shuar," while "tradition" will refer to something that exists in the present that is perceived as having to do with pre-Federation Shuar or that is represented as such.

5Although the distinction is useful for analytical purposes, the Jivaroan peoples generally do not express a separation between technical and symbolic knowledge. Brown (1986) argues that magic (symbolic control) and technology are inseparable aspects of the Aguaruna view of human agency. Similarly, the Achuar regard technical mastery to be rooted in symbolic mastery in all production (Taylor 1981:671). However, among older Shuar men in coloni

Wall Hendricks (1988) Power and Knowledge: Discourse and Ideological Transformation Among the Shuar

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Transcript of Wall Hendricks (1988) Power and Knowledge: Discourse and Ideological Transformation Among the Shuar