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t

STATEMENT ON FEMINISM AND NONVIOLENCE

1

4JL * ' VForeword

We take position as wimmin coming from the peace movement who have discovered

the importance of wimmins liberation politics. We want the followirg criticism

of nonviolent politics to be understood as criticism in solidarity.; and that possibly

new perspectives for feminist nonviolent politics can open up out of that

. . ? criticism.

Combining Concepts!

Feminism and nonviolence have in common that they criticise power structures on a

basic level.But this criticism starts at different points. In feminism

societies power structures are being analysed as structures of patriarchal

oppression.Nonviolent opinins - when they are not being reduced to methods -

mostly put violent structures of military and state in the foreground

of their criticism. We hold both view points as important and argue that

feminism and nonviolence complement each other as political concepts.

But the two concepts can't just be pieced together. Because neither is

feminism as such nonviolent nor is nonviolence in itself feminist. We

believe that each concept, without the addition of the other, falls short of

their goal. Nonviolence as well as feminism are important to put the other

j.n the right light.

The following is a discussion on what that means for nonviolence.

3 —

A Criticism of Nonviolence

We understand nonviolence as a radical criticism ofopen and structural

violence and as a strategy in the struggle against any form of oppression,

hierarchy and exploitation. Nonviolent actions and nonviolent forms of

organising should already include seeds of that goal of a society free

from oppression.

The nonviolent resistance of the last years was mainly directed against the mili­

tary and militarisation (peace movement), the destruction of nature and the

basics of our life (anti-nuclear power and ecology movement), and against

the exploitation of other countries (internationalism.. We criticise that

It is not on that , while nonviolent politics (rightly) demands changes

which will affect all of society, structures in which male violence

and wimmins oppression are ever present are not being considered. We demand:

Nonviolent politics have to be directed also against male violence. We argue

for a feminist nonviolence!

4

Feminist Criteria

What does feminist nonviolence look like? We don't want to deliver a

finished concept. We find it makes more sense to name feminist criteria

on which to measure political activities.

We demand: Nonviolent politics should be checked on whether they serve the

following:

-to diminish or decrease the gender hierarchy in the division of labour;

paid and unpaid labour have to be treated as belonging together; it is impor­

tant to support every person in independently securing their financial existance.

- to reduce the exploitation of the socalled second and third world, specially

of female workers, resources and products by making work and production more

flexible. In that way selfsufficient economies can be preserved or recon­

structed.

- to deconstruct violent structures between men and wimmin, parents and children,

young and old, and between members of different races and cultures, etc

to to break down patriarchal norms and value systems which govern men and

wimmin, though in different ways.

5

Wimmins Spaces

What does that mean for nonviolent actions? Wimmin must choose forms of actions

which are liberating to them as wimmin. That means we have to check which image

of womyn we publicise when we take nonviolent action. We no more want to act out

the part of the sufferer, the pacifier, the powerless, to which we have been brought

up in patriarchy. Nonviolent actions should rather express our independence and

self determination.

We have to create wimmins spaces in order to develop our own values and ways

to cross the boundaries the patriarchy has set for us. We can only find our

own independent identity by cross ing those boundari es. Only outside the

framework society allows us can we create the preconditions we need to take

back our own struggle.

6

Demands -Men

What does that mean for our work in mixed political organisations? We don't

want to stop at just taking wimmin's spaces.That is only the first step. It

mustn't be interpreted as an absolution for peoples consciousness concerning

sexism to "let the wimmin do their thing" - somewhere in a back room .

The struggle against patriarchy is a challenge to everyone. Specially men

mustn't leave it just to us wimmin. Only resignation from the pact of violence_____

can make change possible, but not only resignation by us wimmin, but most

of all from men themselves. Only a man who has resigned from that secrfet

pact with violence can be a coalition partner for us. We encourage all men to

become coscious of their role in society and to start taking responsibility for itl

This was written by ULLA EBERHARDT and translated by FIVER

STATEMENT FROM THE INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S GATHERING AT GLENCREE, IRELAND

29 July 1987. TO THE S. AFRICAN MINISTRY OF LAW AND ORDER.

" We are 50 women at an international conference representing 18 countries.

We demand the immediate release of Janet Cherry, Sue Lund and all women

detained without charges under Emergency regulations. We support their

struggle for human dignity.

Women from: Australia, Belgium, Canada, Finland, France, Germany, Hong Kong,

Ireland, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, South Africa, Spain, Thailand,

United Kingdom, United States, Yugoslavia. "

Letters of support can be sent to Cherry and Lund at North End Prison, Private

Mail Bag, X2950 Port Elizabeth 6001, South Africa.

For more information contact End Conscription Campaign, 227/9 Khofco House,

k2 De Villiers St., Johannesburg 2000, S. Africa. Tel. 337 6796. TELEX k -

86519 S.A.

Letters of protest can be sent to Minister of Law and Order, Mr. A. Vlok,

Private Bag X9080 Cape Tow* 8000, S. Africa.

Collection Number: AG1977

END CONSCRIPTION CAMPAIGN (ECC)

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Location:- Johannesburg

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