Copyright 1993 byThe Gerontological Society of America

The CerontologistVol. 33, No. 2, 221-228

A number of surveys indicate a rise in the percentage of elders involved in volunteer workover the past 25 years. This article identifies cultural, demographic, and programmatic factorsthat have contributed to this increase. After describing some current policies and programs, it

identifies strategies for sustaining and expanding volunteerism by elders in the future.Key Words: Activity theory, Continuity theory, Demographic changes, Social policy

Volunteerism by Elders:Past Trends and Future Prospects1

Susan M. Chambre, PhD2

The past quarter century has seen a substantialincrease in the proportion of elders who volunteer.National surveys have monitored Americans' pat-terns of volunteering since 1965, as shown in Table 1.The surveys differ in several ways. First, the time ofyear when a survey was done might reflect seasonaldifferences. This would be most apparent in the 1974study (ACTION, 1975) that was done during Easterand Passover, when many individuals would be in-volved in church work but when schools wereclosed. Several other studies were done during thesummer months, which might also reduce the num-ber of current volunteers. A second difference iswhether volunteering was defined as working for anorganization or also included informal activities.Studies conducted for Independent Sector in 1983,1985, 1987, and 1989 all included both formal andinformal volunteering. However, the proportion ofindividuals doing informal volunteering only was notsubstantial. A third difference pertains to the inclu-sion or exclusion of particular types of organizations.This would have had the greatest effect on the 1965survey since it did not include religion or politicalactivity as categories. Despite this, a significant num-ber of respondents whose only involvement was forreligious organizations (28.5% of all volunteers) indi-cated that they were volunteers (U.S. Department ofLabor, 1969).

Although the surveys' varied methods reduce ourability to be specific about the actual amount ofchange because they defined volunteering differ-ently and were done at various times of the year, theysuggest a considerable increase in the proportion of

1This article is an expanded version of "Volunteerism by Elders: Demo-graphic and Policy Trends, Past and Present" (Chambre, 1991) and "Volun-teerism by Elders in an Aging Society," Working Paper, Center for the Studyof Philanthropy, City University of New York.

The author benefited from the assistance and support of Deborah Levi,Lucille and Norman Maizel, Robert Chambre, Kathleen McCarthy, RosalieKane, Lori Simon-Rusinowitz, Lucy Rose Fischer, Stephen Noga, and JamesSugarman.

2Associate professor, Department of Sociology and Anthropology,Baruch College, City University of New York, Box 511, 17 Lexington Ave.,New York, NY 10010.

elders reporting they volunteered in the previousyear. In 1965 11% of people over age 65 had volun-teered (U.S. Department of Labor, 1969). By 1990, theproportion increased to 41% of people age 60 andover (Marriot Seniors Volunteerism Study, 1991). Twoother surveys, done in 1990 and in 1991, had verysimilar results. The Independent Sector survey, donein March 1990, asked people about their work in1989; the Marriot Seniors Volunteerism Study wasdone in January and February 1991 and estimatedpatterns of involvement in 1990. If one excludesvolunteers in the Independent Sector study whoonly did informal work, the results are very close,38.6% of people 65 and above.

The surveys also suggest that the link between vol-untarism and age has become weaker (Table 2). Paststudies found that people reduced their informal so-cial interaction, membership in voluntary groups, andvolunteering as they grew older (see Chambre, 1987,for a review). For voluntary association membership(Knoke & Thompson, 1977) and volunteering, the rela-tionship was curvilinear. In 1965 and in 1973-1974, forexample, volunteering appeared to increase duringthe 20s and 30s, peak in midlife, and decline after 55.By 1989, these differences were less pronounced, andalmost one in three people over age 75 volunteered in1990 (Marriot Seniors Volunteerism Study, 1991).Given the higher incidence of serious illnesses pastage 75 (Aging America, 1991, Table 4-3) and the factthat poor health is a major reason why older peoplestop volunteering (Independent Sector, 1990), thecurrent involvement of people in this age group com-pares favorably with people in their late teens andearly 20s. In the past decade, the percentage of partici-pants over 70 has increased dramatically in the threefederally sponsored programs for older volunteers.Between 1980 and 1990, the proportion of participantswho were 70 and older increased in RSVP (from 45% to66%), Foster Grandparent (from 49% to 62%), andSenior Companion (from 41% to 53%) programs (cal-culated from ACTION, 1980, 1990). Recent researchsuggests, then, that although the tendency to volun-

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Table 1 • Percentage of Older Persons Who Volunteered in Selected Years

Year ofvolunteeractivity Age group

%ofrespondents

whovolunteered Source

Time ofyear surveyconducted Definition of volunteering

1965 65 and over

1973-1974 65 and over

11 U.S. Department ofLabor, 1969

14 ACTION, 1975

November

April (Easter-Passover)

Unpaid work for hospitals, clinics, health ormedical organizations, education, social orwelfare, recreation, civic or community actiongroups in previous year

Unpaid work for hospitals, clinics, health ormedical organizations, education, social orwelfare, recreation, civic, community actionor political groups, legal services, scouting orother youth groups, churches or synagoguesin previous year

1974

1980-1981

1981

1984

1985

1986

1987

1987

1989

1990

1990

65 and over65 to 6970 to 7980 and over

65 and over

65 and over65 to 6975 and over80 and over

65 and over

65 and over

65 to 7475 and over

55 and over

65 to 7475 and over

65 to 7475 and over

55 and over

60 to 6465 to 6970 to 7475 to 7980 and over

22282012

37

23282312

36

38

4025

37

4025

4732

35

4246473927

National Council on theAging, 1975

Gallup Organization,1981

Older Americans and...Volunteerism, n.d.

Yankelovitch, Skelly, &Wright, 1986

Independent Sector,1985

Herzogetal.,1989

Hamilton, Frederick, &Schneiders, 1988

Independent Sector,1988

Independent Sector,1990

Princeton SurveyResearchAssociates, 1991

Marriot SeniorsVolunteerismStudy, 1991

Late spring toearly summer

March

July

February

October

May to October

December

March 1988

March to May1990

November 6 toDecember 2

January toFebruary1991

Unpaid work

Working in some way to help others for nomonetary pay

Volunteer activity

Community work and volunteer activities

Working in some way to help others for nomonetary pay

Series of questions specifying volunteer workfor religious, educational, senior citizen, laboror similar organizations

Volunteer activity

Working in some way to help others for nomonetary pay

Working in some way to help others for nomonetary pay

Volunteer work at a charity, church,synagogue or other organization

Volunteer service

Note. This table excludes several surveys. One was a local survey, the 1988-1989 Minnesota Senior study, which found that 52%volunteered (Fischer, Mueller, & Cooper, 1991). A national Current Population study done in 1989, which found that 20.4% of people 65and older volunteered, differs so greatly from all other recent studies as to cast doubt on its accuracy (U.S. Bureau of Commerce, 1991). Asecond national survey, sponsored by J.C. Penny for Volunteer: The National Center (n.d.) was done in September 1987, but the reportindicates the proportion of volunteers in various age groups and not the percentage in each age group who volunteered.

teer continues to be influenced by a person's age,this link is not as strong as in the past.

Why Has Volunteerism by Elders Increased?

This article reviews cultural, demographic, andpolicy changes that contributed to greater involve-ment in volunteer work by elders and recommends anumber of directions for future policies. It considersseveral questions: How have cultural, social, anddemographic changes influenced volunteerism by

elders over the past quarter century? What has beenthe impact of public and private sector initiatives?What types of policies and programs are suggestedby previous research and changes in the composi-tion of the older population?

Cultural Changes in the Meaning of Old Age

The idea that older people might become involvedin community service was introduced almost 3 de-cades ago. Two articles in major social work journalsnoted some obstacles: older people might not be

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Table 2. Percentage of Americans Who Volunteered'in the Past Year, by Age, for Selected Years

Age

14 to 2418 to 24

25 to 4425 to 3435 to 44

45 to 54

55 to 64

65 and over65 to 7475 and over

1965b

14

24

20

14

11

Year

1973-74'

20

30

25

24

14

1989d

43

6264

50

51

414732

aSee Table 1 for descriptions of how volunteer activity wasdefined in these surveys.

bFrom U.S. Department of Labor, 1969.cFrom ACTION, 1975.dFrom Independent Sector, 1990. Based on special tabulations of

Independent Sector data for the author, the percentages of thoseinvolved in formal volunteering done for an organization are38.6% for all individuals 65 and older, 43.3% for the 65-74 agegroup, and 31.5% for those 75 and over.

interested, their health could be too fragile, andorganizations might be unwilling to employ them(see Lambert, Guberman, & Morr is , 1964;Worthington, 1963). In fact, the Red Cross had onlyrecently abandoned an age limit of 65 for volunteers(Aging, 1980).

Between then and now, there have been somestriking shifts in cultural images and expectationsabout the "third quarter of life." Some authors referto old age as a "frontier" and to elders as "pioneers"(Fontana, 1977; Silverman, 1988), appropriate meta-phors in light of unclear guidelines about what con-stitutes a "successful" old age. Because people nowlive longer (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1990),and have fewer children and longer periods of retire-ment (Aging America, 1991), a larger part of their livesis relatively free of work and family obligations thanwas the case for past generations. The current popu-lation of long-lived people — who are somewhatmore affluent and better educated — are movingthrough uncharted waters to identify ways to struc-ture meaningful social roles.

Although negative stereotypes of elders are notuncommon, there are some new images, perhapsalso stereotypical, but important in shaping interestin volunteering. The old image of a person sitting in arocking chair has been joined in ads and magazinecovers (e.g., Time, February 22, 1988) by the activeelder who travels and plays tennis, a byproduct ofwhat Ekert (1986) labels "the busy ethic." Even adver-tisements for devices associated with the infirmitiesof old age stress this image; ads for diapers andelectric scooters stress that people can use them tobe more active.

In addition to the emphasis on keeping active,retirement is perceived as a stage when people canfreely choose how to spend their time (NationalCouncil on Aging, 1975). For some — and perhaps an

increasing number in the future — "retirement" ac-tually involves returning to work, continuing in thesame job on a part-time basis, or entering a newcareer. Between 1970 and 1985, labor force participa-tion rates for men over 65 declined dramatically from26.8% to 15.8%. Over the next 3 years, it increased to16.6%. For women, a similar pattern occurred, butinferences are difficult to make because many ofthem spent large portions of their lives out of thelabor force. Their participation declined from 9.7% in1970 to 7.3% in 1985 and was 8.4% in 1989 (U.S.Department of Commerce, 1991, Table 632). Whenage groups within the older population are examinedseparately, the findings are striking. One in four menand 16.4% of women who were between 65 and 69were in the labor force in 1989 (Aging America, 1991).A longitudinal study of 2,816 men revealed that 30%returned to work after they retired and remained atwork for about 2 years (Modern Maturity, 1990-1991).

Another option is to "work" without pay as avolunteer; this might function as a substitute for paidwork but is often combined with part-time employ-ment (Chambre, 1984,1987; Herzog & Morgan, 1993;Princeton Survey Research Associates, 1991).

Newspaper and magazine articles extol the virtuesof volunteering; if old age is a frontier, then volun-teering is a way to "make a difference" and "be ahero." With titles like "Three Cheers for Older He-roes," "It's Time to Serve Our Country," "GivingTime, Sharing Knowledge," and "A Legend in HerOwn Town," the articles present what might be anoverly positive view of volunteer work and the peo-ple involved (Brody, 1985; Deets, 1989; Kahn, 1986;Lindeman, 1988). A New York Times Magazine arti-cle, "Assignment: 90 Days on the Polish Front,"describes how a retired executive applied his other-wise unused expertise to improve the productivity ofa glass factory and, moreover, he "helped a companysee the benefit of a free-enterprise system and pro-vided some of the tools to enable it to participate"(Karoly, 1990, p. 78).

Changing Demographic Characteristics

An important finding in past research, that volun-teerism appeared to decline as people aged, mightnot have been the result of growing older but areflection of differences between age cohorts withregard to average education, typical occupation, andforeign-born status.

Changes in the older population have probablyaccounted for the currently higher level of involve-ment and the weaker link between volunteering andage. Today's older population is better educated,somewhat more affluent (Aging America, 1991; U.S.Department of Commerce, 1990; positively associ-ated with volunteering), and more often native born(U.S. Department of Commerce, 1990; IndependentSector, 1990; being foreign born is negatively associ-ated with volunteering) than past generations. All ofthese changes contribute to higher levels of partici-pation, especially the rise in education. Overthe past30 years, the gap between the educational achieve-ments of the young and the old has virtually disap-

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peared. In 1960 and 1970, the typical person over 65had about 8 years of schooling (U.S. Department ofCommerce, 1975). By 1989, this rose to 12.1 years,much closer to the average for all age groups (12.7years); about one in five older people attended col-lege, and one in ten graduated (U.S. Department ofCommerce, 1990).

Education has a strong influence on whether peo-ple volunteer. A secondary analysis of the NationalCouncil on Aging survey in 1981 revealed that rela-tively few with 8 or less years of school volunteered(9%), compared with 17% with some high school,26% of high school graduates, 38% with some col-lege, and 47% of college graduates (Chambre, 1987).More recent figures are 38% for high school gradu-ates and 66% for college graduates (Marriot SeniorsVolunteerism Study, 1991).

Today's older population consists of "pioneers" inanother way: they represent the first generation ofelders who reached maturity in a society with masshigher education. Their educational profile explainswhy many people are attracted to different commu-nal, educational, and leisure activities than past gen-erations — from playing tennis to vacationing atElderhostels and attending college (Feldman, 1991;Young, 1991).

Social Policies Promoting Volunteerism by Elders

Cultural and demographic changes have increasedthe supply of elders interested in volunteer work andalso the demand for their services. Starting in themid-1960s, the decline in full-time homemakers asmore women entered the paid labor force was ex-pected to create a shortage in the supply of daytimevolunteers (U.S. Department of Labor, 1969). Oldervolunteers could take the place of these women and,either by design or by chance, the prospect of ashortage of daytime volunteers coincided with thedevelopment of a number of initiatives designed toexpand community service by older persons.

Over the past 25 years, a broad array of programsunder public and private sponsorship have providedopportunities for older people to volunteer. Today,older volunteers provide social and emotional sup-port to potential child abusers, abused or neglectedchildren, patients in mental hospitals, retarded chil-dren and adults, families with chronically ill or re-tarded members, and boarder babies, includingsome with AIDS. Older volunteers work in day carecenters, schools, prisons, and hospitals. Other rolesinclude consulting with small business owners, men-toring young people, participating in VISTA or thePeace Corps, providing services to other long-livedpeople in their own communities and in nursinghomes, parent education, health education to otherelders, working as auxiliary police, doing income taxreturns, working as consumer advocates, and engag-ing in lobbying and voter registration. (For discus-sions of new roles for older volunteers, see Baggett,1981; Costello, 1991; Dowling, 1989; Friedman, 1975;Modern Maturity, 1984a; Harvey, 1983; Korte &Gupta, 1991; Kozak & Degar, 1982; Levine, 1982;

People, 1990; Murphy, 1988; Piper, 1978; Sainer &Kallen, 1972; Schmidt, 1985; Sunset, 1989; Springer,1989; Children Today, 1987; Tierce & Seelbach, 1987;Aging, 1988.)

These efforts have expanded the supply of oldervolunteers by making volunteerism attractive, recruit-ing people and helping them find appropriate jobs,and, in some cases, like RSVP and Foster Grandpar-ents, reducing economic barriers by providing sti-pends, carfare, or a free lunch. Actual participationand interest have both increased. In 1974, only one inten nonvolunteers indicated that they were interestedin volunteer work (National Council on Aging, 1975),compared with 25% in one recent survey (PrincetonSurvey Research Associates, 1991) and 37% in another(Marriot Seniors Volunteerism Study, 1991).

Government-sponsored Programs

Several programs were initiated by the federal gov-ernment during the 1960s. The first was the ServiceCorps of Retired Executives (SCORE), started in 1964by the Small Business Administration (Brudney,1986; Foster, 1983). Its 13,000 members provide man-agement expertise to prospective or current smallbusiness owners (Buffam, 1991).

The three other federally sponsored programswere created separately and merged into ACTIONwhen it was formed in 1971. The Foster Grandparentprogram was begun in 1965 as an antipoverty pro-gram to provide community service employment andan income supplement in the form of a "stipend" tolow-income elders. In 1990, 27,000 Foster Grandpar-ents, 89% of them women, provided social and emo-tional support to children with "special or excep-t ional needs" including autistic, physicallyhandicapped, abused, and neglected children, teen-age parents, and adolescents with substance abuseproblems (ACTION, 1990).

Currently the largest program, with about 410,000participants, the Retired Senior Volunteer Program(RSVP) was established in 1969. It represented thenationwide implementation of the Serve and EnrichRetirement by Volunteer Experience (SERVE) pro-gram in Staten Island, New York. RSVP recruits vol-unteers, often through other organizations, who arescreened and placed in RSVP-sponsored programs orother organizations. Its original premise was thatolder people would benefit from volunteering aspart of a group. The approach has been modified,since RSVP volunteers work alongside people of allages, but the idea is still evident in the fact thatparticipation confers an identity as an RSVP volun-teer. People working in scattered locations are affili-ated with a broader effort. Material rewards with theRSVP logo — shopping bags, calendars, or pens —and yearly recognition events foster a sense of com-munity. Beginning with human service roles, RSVPjobs now range from working with boarder babies orfor the VITA (Volunteers in Tax Assistance) programto technical assistance and consulting assignments.

The newest federally sponsored program, the Sen-ior Companion program, established in 1974, alsooffers a stipend; 10,000 volunteers currently visit frail

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elders in their homes and provide them with socialsupport (ACTION, 1990).

Some local RSVP, Senior Companion, and FosterGrandparent programs are public-private partner-ships since they are sponsored by nongovernmentalorganizations and rely on private or local funding. In1990, half of RSVP, 54% of Foster Grandparent, and38% of Senior Companion program funds wereraised from outside ACTION, from private or localgovernment funds (ACTION, 1990).

Private Sector Initiatives

Similar to other social policy domains, the federalgovernment's role in starting and funding programshas diminished and public-private partnerships orprivate sector initiatives have become more promi-nent in the development of new programs for oldervolunteers. Some efforts targeted towards all agegroups also attract elders, such as the "Give Five"campaign of Independent Sector, a national networkof Voluntary Action Centers that match volunteerswith placements (Allen, 1986), programs like the In-terfaith Volunteer Caregivers (1989), and PresidentBush's Points of Lights Initiative, which has focusedpublic attention on volunteerism (Goss, 1991a,1991b).

From 16 programs for older volunteers in the U.S.in the mid-1960s, (Sainer & Zander, 1971), the num-ber of community-based efforts has become toolarge to estimate. One of the earliest nongovern-ment programs was the Shepherd's Center in KansasCity, where a coalition of 22 churches in 1972 createda network of programs where elders were collabora-tors as well as clients (Payne, 1977). In 1984, theNational Council on the Aging piloted the FamilyFriends program, through which volunteers providesocial support to a family with a mentally ill memberor a retarded child (Wolfe, 1991). Initially funded bythe Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, the eightnational demonstration sites are being expanded tosix additional locations with funds from the federalAdministration on Aging (Perspective on Aging,1992). More recently, a collaboration of six founda-tions created the Linking Lifetimes program, whichincludes a number of intergenerational efforts suchas telephone reassurance between elders and latch-key children, and between nursing home residentsand the developmentally disabled (Cross, 1991).

Probably the largest private sector initiative — in-volving close to 400,000 people and 8% of oldervolunteers — are programs sponsored by the Ameri-can Association of Retired Persons (AARP, 1989;Hamilton, Frederick, & Schneiders, 1988). AARP initi-ated or cosponsored innovative programs like theWidowed Person's Service (started in 1973) and theVolunteers in Tax Assistance (VITA) program. A na-tionwide Volunteer Talent Bank matches volunteersand jobs (Helein, 1991). Its widely read publications,Modern Maturity and 50 Plus, have probably playedan important role in shaping people's perceptionsabout community service since they often containarticles about volunteerism.

The National Executive Service Corps, founded in1977, places professionals and business executives. Itprovides consulting services to nonprofit organiza-tions in 22 states (National Executive Service Corps,1992), including 148 consultation projects in NewYork City in 1990 (National Executive Service Corps,1990a). Its Science/Math Enrichment program in Bal-timore City Schools is designed to motivate studentsand to expand their understanding of how math andscience are used in the work world (National Execu-tive Service Corps, 1990b).

The National Retiree Volunteer Center, estab-lished in 1986, offers technical assistance to corpora-tions interested in establishing programs for retiredemployees. For example, the Honeywell Corpora-tion sponsors the New Vista School for teenagemothers that is partly staffed by its retirees (Higuera,1992). By the first half of 1991, the National RetireeVolunteer Center had helped initiate projects in 44corporations (National Retiree Volunteer Center,1991).

What Has Been the Impact of Programson Volunteerism?

It is difficult to unravel the individual effects ofdemographic and cultural changes in the older pop-ulation and the impact of expanded opportunities inprograms targeted towards them. The programsthemselves tend to be age-segregated and designedto help elders acquire new social roles when theyretire or when their family obligations decrease (seeChambre, 1984). Empirical research suggests thatthese features oversimplify the diverse paths to vol-unteer activity of older persons. The following sec-tions summarize these studies, review some demo-graphic shifts, and offer some different ways toconceptualize future policies.

Age Integration in Volunteer Activities

Most elders volunteer in settings where there is amix of age groups. In 1988, very few older volunteersin the U.S. were in ACTION or AARP-sponsoredprograms (4% worked for RSVP, 2% for Foster Grand-parents, 4% for Senior Companion, and 8% in AARPprograms [Hamilton, Frederick, & Schneiders,1988]), and in one local sample in Canada, 38% re-ported "working in connection with other seniors"(Volunteer Centre of Calgary, 1991). As in all agegroups, the largest concentration of elders (57%)work for churches and synagogues {Marriot SeniorsVolunteerism Study, 1991). Some organizations relyheavily on older volunteers but without necessarilydesigning programs for them. For example, morethan half of Red Cross volunteers are over the age of55, many having been involved for several decades(Smith, 1991).

Work, Family, and Volunteerism

A second feature of older volunteer programs isthe assumption that retirement, widowhood, and/orreduction of parental responsibilities motivate elders

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to become involved or to expand their participation(cf. Chambre, 1984). Pamphlets and publicationsnote that community service is a work substitute —"Just because you're retired doesn't mean you don'twant to work" (Modern Maturity, 1984b). Plying one'strade as a volunteer has some decided advantagessince a person can "work" part-time without themore rigid scheduling and financial dependence of ajob. Others, like Foster Grandparents, define a rolein quasi-kinship terms.

A large proportion of older volunteers are continu-ing previous patterns of community work. In westernCanada, 45% reported being involved in volunteerwork "throughout their lives" and only 21% notedthat they actually began after they retired (VolunteerCentre of Calgary, 1991). Current programs mightreinforce participation by people with past involve-ment rather than attract new volunteers. Among newenrollees in New York City's RSVP program, reten-tion was far greater for people who had volunteeredin the past (Stevens, 1989).

Role loss does not necessarily foster volunteerism.Having free time (17.1%; Independent Sector, 1990),seeking companionship (25%), and wanting to re-duce one's sense of loneliness (17%; Marriot SeniorsVolunteerism Study, 1991) motivate a minority ofelders. Indeed, elders have a higher tendency tovolunteer if they are married and if they are em-ployed (Chambre, 1984,1987; Herzog & Morgan, inpress) irrespective of their age or health. Many suc-cessfully combine paid and unpaid work, especiallyif they work part-time: 58% of working and 41.8% ofretired elders volunteered in 1990 (Marriot SeniorsVolunteerism Study, 1991, Tables 2.1 and 17.1).

Why are people who have left the paid labor forceless often involved in volunteer work? One possibil-ity, which has not been examined empirically, is thatthey might be unwilling to work without payment. Forsome, retirement was a welcome relief from an unre-warding job. A small number (4.4%; IndependentSector, 1990, Table 3.32) believe they "paid theirdues" to society when they were younger (Fitzgerald,1986). Retirees do not appear to reallocate the timespent working to social or communal activities; agood deal of it is used for solitary and passive pursuitslike watching television, especially for men (Palmore,1981). The tendency to join and to participate in volun-tary associations might not change substantially over aperson's life (Ward, 1979).

In addition to the assumption that retirementwould motivate elders to begin to volunteer, pro-grams set up fictive kinship relationships with chil-dren, adolescents, and adults. Involvement in com-munity work is often an extension of people's workand family obligations. This is less common for el-ders since relatively few (5%) volunteered to ensurethe "continuation of activities or institutions I or myfamily benefit f rom" compared with a third of allvolunteers (Independent Sector, 1990). Elders reportthat they are less often asked to volunteer: 36.7% ofpeople over 65 compared with 41.1% of all respon-dents indicated that they were involved in currentactivities because someone asked them (Indepen-

dent Sector, 1990). Although there are more volun-teer opportunities for older persons than in the past,there are not enough ways they can be involved inthe same way as younger people, to be asked tovolunteer by organizations that benefit them, theirfamilies, or their friends.

Recruiting the Uninvolved

Even though participation tends to be higheramong elders with histories of community involve-ment, it is possible to attract new volunteers: close tohalf of a sample of people in the Family Friendsprogram (N = 180) were new to volunteering (Farkas,1991). Recruitment of retirees, in particular, is a cost-effective strategy because they devote more timethan other groups when they are involved: 69% ofretired, 55% of employed, and 54% of homemakersdevoted 10 or more hours a month to volunteer work(Princeton Survey Research Associates, 1991).

Retirees and previously uninvolved volunteersmight be attracted by different types of roles. Somemight be interested in community service that isdefined as a "leisure alternative," not a way to workor be a grandparent but a change from playing golf orwatching television. Defined in this way, some elderscould be attracted by the chance to engage in acontributory form of leisure.

Schools and youth organizations could involveolder people by recruiting grandparents and great-grandparents just as they involve parents. They areespecially needed now because far fewer parents areavailable during daytime hours than in the past. It isrealistic to recruit grandparents since most regularlyvisit their grandchildren (Cherlin & Furstenberg,1986). This strategy has another consequence.Crandparenthood and great-grandparenthood aremeaningful but sometimes quite ambiguous socialroles (see Chambre, n.d.). Involvement with organi-zations serving their offspring might reduce the roleconfusion some older persons experience by provid-ing a context for shared experiences.

Changing Residential and Educational Patterns

Several demographic changes are altering the loca-tion, needs, and interests of older volunteers. Theseneed to be taken into account in designing policiesand developing programs. In 1989, over half of elderslived in nine states. Each of these states (California,New York, Florida, Pennsylvania, Texas, Illinois,Ohio, Michigan, and New Jersey) had more than amillion older persons.

Some of this residential concentration is the resultof migration. The impact of permanent and seasonalmigration on volunteerism needs to be better under-stood since both types of migration are more fre-quent among better educated and more affluentelders (Krout, 1983; Longino & Marshall, 1990), thekinds of people who tend to volunteer. Organiza-tions might systematically offer information aboutvolunteer opportunities to new migrants. For sea-sonal migrants, short-term and recurring assign-ments could be created, especially in national orga-

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nizations like Scouts and the Red Cross, so peoplecould do the same job in different locations. Someseasonal migrants move to resort areas that experi-ence periods of greater demand for health care,social services, and recreational facilities at timesthat closely correspond to the movement of "snow-Dirds." Short-term and seasonal volunteer assign-ments could help organizations respond at thesetimes of greater demand.

A larger number of elders now live in suburbanareas than in central cities (Aging America, 1991). Thischange suggests a need to arrange transportation forolder volunteers, not just reimburse costs. A secondstrategy is to create at-home volunteer opportuni-ties. This is currently done in the Linking Lifetimesprogram, in which people offer social support andinformation over the telephone.

The overall supply of older volunteers is likely toincrease in the future because there will be moreolder persons and their average education will con-tinue to rise. Currently, one in ten are college gradu-ates as compared with 16% of those 55-64 and 22% ofthose 45-54 (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1990). Asetter-educated older population will include moreDOtential volunteers and a large number with skillsand past experience in community work. These quali-fies suggest, however, that there might be fewerDeople interested in clerical and unskilled tasks.There will be a need to continue to expand volunteeropportunities for well-educated elders and to creatework climates where people can find gratification inoerforming tasks that might not fully utilize their skills3ut are needed to sustain organizations.

Conclusion

A larger proportion of elders are currently en-gaged in volunteer work than 25 years ago, the resultof changed public images of old age and elders:hemselves, a redefinition of the nature and merits ofvolunteer work, a better-educated population, andsxpanded opportunities in public and private sectorDrograms. A continued rise in average educationsuggests that the number of older volunteers is likelyto increase over the next several decades. However,more people are likely to combine community workwith employment, and the kinds of volunteer jobsthey find attractive may also change.

Recent research suggests several ways to consoli-date and expand participation in the future. Olderpeople could be recruited through important socialroles that many of them acquire in later life, grandpar-enthood and great-grandparenthood. In addition tobeing defined as work- or family-substitutes, volun-teer work might be described and people recruited tobecome involved in activities that are a meaningfulalternative to leisure activities. Since permanent andseasonal migration influence availability for commu-nity work, systematic steps might be undertaken torecruit permanent migrants and to develop opportu-nities responsive to seasonal migration. Finally, theincrease in elders residing in suburban areas suggestsa need to offer transportation and more in-home

volunteer jobs. These strategies would increase theparticipation of a growing, strategic source of unpaidlabor and offer elders opportunities to maintain orexpand social relationships, apply job skills learnedover the course of a lifetime, and contribute to theircommunities and their families.

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