VOLUNTARY RETIREMENT SCHEME AND VR TAKERS IN DSP...
Transcript of VOLUNTARY RETIREMENT SCHEME AND VR TAKERS IN DSP...
CHAPTER-3
VOLUNTARY RETIREMENT SCHEME
AND VR TAKERS
IN DSP AND MAMC
CHAPTER-3
VOLUNTARY RETIREMENT SCHEME AND
VR TAKERS IN DSP AND MAMC
3.1 Introduction
The early retirement scheme of public sector employees in India was introduced
during 1980-81. In DSP the scheme was first implemented in 1985 but in an
unsystematic way. Though from its inception, DSP was facing the problem of
overmanning and underproduction, the management was not interested to introduce
any major job-cut due to the governmental policy of employment generation in the
public sector. The scheme was initially introduced in the steel plant only to shed-off
the dead-woods of the industry and continued such endeavours till 1998 when a clear-
cut policy was implemented by the management in this regard. In the year 1998 and
1999 a large section of employees had accepted voluntary retirement from DSP.
In the MAMC the situation was slightly different. To the MAMC management
particularly, the necessity of reengineering was not felt as the industry was declared
the 'best exporting public sector unit' by the . Government of India for nine
consecutive years from 1980. Moreover the MAMC did not bother to look after its
losses. The company being a basic industry to produce instruments for mining was
thought to be very essential in augmenting the cause of India's industrialization. The
company did not earn profit even during the years of its best export performance as it
had failed to utilize its maximum capacity during this period. Only when the
Government asked the PSUs to restructure themselves according to the logic of the
New Economic Policy, MAMC was forced to think about its excess manpower. The
early retirement scheme, therefore, was implemented in the MAMC from early 1990s
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only. It was highly unfortunate that in spite of its record export earning during 1980s
the enterprise had to change its strategy of production due to changes in
Government's policy. For this reason the enterprise had to bear the burden of huge
loss and was forced to downsize its workforce. However, the immediate cause behind
the introduction of early retirement scheme in both DSP and MAMC was the changes
in Government's policy from 1980s and subsequent compulsion introduced by market
liberalization. Let me now discuss in details the factors that led to the introduction of
early retirement scheme in both the public sector units. My analysis would also point
out the relative differences in the scope and nature of the scheme in these industries.
3.2 Voluntary Retirement Scheme in DSP
The plan to set up Durgapur Steel Plant along with other steel plants of the
country was drawn by the end of first five-year plan (1951-56). During the second
five-year plan (1956-61), a major task in industry was the building of three steel
plants in the public sector namely, Rourkela Steel Plant, Bhilai Steel Plant and
Durgapur Steel Plant.1 With steel being one of the scarce but important components
of India's industrialization, the Government correctly decided to stress on such
development of heavy industry to improve country's economic standing. The
selection of Durgapur as a place for the establishment of a steel plant was governed
by certain factors. The most important one was the presence of adequate
infrastructural facilities like high quality coal, iron-ore, dolomite etc, water and
electricity from Damodar Valley Corporation, better communication network and
above all huge barren agricultural land and jungle. Also the availability of cheap and
skilled workers provided some impetus to such growth. The efforts of the then Chief
Minister of West Bengal, Dr Bidhan Chandra Roy who wanted to establish Durgapur
as an industrial town of the state should also be mentioned here.
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Works on Durgapur Steel Plant Project began from January 1954 and the unit
started producing liquid iron from December 1959 onwards. The plant began
producing steel from April 1960, and with subsequent establishment of several other
subsidiary units, the plant was able to produce record quantity of quality steel during
1964-65 and 1965-66. This period is thus called the 'golden age' of DSP. The plant,
however, failed to maintain such a lead and went on adding losses to its credit
subsequently. In order to solve this problem, the management decided to increase the
production up to 16 lakh tons steel per annum from 1968-69. But the situation
remains unchanged and the management and trade unions blamed each other for this
from their own point of view. Actually from the very inception, DSP had failed to
produce optimum production due to some technical defects and other factors. Even
the British engineers who had initially supervised the construction of the plant could
not actualize its full target of production when the factory started producing steel. In
order to overlook such limitations the management put the blame on militant trade
unionism and lack of skilled workers instead of searching for the actual ones. Trade
unions on the contrary, stressed on factors like corruption, wrong polices of the '----------Government and worldwide depression as the main reasons for such losses.
In this situation, the management of DSP proposed a modernization package to
the Government of India in order to revive the industry. The Government agreed to
the proposal and sanctioned Rs 2667.56 crore for this purpose in 1989. The major --objectives of this modernization project were to (a) attain a higher level of production,
(b) improve productivity and quality, (c) improve yield, (d) conserve energy, (e)
reduce the pollution in environment etc. The project, however, could not be
completed on time and the DSP had to bear the burden of escalated costs of ~
mechanization. In this situation, DSP, like other industries, was forced to take certain
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steps so as to survive in a competitive situation. These steps included minimization of
production cost, maximization of total production, improvement of quality as per
international standard and the like.
But the performance of DSP even after modernization was not satisfactory and the
amount of total loss increased day by day instead of profit. As a result, the
management further decided to reduce the production cost through downsizing the
workforce. Actually DSP, like other PSUs of the country, was suffering from the
problem of overmanning which plagued the industry. For example, the DSP was
designed to operate with a workforce of 7,500, but in reality it had a workforce of
15,000 by 1970s. The application of modem technology in DSP after modernization
highlighted the need for 'lean and thin' workforce. In this situation, the management
implemented VRS to shed-off surplus workforce. The scheme first came into
operation in 1985 but in an unplanned and sporadic fashion. But from 1998 onwards
the scheme was implemented vigorously with a distinct motive. As a result, a sizeable
number of employees could be asked by the management to accept pre-mature
retirement. The following table shows the total number of executive and non-
executive employees who accepted VRS since 1998 along with the reduced strength
of manpower in the plant:
Table: 3.1 Total Number Of Employees Accepting VRS In DSP
VR Takers Job Losses Due to Year Executive Non-Executive Total Total Manpower Normal Retirement and
After Job Loss Other Reasons 1998 121 1133 1254 24,390 248 1999 294 2890 3184 21,039 167
2000 00 00 00 20,633 406
2001 53 357 410 19,641 582
2002 60 405 465 17,928 1248 2003 18 184 202 16,746 980
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Initially DSP's trade umons protested against the scheme, but with growing
urgency to make the unit competitive and market-oriented in the face of
Government's anti-labour policies, VRS became an accepted strategy to get rid of
immanent problems. When the scheme was first introduced, the aged, sick or
physically incapable workers came forward to utilize the golden opportunity.
Subsequently, some officers and highly skilled workers also joined their rank as they
were hopeful of promising post-retirement engagement even after receiving a heftY
sum. The DSP, as a consequence, then faced the problem of shortage of skilled and
qualified employees under different categories. The company then had to spend
additional amount towards training of unskilled workers and promote them to
required position. Due to such unplanned and unexpected early retirement of highly
skilled and qualified employees, the management had to revise its policy to ensure
that only those whose services may be dispensed without detriment to the company,
may be asked to go on retirement. As there was no recruitment against vacancies
arising due to VRS, it was important for the DSP management to see that the
organization is not denude of talent. Hence, under the revised scheme that was
introduced in the year 2000, the management has begun exercising its prerogative in
selecting VR applications.
3.3 VR Compensation Paid in DSP
Under the VR scheme an employee is entitled to an exgratia payment of 45 days'
salary for every completed year of service besides normal retirement benefits as
against 15 days' salary to the employee in case of loss of job as per the Industrial
Disputes Act. In DSP like other public sector units in India, the workers who joined
the company after 1971 were entitled to family pension. This scheme was revised in
the year 1995 and renamed as Employee Pension Scheme. The workers who took
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voluntary retirement before 2000 had faced some troubles to regularize the monthly
pension due to managerial and other problems. But within a few years it became
regularized. In fact it did not relieve the workers much from the problem of post VR
tension and strain as the amount of family pension was meager. VR compensation of
PSU's employees throughout the country was paid following certain fixed principles.
In DSP, like other industries of the country, the amount of total VR compensation
varied from employee to employee depending on the time-span of their service career,
post and scale of pay and other related matters. Here, total VR compensation includes
the compensation due to loss of job plus other retirement benefits. I have identified
three major categories of VR takers namely executive, skilled and unskilled workers
in DSP and tried to search out the differences of VR compensation paid among them.
Thus, the executives, classified into ten categories from EO to E92 on the basis of
scale and position in the hierarchical authority structure, were paid between 6.5 lakh
to 12 lakh as total VR compensation. In contrast, the total VR compensation of skilled
workers (S4 to SIO category)3 varied between Rs 3 lakh to 5.5 lakh. Finally, the
unskilled workers (S 1 to S3 category) had received between a sum of Rs 2.5 lakh to 4
lakh as total VR compensation. Additionally, all the three categories of workers were
entitled to the monthly family pension though its amount varied from person to
person. The total amount of family pension ranging from Rs 1,000/- to Rs 1,900/-, Rs
800/- to Rs 1,400/- and Rs 450/- to Rs 750/- for the executives, skilled and unskilled
workers respectively were provided. It also depended on the pay scales and the span
of service-life of the concerned worker. The total amount of compensation paid in
this respect, however, increased many fold due to the introduction of New Pay Scales
in Steel Plants from mid 2001. On an average, the VR takers under different
categories mentioned above then received a 40 per cent hike in their total
compensation. Irrespective of differences in compensation paid to the VR takers, the
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scheme, unlike normal retirement one, had absolved them from usual delay and
harassment in receiving retirement benefits.
3.4 Voluntary Retirement Scheme in MAMC
Mining and Allied Machinery Corporation, one of the premier public sector units
in the country was established on 16th November 1963 during the prime ministership
of Jawaharlal Nehru. It had started production on 11th January 1965 with the technical
and financial assistance of the then Soviet Russia. Initially, MAMC produced
instruments related to coalmining, and its target was to produce instruments capable
of procuring 10 lakh tons of underground coal annually. But it could not reach the
target due to various reasons and could utilize only 15 per cent of its total capacity.
One of the important reasons for such under-production was the lack of adequate
order of those costly instruments from the private coal- mine owners. Additionally,
the industry had to fulfil the governmental commitment of employment generation
including other social liabilities. Hence, 'earning profit' was a distant dream for
MAMC management.
The situation started changing from 1974, after nationalization of the coal-mining
sector and changing nature and strategy of production of MAMC. The company then
could produce sufficiently and improve its financial condition as work order of its
instruments from the Government undertaking coalmining sector started pouring in.
similarly, the management's decision regarding the production of various types of
instruments for thermal power plant, steel plant, port etc. had provided extra oxygen
to its revival. From 1980 onwards MAMC could export instruments of worth Rs 106
crore to different countries and secure the best 'export award' for nine consecutive
years.
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After the introduction of New Economic Policy, MAMC also required
modernization of its total plant in order to survive in a competitive environment. But
the Government was totally silent on this and rather favoured downsizing the work-
force through VRS. Moreover, the Government went ahead to import instruments
produced by the MAMC itself. The following table shows the increasing trend of
import of machinery parts and instruments since 1990.
Table 3.2 Increasing Trend Of Import In MAMC
Year 1990-91 1995-96 1996-97 1997-98 Import (Rs in 372 917 1409 1244 crore)
Source: MAMC Management
As a result, MAMC became a sick industrial unit and the Government had decided to
refer it to the Board of Industrial and Financial Reconstruction (BIFR) in February
1992. The BIFR then appointed Riazee Company, a Mumbai based consultant firm
for overall survey and to search out the limitations of this industrial unit. The Riazee
Company submitted a revival project to the BIFR which stated that the company
could be survived with 2200 employees and just Rs 142 crore because of its adequate
infrastructure and skilled workers. The Government, however, did not show any
interest in its revival and remained silent over a long period. By the end of 1998, the
Government ultimately decided to close down the unit through forceful retirement of
all its employees. In response to this decision, the leaders of CITU affiliated MAMC
union had lodged a case in Calcutta High Court.4 As the court passed a stay order in
favour of the union, the unit could not be closed down till late 200 I. The MAMC
management, however, became successful to force a large number of workers and
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employees to go on VSS in between 1999 and 2001. The unit was ultimately closed
down on 3rd January 2002 after the stay order was vacated.
Like other PSUs of the country, MAMC also suffered from the problem of
overmanning. In the early 1990s it was operated with 7500 employees of which 35
per cent were executives. As a consequence, MAMC had failed to maintain profit due
to huge wage bill. From 1990 the management was cautious about the problem and
tried to overcome this through downsizing the workforce. In MAMC, YRS was first
implemented in 1991 after the introduction of NEP. Initially some officers and
physically incapable workers came forward to accept the scheme and such endeavour
continued till the mid of 1998. During this period only a small number of workers had
retired from MAMC, as the scheme was totally voluntary. The senior executives
showed their interest much towards the scheme as they enough scope for further
employment. But the situation had changed rapidly in the late 1998 when the
Government decided to close down the unit. In December 1998 the management
introduced a separate early-retirement scheme, called Voluntary Separation Scheme
(VSS), which was designed for sick and unviable units. Under this scheme an
employee was entitled to an exgratia payment equivalent to 45 days emoluments
(Basic + DA) for each completed year of service or the monthly emolument at the
time of retirement multiplied by the balance months of service left before the normal
date of retirement, whichever is less. All those who have completed not less than 30
years of service would be eligible for a maximum of 60 months salary as
compensation. Similarly, another VR package which is called 'Gujarat model of
YRS' was introduced in 2000 in parallel with VSS. The new scheme became
attractive and comparatively better to the younger employees. The compensation
consists of salary of 35 days for every completed year of service and 25 days for the
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balance of service left until superannuation. As the MAMC management was
interested in closing down the unit following governmental directives, the employees
were repeatedly asked to accept early retirement through either the VSS or the Gujarat
model of VRS, whichever is acceptable to the concerned employee. The following
table shows the number of VR takers since 1999.
Table 3.3 Total Number Of VR Takers In MAMC
Year 1999 2000 2002 Total (Up to 31st
January) No. ofVR 2000 501 1460 3961
Takers
Source: MAMC Management
3.5 VR Compensation Paid in MAMC
In MAMC also, I have divided the total respondents into three categories, namely,
executive, skilled and unskilled workers. The total VR compensation of executive
category employees had varied from Rs 6 Iakh to Rs 14 Iakh depending on the total
completed years of service and other factors. As compared to other PSUs, the
differences of total VR compensation between skilled and unskilled workers were
found to be negligible in MAMC and it varied from Rs 2 lakh to 6 lakh only. The total
amount of compensation paid would have been nearly 40 per cent more, had the
MAMC employees enjoyed pay-revision due for long before the retirement. It was
only in 2001, when the Government finally announced the closure of the industry, the
amount of total VR compensation got increased due to I 00 per cent additional
exgratia paid to the remaining workers. In MAMC also, there was a provision of
family pension, but in reality, the scheme did not help the workers much as the
company was declared 'closed'. The workers and the trade union leaders of MAMC
demanded the regularization of the scheme on the monthly basis, but due to some
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managerial problem the scheme could not be implemented in proper fashion. In this
regard, the government had asked the management to submit their claim on monthly
basis, if they want to regularize the scheme which was not a possibility after the
closure of the unit. Under such circumstances, the workers were forced to give their
option for one-time payment of pension. The amount of family pension got varied
among different categories of workers as stated below:
Category of Workers Amount Of One Time Family Pension
Executive Rs 40,000 to Rs 60,000
Skilled Rs 25,000 to Rs 45,000
Unskilled Rs 15,000 to Rs 32,000
A comparison of the VR compensation paid to the workers of both DSP and
MAMC along with other retirement benefits would make it appear that the two
organizations paid differently to their employees. The average compensation of
employees did not provide the real picture because there is wider variation in the
compensation sum both within and between the organizations. The extent of
variations is clear from the table given below
Table 3.4 Comparison Of Total VR Compensation OfDSP And MAMC
Organization DSP MAMC Category of Before Pay Revision After Pay Revision Before Pay Revision After Pay Revision Employees (Up to 2000) (In 2001) (Up to 2000) (In 2001)
Rsin Lakh Rs in Lakh Rsin Lakh Rs in Lakh
Executive 6.5 to 12 8to 16.5 6 to 14 8 to 12 *
Skilled 3 to 5.5 4 to 8 3.6 to 6 4.7 to 7
Unskilled 2.5 to 4 3.3 to 5.2 2 to 4 3.5 to 6
*The figure is comparatively less due to VR of young executives Source: DSP and MAMC Management
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The amount of compensation paid to various categories of workers in both
MAMC and DSP differs significantly. In MAMC, workers retiring after 2001 had
been paid higher amount of compensation as the Government had then declared 100
per cent additional exgratia to existing employees. On the other hand in DSP, the
compensation paid to the executives had increased nearly 40 per cent due to their long
awaited pay revision after 1999. Even after the payment of additional exgratia,
however, the total compensation paid to a majority of MAMC workers remained
significantly less due to short tenure of service. As VSS was compulsorily introduced
in MAMC, the younger workers received less compensation as compared to those
who had served for maximum number of years. By contrast, in DSP the VR takers
hailed mostly from the advanced age group contributing to maximum amount of final
compensation. Table 3.4 also shows that there is wider variation in the payment of VR
compensation to different categories of workers and such differences have diverse
impact on the post retirement life ofVR takers.
3.6 Socio-Economic Profile of VR Takers in DSP and MAMC
Let me discuss here, in brief, the socio-economic profile of VR takers in the two
industries that I have studied. This infonnation would help me to analyze the impact
of early retirement better as differences in age, sex, and level of education or caste
have profound impact on the pot-retirement life of VR takers.
3.6.1 Age Structure
The age composition of VR takers in DSP and MAMC differs significantly. In
DSP, the VR takers generally belong to advanced age group which is explained by
two sets of logic. First, the old and sick workers called 'dead-wood' wanted to get rid
of busy work schedule after modernization and avail of the significant amount of one
time payment facility. Thus, 32 per cent of my respondents have said that they
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accepted early retirement because of the reason stated above. Second, the
management also wanted the same group to retire as they were occasional 'law-
breakers' and were not physically and mentally effective enough to bear the burden of
'fast and heavy work' after technological modernization. Apart from the aged, as table
3.5 shows, there were some young executive and skilled workers who retired early
due to better employment option outside.
Table 3.5 Age of Workers At The Time OfVR In DSP And MAMC
DSP MAMC
Age GrouQ Category of Workers Category of Workers Grand
Total Total Total Executive Skilled Unskilled Executive Skilled Unskilled
30-40 00 01 00 01 03 02 01 06 07
41-45 01 00 01 02 05 07 06 18 20
46-50 02 03 01 06 08 10 09 27 33
51-55 20 19 20 59 11 09 I4 34 93
56-60 10 11 II 32 05 03 07 I5 47
Total 33 34 33 IOO 32 3I 37 100 200
In MAMC, which was a sick unit for a long time and closed down in January ,....
2002, the age composition is significantly different. When the Government decided to ---refer MAMC to BIFR, the management started motivating workers to accept VR
under different pretext. The management wanted to utilize the VR fund in such a way
that the organization would get an immediate relief in terms of substantive cut in
monthly wage bill. But the situation had changed rapidly, when the Government
decided to close down the unit. As a result, a large number of workers and employees
belonging to different age groups were then forced to accept VR as the last resort.
Even for the younger and middle-aged workers, the writing on the wall was very clear
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in favour of an early retirement. Thus, Table 3.5 shows that more than half of the total
VR takers from MAMC belong to the age group of 50 and less.
3.6.2 Sex Composition
In general the PSUs are dominated by male workers and it is true in case of DSP
and MAMC. In my sample of VR takers from both the industries, the percentage of
male workers is 93 (Table 3.6). Only 7 per cent of VR takers are female of which a
significant number has managed service after the death of their husbands. In India,
there exists gender discrimination in the organized sector employment. Lack of
technically skilled female workers is one of the manifestations of such discrimination.
The organized sector is generally based on capital-intensive technology that requires a
set of trained workers with formal education. My data, however, indicate that
operation of the YRS in both DSP and MAMC did not enhance such discrimination in
a significant way.
Table 3.6
Sex Specific Distribution Of VR Takers
Sex DSP MAMC Total
Male 95 91 186
Female 05 09 14
Total 100 100 200
3.6.3 Educational Qualification
A cursory look at the educational qualification of VR takers reveals that there are
significant differences in the level of education among different categories of workers.
The DSP and MAMC had established in such a condition that required a set of trained
workers to operate the sophisticated machines. My data (Table 3.7) indicate that a
high percentage (36.5%) of workers joined the organization with technical and
professional qualifications. Again a reasonably high percentage of workers who did
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Table 3.7
Educational Qualification Specific Distribution Of VR Takers
DSP MAMC
Category GRAND Of TOTAL workers EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION
Illiterate Just Up Secon- HS UG PG Technical Profe- Total Illiterate Just Up Secon- HS UG PG Technical Profe- Total Literate to dary ssional Literate to dary ssional
VIII VIII
Executive - - - - 02 09 05 12 05 33 - - - - 01 08 04 14 05 32 65
Skilled - - 01 03 02 07 02 17 02 34 - - 03 02 01 06 02 13 04 31 65
Unskilled 04 05 07 09 05 02 01 - - 33 07 07 06 08 04 04 - 01 - 37 70
TOTAL 04 05 08 12 09 18 08 29 07 100 07 07 09 08 06 18 06 28 09 100 200
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not have pre-acquired skill, earned technical knowledge during their tenure in the
respective organizations. Among the workers, the section with technical education .
could manage promotional avenue within the organization. As a consequence the
percentage of skilled workers in different public sector units in Durgapur had been
found to be very high. It is evident from a study conducted in Durgapur industrial belt
that the percentage of skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled workers in different public
and private sector organizations had been 76.59, 14.17 and 9.24 respectively.5 Table
3 .9 also shows that the general level of education of VR takers is quite high as 83 and
77 percent of such persons in MAMC and DSP, respectively, have attained
educational qualification beyond the secondary level.
3.6.4 Caste Composition
Among the VR takers in both DSP and MAMC 73 percent belong to general
caste. This is due to the fact that employment in the organized sector in Durgapur
industrial area has largely favoured the general category candidates. These industries
did not follow the governmental strategy while appointing workers and employees.
Hence, persons belong to SC, ST and OBC categories did not get any preference in
those employment. Table 3.8, therefore, shows that 73 per cent of my total
respondents belong to general category and only 27 per cent belong to different
reserved categories.
Table 3.8 Caste-Specific Distribution Of VR Takers
CASTE General SC ST OBC
Organization Total
DSP 75 IO 03 12 100
MAMC 71 11 04 14 100
Total 146 21 07 26 200
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It appears that factors like low level of general and technical education of
backward class people along with other reasons like absence of requisite network
necessary for such employment, managerial apathy towards reservation might also
have played some role In determining the pattern of PSU employment in India.
3.6.5 Religious Group
The respondents in both industries are mostly Hindu. Thus, Table 3.9 shows that
more than 88 per cent of my respondents are Hindu. This is due to the fact that
employment in both DSP and MAMC in particular and organized sector in Durgapur
in general have largely favoured the Hindu upper caste candidates. The upper caste
Hindus have gained prominence in public sector employment due to the factors
mentioned earlier.
Table 3.9
Religion-Specific Distribution Of VR Takers
RELIGION Organization Hindu Muslim Christian Jain Sikh Total
DSP 92 07 01 00 00 100
MAMC 85 08 04 01 02 100
Total 177 15 05 01 02 200
We now move on to discuss the social costs of VRS in DSP and MAMC
respectively in the next two chapters.
6I
Notes and References
I. Dutt and Sundaram (200I). Indian Economy. Sultan Chand Publishers, New
Delhi.
2. In DSP, the employees under executive category are classified into I 0 classes
from EO to E9 on the basis of pay scale and nature of job. The initial pay scale
of this category starts from Rs 8,600 - I4,600 and ends at Rs 23,750- 28,550.
3. In DSP, the workers are classified into IO categories, such as, SI, S2, .... SIO.
Unskilled workers consist of SI, S2 and S3 categories and skilled workers
consist of S4 to SI 0 categories.
4. Regarding voluntary retirement trade unions and other organizations lodged a
series of court cases. In I 985, when the Management decided to wind up the
company, the leaders of CITU-affiliated MAMC union lodged a case in the
Calcutta High Court. In I 998, MAMC Bachao Committee again lodged a case
in the Calcutta High Court for the proper implementation of Section 25(0)
under the Industrial Disputes Act. In 200I, another organization consisting of
retired employees of MAMC also lodged a case demanding undertaking of the
MAMC township by the Government of West Bengal.
5. R. Khasnobis and S. Banerjee (1996). "Political Economy of Voluntary
Retirement - Study of Rationalized Workers in Durgapur." Economic and
Political Weekly, December 28: L. 64-72.