amanamagazine 1 Vol.3 Issue.2

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In this issue

AMANA Magazine

3. Sri Lanka’s Civil War and the Challenge for Peace Editorial By M. Abdus Sabur

4. Mindanao Political Will Must Prevail in the Peace Negotiations of the Southern Philippines By Tu A. Alfonso

6. ASEAN Charter Human Security Challenge By Citra Wardhani

8. The Gaza Conflict from a Faith Perspective By Fr. John T. Brinkman

11. Thailand The South : Consult the Locals First By Sanitsuda Ekachai

12. Islam in Democracy By Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer

14. AMAN in Action Reflections on the AMAN Peace Studies Course By Shanti Sattler

15. Events in AMAN Dialogues Conferences Trainings Workshops

AMANA Magazine is published by the Amana Media Initiative (Amana) and is part of the AMAN program ‘Peace Actions in Asia’, funded by Action Aid. Issued every quarter, AMANA Magazine is circulated across

Asia in five languages: English, Bahasa Indonesia, Bengali, Thai and Urdu.

The views expressed by writers in this publication are not necessarily those of Amana, AMAN or ARF.

Copyright © 2009 AMAN – Printed in Bangkok. Articles in this publication may be reproduced and distributed subject to an appropriate credit annotation. A PDF version may be

downloaded from www.arf-asia.org/amana.

Vol.3 Issue.2 – Second Quarter Published April 2009

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CONTENTS

AMANA TEAM

Country Coordinators: Ishak Mia (Bangladesh), Sohail Ahmed (India), Mz Fanani (Indonesia), Mohammad Daraweesh (Jordan:Arabic language),Fareeya Hayeeyusoh (Thailand)

Editorial Assistant: Fareeya Hayeeyusoh

Editorial Team: Dr Imtiyaz Yusuf, Sohail Ahmed, Nadeem Fazil Ayaz, Amy Braun, Gioconda Carrera, Zarah Kathleen T.Alih, M. Abdus Sabur

Design & layout: Fareeyah Hayeeyusoh

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The news tells us that the civil war in Sri Lanka is over. The

Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have been defeated and their leaders killed. Both winners and losers belong to the beautiful island of Sri Lanka.

This victory does not ensure long lasting peace, but it certainly provides an opportunity to reflect upon the root causes of the conflict. How can these causes be eliminated in order to bring peace?

The sharing of power between the Tamil community and the Singhalese community is crucial for the healing process after their civil war. The sharing of power contains the participation of both the Tamil search for a long lasting solution and the Singhalese wisdom. Furthermore, the Muslim community deserves its right to participate as well.

Sri Lanka is not alone. There are many other countries facing civil war. The history of the concept of the nation state is not a long one compared to the existence of human communities. During the misrule, exploitation and domination of the colonial masters, nationalist movements and pro-independence movements grew. After the Second World War, many countries became independent. People and communities had high hopes for peace, progress and development.

Because many of the nationalist leaders came from the dominant majority, elite class, and were educated in the West, they failed to realize that most of the countries are a complex combination of ethnicities, cultures and religions. Instead of focusing on the population as a whole, in most cases, the government ended up benefiting only the elites and deprived and alienated many, particularly minorities.

As years went by, grievances accumulated among the poor, ethnic and religious minorities. Today’s civil war is largely the result of a governance failure. On the other hand, movements for the protection of ethnic and minority rights over a period of time

Editorial

Sri Lanka’s Civil War and the Challenge for Peace

M. Abdus Sabur

degenerate and violate human rights. Still, the leaders are heroes to their own people and terrorists in the eyes of the government.

As the formation of nation states takes place, the borderlines are drawn at the cost of dividing and displacing people. Then, there is a degree of deeply rooted mistrust. The priority of the government becomes the creation of defense forces against perceived enemies and internal security forces to maintain law and order.

Tension starts to build up between the government and the movements.

The government utilizes its defense and internal security forces to suppress people’s voices and the fighting against neighboring countries. This can be witnessed throughout all regions in varying degrees. The Cold War also contributed to the polarization of the nation states. Globalization, political integration, and the war against terror did the same.

All religions advocate saving lives, justice and peace, yet we witness contestation in authentic understanding and practices of religion resulting in violence, war and loss of lives. The control of natural resources and arms trade and production are two other factors contributing to many conflicts in the world that impact a large number of people.

The common challenges include the empowerment of people, human resources and leadership development so that governance can be just. Then, people can enjoy their freedom with a sense of responsibility, mutual respect and honor.

Even though there is a small number of peace thinkers, peace advocates and peace workers, they keep on working with a lot of effort. In this issue of AMANA, interesting articles have been included which could stimulate further actions and encourage us to create more space for a young generation of peace workers.

Mr. M. Abdus Sabur is Secretary General of AMAN and the Asian Resource Foundation

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How many innocent civilians must be displaced? How many lives of innocent civilians – women,

children and elderly -- will become collateral damage of armed conflict? How much agricultural products and property must be damaged? And how many students must not attend school in order to stop the conflict in the Bangsamoro homeland, Mindanao, Philippines?

These questions are being addressed to the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). Further, these wake up calls are also for all the peace loving people, politicians, business sector, church, media entities, and international communities to support the peace process between the GRP and the MILF.

If the Philippine government has the intention to resolve the conflict in Mindanao, then just a drop of ink must be placed on the already initialized Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) and this would cost not even a dollar when compared to the huge amounts that have been spent on the war.

The realm of negotiation lies now in the hands of the government, whether it wants to save the peace process by honoring the MOA-AD or just continue with its new framework of DDR (Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration) which only connotes dishonesty and a lack of the state’s political will needed to resolve the Bangsamoro problem.

The Moro problem is rooted in the so-called right to

self-determination which is legally acceptable and granted by the 1987 Philippine Constitution and recognized by international law as a legitimate right of minorities in the region.

The root causes of the conflict in the southern Philippines are totally unique from those of other countries in political turmoil. The Security, Sector and Reform (SSR) and the DDR are the approaches of the state and international organizations working in these countries. These approaches are quite controversial. For example, in disarmament, the monetary incentives for those who have surrendered their firearms are greater than the price of the weapons they returned. Therefore, they could buy more guns that are better than the previous arms they used to have.

With this approach there is no guarantee that conflict and violence could be stopped. The conflict should be better addressed through peace negotiations with the facilitation of the international community. Then, we could have an assurance that long lasting peace will be attained. Thus, DDR will no longer work at this stage.

Regarding the issue of DDR, the press statement of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) Vice Chairman for Political Affairs Ghazali Jaafar dated 5 September 2008, emphasized that DDR is part of the successful conflict resolution efforts of conflict affected countries in the world. However, in the case of GRP-MILF peace talks, DDR will be possible in the latter part of the implementation of the agreements. If the government insists on DDR, then the military approach would be paramount in

Political Will Must Prevail in the Peace Negotiations of the Southern Philippines

By Tu A. Alfonso

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the talks.

The “military approach” has been proven many times to be an ineffective solution to the Bangsmoro problem in Mindanao and it will only recruit more Moro freedom seekers. This has been demonstrated recently on 18 February 2009 in Mindanao and Manila, where the Moros and the Filipinos peacefully gathered. This peaceful demonstration was led by the Mindanao Alliance for Peace (MAP). MAP is a non- political and non-violent alliance of civil society groups in Mindanao.

Way back in the ‘2001 Gentlemen’s Agreement,’ the parties agreed that in the following peace talks the government should not limit the talks with the parameters of the Philippine Constitution.

In response to this, the MILF also lowered its demands for independence and opened up so that there was space for new options -- solutions that are viable and acceptable to both parties. However, this did not mean that they would abandon the quest for freedom and independence for the Bangsamoro people.

An official agreement was reached in the GRP-MILF talks on 7 July 2008 when MOA-AD started, but the Philippine Supreme Court restrained the government negotiators to sign it on 5 August 2008 due to a question of constitutionality. But how come it is unconstitutional when in fact it was already agreed upon by both parties and witnessed by the Malaysian government as mediator of the peace talks? It was then initialized by the members of the GRP panel. The GRP panel is mandated by the government to represent the state. This shows that, once again, the government is not negotiating honestly.

The government should face and continue with its commitment because that is the essence of negotiations. A negotiation is always associated with the term “give and take enterprise.”

According to MAP, which convoked hundreds of thousands of people in peaceful rallies in the mainland provinces of Mindanao, the aborted final signing of the MOA-AD in Putrajaya, Malaysia, is a betrayal of the guaranteed right to self-determination of the Bangsamoro people.

It should be noted that the MILF is representing the greater Bangsamoro and the indigenous peoples who have lived where the proposed Bansamoro Juridical Entity (BJE) would be established for a very long time.

The MOA-AD is a legitimate product of the GRP-

MILF negotiation. This is the only key for a peaceful resolution to the old problem of the government in the South of the Philippines. Therefore, in order to move forward, the government itself must have the political will necessary to recognize and honor what was previously agreed upon in the peace talks, especially the MOA-AD. Otherwise, peace may become elusive in the Land of Promise, that is Mindanao.

Tu A. AlfonsoNational Vice President for Internal AffairsUNYPAD

The UNYPAD is a non profit, non partisan youth organization based in the Philippines.

Photo :Google World (http://www.topnews.in/philippines-probe-alleged-corruption-wbfunded-road-project-2110176)

To comment on this or any other story, email us atamana@arf-asia.org, or fareeya.hayeeyusoh@arf-asia.org

MINDANAO

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ASEAN CHARTER

Four decades after the founding of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), on

December 15th, 2008, the beginning of the enforcement of the ASEAN Charter, the constitution for the ASEAN, occurred. This is a major step that will shape or is expected to shape the region into a EU-like community. The charter consists of guiding principles on how ASEAN will conduct its affairs. It holds the legal characteristics upon which ASEAN becomes a legal entity in its own right. It establishes the organs through which ASEAN will act and it institutes a formal structure for decision-making. Thailand (September 2008), the Philippines (October 2008), and Indonesia (October 2008) were the last three countries to ratify the charter. The charter signifies a change in the form of the relationships within ASEAN. It symbolizes the change from a loose relationship into a more forceful relationship that is based on law. ASEAN was reborn as a legal entity.

ASEAN, with its ten members, is now embarking on the formation of the ASEAN Community in 2015. The Community, as was agreed during the Bali Concord II in 2003, will consist of three main pillars: the ASEAN Political Security Cooperation, the ASEAN Economic Cooperation, and the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Cooperation. The Charter contains at least seven additional aspects of importance. First, there is a new political commitment which will unite the countries under one vision, one identity, and as one caring and sharing community. Second, there are new and enhanced commitments, especially the ones mentioned in Article 5.2: “Member States shall take all necessary measures, including the enactment of appropriate domestic legislation, to effectively implement the provisions of this Charter and to comply with all obligations of membership.” Third, there is a new legal framework. The ASEAN Charter is a legally-binding international agreement for ASEAN countries. All the member governments have ratified it and deposited their acceptance with the Secretary

General of ASEAN. There are three issues in this legal framework: the legal characteristics of ASEAN, dispute settlement, and privileges and immunities. Fourth, there will be more organs/bodies added to the present bodies, including the ASEAN Coordinating

Council (ACC) and three Community Councils, and an ASEAN human rights body, among others. Fifth, there are more ASEAN meetings: ASEAN Summit, Special ASEAN Summit if needed, ASEAN Coordinating Community, three Community Councils that meet twice a year, and relevant senior officials meetings. Sixth, there are enhanced roles for

ASEAN foreign ministers. Seventh, the role of the Secretary General will be enhanced. For example, the secretary general will work closely with the Permanent Representatives to ASEAN in Jakarta and with Dialogue Partners’ Ambassadors to ASEAN.

The Charter will directly and indirectly affect the lives of the 560 million people living in the region. Most of the fifteen purposes stated in the Charter are related directly to the people of ASEAN, some of which are there to ensure that people in the ASEAN region live in peace, to alleviate poverty, to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms, to promote sustainable development, to develop human resources and the empowerment of the peoples of ASEAN, to enhance the well-being and livelihood of the peoples of ASEAN by the provision of equitable access to opportunities for human development, social welfare and justice, to promote people-oriented ASEAN, and to promote ASEAN identity. One prominent gap that remains is that although a large portion of the purpose section mentions the people, not one mechanism in the Charter tells us how the people can play a role in these processes.

Based on the ASEAN Statistical Yearbook 2006, the ASEAN region has a population of about 560 million, a total area of 4.5 million square kilometers, a combined gross domestic product of almost US$ 1.1 trillion, and a total trade of about US$ 1.4 trillion (ASEAN Secretariat, 2009). Within the region, there is still very high diversity

ASEAN FLAG

Human Security Challenge: ASEAN Charter

BY Citra Wardhani

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Health security: guaranteeing a minimum 3. protection from diseases and unhealthy lifestyles.Environmental security: protecting people 4. from the short- and long-term ravages of nature, man-made threats in nature, and deterioration of the natural environment.Personal security: protecting people from physical 5. violence, whether from the state or external states, from violent individuals and sub-state factors, from domestic abuse, and from predatory adults.Community security: protecting people from 6. the loss of traditional relationships and values, and from sectarian and ethnic violence.Political security: ensuring that people live 7. in a society that honors their basic human rights and ensures the freedom of individuals and groups from government attempts to exercise control over ideas and information.

ASEAN countries still face many problems related to human security. The forces of globalization, along with the pushing factor from a country and the pulling factor from other countries, have made state boundaries permeable, legally or illegally. This is opening space for a closer contact between cultures, but at the same time it also has a potential for conflict. Like many countries, ASEAN countries also face the threat of poverty, disease, food shortage, terrorism and environmental degradation. But at the core of all the threats to human security there is corruption. All of these problems are interlinked and that makes it more difficult to address them. An interdisciplinary and multi-sectoral approach is needed for combating these problems, with the vision of One Caring and Sharing Community.

The implementation of the ASEAN Charter to build an ASEAN Community by 2015 has a long way to go since there are so many details needed to be agreed upon in such limited time. The many forums in ASEAN have a lot of potential. But unfortunately, almost all these forums are for government officials. It should be realized that the working of governments alone is not enough. People working in the field and at the grassroots need to be drawn in close contact to communicate, dissolve the barriers they face and recommend actions to their own governments.

For all intents and purposes, we do not want the Charter to remain a compilation of objectives and goals, with no touch of implementation.

Citra WardhaniExpert Staff of Information and Publication SystemsResearch and Community Development DirectorateUniversity of Indonesia

that can be both an advantage and a disadvantage. The aspects of diversity can be approached as follows:

ASEAN countries have different legal systems 1. that mostly were adopted from former colonial powers. For example, Indonesia adopted the Dutch legal system and Malaysia uses a British legal system. A person of one country who works in another country in ASEAN should be aware of these differences.ASEAN countries have different religious 2. and faith backgrounds. The great majority in Indonesia, Brunei, and Malaysia are Muslims, while in other countries there are majorities of Buddhists, Hindus, Christians, etc.A S E A N c o u n t r i e s h a v e d i f f e re n t 3. h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s .Based on their respective cultures and 4. historical backgrounds, ASEAN countries also have different political systems and ideologies.O n e m a j o r d i f f e r e n c e a m o n g 5. t h e A S E A N c o u n t r i e s i s t h e i r ex t en t o f economic deve lopmen t .

These differences must be maintained while at the same time supporting the unity of ASEAN under One Vision, One Identity, and One Community.

There are many concerns regarding ASEAN’s new step of becoming a legal entity that pertain mainly to its relation with the most basic need of today’s world - peace and human security. According to Amitav Acharya, security traditionally refers to ‘the protection of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states from external military threats’ and was the core of the term ‘national security.’ However, now with the new threat of globalization and environmental degradation, the term has several meanings outside the military terms, thus changing the term to human security. Human security basically refers to people instead of states or governments, as it referred to in the past. The broad meaning of human security (compared to national security) is sometimes reduced by some authors to be the narrower meaning of “freedom from fear” or “freedom from want.” But these two terms are too disputable since fear and want are embedded in human development processes.

In the UNDP Human Development Report of 1994 there are seven scopes of human security mentioned:

Economic security: an assured basic income 1. for individuals, usually from productive and remunerative work, or, in the last resort, from some publicly financed safety net.F o o d s e c u r i t y : e n s u r i n g t h a t a l l 2. people at all times have both physical and economic access to bas ic food .

ASEAN CHARTER

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GAZA

The absence of effective international pressure on Israel during its 2006 conflict with its Beirut

neighbors has led to the 2009 invasion of Gaza. Israel mounted a more precise plan of action1 in Gaza that resulted in greater impacts on civilian populations. During this more recent conflict, some voices and publications have linked religious insight to combatant intent. The following writing recollects an inter-faith conference event which took place at the time of the 2006 Israeli invasions. The purpose of this writing is to note that true religious intent is always exercised for the cause of peace.

Religion, Violence, and Peace

Over the years, there have been a number of events and meetings that have drawn attention to the role of religion and peace. One such meeting took place in Tokyo during August 26-29, 2006. The World Conference of Religions for Peace (WCRP) ended with an event that was reported in one Asian paper under the headline: “Conflict casts shadow over world religion conference.” On the last day of the conference, three speakers, i.e., Rabbi Yona Metzger, the Chief Ashkenazi Rabbi of Israel, Sheikh Taysir Tamimi, the Chief Judge of the Palestinian Authority and Monsignor Michel Sabbah, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem addressed the concluding plenary session. At the time the Israeli invasion of Lebanon was well underway.

The Chief Rabbi expressed chagrin over being shunned by some members in the assembly because of the Middle East conflict. He concluded his remarks with the hope for release of the Israeli soldier whose capture sparked the current conflict. He held up a Book of Jewish Prayer and asked that the WCRP Secretary General have it delivered to the imprisoned soldier. The Chief Judge Sheikh Taysir Tamimi noted that the conflict in the region was less a matter of a captive

Israeli soldier and more a matter of the ten thousand Palestinians in Israeli prisons of whom over five hundred were women and children. He himself had been arrested for trying to enter Muslim places of worship in Jerusalem just to pray.

After a moment of palpable silence that settled into the large amphitheater, Monsignor Michel Sabbah, the Latin Patriarch, stated that he, as a native born Palestinian, would now address the Chief Rabbi of Israel and the Chief Judge of the Palestinian Authority as “my brothers.” He said that the intense sufferings experienced in the area were not only a matter of a captive Israeli soldier and not only a matter of an imprisoned Palestinian population. The cause of violence and conflict, he said, lies in the fact that we are all held captive by forces that diminish life and denigrate the value of peace.

He then offered two more books of prayer, one Christian and one Muslim, to be added to the Rabbi’s book as a statement and as a sign that our faiths may be channels of peace in a place that has been divided by discord for far too long. His last sentence was inaudible as the prelate’s voice wavered with emotion. In response to his words, the applause in the hall was thunderous.

After that late summer meeting, autumn reporting from Israel indicated how deeply divided the Jewish and Muslim communities were. However, one report noted how hopeful it is when religion in the service of humanity can indeed promote peace. During that period of autumn in the West Bank, olives were harvested. Yet this task had been made perilous by Jewish settlers who would fire on and beat the Palestinian harvesters and drive them off Palestinian owned lands. The harvest would be stolen and the olive trees felled. Rabbi Arik Ascherman, of the Rabbis for Human Rights, who volunteered to help to protect grove workers, was quoted as saying: “This whole issue of trying to prevent the olive harvest is the ongoing struggle to get Palestinians off the land.

The Gaza Conflict from a Faith Perspective by Fr. John T. Brinkman, M.M.

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But if we Jews are to survive in this land, we must restore hope by being here to break down the stereotypes the Palestinians have of Israelis. This is the best single thing I can do to protect my two children.”2 In this resolve, one deals with a belief in a common future. Here, one recognizes that if you take a people’s future away, you rob them of all hope. “To restore hope” is to establish a wider community of life for the future of the region.

It is ironic and perhaps significant that the olive tree, whose branch is a UN and universal symbol for peace and a biblical symbol of human survival, is at the center of such a conflict. The olive grove gives us an image of the real task at hand. Here, we enter into the deeper harmony of things which provides the human with its most fundamental community. It is this datum that is recognized in the efforts of a Rabbi Asckerman. One may speculate that the Rabbi’s efforts may have also been inspired by the promise to Noah that linked the course of human survival with the on-going creative sequence of the natural world: “as long as earth lasts, sowing and reaping, cold and heat, summer and winter, day and night shall cease no more.”

It is urgent that the role of religion be seen as essential to the task of cultivating genuine peace. This is most urgent in the Middle East where the phyla of Christian, Jewish and Muslim beliefs acknowledge God as One and recognize our common habitat as a Creation. It is now clear that even the most clarion voices of faith and hope may be ineffective unless the international community shows signs that it is it willing to act in accordance with its responsibilities.

In the 17 December 2008 “On Gaza air strikes” statement of the President of the 63rd Session of the United Nations General Assembly, H. E. Miguel F. d’Escoto, UN Ambassador from Nicaragua, is quoted as saying: “I remind all member states of the United Nations that the UN continues to be bound

to an independent obligation to protect any civilian population facing massive violations of international humanitarian law—regardless of what country may be responsible for those violations.” 3

On 18 April 2008, Pope Benedict XVI addressed the 62nd session of the United Nations General Assembly on the 60th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Holy Father’s message was an appeal to universal values and to the principle of protection “present implicitly at the origin of the United Nations and now increasingly characteristic of its activity.”

“The founding of the United Nations, as we know, coincided with the profound upheavals that humanity experienced when reference to the meaning of transcendence and natural reason was abandoned, and in consequence, freedom and human dignity were grossly violated. When this happens, it threatens the objective foundation of the values governing the international order. It also undermines the cogent and inviolable principle formulated and consolidated by the United Nations.”4

It is my hope that this writing points out that actions inspired by true religious intent enhance institutional efforts to protect life and secure peace even in the midst of seemingly intractable conflict.

A Final Reflection

Most recently, the civil society of Gaza found a uniquely placed spokesperson in the author

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Murakami Haruki. During his acceptance speech earlier this year for the biennial Jerusalem Prize for the Freedom of the Individual in Society, he stated: “the UN reported that more than 1,000 people lost their lives in the blockaded city of Gaza. Many of them were unarmed citizens - children and old people… I chose to come here, rather than stay away. I chose to see for myself, rather than not to see. I chose to speak, rather than to say nothing.”5

His words used the metaphors of a wall and of an egg to appeal to his audience to recognize that in such violence there is transcendence denied, human dignity violated and protection of the vulnerable ignored. “Each of us is a unique, irreplaceable soul enclosed in a fragile shell, he said, and then compared the system that crushes the eggs to a wall.”6 He contrasts the fragility of the human with the image of a wall emblematic of soulless systems that take on lives of their own when left untrammeled by silenced critical regard.

Murakami’s insights are imbued with Buddhist faith. He defines his sense of fictive narrative as the telling of “skillful lies.” He discerns his literary craft as the uncovering of a more essential truth. “I have only one

reason to write novels, and that is to bring the dignity of the individual soul to the surface and shine a light upon it.” One can readily see in this reflection the Buddhist concept of “skillful means” or hoben, which purpose it is to bring to light a more essential reality.

Conclusion

The principle of responsibility to protect is a UN recognized global norm. This norm would best be supported by an American re-evaluation of any unconditional positive regard for Israel that continues to be urged and supported by political action committees. Such a principle would not espouse any system, Palestinian or Israeli that would seek contention and conflict as viable means to settle dispute and discord.

When reason and transcendence are abandoned and the objective foundation of true values threatened, a critical threshold has been reached at which juncture there are no innocent bystanders. The Gaza conflict may well be the point at which silence in the face of aggression will encourage those forces that will inexorably lead our world into ever wider conflict. At this judicial moment, we must be aware of and respond to those voices of faith that remind us that what is truly threatened is nothing less that the loss of our fragile humanity.

(Endnotes)1 Steven Erlanger, “For Israel, Lessons from 2006, but Old Pitfalls,” New York Times January 7, 2009, p 1.

2 Ian MacKinnon, “Rabbi helps Palestinians to Harvest Their Olives in Safety,” The Daily Yomiuri-October 22, 2006, p. 6.

3 “On Gaza airstrikes” at www. un.org/ga/president/63/statements/ongaza271208.shtml. This UN Headquarters statement begins with the sentence: “The behavior by Israel in bombarding Gaza is simply the commission of wanton aggression by a very powerful state against a territory that it illegally occupies.”

4 See: Vatican Website for the 4-18-08, Pope Benedict XVI addressed to the 62nd session of the UN General Assembly on the 60th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights www.vatican.va/holy_father/benedict_xvi/speeches/2008/april/documents/hf_ben-xvi_spe_20080418_un-visit_en.html

5 “Jerusalem Prize” remarks Haruki Murakami 2009.

6 “The fragility of life is of paramount importance,” The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 9(IHT/Asahi: February 20, 2009. www.asahi.com/english/Herald-asahi/TKY200902200062.html

Fr. John T. Brinkman, MM, resides in Japan and is a historian of religionsPhoto: Virginia Paradinas

GAZA

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Remember the public’s reaction when the idea of setting up a special administrative zone for

the Muslim-dominated South was introduced five years ago? The proposal came from former PM Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh. And boy, how that was torn to shreds! The criticism stemmed partly from his image problem. The Establishment did not trust his political ambitions. The public was also weary of his patronising and vague talking style which barely hid his ulterior motive, which was to keep himself in the power game.But the deeper problem is the mainstream society’s ethnic prejudice and ultra nationalism, which make people immediately lump political decentralisation together with secessionism.

The political sensitivity is so fierce that even the highly popular former PM Anand Panyarachun, in his capacity as chair of the now-defunct National Reconciliation Commission, had to repeatedly stress that his peace commission’s special administrative zone proposal was not autonomy, but a form of power-sharing. No matter who said it or how it was phrased to make it appear more palatable to mainstream society, this alternative model always fell flat afterwards. Will PM Abhisit Vejjajiva make a difference this time around?

Gen Chavalit’s proposal followed the Krue Se massacre in 2004, to appease the southern Muslims’ hurt and fury. PM Abhisit’s proposal, though he is reluctant to call it a special administrative zone, comes after escalating violence following the Tak Bai verdict which frees the military from one of the country’s most severe state crimes against the southern Muslims.

A pregnant woman shot to death. A score of teachers killed. Soldiers ambushed. A farmer beheaded. Police stations, tea shops and mini-buses bombed. Indiscriminate killings at a mosque while people were praying. A monk shot to death during an alms round. Is this an-eye-for-an-eye revenge? Is it a step closer to secession? Or is it the work of local mafias and some bigwigs in uniform to perpetuate the atmosphere of violence in order to protect their

power turfs?

Or is it all of the above? No one knows. What we know for a certainty, however, is that no one is safe now in this seeming all-out war in the deep South.Let’s look at the feedback on Mr Abhisit’s proposal. The military has remained silent. Buddhist organisations have expressed opposition, claiming that it would eventually lead to secession.

Meanwhile, the new political party Matubhum, consisting of southern Muslim politicians, has welcomed the idea and urged the government to promptly pass the Democrat-sponsored bill to establish a special administrative body in the deep South. Wait a minute. What bill? Do people there know about this? Have they been consulted? Is this going to be the same old ball game of daddy-knows-best when talk about people’s participation is mere empty talk and a policy that crucially affects the locals’ livelihood remains in the politicians’ hands without heeding the voices of the locals?

The same goes for Mr Abhisit’s promise to pour development money into the far South to appease local frustrations. But will it? Does he realise how the so-called development projects in the past have destroyed the natural environment, the locals’ ways of life, and trust in the government? Has he asked what kind of development the locals want?

Actually, the local anxiety is rising amid talk about dams and other mega projects which will benefit only big business, construction godfathers and the local political elites.The deep South certainly needs a kind of self-government. But by whom, and how? Sharing a faith does not mean the southern Muslims have uniform needs. And if the special administrative zone is a miniature of top-down bureaucracy that favours the local elites’ vested interests, the new order will not lead to better human security and human rights protection for ordinary people.

Empowering civil society and fostering community rights will provide the balancing factors. Unfortunately, this element of democracy is sorely missing in the special administrative zone move because the powers-that-be, Buddhist or Muslim, do not listen to little people’s voices.

Sanitsuda Ekachai is Assistant Editor (Outlook) of the Bangkok Post. This article appeared in the June 18, 2009, issue of the Bangkok Post. Accessed at www.bangkokpost.com.

THAILAND

The South: Consult the Locals First By Sanitsuda Ekachai

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A friend of mine from the United States recently wrote me a letter where he stated that I should

persuade Darul Uloom Deoband to issue a fatwa to strengthen secular democracy which will help defeat communal forces. I wrote back to him telling him that I could do so but Darul Uloom has always actively supported secular democratic causes. Perhaps before my friend read my e-mail, Darul Uloom issued a fatwa that all Muslims should vote and should consider it their religious obligation.

The fatwa says, “A vote is as important as a testimony or witness in Islam, hence it must be correctly utilized. A vote must not be kept back and wasted.” The fatwa was issued in response to a question. The questioner wanted to know whether a Muslim could vote for a candidate who is a criminal and if Muslims should make their choice after testing the candidate or the party on the fundamentals of the Qur’an.

The Darul Ifta’ (the department in charge of issuing fatwa) said, “India is not an Islamic country but a secular democracy, hence it would be out of place to look at its politics through an Islamic perspective and test the parties and political leaders on the principles of Qur’an and Hadith. This would bring nothing but disturbance and confusion.” The fatwa, therefore, advised Muslims that “one should vote for the party and the leader who is better for Muslims and the country as well.” Other members of clergy from Lucknow and other places also supported the fatwa.

The Ulama from Lucknow supporting the fatwa appealed to Muslims and non-Muslims alike to vote on the polling day in large numbers. “It is our duty to vote. In a democracy, since we choose our own leaders, we can’t blame anyone else for the state of affairs,” said Maulana Khalid Rashid, a prominent Suuni ‘Alim. Similarly, prominent Shia ‘Alim Maulana Kalbe Sadiq also emphasized the importance of votes and said, “We must make the right choice instead of sitting back and lamenting on

the state of affairs. Casting a vote doesn’t take more than twenty minutes. This is all our system wants for us to deliver for the next five years. But we often do not realize the value of votes and let them go waste.”

Contrast this with some sectarian ulama in Islamic countries who keep on denouncing secularism as ungodly and participation in secular democracy as haram (prohibited) in Islam. In fact, even the founder of Jamat-e-Islami-Hind Maulana Maududi had advised Indian Muslims while departing for Pakistan in

1948, not to participate in secular democratic government and if they did, it would amount to raising a banner of revolt against Allah and His Messenger.

The Jamat-e-Islami thus kept aloof from all electoral offices for a long time but realized its mistake and has, ever since, come a long way and now actively works for promoting secular democratic values. Not only this: in the Lok

Sabha elections it supported Left Front candidates in Kerala. It is a great advance indeed and must be acknowledged.

Indian liberal climate does not indeed encourage religious extremism. Islam, though it has played a vital role in shaping Indian society and culture, never acquired extremist overtones with perhaps very few exceptions. Indian Muslims are deeply hued in Indian ethos and culture. Muslims, though quite large in number, always remained in a 10-25 per cent minority until partition and were reduced to a 10-15 per cent minority in post-independence India.

Unfortunately, our country was divided in 1947 and now in Pakistan religious extremism of a Taliban type is thriving and is acquiring ever increasing extremist overtones. Had India remained united, this perhaps might not have happened. Democracy in almost all countries is often reduced to majoritarianism and it is majoritarian arrogance which gives rise to religious extremism.

In other words, religious extremism flourishes in certain political conditions. In India Hindu

ISLAM IN DEMOCRACY by Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer

ISLAM IN DEMOCRACY

amanamagazine 13 Vol.3 Issue.2

extremism can mean real danger; in Pakistan, it is Islamic extremism which is a real danger. Pakistan is an Islamic country and a country where religion becomes part of governance. Therefore, there are greater chances of religious extremism thriving. In India, which is a secular state, religious extremism should have no place and yet majority religious extremism has found the opportunity to flourish.

Though secular forces are a countervailing force, it is unfortunate that our governance has failed to rise up to religious extremism. Elections, however, provide great opportunity to common people to assert themselves and contain extremist forces. Our country can be justly proud of the fact that we have a vibrant democracy and people have a chance to reject certain political forces encouraging religious extremism.

In Pakistan, too, whenever elections have taken place, religious extremists have been badly defeated. However, defeated in elections, these extremists resort to violent methods. Nonetheless, their defeat is important as election can give them legitimacy which they do not deserve. Defeated they must be.

The fatwa issued by the ulama of Darul Uloom acquires added significance. All, Muslims or non-Muslims, should actively participate in elections to defeat extremist forces or those encouraging extremism. Islam in India has thrived in a secular democratic atmosphere and has proved to the world that Islam is certainly not incompatible with secular democracy. And secular democracy is the only effective counter to religious or for that matter any kind of extremism.

Once in Malaysia I was invited to speak on Islam in India and one of the participants in my lecture asked how you can live, as a Muslim, in a secular democracy. Islam and secularism are quite incompatible. In reply I told him that Islam has better chances of manifesting its spirit in the secular atmosphere of India than even in an Islamic country where it often assumes extremist tones.

I also told him that our ulamas have always supported secular democracy. Not only that, many of them have taken part in elections and have been elected to Parliament. The best example is of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad who was a profound scholar of Islam. He actively participated in electoral processes and also became a minister in the cabinet. He actively opposed two-nation theory and supported secular nationalism.

Not only Maulana Azad, but a large number of ulama belonging to Darul Uloom Deoband also supported secular nationalism as against the concept of two nations. Maulana Husain Ahmed Madani, the then head of Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Hind, effectively refuted two nation theory profusely quoting from Qur’an and Hadith and Darul Uloom and Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-

Hind have stood up to this tradition firmly until today.

Thus it clearly shows that Islam is neither incompatible to secularism nor to democracy. And, what is interesting to note in India, no section of Muslims (all sects of Muslims and political opinions included) rejects secularism and secular democracy. This moderation is possible only in a secular democratic atmosphere. And let us note that India has the largest Muslim population after Indonesia.

Also, if certain traditions are firmly established a religion can remain moderate even when it represents the majority of the population. Turkey, for example, is a Muslim majority country and yet because of Kemalist secular traditions Islam remained a moderate force and Turkish Muslims have rejected religious extremism. In fact religious parties could not be elected there until recently.

And now when a religious party has been elected it has to adopt moderation for acceptability. Kemalist revolution went a long way in containing religious extremism in Turkey. Secular traditions are so strong (though not so for democracy) that a woman is not allowed to wear hijab in any public institution like Parliament or university or government offices. And yet the people of Turkey consider themselves good Muslims.

So it will be like putting the cart before the horse to argue that Islam is anti-modern or anti-democracy. It all depends in what political or socio-economic atmosphere it thrives. If there is already political authoritarianism in the country or traditional ulama firmly holding reins of power, Islam will be interpreted accordingly. Saudi Arabia is its best example.

Thus, Islam in Turkey and Islam in Saudi Arabia have found very different, nay, totally opposite polarities. In Turkey it is Kemalist ideology which shapes understanding of Islam whereas in Saudi Arabia it is purist and extremist Wahabi ideology which has given shape to Islam. Thus it is socio-political conditions which determine contours of religion, not otherwise.

In India it is secular democracy which shapes the contour of Islam in the contemporary period. Even during medieval times, Sufis adopted Islam to the Indian cultural milieu and those ulama who believed in Puritanism never succeeded despite their association with the ruling establishment. Thus we do not find extremist movements thriving in India at any period of time though Islam has flourished in India abundantly.

Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer is Chairman of AMAN and leads the Indian-based Institute of Islamic studies and the Centre of Study of Society and Secularism

ISLAM IN DEMOCRACY

14 amanamagazine

Reflections on the AMAN Peace Studies Course by Shanti Sattler

skills and their empathy skills. They learned from visiting professors that specialized in diverse topics such as human rights, conflict analysis and non-violent communication, as well as from each other. “I gained a lot from being able to ask the Pakistanis about their thoughts on the Mumbai bombings and see the reality versus the media’s portrayal of the situation in Thailand,” one student shared.

Following the course, students are expected to return to their home countries and implement the lessons that they learned through trainings and projects. Many discussed their plans to design modules for their colleagues and other young people that fit the contexts of their work. One man spoke enthusiastically about connecting with the lessons on non-violent communication and his plans to use this in future trainings where he works in Myanmar: “The challenge that I see after taking this course is how to take this knowledge beyond the staff at my organization to the people at the grassroots. I see non-violent communication work to be the key to this. I enjoyed the modules on NVC and I see that it achieves an important purpose.”

After three weeks of intense learning from the

course and from each other, the twenty-eight students are on a path to improve the work that they do to improve the communities in which they work. Perhaps one day some of these young professionals will sit at the negotiating table as the leaders of influential organizations working to resolve conflicts and inspire positive change around South- and Southeast Asia and the world.

Shanti Sattler works for the American Friends Service Committee and is based in Cambodia.

AMAN IN ACTION

“We don’t need an international tribunal! We have our own t rad i t iona l jus t i ce

system that has worked for many decades!” “But justice must be achieved through an international standard! And the International Criminal Court and United Nations are here to help,” the acting UN spokesperson replied as the debates continued. It was the morning coffee break during the last week of the AMAN peace studies course. I sat observing a group of students-turned UN officials, local authorities, rebel group leaders and mediators debate their positions as they worked to resolve an ongoing regional armed conflict in a role-play. Though we were in a conference room at Payap University in Chiang Mai, Thailand, it felt like we were at the negotiating table in the many conflict-ridden areas of the world.

The professors and students involved in the course discussed many societies in Asia and around the world that are working to resolve large and small-scale conflicts and achieve peace. While their debate performances could leave anyone fooled, the Muslim, Catholic, Buddhist, Hindu and Sanamahi students were actually people native to countries around the region who are actively working for peace in their communities.

The AMAN peace studies course aims to prepare a new generation of peace workers, peace educators and peace negotiators from many ethnic, religious and national backgrounds. I had the privilege of attending three days of the AMAN peace studies course to observe several lessons and talk with the diverse group of students about their work and the course as a part of the South East Asia Quaker International Affairs program of the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC). AFSC is a peace and social justice organization that sponsored several of the students from Indonesia and Myanmar. From discussions with the students and observations of the lessons I learned that throughout the course many perspectives were widened, extensive knowledge of peacebuilding and conflict transformation was accrued, friendships were built and networks were expanded. Together, the students practiced and honed their debate skills, but also their networking

amanamagazine 15 Vol.3 Issue.2

Amana Online

Find more news and detailed information on the Amana website (www.arf-asia.org/amana) or contact a staff member at amana@arf-asia.org

With news, features and analysis from across Asia, Amana news online offers fresh perspectives on peace, interfaith and other positive initiatives taking place in Muslim and other communities.

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Events in AMANFaith and Community Dialogue.April 3 - 25, 2009 in the United States of AmericaOrganized by the Indiana Center for Cultural Exchange and the US State Department.

Thai Muslim Positive Network MeetingMay 9 - 10, 2009 in Bangkok, ThailandOrganized by AMAN

Asian Muslim Women Peace Network Consultation WorkshopMay 24 - 27, 2009 in Bogor, IndonesiaOrganized by AMAN and AMAN Indonesia

Muslim Positive Leadership TrainingMay 11 - 14, 2009 in Bangkok, ThailandOrganized by AMAN

16 amanamagazine

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