vol_13_no_12

16
J:: Bentley Historical Library 1150 Beal Avenue tvt 48109-2113 DPS Blackballs Former Student BY DEAN BAKOPOULOS as the state's witness in the case . It appeared that the matter was settled, T HE DEPARTMENT OF and Schroeder had helped the DPS Public Safety (DPS), the Uni- recover over $100,000 worth of equip- versity of Michigan's police ment. The thieves, however , put one force, has been a subject of scrutiny as of the stolen hard drives on oflate, most notably in its handling of Schroeder's system . Schroeder the Jake Baker case. But one must did not know of this action, but wonder how many more students have the DPS soon did. When it iu - had problems with the DPS, a depart- formed Schroeder that he had ment that often is criticized for poor U-M equipment in his posses- investigative procedures and policies sion, Schroeder brought his hani that often border on unconstitutional disk to the DPS and allowed it to infringements on individual rights . retrieve the stolen hard drive. One former student and Univers ity About 11 m onths la te r, employee, David Alan Schroeder, Schroeder, who singl e-handedly knows all too well the problems that helped the DPS I'ecover the stn- can arise when the DPS is on the case. len goods, was pulled over in warned Cappuccio not to break into the system. But Cappuccio could not be stopped; he hacked his way into the U-M's system without Schroeder's knowledge. Schroeder, 21, was employed in Sterling Heightsior a traffic vio- "n-" ___ -'-"--"" " ","Wi"-' _____ -""'-- ..... , various positions throughout stay lation. He was dumbfounded at the University, most recently at when theofficerinJonnedhim that he the University Hospitals and the was being sought on a DPSwarrant School of Education , But when for theft. The DPS nev er informed Schroeder unwittingly became iu- Schroeder of the wan'UnL 'The stunned valved in two questionable . compuC '1, , to plead llo mutest ing actions, his life became an ongo.- to the charge to avoid legal fees. ing struggle to prove his innocence to He was sentenced to a $250 fine and the obstinate DPS and administra- 72 hours of (..'ommunity service; his tive officials, who last November record was cleared six months later. banned him from campus under the 'The matter WIU! seemingly behind Michigan Trespass Statute . him, and Schroeder received positions Schroeder's troubles began in at the University Hospitals and at the January of 1993, when, while intern- School of Education. His job at the ing at a firm in Minnesota, School of Education was to set up he discovered three U- M stu- several computing systems . In order dents, acquaintances of Schroeder, to do this, Schroeder decided to issue had stolen over $100,000 worth of an ol.ltside account to someone who computing equipment from the Uni- could help him set up the systems versity . Upon his return home, faster and more efficiently. He re- Schroeder visited his friends, and dis- ceived permission from a supervisor covered that they indeed possessed a and two U-M officials to grant the good deal of stolen equipment. One of outside account to Chris Cappuccio, a them asked Schroeder to lend him an 14 year-old computer whiz. external hard drive accessory in or- Unfortunately, Cappuccio was der to test BOme of the stolen property. also a computer menace who had made Schroeder hesitantly agreed. a habit of hacking in the past . Al- Upon further reflection, though Cappuccio was a definite as- Schroeder asked for his equipment set in setting up the systems, back and promptly filed a report with Schroeder decided to remove him from the DPS. He signed the warrants for the computing system at the U-M's the thieves' arrest and agreed to serve req uest. Schroeder specifically Welcome to Big Dude's Police State. On November 17, 1994, Schroeder WIU! to a meeting with Jeff Ogden, viCe-president of Merit Com- puter Network, and three other School of Education officials. They infonned: , Schroeder that capp uccio had 'his Way into the system and. that the: had reason to believe that Schroeder was conspiring with Cappuccio. One School of Education official had come to this conclusion after breaking into and reading Schroeder's personal e- mail account. Schroeder was immedi- ately dismissed from his position, but the worst was yet to come: the DPS became involved. 'The next day proved to be horren- dous for Schroeder. Before his dis- missal, Schroeder took computer equipment home with him for work purposes, but the DPS accused him of possessing stolen University property. Even though Schroeder's colleagues and supervisors adamantly stated that the equipment was not stolen, the DPS insisted that the equipment was signed out incorrectly. Schroeder returned the equipment, and the matter seemed to settle. Later, Schroeder WIU! at his job at the University Hospital when the DPS informed his supervisor that Schroeder was a threat to the Univer- sity and was banned from U-M prop- erty. Schroeder was forced to resign. 'The DPS had concluded that the flrst "arrest" in 1993, the Cappuccio inci- dent, and the "stolen" School of Edu- cation equipment constituted a suffi- cient reason to ban Schroeder from the University. The DPS even drove to Schroeder's permanent address in Whitmore Lake . Schroeder allowed the officers to enter his home, partly because he had nothing to hide , and partly because ofthe officers' intimi- dating remarks. 'The DPS officers had no search Wa.ITa1lt, but once Schroeder granted them entry, they searched the premises, this tUne confiscating some of his own cOmputing equip- ment, equipment that Schroeder has not gotten back. No hearing was held the incident, and the DPS .st:illdemands that Schroeder stay off UnI versity property. ut Scbroeder'.a main proble T'l is , n ot the fact that he is banned from UniverSity property, mstead, it is the fact that the DPS, through a series of misunderstandings and misguided conclusions, effectively has black- balled him in Ann Arbor. His exten- sive experience will not help him get ajob ; the DPS has labeled him a thief and ,a liar. This is the same student who worked with the federal authori- ties in tracking down hackers and set up an e-mail pager network for the University, furnishing U-M President James Duderstadt with an e-mail pager. His appeals to Duderstadt's office have gone unanswered. Neither the DPS nor Duderstadt's office would comment. Thus, one can only speculate as to what the U-M's side to this matter might be . One thing does seem certain, however: the questionable actions of the DPS and the closed ears of the administration may signiflcantly have altered the career of a bright young student. Mt 3 Quietly Flows the Dean 4 From Suite One 5 Electric snapPlel Acid Test 18 Interview: I Walter Williams 12 Living Culture Despite what studies may The Department of Publiq';(; , Oblivious to the finer The economist and syndi- Check out the Reviews conclude, a higher per Safety's power has grown aspects of culture, Ameri- cated columnist discusses new and improved arts capita consumption of beer increasingly dangerous., cans simply want more secession, the free market, section, featuring film, would benefit Ann Arbor. sleaze. and jumping horses. books and music . . .' .. .... " ...... .. , .. ...... "., .. •.. .. ... .. "'".,." .. _,· ..... ... ..... .... "".,, _ _ __ ... ........ .. ... . ........ , .. i5V "",. ... _1( , ....... ... ............ __________ ,..:.

description

vol_13_no_12

Transcript of vol_13_no_12

J::

Bentley Historical Library 1150 Beal Avenue

tvt 48109-2113

DPS Blackballs Former Student BY DEAN BAKOPOULOS as the state's witness in the case. It

appeared that the matter was settled,

T HE DEPARTMENT OF and Schroeder had helped the DPS Public Safety (DPS), the Uni- recover over $100,000 worth of equip-versity of Michigan's police ment. The thieves, however, put one

force, has been a subject of scrutiny as of the stolen hard drives on oflate, most notably in its handling of Schroeder's system. Schroeder the Jake Baker case. But one must did not know of this action, but wonder how many more students have the DPS soon did. When it iu-had problems with the DPS, a depart- formed Schroeder that he had ment that often is criticized for poor U-M equipment in his posses-investigative procedures and policies sion, Schroeder brought his hani that often border on unconstitutional disk to the DPS and allowed it to infringements on individual rights . retrieve the stolen hard drive. One former student and University About 11 month s la ter, employee, David Alan Schroeder, Schroeder, who single-handedly knows all too well the problems that helped the DPS I'ecover the stn-can arise when the DPS is on the case. len goods , was pulled over in

warned Cappuccio not to break into the system. But Cappuccio could not be stopped; he hacked his way into the U-M's system without Schroeder's knowledge.

Schroeder, 21, was employed in Sterling Heightsior a traffic vio-"n-" ___ -'-"--""" ","Wi"-' .=...._~ _____ -""'--.....,

various positions throughout hb~ stay lation. He was dumbfounded at the University, most recently at when theofficerinJonnedhim that he the University Hospitals and the was being sought on a DPSwarrant School of Education, But when for theft. The DPS never informed Schroeder unwittingly became iu- Schroeder of the wan'UnL 'The stunned valved in two questionable .compuC'1, , ,~e1"'decided to plead llo mutest ing actions, his life became an ongo.- to the charge to avoid tb.~ legal fees. ing struggle to prove his innocence to He was sentenced to a $250 fine and the obstinate DPS and administra- 72 hours of (..'ommunity service; his tive officials, who last November record was cleared six months later. banned him from campus under the 'The matter WIU! seemingly behind Michigan Trespass Statute. him, and Schroeder received positions

Schroeder's troubles began in at the University Hospitals and at the January of 1993, when, while intern- School of Education. His job at the ing at a mmpu~ firm in Minnesota, School of Education was to set up he discovered th~t three U- M stu- several computing systems. In order dents, acquaintances of Schroeder, to do this, Schroeder decided to issue had stolen over $100,000 worth of an ol.ltside account to someone who computing equipment from the Uni- could help him set up the systems versity. Upon his return home, faster and more efficiently. He re-Schroeder visited his friends, and dis- ceived permission from a supervisor covered that they indeed possessed a and two U-M officials to grant the good deal of stolen equipment. One of outside account to Chris Cappuccio, a them asked Schroeder to lend him an 14 year-old computer whiz. external hard drive accessory in or- Unfortunately, Cappuccio was der to test BOme of the stolen property. also a computer menace who had made Schroeder hesitantly agreed. a habit of hacking in the past. Al-

Upon further reflection, though Cappuccio was a definite as-Schroeder asked for his equipment set in setting up the systems, back and promptly filed a report with Schroeder decided to remove him from the DPS. He signed the warrants for the computing system at the U-M's the thieves' arrest and agreed to serve req uest. Schroeder specifically

Welcome to Big Dude's Police State.

On November 17, 1994, Schroeder WIU! sumtn~med to a meeting with Jeff Ogden, viCe-president of Merit Com­puter Network, and three other School of Education officials. They infonned: , Schroeder that cappuccio had ha~ 'his Way into the system and. that the: had reason to believe that Schroeder was conspiring with Cappuccio. One School of Education official had come to this conclusion after breaking into and reading Schroeder's personal e­mail account. Schroeder was immedi­ately dismissed from his position, but the worst was yet to come: the DPS became involved.

'The next day proved to be horren­dous for Schroeder. Before his dis­missal, Schroeder took computer equipment home with him for work purposes, but the DPS accused him of possessing stolen University property. Even though Schroeder's colleagues and supervisors adamantly stated that the equipment was not stolen, the DPS insisted that the equipment was signed out incorrectly. Schroeder returned the equipment, and the matter seemed to settle.

Later, Schroeder WIU! at his job at the University Hospital when the DPS

informed his supervisor that Schroeder was a threat to the Univer­sity and was banned from U-M prop­erty. Schroeder was forced to resign. 'The DPS had concluded that the flrst "arrest" in 1993, the Cappuccio inci­dent, and the "stolen" School of Edu­cation equipment constituted a suffi­cient reason to ban Schroeder from the University. The DPS even drove to Schroeder's permanent address in Whitmore Lake. Schroeder allowed the officers to enter his home, partly because he had nothing to hide, and partly because ofthe officers' intimi­dating remarks. 'The DPS officers had no search Wa.ITa1lt, but once Schroeder granted them entry, they searched the premises, this tUne confiscating some of his own cOmputing equip­ment, equipment that Schroeder has not gotten back. No hearing was held ~g the incident, and the DPS . st:illdemands that Schroeder stay off UnIversity property.

u t Scbroeder'.a main probleT'l is , not the fact that he is banned from UniverSity property, mstead, it is the fact that the DPS, through a series of misunderstandings and misguided conclusions, effectively has black­balled him in Ann Arbor. His exten­sive experience will not help him get ajob; the DPS has labeled him a thief and ,a liar. This is the same student who worked with the federal authori­ties in tracking down hackers and set up an e-mail pager network for the University, furnishing U-M President James Duderstadt with an e-mail pager. His appeals to Duderstadt's office have gone unanswered.

Neither the DPS nor Duderstadt's office would comment. Thus, one can only speculate as to what the U-M's side to this matter might be. One thing does seem certain, however: the questionable actions of the DPS and the closed ears of the administration may signiflcantly have altered the career of a bright young student. Mt

3 Quietly Flows the Dean

4 From Suite One

5 Electric snapPlel Acid Test

18 Interview: I Walter Williams

12 Living Culture

Despite what studies may The Department of Publiq ';(; , Oblivious to the finer The economist and syndi- Check out the Reviews conclude, a higher per Safety's power has grown aspects of culture, Ameri- cated columnist discusses new and improved arts capita consumption of beer increasingly dangerous., cans simply want more secession, the free market, section, featuring film, would benefit Ann Arbor. sleaze. and jumping horses. books and music .

. '~

.'

.. :.:.', ~:. ,

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2 THE MIClflGAN REVIEW March 15, 1995

~'. ;.'

o SERPENT'S TOOT

Rodney Dangerfield will be honored for creative achievement in the An­nual American Comedy Awards . Seems that "No respect" bit, Easy Money, and Ladybugs were pretty close to genius after all.

Speaking of creative excellence, Heavyweights f another offering from the mental giants at Disney films, is now in theaters. It is a story in which a Gramm-Limbaugh presidential ticket loses in 1996 and goes to fat camp to regain their self-esteem.

The People's Choice winners for best actor and actress were Tom Hanks in FOTTe8t Gump and Jodie Foster in Nell . To keep consistent with the heralding of the backwoods simple­tons, favorite politician honors went to President Clinton.

NASA has opened itself to the Internet, and it is now possible to send e-mail tn astronauts on the space

shuttle. In a related story, the Code's 30 mile radius clause will now be expanded to 30,000 miles.

Babelrom publishers recently released Hotf Spanish for Guys and Girls, a book that supposedly gives non--Span­ish speaking folk a way to converse with Latinos and Latinaslooking for love. In other news, AI Gore took a sudden "diplomatic" trip to Mexico with an unidentified book in his hand.

Some of the nation's schoolchildren appeared at a congressional lobbyist luncheon on Capitol Hill last week. Seems it was the only cafeteria in the country still giving out free lunches.

In the April issue of Vanity Fair, Shirley MacClaine says that Frank Sinatra called Ronald Reagan a "stu­pid bore." Sources also indicate that Reagan called'MacClaine somethin,g that rhymes with bore.

Senate Republicans are fuming at Oregon Senator Mark Hatfield for voting against the Balanced Budget Amendment. That ruthless bastard actually voted for what he believed was right, instead of playing partisan politics. Can you believe the nerve of some people?

Speaking of nerve, an RC senior re­cently mocked the Review in another attack on the Daily's editorial page. Sheri Trudeau called the Review a place "where every week literate indi­viduals who should know better proudly flash their cluelessness like an Amex platinum card." Serpent's Tooth resents this untrue assertion. We come out every two weeks.

.i MSA president Julie Neenan refused to hear debate on two resolutions last week and outraged MSA members . Didn't they teach you parliamentary procedure at Leadership 2017, Julie?

THE MICHI(,AN REVIEW

The CampOS Affairs Journal of the University of Michigan "Give Freedom a Chance:

EDfTOR-lN-CHIEF: Ja/ll8l A. Roberta, II • PUBUSHER: Eric Larson MANAGING EDITOR: Greg Parker FEATURES EDITOR: Dean Bakopoulos

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EDITOR-A T -LARGE: Nate Jamison EDITOR EMERITA: Tracy RobinlOn PUBLISHER EMERITUS: Aaron Steelman

The Mchigan Review is an Independent, Heekly slu­dent run journal <i classical liberal and libertarian opinion atlhe University <i Mehigan. We neithef s<ti IlOI' ~ rrooetaIy donations from lhe University 01 Michigan, and have no respect for anyone that does. Contributions 10 !he Mchigan Review are tax-<leduclable under Section 501 (c)(3) 01 the Intemal Revenue Code. We have no respect for the IRS or any oIher government agency. We also have no respect for groups that hold "democratic" eleclions and then gladly suck up mandatory student lees. We do, however, think Fraggie Rock was a fine sOON, despite iI$ portrayal 01 leftist values. The Review is noI affiliated wkh , any palltical party Of unIVersity poiiilcalgroup.

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10. Professors in Speedos.

9. There's a giant racoon at your window and he won't take no for an answer.

8. Amer's dumps coffee menu; now selld only ice beer.

7. Bell Tower Lady playing old Van Halen tunes.

6. Angell Hall construction crew danc­ing around eating Kit Kats.

5. Duderstadt issues by-law 2.01: Be young, have ftm, drink Pepsi.

4. You saw a sorority gi.rlsmile! You really did!

3. Even the squirrels are wearing Birkenstocks.

2. Your T.A announces he will hence­forth be called "Flower."

1. Code amendment passed: Alcohol policy, schmalcoholsch.molicy.

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Jake Baker Watch:

L ___ .!1.!.N~1~,.u!!V=~, ~i!:. C:~ ~..; ~ :1:-!l65 ____ .I L.,.! ______________ .....l

On Friday, March 10, Jake Baker was released on a $10,000 personal recog­nizance bond. A court sponsered psy­chological evaluation of Baker evi­dently did not perceive him as a threat to society. Baker cannot attend Uni­versity classes, as his suspension is pending. In addition, he is not al­lowed to upload any information onto the internet At this time, there is still a question whether Baker's case will actually go to trial. Ml

_ • . ,. ___ '_' __ T ..... ~ •• " .;.-_:~_~..........- ......... -;" .... "N' ....... _.' ___ • .__~·~:, __ • _ ... "'_ •• ;...,.,~_;._ • .:.v"'~" ~_""' ............... 'U..,. .... > ___ ......... _ ..... _ ,,_ .... _ .. _.... __ ... _ · __ • ... ·_.~ __ .-.- ; <

March 15, 1995 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW 3

o QUIETLY FLOWS THE DEAN

A Modest Proposal: Cava Brew BY DEAN BAKOPOULOS

COFFEE: THE ROOT OF ALL evil. Well, at least indirectly it is. After careful obserlations,

I have concluded that most students emotional problems, stress, boredom, depression, and fatigue, are the re­sult of Ann Arbor's booming coffee shop industry. The caffeine consum­ers and herbal tea sippers are ram­pant on this campus, and this wide­spread plague, which I call the Coffee House Syndrome, is taking its toll on the student population. People are meaner, grimmer, and more de­pressed; and not coincidentally, they usually have a reusable hot beverage mug tied to their backpacks. There­fore, I submit a modest proposal, one that I believe will greatly improve the emotional environment of the U-M campus, and perhaps the entire Ann Arbor area. I propose that all area coffee shops become Beer Shops.

You sro.ff at me, rm certain. But why? Consider the coffee shop scene as it stands now. It is a festival of drudgery. There is stress and depres­sion lingering in the air like smoke from a Turkish cigarette, and it is because, in coffee shope, when one hears the soft jazz playing and smells the scent of coffee beans, one turns into an intellectually melancholy p0-

etic mess. Life seems to be filled with unsolvable enigmas, the air seems to be weighed down with the heft of grayness and dampness. And consid­ering that coffee shops are the place where most Ann Arborites, univer­sity folk, and students hang out, it seems to me only logical that coffee shops realize their importance in maintaining the emotional and intel­lectual well-being of the community. They must be different than bars, clubs, and parties; but they must change and they must aerie beer. Let us consider the com~eshop and its effects on various members of the university community; then let us reflect upon how these effects would change if Cava Java became Cava Brew ski.

In one corner sits an overworked TA sipping a double cap, holding of­fice houn no one will come to. She is alone, bored, stressed; strung out on caffeine and coffee beans that burn holes in her stomach. Her hands shake and her eyes squint as she reads Diderot. It's a sad, wrenching sight. Now picture her office hOW'S in a beer shop: She sits sipping a Killian's Red,

Dean BaJcopoulo6 is features editor of the Review. He'$ only kiddi118 about this beer thing. At lea6t we thinA 80.

a soft. buzz relaxing her mind as she chats casually about Rousseau, with an eager student who is on his third microbrew. It is a soft. scene, an en­chanting scene, a student is actually learning, the stress melts away, and both TA and student alike smile and order another. What happens next is left. to the gods.

In another corner of the coffee shop dwells a suffering poet, who sits writing sap-laden poetry about col­lectivism and flowers. He cannot get published. Why? Because the timid atmosphere and hippie remnants of the coffeehouse crowd are engraved in his mind. Take away his mocha and hand him a Guiness, and watch him tackle the real issues, watch him tackle love and pain and death and blood. Feel the emotion pour on to the pages, as if he has cut a vein and is spilling forth on the paper. See his poetry sell, striking the chorda of those who read it. See)1!m throw a chair. See him rip the pay phone from the .. wall. See him pass out on the floor. Yes, the coffee houBe seene would be different, but the stones I The artl

Near the window sits a group of graduate students discussing Sarte. 'lb.ey sip e~ and .8uck impQrted smokes like straws, laughing gently and meekly, nodding their heads to one another. They sit cross-legged, they keep their scarves on, they won­der if they exist. They are boring and phony and repulsive. But let them have a few Canadians, some Labatts or some Molsons and watch them throw Sarte on the floor. Watch them feel the passion of Lowry and Faulkner and Dostoyevsky. Watch them let their intellectual facades slip, and watch them scream and weep and laugh over life, not theories. Watch them embrace after the first round, kiss after the second, sing after the third, engage in fisticuffs after the fourth. Oh the spirit of it all!

Yes indeed, beer shops could re­ally improve the atmosphere around here. The townies at Shaman Drum,

Miller and some buffalo wings. Turn off the oppressed folksinger and the worldbeat, and listen to the tunes of Seger, Springsteen and Zevon, the

old blue collar songs, the songs that make you want to sing, the songs of the American landscape I Wisk the cappucino from the young socialist and hand him the ale of the prole­tariat!

It's beer that will save us fiiends! It's beer, the drink of the free man. The drink of the man who is at ease with his world, who needs no caffeine

to keep him running, but runs on the sheer fullness and happiness of his existence. He does not hide in corners of the cafe, amid a sea oftable-for­ones, but instead he pulls up a chair and they embrace and they sing. The thinking spots of the rest of the world have long been beer-aervers, and thus the artistic, intellectual and cultural climate of our country lags behind. Marx wrote in British and German pubs, Dostoyevsky grabbed an ale in St. Petersburg taverns, Diderot must have sucked down a few drafts in a cafe in Paris, Roethke must have swilled a Lowenbrau in a corner bar. The great minds of the rest of the world flowed as freely as the taps; but alas, we Americans, we intellectuals, sequester ourselves in the hushed gloom of quaint coffeeshops. Thus, we sit alone with our novels and note­books, depressed, stifled, nerlous and tense, taking in steamy sweet liquid, disillusioned with a society that fa­vors coffee-swilling solitude and pensivity over ale swigging camara­derie and conversation. We need to open our minds and think; open our mouths and drink! Ml.

in their Birkenstocks and khakis, could stop the sham of being intellec­tual literati; they could stop eating wine and cheese at their stuffy little readings and they could begin to live. Give them a watery domestic and a cheeseburger. Take the bored soror­ity girls who crowd coffee shops wor­rying about how big their thighs are • or what dress they'll wear to the for­mal and buy them pitchers of Bud Ice. Allow them to laugh a little, relax a bit, show them life exists outside of New York. Reach out to the aging hippies, take their herbal teas and sprout sandwiches and give them a

'5 Main Bookstore: 549 East University Art/Engineering Store and Electronics Showroom: 1117 South University Phone: 313-662-3201 Monday-Friday 9 :00-6 :00 Saturday 9:30-5:00 Sunday Noon to 4:00

l

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4 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW March 15, 1995

o FROM SUITE ONE

End Totalitarian nPs

T HE DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC SAFETY (DPS) IS PERHAPS President James Duderstadt's most deadly injection of totalitarianism into the campus of the University of Michigan. The administration's

political agenda aside, it created the DPS to help reduce crime on the U-M environs with decreased reaction time and direct accountability to the administration. But instead of creating a smaU.lightly armed, pseudo-private security force with campus jurisdiction, the University has crossed the line of empowerment and created a fully armed, mobile, fully-deputized police department with state-wide jurisdiction. Such a scenario places the civil liberties of students in jeopardy, as several recent incidents indicate.

It is only logical to employ a security furce to protect one's private possessions; perhaps the U-M iajustified on this oount. Evidently, the U-M did not think the Ann Arbor Police Department was living up to the task of preserving law and order in the University oommunity. Furthermore, it makes sense that the U-M is striving to eliminate persistent campus problems like sexual assault, burglary, physical assault, and battery.

Instead of protecting law and order, the DPS, under Duderstadt's regime, closely reeembies the bumbling Keystone Cops. The oonsequences are certainly not humorous, for these oops excel at violating civilliherties. It is necessary to indicate, howewr, that it is not 80 much the individual actions ofDPS officers themselves that are aubject to scrutiny. After aU. DPS officers do what they are told to do. As the DPS is largely a mechanism of administrative oontrol, the real issue ooncems the administration and its misuse ofDPS.

o COMMENTARY

\-\£':. CCtU:E.RNEO i\-\~\ ilw.£ M~~ PW:U:

ON ~~\TOI. ~1L.1.. p,\O:E GOI~ 11:) CIlT oFF HI'=> ~ welf"'lC$O\r:C't(.~

Abolish NEA's Statist Art '!he administration has shown time and time agll.in that it cannot act;

responsibly, nor can it respect the rights of studenbJ at the University. It is fOr this reason alone that has resulted in an overpowering DPS. Recent cases only reinforce this assertion. Jake Baker was removed froDi: campus by the DPS because be was a "threat" to the U-M. The DPS paid a visit to David Schroeder in his hometown of Whitmore Lake (allowed by the beloved Code), which is nearly 15 miles away and an entirely eeparate community from :Ann"A1.'bor;. 'lhe ofticera oemS_ted 1OJD.'t:U cOlD.puterequipment seen as a "threat" to the University. Who decided .? Not a oourt oflaw; the U-M administration does . not recognize due process. It was simply the decision of a half-baked kangaroo court of University offidals, with President Duderstadt presiding, in accordance to Regents' Bylaw 2.01, as judge, jury and jailer.

F ROM ITS INCEPTION IN 1965, THE NATIONAL ENDOWMENT for the Arts (NEA) has given money to artists and writers so that these people may perpetuate their respective ~. Oscar Hijueloa, Pulitzer

Prize winner for The Mambo Kirw6 Play &"1/6 of~. and Rita Dove, the US . poet laUreate, are among thosewhohave1benefi.ted frOm the NEA's individual

grants, grants that will account for $167.4 million in the 1995 fiscal year. Regardless of such beneficiaries like Hijuel08 and Dove, the NEA must go.

Regents' Bylaw 2.01 is yet another justification to dissolve the DPS. The idea of an armed police force parading around its jurisdiction in full..-eize autos, responsible to Duderetadt, resembles the scenario in 1984. But this is reality at the University. Regents' Bylaw 2.01 grants Duderstadt the power to uphold "health, diligehce and order" in the University oommunity. As if "health, diligenoe and onter" is not ambiguous and easily warped enough, 2.01 empowers Duderstadt the right to use the DPS to attain this goal. It is true: Regents' Bylaw 2.01 was cited in the Baker case as justification of Bakers removal from campus by the DPS.

Basically, what this all amounts to is a police state, ultimately controlled by Duderstadt. Regents' Bylaw 2.01 justifies his actions, and the DPS is the means to his end. After all, one does not argue at the wrong end of a gun.

Statistical evidence may point out that crimes have decreased under DPS role. But it should-not follow logically that the DPSis the sole reason, nor the only possible mechanism, for lower crime. A private security force, working in close relation to the Ann Arbor Police Department, might have a simiJar effect on crime. Perhaps the administration could pursue a better relationship with the city police department. Or maybe the U-M should simply increase other safety features on campus, such as additional lighting and more emergency phones. In any event, the DPS is not solely responsible ,for any lower crime rate; if anything, a cost-benefit analysis of the DPS might point to other solutions, simHar to those listed above.

The DPS. along with the current U-M administration, the Code and Regents' Bylaw 2.01, offer the U-M the potential to become the next Kent State. 'The key is potential. While the DPS may never, ever again violate a civil liberty, and while the administration may never, ever again act in bad judgment, the • fact of the matter is that humans are not perfect and totalitarian dictatorships rarely act in benevolence. With the power of the administration, as enacted through the DPS, the error might not simply be an incorrect parking violation. It might involve ten students on their way to the emergency room after a "peaceful" protest the administration "thought" got out of hand. It might be a student blinded after a wrongful tear gas dispersion. To avoid such occurrences, the U-M should end the powerful role that the DPS plays on campus. Ml.

The NEA clearly undermines the principles of the free market. If any merchant or tradesman has trouble selling his product, the federal government does not intervene and support the entrepreneur. Similarly, the government has no business supporting artists and writers; artists and writers must find work. that allows them to earn livings. Thus, the best artists; those who win private grants and who sell their works, will, as the principles of a free market dictate, continue to produce art. Similarly, the lesser-talented artists will fall into obscurity and be forced to find a new trade.

'!he idea of governmental intervention in the arts seems contradictory to the very nature of art. For centuries, art has celebrated the individual and the concept of freedom. Governmental funding of the arts indirectly gives government control of what art will be successful, or at least what art society will notice. 'Ihis allows the government to play favorites, choosing which artists it will assist and which artists will struggle. In short, this is a direct form of censorship. Imagine what oppressed poets and artists, like those within the old Iron Curtain, would have thought of accepting governmental funding for the arts. Even those on the American left, the political base that fostered some intensely beautiful protest art and literature, should raise an eyebrow at the government's role in the arts. Art and literature always have been powerful tools against corrupt governments; they make strange bedfellows to say the least.

Yet, it is imperative that art and literature remain integral parts of the American landscape. If the NEA can act as a private organization, or if other organizations can assist artists, this would be an ideal solution. It is abundantly clear, however, that the government has meddled in the arts for the last 30 years, creating a largely politically-motivated and bureaucratic org8!li.zation that supports artists, many with questionable talent. In the interest of freedom and artistic integrity, the government should allow the American arts to exist as they did for the 200 years before the NEA's creation: independently and naturally.

. Finally, it is acknowledged that the marketplace for serious art and literature is slim, and surviving solely as an artist is nearly impossible. But this is not because the government is not helping. Frankly, it is because much of American society is culturally bankrupt. The hard road the serious artist faces is a direct result of the American public's growing fascination with trite, cliched and meaningless entertainment. '!hat is a problem no amount of government funding will fix. Ml. -Dean Bakopoulos

,.,- .. -~ .. ,.,.~,---~-..,..---..... ---------------------

March 15, 1995 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW 5

o THE ELECTRIC SNAPPLE ACID TEST

Sleaze, Sleaze, I<Must Have SLEAZE! BY GREG PARKER

I HATE TO ADMIT IT, BUT I love talk shows. Not Donahue or Oprah. I mean the real talk shows.

The trashy ones. I mean Jenny Jones, Rikki Lake, Geraldo and Jerry Springer. I mean Montel Williams. I mean the talk shows with "Grandma's Sleeping with My Son" and "Beastiality: A Rural Regularity" as themes. I mean sleaze. I need sleaze.

I watch talk shows regularly. rm addicted. I am fascinated with the fact that people who want to appear on these shows actually exist. Talk show guests must be masochists -why else would they open themselves to such levels of self -degradation?

My personal favorites are the guests that are so obviously wrong, yet continue to defend themselves. A oortain Montel Wi1liarn.a Show comes to mind. The topic had to do with "My Ex Won't Return My Stuff." The guests consisted of grown men and women that, for some reason or an­other, were so attached to their ex­loved one's possessions that they sim­ply would not give them back. One girl had her ex-boyfriend's varsity letter jacket with a graduation date of "1988" on it. One guy had his ex­girlfriend's coin collection.

Of course, Montel wanted to be fair, 80 he brought out on stage all the parties involved. The dialogue went something like this: Girl who wanted coins bac": "Why don't you just give me my coins back.." Guy with coins: "Wp.y should I?" Girl who wanted coW bad: "Bemuse they're mine. They were mine before we dated, and they're mine now." Guy with. coins: "So." Girl who wanted coins bac": "So they're mine. So is the VCR; I also want my clothes back." Guy with. cow, etc.: "No." Girl who wants coins, etc., hac": "What do you want with my clothes, any­way? What, do you wear them? (audi­ence in uproar) Guy with. coins, etc.: "Ub, rm not giv­ing the stuff back.. "

Montel proceeded to prove that the coins were not worth more than five dollars. But the guy wasn't inter­ested in the monetary value of the coins. He just had to hang on to some piece ofhis ex-girlfriend. After some careful mediation by Montel, the guy finally agreed to give his ex­girlfriend's stuffback..

'!he above passage isn't especially

Greg Parker i8 IIOphomoric in econom­ics and i8 man.agi'Vl editor of the Re­view.

sleazy or trashy. It is very, very stu­pid, however. Rarely have I seen such exhibitions of adolescent behavior by adults. What disturbs me even more is the fad that this couple had to go on national 'IV, on the Montel Williams Show, to solve its problem. 'That's scary. So what we have, in a nutshell, is syndicated talk shows replacing the court of law in some aspects of American culture.

Did I mention that all of the aforementioned talk show hosts are professional psy­chologists? Perhaps the great;.. est example of this amateur

from his admirer. '!be man didn't take too kindly to this either, and he shot and killed his admirer.

I don't think that the show is responsible for the murder; both men volunteered to be on the show. And

practicing occurred on the ;IJ~!l!lh.w) 1n!' ''lI111~m!:::, .. ~~2SL!::;" ""'. ~~. ffIJ ,.., C~ Jenny Jones Show a few weeks . ~ :::II ~ • iii'

It th "MT t , ~ ( ago. was e y. een ~..Y'~":: ~ -;"3 "itiiiiI!!!!! Daughter Dresses Like a - Next on Gersldo: "Sadist Bestial Relationshi " Whore" or "My Teen Daugh- Ps ter Dresses Like a Punk Rocker" show. Basically, in either case, the recon­ciliation would be to convince the daughter that, ,yes, she does dress like a whoreipunker, and a makEr- ~ over is in order. Some of the girls actually agreed to the makeovers.

After the makeover, each guest was escorted back on stage, amid a montage ofbefore and after shots. All of them - every single one - hated their new looks. But what was Jenny Jones saying? "Oh, isn't that better?" or maybe, "There, now you look nor­mal." '!he moral of the story, for the teens, was that it was not OK to ex­press yourself via fashion, and that one should subscribe to the standard paradigms of societal fashion. Oh yeah, another moral was that "boys will want to take you out now" be­cause you look good from the outside. What, did I hear someone mention superficiality? The latter moral is just the ane rd want my daughter to learn. After all, we all know that how a person looks on the outside is what matters, not what they are like on the inside.

Speaking of Jenny Jones, it would be safe to say that the talk show medium reached an ironic climax this week. Well, these talk shows are al­ways looking for sensationalism and a "good" story. They got it earlier last week when a talk show guest appear­ance was directly related to a murder. Evidently, a man was asked to be on the Jenny Jones Show with the theme of, "I've Got a Secret Crush On ... " Well, the person that had a "crush" on the man happened to be a good friend from the past. To the man's surprise, however, his admirer was male.

e~n if the man was misled into think­ing that his admirer was female, there still is no justification for blaming the murder on the Jenny Jones Show.

In any event, one issue stands out: these talk shows are in every way stupid. Period.

The people that appear on them

are stupid. Most of the audience mem­bers are probably stupid. Many people that watch the shows are stupid. The themes are stupid, and many have no relation to society whatsoever. Hell, I'm stupid for watching these piss­poor examples of television media.

The only people that aren't stupid are the producers of these shows. They know exactly what they are doing. They give the people what they want: sleaze. Instant sleaZe, every day, and now every night. The Jenny Jones Show is now repeated late night. Great, that's all we need: a nation of late night TV watchers whose last thoughts before they go to sleep con­sist of "Pre-teens Sleeping Around" and "'!hat's Not My Baby - It's Joe's Across the Street."

Sleaze talk shows are representa­tive of the state of American culture today. We want issues that can be solved with the time frame of the one hour talk show. We want trashy is­sues like sex and drugs and infidelity and O.J. and crime. We want to sit back in our lazy boys and Cheer for the good. guys. We want sleaze. We want sleaze NOW! Ml.

Evidently, the man didn't take too kindly to this, and later, he re­ceived. some kind .of sexual advance

605 Church St, Ann Arbor • 741-8296

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6 THE MICInGAN REVIEW March i5, 1995

o NEWS FEATURE

Legal Troubles Plague the U-M BY GENE KRASS

T HE UNIVERSI'IY OF MICH· igan recently has been in· volved in more than its share

of controversies. From the Code and Diag Policy to affirmative action and the Michigan Mandate, from Hash Bash to alleged politicization ofMLK Day, from questionable employee fir· ings to pointless student expulsions, . the University is a key player in a myriad of debate-provoking issues. And how do many issues, much. to the ire of certain politicians, reach settle· ment in this day and age? 'That's right: the lawsuit - something to which the U-M is no stranger.

The most recently updated report from the U-M Office of the General Counsel briefly describes 80 legal cases in which the University is in· volved. Moreover, in about 70 of these cases, either the University itself, a department head, or some other ad· ministrator of the University is listed as the defendant Thirty of these cases

Gene K.rau iB ajunWr in Engluh and an (U$istant editor of the Review.

show that the plaintiff is seeking over $10,000, one over $25,000, one over $50,000, one over $350,000, one for $1 million, and one for $2 million. And this does not tell the'whole story. The numerous confrontations throughout the past four or five years between the U-M and the National

obtain the money to litigate these lawsuits?

It is reasonable to state that the University easily could have avoided many of these lawsuits. First and foremost is Hash Bash, In 1992, Washtenaw County Circuit Court

Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML) over Hash Bash are listed under one case, And if that is not enough, some of these cases listed in the "updated" report date back to 1991 or 1992,

Seems like a lot of time-consuming law­suits, doesn't it? One

Granted $50,000 or so per case might seem like nothing to a $2 billion-a-year indus­try. These cases add up, though, especially when fac­toring in losses other than legal fees

do sound like the frivolous malprac· tice lawsuits that have some shout· ing, "Let's kill all of the lawyers!" There remains the potential, though, that a court may refuse to hear a case due to unsubstantiated claims - as was the case with· Melanie Welch's original civil suit. Othenvise, the back­log that exists in todays courts would be significantly higher. The bottom line is that the University is involved in too many lawsuits.

AB for whether other institutions are involved in as many lawsuits as the U-M, the answer is probably not, at least for those institutions that do not receive monetary aid from the government Private corporations, for insi:.anre, have to be very careful about generating lawsuits. They are depen-

now might ask how the University is handling them. How many lawyers does it take to handle 80 cases? How many of these cases could the U~M ,have avoided? D~8 any other comparably-sized institU· tion involve i~elf in as many legal . hassles as the U-M? And, most im­portantly, where does the University

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dent upon, and therefore liable to, their stockholders and customers.

i Judge Donald Shelton ruled that the They are not funded with taxpayer University must allow NORML to use dollars, and therefore any losses in· amplification on the Diag. Next, in curred through lawsuits are losses to 1993, the Michigan Court of Appeals the company. Once or twice, maybe, ruled that NORML may host Hash but would you buy, say, medicine from Bash withoutprepaymentforany "se· a company' involved in 80 lawsuits curity" it did not request. Later, in stemming from drug poisoning? The 1994, Shelton ruled tlu;tt the U-M .,.",University, on the other hand,should could not deny NORML a.otmdper.: ' be liable to the intelligent students it mit based on a dispute over clean-up educates, yet it still obtains the reo costs from the previous year. The prob- sources to deal with all of its unneoes· lem this year is unclear, but the Uni· sary problems. versity is still after NORML. When This brings us to the source of the will the U-M get it? Isn't there any money that covers the University's limit at all as to how many times the legal fees, which is quite likely stu· University can take one matter to dents' tuition. If a company loses a court? This is certainly one ongoing major case, chances are that it will case that the University could have wait some time before expanding; con-avoided. struction here, though, seems to be

One pair of cases - the recent increasing and increasing. If legal Jake Baker and Melanie Welch MS· costs accumulate, a company will prob-coes - make for an interesting sce- ably hold back on raises; at the U-M, nario. Welch is worlring on a soon-to- though, anytime the faculty and ad· be-filed lawsuit against the Univer- ministration want a raise, all they sity. Not only did the University sub- have to do is vote one for themselves. ject her to double jeopardy by trying TIlls leaves students, their parents, her case under the Statement of Stu· alumni, and undeserved federal fund· dent Rights and Responsibilities (also ing (read: tax dollars) stuck with much known as the Code), it actually ig· of the bill. Notice what's been hap· nored certain provisions in the Code, pening to tuition every year. Granted, In response to the content of his e- $50,000 or so per case might seem like mail, the U-M, as most people prob- nothing to a $2 billion-a-year indus-ably know, suspended Jake Baker try. These cases add up, though, espe-without granting him a hearing un- cially when factoring in losses other der the Code. So Welch will sue the than legal fees. University because she was tried un· There is definitely a: problem when der the Code, and Baker has every the University faculty can raise tu-right to sue because he was not! Even ition at will every time it wants to though there is no indication that wield its power. The administration Baker will file a lawsuit, these two should be liable to the regents and the cases are examples of how the Uni· taxpayers that sustain it and avoid versity leaves itself open to excessive lawsuits when possible. "You know and unnecessary litigation. how to make Congress do a good job?

To be sure, the University is the Put 'em on commission!" quipped co-party being sued in almost all of these median Jackie Mason. Perhaps this cases; some of the ones in the report, would be a good idea to implement at especially_ thE:lpersonal injury ones, the University of Michigan. Ml.

March 15, 1995 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW 7

o NEWS FEATURE

Judge Strikes Stpnford Speech Code BY RoDEEN RAImAR

A SANTA CLARA COUNTY court judge recently ruled Stanford University's speech

code unconstitutional, a decision that brings with it a plethora of political and legal ramifications. As reported in the San FTTZ.TU:i8co Chronicle, Supe­rior Court Judge Peter Stone, on March. 1, ordered an injunction against Stanford's enforcement of the code. The judge was upholding a 1992 Cali­fornia law that gives students at pri­vate universities the same free speech rights that they enjoy while not on campus.

Stanford's speech code, designed inresponae to a 1988 incident in which two white students disfigured a poster wi th racial caricatures while attend­ing a black theme house, banned in­sults based on gender or race . The code also banned hate-associated symbols like the swastika if they are used contemptuously.

'Ibis case is particularly interest­ing because it brings up a variety of controversial social and legal issues. The most prominent issue is whether universities have the right to make a speech code and to enforce it or whether such a code violates students' constitutional right to free expres­sion.

Many universities hold the opin­ion that they have the right to enact such a code because, as institutions of higher education, they are committed to providing equal opportunity and protection froIll discrimination for their students. Acrording to Stanford's code, for example, each student has the right to equal access to an educa­tion, free from discrimination on the basis of sex, race or ethnicity. Harass­ment on the basis of any of these discriminatory criteria contributes to an environment that reduces access to education for those subjected to it, and is therefore cOnsidered to be a violation of school policy.

Schools such as Stanford have reason to believe that such codes are necessary. Examples of racially inap­propriate comments on campus are manifest, as William H. Shaw writes in Social and Personal Ethics. In fact, the University of Massachusetts­Amherst, University of Wisconsin, Dartmouth College, Columbia Uni­versity, Wellesley College, Duke Uni­versity, and UCLA have all been plagued with racist incidents. At Dartmouth college, a black professor

Rodeen Rahbar ~ a sophomore in Biology and a staff writer for the Re­view.

was once called "a cross between a welfare queen and a bathroom atten­dant."

Unfortunately, the University of Michigan has also had a history of racial insensitivity. A U-M student once reported walking into a class­room and seeing written on the black­board: "A mind is a terrible thing to waste - especially on a nigger." And many are familiar with the infamous "joker" who called a campus radio station a few years ago with the ques­tion: "Who are the most famous black women in history?" He responded dis­tastefully with, "Aunt Jemima and MotherF-- ."

Although it is admirable that

RES E R V E

" ~::::}::::'?::~

Stanford University has attempted to limit harassment in an effort to im­prove its educational environment, it is questionable as to whether it can do so by limiting free speech. The point at which speech transcends the limi­tations of the First Amendment has become an issue of considerable de­bate: by what standards should we judge speech as offensive, and who shall establish such standards?

There are no clear cut solutions to such questions, but one thing remains clear: limiting freedom of expression does violate the First Amendment that provides every individual with the right to express himself Stanford attempted to define the point at which

protected free speech ends and pro­hibited discriminatory harassment begins: it tried to develop a standard. It failed like the institutions before it, including the University of Michigan, which actually had prereded Stanford in developing a speech code, which was also overturned by a federal court.

What the Stanford case and simi­lar cases involving free speech will mean for constitutional law in the future remains to be seen. In the mean­time, perhaps universities should fo­cus more on attempting to reward social responsibility than punish infi­delity. After all, freedom, like any privileged commodity, works only when people use it responsiblY !'IH

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8 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW March 15, 1995

o INTERVIEW: WALTER WILLIAMS

A Visit With a Jeffersonian Radical ON MARCH 6, AARON

Steelman of the Review had the opportunity to interoiew

Dr. Walter E. Willi.arrnJ. Willi.am.8, the John M. Olin Distinguished Professor of Economic& at George Mason Uni­versity, is a nationaUy syndicated col­umnist and the author of The State Against Blacks, among other works.

MR: Classicaillberall hive long favored open Immigration pollet.., but lOme liber­tarians haw recently argued that, In the age of the welfare state, open immigration sim­ply is not I aomd policy. What is your view?

WILLIAMS: I agree. I think immi­gration has always been good for our country. It has always been a good idea because we have always been short on labor resources. However, when previous immigrants were com­ing, there was not a welfare state and that guaranteed that either they worked or they starved. Given the welfare state, people can possibly come here and not work and not have the discipline of starvation. So, one has to treat immigration a little more gin­gerly now because of the welfare state. I would much rather have open bor­ders and no welfare state and invite anybody here who wants to work.

MR: You have written I great dell about the Issue ~ ... 100 In your recent syncIcated coturma. What is yow opinion ~ the various secessionist movements throughout the United States, such as the people of Staten Isjand voting to secede from New York City .-ld 1he reaidents of Ward 3 wanting to break aw.y from Washingfpn D.C.?

WILLIAMS: First of all, separation for people who see th.i.ngB differently reduoos conflict It is like marriage. If you have a law that says that people cannot get divorced once they are married, then both people treat each other worse than they otherwise might. And I also think that people have the right to form a group and leave a particular region. I think that the secessionist movements around the country show that people are sick and tired of the federal government disobeying or traahing the Constitu­tion of the United States. I believe it was Madison who said in the Federal­ist Paper&, when he was trying to explain the Constitution, "TIle pow­ers of the federal govenunent are few and well-defined, and those of the states are many." And, actually, it is turned upside down nowadays . The powers of the federal government are many and those of the states are few. I think. the secessionist movements and the Tenth Amendment move-

". ,\" ."

ments in many states are showing that AmeriC81lB are sick of the federal government running roughshod over their liberties.

MR: Many committed free traders opposed NAFT A as well as the most recent round in the GAIT discus­sions on the grounds that th8$8 treaties did not represent real free trade; that they were so loaded with environmental provisions and bu­reaucratic bylaws that their failure was preferable to their passage. What Is your opinion?

WlLUAMS: I share that point of view in many respects. If you look at NAFTA and GA'IT you see thousands of pages; you don't need thousands of pages to tell me that I can be free to trade with a citizen in another country. 'Ibis is much more than free trade; it in­cludes favors an9. political she­nanigans. But, I think the question one has to ask is, ." Are these treaties better than the status quo?" We are not going to find utopia and purism here on earth. So, one has to ask whether or not it is better than the status quo. That is a difficult question for me to answer. I think that NAFTA, not GA'IT, is marginally better than the status quo - only marginally, however. And one would not have to argue with me very long to convince me that it is marginally worse. GA'IT is a different case. I don't believe it should have been passed .

MR: Which of the following evils do you think is preferable: a flat income tax of say 17 percent, such as the one proposed by Dick Armey, or a complete abandonment of the income tax in favor of a national sales tax?

WILLIAMS: I think that clearly the preferable one, in terms of ..our liber­ties, would be a national sales tax as a substitute for all other federal taxes - just eliminate the IRS and all other taxes. I think the IRS and the CUITent tax code is a real threat to our liber­ties and is becoming increasingly so. Now, we have to face the political reality and given the political reality, I would go along with Dick Anney's flat tax, perhaps as a road towards something that is even preferable to the flat tax. We all have to recognize that we did not get into the current state of affairs overnight and we will not get out overnight.

MR: Are you bothered by the fact that you are quite often referred to, particular1y among the media, as a "black conservative" or a

"black libertarian," instead of just simply as a "libertarian?"

WILLIAMS: Yes. It is one of the un­fortunate things about the news me-

date in Jersey City got a very high percentage of the black vote. I think that blacks are finally learning the lesson that the NAACP and Benjamin Hooks mouthed but never followed -that we have permanent goals but we don't have permanent friends.

MR: What do you think of the possible Republican candidates fOl president? Do you think that any of them are firmly .commit­ted to the Ideas of liberty?

WILLIAMS: No, I don't think that any of them are. But, once again, we are not in Heaven and we have to choose among the alternatives. I think that Phil Gramm shares the basic values of libertarianism clearly more so than does Bob Dole or Lamar Alexander and some of the other can­didates. I think that maybe Alan Keyes would be a good candidate, but he has no chance ofwinning the nomi­nation.

dia that people identify me that way. MR: Why do think that free market ideas are Sometimes I question it, like if I am not taken more seriously at universities on a television show and they put across the country? down "black conservative economist" I will just ask why didn't you put ,. , WILLIAMS: The elite throughout down "white liberal" or "black liberal" history have always been hostile to for the other people on the show. I the ideas of liberty and the elite are think that one of the problems with hostile toward the free market. The people in general is that if you call reason why is that implied by the free somebody a "libertarian," that tenni- market is voluntary exchange, and nates the argument, they don't know elitists and totalitarians and tyrants what else to say, they are kind of do not trust that people, acting volun-confused and won't look at the issues. tarily, will do what they think they Incidentally, I tell people that I am a ought to do. 'These people, who are on radical - in the tradition of Jefferson. college campuses and are polluting

MR: Why do you believe that blacks vote Democratic in such high percentages when there is no real evidence to suggest that black Americans are, on the whole, particu­larly left of center?

WILLIAMS: I don't have a full an­swer to that and I don't have any satisfactory answer. One of the an­swers that does come to my mind, however, is that blacks have a misin­formed loyalty to the Democratic Party to the extent that during the civil rights struggle, Republicans, and con­servatives more generally, were not seen as friends, and the Democrats were seen as mends. I think that the coalitions that were made during the '50s and '60s that were beneficial to blacks are harmful to blacks today. And I see that the voting pattern among blacks is changing. Republi­cans got a higher percentage of the black vote in this previous election than they had for years. Voinovich in Ohio got 40 percent of the black vote and the Republican mayoral candi-

the minds of students, believe that they have superior knowledge than the masses and that they have been ordained to forcibly impose that wis­dom on the masses. And keep in mind that the government is pro-€lite and the market is pro-common man; that is, the market directs its energies towards satisfying the common man simply because the common man is more numerous and there is far more money to be made by focusing on the common man. What I have in mind is television. If you look at television, you find Oprah and Geraldo and all that kind of stuff Those shows are directed. towards the common man because that's the market. When the elite want to hear Pavarotti. sing and see horses jump over gates and watch games like cricket, they rip off the common man through public broad­casting in order to get what they want to see. So what I am saying is that the government is a tool of the elite. The market tends to serve the common man and the government tends to serve the elite. m

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March 15, 1995 THE MICmGAN REVIEW 9

o INTERVIEW: RONALD PRINCE

Defending a Conjroversial Measure O N MARCH 8, MIKE WANG

of the Review i.nteruiewed R0-nald Prince, a co-<luthor of

Proposition 187, a California ballot proposal that limits the amount of public assistance to illegal immi­grants. An accountant in Orange County, Prince founded tlu! Save Our State (SOS) organization. He r«elJ.tly addressed the 8th Annual Jaclt L. Walker Conference of Political Affairs.

MR: What was the inspiration of yOU' SOS campaign and Proposition 1871

PRINCE: 'There were a variety of small reasons that prompted me to start the campaign 808. But there are two main reasons. First, Califor­nia has the worst case of illegal immi­gration in the nation. Second, neither the state or the federal government would do anything about it. '!he prob­lem of illegal immigration in Califor­nia has reached an unbelievable level that it is creating different economic, social, and political problems in the state. California has one of the most generous public health care programs; a considerable amount of it is going to the illegal aliens. In taxation, it is needless to say that illegal aliens are not paying their taxes. '!heir children go to school, enjoying the privilege at the expense of taxpayers' money. From an economic viewpoint; California is going bankrupt; we have around $5 billion deficit every year and it is increasing. illegal aliens are also cre­ating various social problems such as violence and crime. I was told that one fourth of the pri~n population in California federal prisons are illegal a1iens. Nearly one sixth of the prison population in California state prisons are also illegal aliens. illegal aliens are also a political problem because the state and federal governments are not committed enough to put a block to the in- flowing of the illegal population from Mexico and South America. We, the 808, present the part of California population, that is resenting this inaction by the govern­ment, and decide that the people of the state should put a stop to this problem.

MR: It aeemt that much of Gov.nor Pete Wilson', action with reepect to 1he proposi­tion hal been blocked by the courts In Cali­fornia. Has the propoeffion worked the way you had hoped?

PRINCE: It hasn't worked out the way I wanted to but I was expecting the court battle following the election if the proposition was passed. Gover­nor Pete Wilson has been elected, I

think, mainly because he took this proposition as a major part of his campaign. I was expecting the court battles because as our opposition, namely the ACLU [American Civil Liberties Union], told us that they will sue the very next day after the proposition is passed and they did. Now that the court battle has begun, yes, the actions by Wilson have been stopped by the state rourt

because he does not like to put a rommitment into this situation, there­fore he takes a position so that he would not look so bad when the propo­sition is passed. I think that the presi­dent has lost California because of the position he has taken. As to edu­cation, I think this is another area in which the illegal aliens are benefiting from the taxpayers' money. The edu-

judges. We are expecting that after a period of time, our case will eventually end in the Supreme Court, and I think that it is impossible to tell whether it will be passed in the 8upreme Court. One reason is that the

We proposed this because we want to take out the "lure" that the state has for illegal aliens.

court has terminated propositions similar to this one before, but we are hoping that the rourt will see that the economic and social rondition in Cali­fornia is very bad, and this proposi­tion is necessary to..t.he future of the state of California. Now there are other aspects of thi~ problem that usually legal citizens like us are not aware about unless you have been a victim of illegal immigration. Often illegal aliena either have. no valid iden­tifications or phoney identifications. It is very hard for government offi­cials to check whether people are le­gal citizens. I'll give you a very com­mon and simple example in Califor­nia: automobile accidents. If you are a l~ citizen, and got hit by or got into an accident with an illegal alien, the police will come and check if both of you are physically okay, maybe give you a ticket, write down your automo­bile insurance, and then leave. Now the illegal alien will never appear again. He is not going to pay the ticket because he has a phoney driver'sli­cense and he has phoney automobile insurance. He will never go to the rourt because nobody can identify him. On the other hand, if a legal citizen was in the accident with you, he will get punished. I think what we've got is a double standard. Illegal aliens will get away from these cases. But you are the victim in this case; you are not going to get compensated because there is no one to pay for you or your insurance company.

MR: Education is probably the most con­troversial issue in this propOSition. Presi­dent Clinton has spoken against the pro~ sition because of it Why do you think that prohibiting illegal children to go to school was necessary?

PRINCE: I think that is just an ex­cuse that the president has taken

cation system of California currently, I think., only requires identification of leg8,l status like a birth certificate fro~ legal citizens. If you are an ille­gal immigrant, the school does not require you to show anything if you just claim that you are not an illegal immigrant From that, the school has taken on the unnecessary task of teaching someone who is illegally here and is benefiting from the labor of other people, legal citizens of the United States. I think that 1Dis reap.y . has nothing to do with how the kids will do on the streets if they cannot go to school. We are encouraging the illegal immigrants to leave the coun­try voluntarily; that I think is very reasonable because they are not sup­posed to be here in the first place. Many people think that it is <TUel that by this section of Proposition 187, we are throwing children on the street by prohibiting them to go to school, but they do not think that the illegal im­migrants are taking advantage of them. 'The more illegal immigrants in California who don't pay taxes, the more likely a resident of California will be hurt because his children will not get the same level of education if there are not any illegal immigrants. Many people do not realize that they themselves are the victims of illegal immigration.

MR: Health care is connected with educa­tion. ~ we all know, governmental enforce­ment of iIIegaI\mmlgratJon barriers has not been very successful. II illegal Immigrants do not voluntarily leave, will other social problems, such as poverty and violence, arise?

PRINCE: Again, it is the same prob­lem. '!he very reason that California has so manner illegal aliens is be­ca use we have the best and the most generous health care system in the

country. If you are an illegal citizen, you can go to a public health agency and get free treatment without show­ing your identification. The proposi­tion includes three areas which people will be required to present their legal status, and if they cannot, they can­not apply for any kind of benefit from the government. We proposed this because we want to take the "lure" that the state has for illegal aliens.

MR: In the proposition, several sections indicate that all goverMlentaI entities have the responsibility of reporting to the proper authorities concerning suspected illegal aliena. Is this necessary?

PRINCE: The proposition says that all government entities have the au­thority to report suspected illegal aliens. Also, government officials ~ required to check. the legal status of people in two occasions. The first is when anyone ia applying for any kind of benefit from the governm.ent such

. as welfare, medical, or schOol educa­tion. The second is wheli anyone is arrested or discovered o~fcommitting any kind of crime. ManY people are convinced that this would make the state of California a police state.

. ,

MR: Many minority groupe hIVe deClated this proposition to be racially discriminat­ing. Do you think that this is a problem for the proposition?

PRINCE: I don't think the proposi­tion is a racist measure, and we are trying to get rid of the problem of illegal immigration no matter if they are Mexican, Asian, or European. I think there are a lot of emotions which are generated by the opposition. We are facing a serious, factual, realistic problem in California, but emotions for the illegal aliens are not going to solve the problem. I think that is also why they lost the campaign against the proposition even though they have spent a tremendous amount ofmoney. They have overkilled the media and people are tired of it in California . They want to, like us, solve this eco­nomic and social problem.

MIl: What are the fiscal effects of the pr~ sition?

PRINCE: It should be very good ifit was allowed to work to the best pos­sible extent. I cannot quote the actual figure, but by getting rid of the illegal aliens who are taking benefits in our system, we should have a big surplus despite the effort of the government entities that will be working to pro­hibit them from benefiting. m

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10 THE MICIDGAN REVIEW March 15, 1995

o ISSUE FORUM: JUDICIAL POWER

Uphold Supteme Court Review BY BENJAMIN KEPPLE

I T IS A HISTORICAL FACT that one of the reasons why the colonists came to the New World,

and later to the United States, was to escape persecution due to their reli­gious and political thought. Nowa­days, while most immigrants come here for economic reasons, the United States still remains a country where one is free to do what one wishes. In society today, Americans are equal under God and the law, regardless of religion, race, gender, sexual orienta­tion., or other characteristics. The Con­stitution protects the rights of all people, so that they shall be free to worship in the way they choose, criti­cize the government, and hold beliefs different from those that constitute the norm.

A few years ago, voters in Colo­rado approved Amendment 2, a very controversial initiative that would deny civil rights protection to homo­sexuals for such purposes as hiring, health care, and discrimination due to sexual orientation alone. A federal judge rerently declared this initiative

to be unconstitutional, nullifying the amendment.

Many who supported this amend­ment point to the meddling of a fed­eral judge, insisting that he over­turned "the will of the people." But in effect, the judge did what was right: he struck down a law that potentially could harm an individual or a group of individuals. For allowing such a law to pass could set a disturbing prece­dent for other laws that possibly could restrict the rights of other individu­als, other than just homosexuals. In theory, this could pave the way for other laws that fail to protect the rights of other minorities - or even worse, laws that restrict the rights of minorities.

Can you imagine a vote by the citizens of cities and states across the land that resulted in the denial of equal rights to any group, whether that would be whites, blacks, men, women, straight, or homosexual? 'This would cert:am1y be unconstitutional, and that is why it is appropriate for federal judges to scrutinize laws and verify that they are consistent with the United States Constitution.

Another example concerning the judiciary's role in protecting rights involves prayer in public schools. Foro­ing children to pray violates the rights of those who do not believe in a god and do not wish to pray to one, as the is provided for under the First Amendment's case for religious free­dom.

To not protect the rights and the freedoms of a minority, and any mi­nority in this society, would turn. our sense of democracy upside down, from a true republican democracy into a dictatorship by vote, and ultimately a society that is dysfunctional and stratified. The Founding Fathers saw this potential, and created restraints on majoritarian rule to alleviate it. Withjudges ensuring that people have the right to do as they please without laws preventing them from doing so, this country is safe from the govern­mental persecutions of the Protes­tant Revolution or the Spanish Inqui­sition.

Admittedly, many federal judges have made what seem to be decisions that are somewhat lacking in judg­ment, but the fact remains that tl\~ ".

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judiciary must have the power to de­clare laws unconstitutional, even if the appeals process goes to the United States Supreme Court. For in today's United States, all must work to en­sure that the citizens of this country are protected from the denial of their rights due to characteristics such as race and creed. The judiciary is a necessary protection from governmen­tal abuse. By giving the judiciary the power to overturn laws that in es­sence persecute or harm minority groups, not only does society save itself grief in the long run, but it also ensures that all of its members are free to worship and think as they please without fear.

Americans champion the system of democracy to the rest of the world. Because of this, it stands to reason that the United States has a system of democracy that ensures freedom for aU, and not just the majority. Having a judiciary to uphold the Constitution and to prevent oppressive laws is nec­essary to make sure that America does not become a mere dictatorship where the majority's word rules as supreme 1ft".. Ml

Strike Down Supreme Court Power BY MOHAN KRISHNAN

T HE AMERICAN JUDICIAL system exists for fairly simple reasons. America needs some

way of enforcing criminal law and settling civil: disputes. The higher courts, especially the Supreme Court, have abandoned their original pur­poses, however, and now act to rede­fine laws and reinterpret the Consti­tution.

In many historical cases, the Su­preme Court actedjustifiably, remind­ing the people of the United States what the Constitution states; in oth­ers, the Supreme Court used small portions of this document to dramati­cally change laws in the manner that it saw fit.

In the most obvious example of this, the Supreme Court gave the thum.b&-up fur legalized abortion with Roe v . Wade. 'Th.ere are two signifi­cant points that come forth from this. First, the Supreme Court clearly tried to legislate social change, as the Con­stitution does not address the issue of abortion. Armed with little evidence that a majority of the citizens of this country support legalized abortion, the Court nonetheless was capable of forcing legalized abortion on the citi­zenry.

'The second problem is that the Court made it unlawful to enact any legislation short of an amendment to the Constitution that makes abortion illegal. In other words, a body of jus­tices, who are not elected in a demo­cratic manner, have changed the laws significantly, and there is essentially nothing that anyone can do to remedy this.

The lack of democracy is one of the biggest problems concerning the Supreme Court. The president, with the advice and consent of the Senate, appoints justices to the Court, and he often does 80 for strictly political pur­poses. This is fine, but justices often remain in office for life, meaning that politicians of decades past determine the composition and legal views of the Supreme Court of 1995.

The Supreme Court does not just endanger democracy; it threatens the delicate balance between states' rights and national control. Under the cur­rent system, different states, which have had and continue to have signifi­cantly different views, remain lim­ited in the flexibility of their laws. Every bill passed that is opposed by a loud minority finds its way to the courts, presumably on the basis that the people of the state are incapable of determining their own future.

Furthermore, though the justices do not affiliate themselves with par­ties, they are the worst kind of career politicians. Once appointed to the Court, they are free to define virtue and vice without any responsibility or accountability to the people of this country. It is virtually impossible to remove justices from office, and the majority of the populace probably can­not name half of them.

Undoubtedly, there are good points to this system, forit promotes stability. If justices were chosen ev­ery four years along with a new presi­dent, the Supreme Court would man­date controversial and chaotic changes to the law, and would become a simple partisan tool. These changes, quite possibly, could be more extreme than those initiated by today's Court.

Aside from the desire to protect inalienable rights, the people that founded the United States came here because they wanted the chance to choose right and wrong for themselves, and to have the privilege of partici­pating in democracy. The Court should not exist to be mothers and fathers for the citizens of this country. Ifa major­ity believe in partisan politics (and the number of people in the Republi­can and Democratic parties do), then why not let partisan politics run the

United States? 'Th.e citizenry has the power to choose between right and wrong itself, 80 why should the United States government adopt this respon­sibility?

Another danger of the Court is that its decisions, though valid and enforceable, for all purposes, have a way of hiding themselves from the knowledge of the citizenry. They are not publicized like the O.J. Simpson trial, so after a case is heard, no one really remembers what it was about or what the decision was, much less how it will impact the populace.

The argument that the Supreme Court protects citizens from oppres­sive laws is a dangerous one, because it can just as easily uphold the oppres­sive laws. The Supreme Court can make something that is logica11,Y un­constitutional perfectly legal, as it did inDred Scott v. Sanford. The justices, before they forced the desegregation of schools, actually voted that black men are not entitled to freedom, be­cause they are merely property. The Supreme Court could easily make nearly anything it wants illegal. The point is not whether it would do this, but that. it can. Americans should question the existence of the Supreme Court's power, on the grounds that it is blasphemous to democracy. m

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March 15, 1995 THE MICIDGAN REVIEW 11

o PROFILES IN LIBERTY: MILTON FRIEDMAN

The Economics of Freedom BY JEFFREY GoRDON

L IKE A CLOSE GRANDPA, Milton Friedman sits casually as he answers questions about

his new introduction to F.A Hayek's classic, The Road to Serfdom. While most economists could base their ca­reers on such an honorary duty, Friedman adds it to the list of extraor­dinary achievements that highlight his life. While many cite his winning of the Nobel Prize for economics as his greatest acmmpliahment, it may very well be that his best-aelling book, Free to Choose, will have the most lasting impact, for it has changed the views of socialists everywhere. Milton Friedman is a champion of freedom and a hero of humanity, and his life's work is a source of inspiration for anyone interested in bettering hu­man existenre.

In a world filled with complicated economics and incomprehensible phi­losophies, Professor Friedman is shockingly straightforward. He often has to remind his disillusioned col­leagues of long-lost principles like supply and demand, the profit mo­tive and freedom. Like the economics professor you always wished you had, Friedman never disappoints.

An author of many books, Dr. Friedman writes for all types of audi­ences. His popular books include Free to Choose, Capitalism and Freedom, Bright Promises Dimnal Performance, and There i8 No Such Thing as a Free Lunch. These books are generally quick reads, leaving the reader with months worth 'pf afterthought. Friedman is a very concise writer, often stating in a paragraph what others would fit in a chapter.

His academic works include Price Theory, A Monetary Hi8tory of the United StateIJ (with Anna Schwartz), I nf14.tion: CaU8e8 and Consequences, and The Optimum Quantity of Money and Other :&8ays. Nonnallyone would be hard pressed to find an outstand­ing theoretical economist capable of teaching the general public, but Friedman has 81.lCreed.ed in doing this. His years spent writing columns for Newsweek, combined with his best­selling book and his exposure as a presidential advisor, have made Milton Friedman a household name.

Friedman's political views stem from his understanding of both eco­nomics and philosophy, and one best may classify them as representative of classical liberalism.. A true freedom

Jeffrey Gordon is a aenior in philo8o­phy and economics and a staffwriter for the Review.

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fighter, Friedman is quick to point out how those who tend to be most critical offree markets are those who have benefited the most from them. In a now famous interview with Play­boy in 1973, Friedman gives a strik­ing answer to the following question:

Playboy: Laissez faire, after all, hie long been synonymous with sweatshops and child labor -

very first chapter in his book Capital­ism and Freedom is called, "'The Rela­tion Between Economic Freedom and Political Freedom," and the second is called, "'The Role of Government in a Free Society." If one were to seriously consider both of these topics simulta­neously and with full knowledge of their historical implications, one

conditions that were eliminated only by soclallegislation.

Dr. Friedman: Sweatshops and child labor were con­ditions that resulted more from poverty than from laissez faire economics. Wretched working

Milton Friedman is a champion of freedom and a hero of hu­manity, and his life'S work is a source of inspiration for anyone interested in bettering human existence.

sensed the political tide turning, and I am sure that this last election only served to enhance this belief 'Ib prove how far we have gone, and how far we have to go, Milton lists the Socialist Party platform of 1928 in appendix A ofhis book, Free ro Choose. Right after each of the 14 points of the platform, Friedman shows how almost every point has actually been enacted into US federal law since 1928. 'This rer­tainly is a shocking conclusion to an awesome book.

If you find these thoughts inter­esting, Friedman has many more in store. He is a man who has devoted his life to understanding the Ameri­can Dream and the principles on which this country was founded. He is wor­thy of much praise, but for now we should be thankful that he is still with us, because he is a member of a rare breed.

conditions still exist in nations with all sorts of enlightened social legislation but where poverty is still extreme. We in the United States no longer suffer t!l~t kind of poverty because the free enterprise system has allowed us to becom~ wealthy.

Everybody does take the stand that laissez faire is heartless. But when do you suppose we had the highest level of private charitable activity in this coun-try? In the nineteenth century .... that was also the era in which the ordinary man, the low-income man, achieved the greatest improvement in his stan­dard of living and his status.

I must say that I find it slightly revolting that people sneer at a system that's made it possible for them to sneer at it. If we'd had the minimum wage laws and all the other trappings of the welfare state ... half the readers of Play­boy would either not exist at all or be citizens of Poland, Hungary, or some other country.

might very well come to the same cJnclusions as those of Milton Friedman.

While classical liberal thought is . considered radical these days,

Friedman never loses hope that his views will onre again be en vogue. He has stated repeatedly that he has

Milton Friedman is currently a senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution and Stanford University, as well as a Paul Snowdeit Russell Distinguished Service Professor Emeritus of Economics at the Univer­sity of Chicago. Mt

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Unlike many economists who de­fend free markets solely based on ef­ficiency, Dr. Friedman understands the moral implications of a society based on voluntary exchange, as op­posed to economies that are planned by a rentral government He explains how free markets are able to organize themselves with no cen~ direction, and how any distuI'banre to them not only diminishes their overall effi­ciency, but requires some use of gov­ernmental force. As a philosopher, he details the necessity for limiting the powers of the government, because he understands that the history of man­kind is one of tyranny and totalitari­anism. As a political scientist, he rec­ognizes that "power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely," so he fights for the separation of the L.' ---------__________________ .....J

power of taxation from the power of spending within the government '!he

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f6 'Boo/(§ , Steinbeck: The ~Essence of Americana

BY BILL AHRENs

T HE LIFE OF JOHN Steinbeck was not a simple one; yet it is one that mirrors

those of many other great American writers. Steinbeck was, above all, a man who surrounded himself with good friends and sought out tremen­dous experience in everyday life. John Steinbeck A BiotIroph], by Jay Parini meticulously explores the complex life of this talented man, reinforcing his strengths while revealing his weak­nesses, all the while maintaining a quiet sense of dignity.

John Steinbeck: A Biogr4Phy Jay Plrinl Henry Holt 536 pegII; $30.00 19M; Hardcover

The strength of this biography lies in its fine attention to the critical periods of Steinbeck'slife: those which affected his writing and all of his future endeavors. Parini's chilling portrayal of Steinbeck's family life serves as a constant reminder of the difficulties which confronted

MSA ELECTIONS

Steinbeck in his search for literary infamous pirate. Parini leads the further elevated Steinbe<k to the fore­front of American consciousness . Parini discusses the belief, which some Americans held at the time and con­tinue to hold today, that these novels sought to support radical causes bor­dering on Communism. This is an

success, independence, and financial reader through the development of stability. Olive Hamilton Stein~ck, this book, letting us discover this deli-his arguably overbearing mother, and cate process and the way in which John Ernst Steinbeck, his emotion- Steinbeck approached his writing. ally detached father, can almost be Although Cup of Gold does not com-felt haunting Steinbeck throughout pare with Steinbeck's greatest works, his later life. K. I assertion which Steinbeck

would always adamantly dis­miss . "I wanted to simply be merely a recording conscious­ness, judging nothing, simply putting down the thing," he said.

Born in 1902 in Sali­nas, California, Steinbeck studied sporadically at Stanford without ever earning a degree. Steinbeck had always dreamed of becoming a writer, and these years at Stanford were important because of many impor­tant friendships which developed, many of which would endure until his death.

Steinbeck's first novel, Cup of Gold: A Life of Sir Henry Morgan, Buc­caneer, with" .occasional Reference to History ... , was

Jay Parinl: Author ~ John Stelnbeclc: A 8Jogrpshy

Throughout this book, Parini wonderfully intertwines the narrative exposition of Steinbeck's life with brief liter­ary analyses of all his work. 'Ibis maniage works quite well. 'The descriptions of Steinbeck's encounters with two ofhis con­temporaries, Ernest Hemingway and William Faulkner are incredibly amus­ing. And through three mar-riages, one can begin to find

published in 19-29. This curious vol­ume, as indicated by its subtitle, re­tells the quasi-historical legend of the

MARCH22&23

Parini shows how this novel estab- explanation for the cynical and often lished Steinbeck's career and led him bitterly negative way in which along the road to sucooss. As Steinheck , . .$teinbeckpte.eenkKl women. One also

" hi:lU.~elf""o"Q14n •• "l;know'tJlat"CUP " gets a real sense of the deep friend-a/Gold is a bad book, but on its shoul- ships, such as that with Ed "Doc" ders I shall climb to a good book." Ricketts"

With this in mind, Parini care- Perhaps the most interesting fully follows Steinbeck's burgeoning portion of the book is that which career and chronicles the emergence chronicles Steinbeck's later years. of his distinct style. The Pastures of Having already established

Presidential Candidates

Ma~k Biersack and Chris Hanba

Heaven, an anthology of loosely re- Steinbeck's exploration of alternate lated short stories, marked an impor- creative outlets such as journalism, tant shift in setting to Steinbeck's theater, Hollywood, and even politi-beloved Salinas Valley, California. cal speech writing, Parini fmds This is a motif that would work itself SteinbeCk to be a man who could ac-

LS&A

Keith Buckman Bronwen Ferguson Chris Johnson John Schetz Mike Walker

En2ineerin2

Mike Bruno Chris Melus

Art Marci Hecht

For more information about the Maize and Blue party, including our platform and general MSA information, check us out on the World Wide Web at: http://www.engin.umich.eduJ-marIqbIM&B

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into almost all of his later fiction. cept neither success or failure. When Parini discusses the great popularity none ofhis post-Grapes of Wrath nov-that Steinbeck began to enjoy during els achieved the same critical and the 1930s. The difficulty with which popular success, he began to doubt Steinbeck had handling success is his ability. Steinbeck grew restless. believably presented, despite the fact He sought to move on toward new that his greatest critical literary suc- things. Of his editor, Steinbeck says, cess was yet to come. "I know he simply wants me to write

As Parini notes, for better or for The Gropes of Wroth over and over." worse, Steinbeck began his career That is exactly what Steinbeck did during the darkest days of the Great not want to do. Depression. Conditions, especially in Interestingly, Steinbeck was only the agrarian based society of the Sali- finally awarded the Nobel Prize for nas Valley, were extremely undesir- literature in 1962 after publication of able . Wealthy landowners and mi- his moral fable The Winter of Our grant workers who hoped to tend the Discontent. Parini reveals the diffi-fields were at constant odds with one culties which this award presented another. Two of his novels, In Dubi- Steinbeck when the response from ous Battle and The Gropes of Wroth, the literary community was anything were firmly based in this reality and but positive. In their eyes, the selec-Iii I tion of a writer whose greatest liter-

READ LIVING CULTURE

ary achievement arguably had been written nearly twenty years earlier was simply not justified. Steinbeck humbly accepted the award in Swe­den, but would sadly never again pub-lish another work of fiction. m

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@ :rilm A Bucket ·0' Oscar Fun

BY RYAN POSLY

E VERY MARCH, THE members of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sci­

ences honor their favorite films and performances at their gutzy gala known as the 0acan1. 'Ihia by no means implies that all the nominated films have any redeeming social value. Nor does it imply that the best films and performances of the year will receive any accolades. The 67th Annual Acad­emy Awards promise to be no excep­tion.

It was no surprise that Forrest Gump, the epic story of a simple­minded man's journey through Ameri­can history, ran away with 13 nomi­nations, including Best Picture, Actor and Director. Coming in a distant seoond were Pulp Fiction, Bullets Over Broadway, and The. ShawshanJr. Re­demption, each with seven nomina­tions. Other major contenders this year include Quiz Show, with four nominations in major categories, and The Lion King, garnishing all four of its nominations in music categories.

The most glaring and discussed omi88ion this )'ear is the brilliant basI< ketball film Hoop Dremn8. one of the most acclaimed documentaries in years. Hoop DreCUTUI failed to receive a nomination for either Best Picture or Best Documentary and must settle for one nomination for Best Editing. Also among those miMing was Kirsten Dunst, the shockingly believable young vampire in Interoiew With the Vampire, who somemnsidered a ~ in for Best Support1ng Actress, espe­cially after last year's win by Anna Pacquin of The. Piano. Other minor disappointments include Heavenly Creaturea and Ed Wood which did not get the nod for Best Picture, and Bruce Willis <Pulp Fiction), who did not find a place amidst the most heated cat­egory, Best Supporting Actor.

Of course, there are disappoint­ments every year, and we non-Acad­emy types have to take what they give us. So what exactly have they given us? Two words: Forrest Gump, the Lawrence of Arabia of the nineties -a movie tragically flawed by its own scope. Although Gump is a wonderful "feel-good" movie with fine perfor­mances from Ttm Hanks, Gary Siniae and Sally Field, the direction is often banal and the plot is too unbelievable for its own good. I was bored by the time Forrest began his preposterous trek acro88 America. Hollywood loves a hero, though, especially one that has already raked in upwards of $300 million in domestic grosses alone, FOTTest Gump will easily (but maybe

not 90 easily) walk away with the Best Zemekis getting his gold statue just third part in his "'Three Colors" tril­ogy. Kieslowski, a Polish director who is just now gaining popularity in America, stands no chance of winning and should be oveIjoyed at just re­ceiving a nomination.

Picture Oscar on March 27. yet. Tarantino is the most deserving Does that mean that Hanks, in this category and will likely get his

Sinise and Gump's director, Robert just reward. Woody Allen (Bullets Over Zemekis, will ride the film's coattails Broadway), although a brilliant co-also? Probably not. Although Hanks median with the camera, has done has already won the Golden Globe nothing new with this film, and Rob- Despite the lack of competition in

some of this year's categories, the Best Picture race promises to be hot. Don't get me wrong, Forrest Gump will not necessarily run away with the Oscar. Pulp Fiction will provide some stiff competition. Let's not for­get that it won the coveted Palme d'Or at Cannes and Best Picture by the Los Angeles Film Critics Association. It will all boil down to who in the Acad­emy is willing to take a risk. The h.ard-edged, "artsy" types will go with Pulp, while the soft traditionalists will go with Gump. But in my opinion,

andthe~nActors .-rw ........ ~:.-----~ .. ~~~~~--~ Guild awards, to name a few, the Academy does not enjoy giving the same person con­secutive awards for anything. Luise Rainer, Spencer Tracy and Katharine Hepburn are the only three actors or ac­tresses to receive that distinction. Don't count him out though. Paul Newman (Nobody's Fool) and John

Travolta, making his Notably absent from the Oscar. Is Kevin Comer. Maybe not long-overdue "'come- . -.

. they are both overlooking the most satisfying film of all time, The Shaw8hank Redemption.

So while all the stars are out in their $1,000 gowns and stretch lim­ousines, schmoozing amongst the elite and determining the fate of their next big deal, fll be at home disappointed yet again. God I love Hollywood! Ml

back" in Pulp FiC'tfon, will likely be ~ ert Redford (Quiz Show), although a Hank's main ~mpetition. The irony brilliant storyteller, did more with A in this category ·, is that the two River Runs Through It than he has longshots, Morgan Freeman (The done here. The 8Ul'prise nominee here Shawshank Redemption) and Nigel is KrzysztofKieslowski for Red, the Hawthorne (a swprising nomination for The Madness bf Kint/Geo,ge), are the most deserving of the OsCar.

As for Sinise, he more than de­selVes an Oscar for Gump, but he is hindered by being in the most com­petitive category. Martin Landau (Ed Wood) is certain to win for his funny and touching portrayal of Bela Lugosi. Samuel L. Jackson (Pulp Fiction) will :receive quite a few votes himself, but his performance is due more to Quentin Tarantino's screenplay than any feat of great acting.

Once again there were no juicy roles for women this year, and as such the Best Actress category is sparse. The only performance deserving of the Oscar was Linda Fiorentino's haunting temptress in The Last Se­duction, a film that was ruled ineli­gible because it originally appeared on HBO. In her absence, Jesaial Lange (Blue Sky) will fight it out with tw~ time winner Jodie Foster (Nell) and Hollywood favorite Susan Sarandon (The Client) and emerge as the victor.

There is virtually no competition in the Best Supporting Actress cat­egory either. Without Thmst to liven­up things, Dianne Wiest (Bullets Over Broadway) will clean up against such ciphers as Rosemary Harris (Tom & Viv ), Helen Mirren (The Madnes8 of King George) and Jerurifer Tilly (Bul­lets Over Broadway).

The Best Director Oscar usually goes to the director of the Best Picture winner) .b~~ Aon'~ co~t .o;u, ~1:>ert

TheStud8ntsi 'Party A Vote for the Students' party is a vote for:

RIal R ........ 1ty Reform of MSA finances

$ 30,000 more to student groups Cut MSA internal spending

ItrUCIJIIaI Re .... anlzalloa Restoration of committee/ commission funding

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J :Music Joe Henderson Salutes Miles

BY DAVID RAy

M ILES WAS CERTAINLY smiling that day I can tell ~u.lwns~ruilie

day that tenor saxophonist Joe Henderson and three friends entered the studio to record Joe Henderson So Near, So Far, a So Neat, So F" tribute to ilie legend- Verve ary trumpeter. Re- '--___ ---' corded in October 1992, this album is prooffuat the music of Miles Dewey Davis lives on.

1bia album is, however, more than just another tribute album. It is per­sonal. Each member of the group, which includes Joe Henderson, ilie e'Ye!'-ewkward John Scofield on gui­tar, bassist Dave Holland, and Miles's long-ti:me fiiend Al Foster on drums, has at one time or another shared ilie stage with the man with the raspy voice. According to the liner notes, Hendereonjoined Davia for four week­ends in 1967. In August of 1968, Hol­land joined Miles's band and remained

David Roy ia guesl-writing thi8 wee1's jazz retlUlw8 for the Review.

until 1971. John Scofield's tenure on guitar lasted from 1982 until 1985 and included four albums. Drummer AI Foster was probably the closest to Miles of ilie four. He joined Miles in 1971 and stayed with him until the early 'SOs. But enough background. The music is what counts here.

An interesting aspect of this al­bum is ilie performers choice ofrep­ertoire. Though not all obscure, most ofiliese tunes were recorded once by Miles and then never heard from again. As Scofield puts it, "I don't think I had played any of these tunes before, except for 'Pfrancing.' which is something everybody plays." This unfamiJiarity with ilie tunes allows ilie players to stretch out and really explore without getting bogged down in cliche licks they may play over one that is more famiJiar.

Henderson's playing is absolutely" astounding on this album. I usually try to avoid 891ploying the word "roots" when it CClmes to music because I usually hear it when a rock star is talking about a really bad album he has just made (e.g., "Man, ljust,like, really tried to get back to my roots on

Char11e Parker Memorial BY DAVID RAy

ONCE, DURING A DISCUS­sion ofilie music called jazz, I overheard a great jazz pia­

nist say, ., have been studying Charlie Parkers musk for almost 40 years and I can confi- ChIrIIe Parker dently say I only CIwIe PMrer understand about MemotIItI, Vol. 2 50 peromt ofwhat Savoy Jazz he is doing." On '--____ ---1

Charlie Par1t.er Memorial, Volume 2, "Bird" proves himself to be as enig­matic and enterUPning as ever. This album is a collection of alternate and original takes recorded between 1945 and 1948, a period fuat I believe is one of his best, What can I say about Charlie Parkers playing? It is in­spired. It is be-bop. It bums. Wheilier soloing over the laid back blues of "Parkers Mood," ilie unrelenting bop of "Constellation," or the near-comic chord changes of Miles Davis's "Mile­stones," Parker is in command ofhis hom and the music.

Joining Parker on his trek through the jazz C08IIlO8 is a young Miles Davis on tnunpet, who seems almost imma­ture and out-o.f:-p1ace as he whips out bop lines almost making one forget that this man led the "cool" revolution only a few years later. His solo on

"Marmaduke" is stellar. The various rhyfum sections, including drummer Max Roach, pianists John Lewis and Bud Powell, who simply burns on "Donna Lee," and several different bass players, definitely know fuat ilie only good rhyfum section is a swing­ing rhythm section. They never let you down. Even someone as rhythmi­cally impaired as myself can't help snapping his fingers. Only on two and four though ... rm not that impaired.

'This disc, from the pseudo-eam.ba of "Barbados" to Parker's rhythm­changes shredding on "Thriving on a Riff," is both bewildering and enter­taining. One even gets a chance to hear Parker whistle and yell some­thing unintelligible when he stops the group half-way through a tune because he is unsatisfied with the UUre.HowsthatforIDclm?~needs Route 66 when you have Bird? I don't know if I'll ever truly understand ilie genius of Charlie Par.k.er. I have come to terms with that. But, I do know that this is a great album from an extraordinary musician. MR

LIVING CULTURE

this one man ... "). Nevertheless, I wn going to say it. Roots. Joe Henderson is a musician who has his roots finnly established in great blues playing, but he is not afraid to challenge or expand his roots. Case in point: the bluesy "Pfrancing." Henderson plays some blues phrases that are so wrenching they could reduce Jesse Helms to a pathetic, blubbering mass, but doesn't hesitate to follow them up with a Coltrane-esque flurry of angu­lar, wholly disrespectful runs that would outrage any first-semester music theory instructor. At least he doesn't play any parallel octaves.

Speaking of things parallel, or perpendicular for that matter, I will move on to the fuzzed-out guitar trick­ery of John Scofield. There exists, in the land of music, certain guitarists (Pat Metheny or Bill Frisell, for ex­wnple) who, due to ilieir exceptional fluidity and mystical, unknown forces, can play any idea they want in the course of improvisation and pull it off like a worked-out metal solo. Then there is John Scofield. He is the only man who is a certified "gimp" on his instrument but, despite this, ~)lle;:'"

how manages to amaze and confuse me at every tum. Scofield is in rare funn on So Near, So Far. His comping, wiili his extensive use of close inter­vals and parallel sevenths, never left me wishing for a piano player in ilie slightest, and his solo on ilie mystify­ing "Flwnenco Sketches" is, dare I say, transcendent.

The rhythmic explorations ofFos­ter and Holland refuse to let up, even for a moment. '!hese men groove. They are finnly locked in with one anoilier and compliment Henderson and Scofield's playing. Interaction is the key word here and these men know it. Al Fosters drum solo on "Sidecar' is monstrous. Holland also plays an ex­ceptionalsolo on ilie up-tempo swing of "Swing Spring," proving that the bass solo isn't just an extra chance to go to the bathroom mid-song.

All in all, this album both pays homage to the memory and music of Miles Davis and proves that, some­where out there, iliere is still great jazz being played and there are still alternatives to the cheesy, fusion <np that a certain Detroit radio station likes to call ':jazz." Ml

Upcoming Jazz Events

Wednesday, March 15

Friday, March 17

Friday, March 24

Friday, March 24

Friday, March 31

Saturday, April 15

The Lincoln Center Jazz Orchestra Hill Auditorium 8pm; 764-2538

Maceo Parker Power Center 8pm; 763-TKTS

Montage The Ark 8pm; 763-8587

Russel Malone Quartet Bird of Paradise 9pm & 11:1Spm; 662-8310

Tribute to Eddie Russ: Bird of Paradise Orchestra, WCC Jazz Orchestra WCC, Towsley Aud, Morris Lawrence Bldg. 8pm; 662-8310

Harry Connick, Jr. and his Funk Band Hill Pruditorium

8 pm; 764-2538

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Dillon O'Brian Stops By BY DEAN BAKOPOULOS

I N AN AGE OF MTV, WHERE new artists need a shocking, trendy image and a certain

amount of undirected angst, Dillon O'Brian will most likely not be a fu­ture"buzz clip." But there is certainly an audience for O'Brian's passionate, heartfelt and Dillon O'Brian lyrical mu.sic, and. ScM. From My the audience LItSt ConIes$Ion should be de- RCA lighted with L...-_____ -l

O'Brian's latest work, Scenes from My Last Confession. 'The album is rich with solid guitar work, clean and. com­petent like O'Brian's sincere vocals.

O'Brian's appeal will be mostly to those who enjoy intelligent and liter­ate lyrics. O'Brian's songs, despite his young age, probe weighty issues of love, spirituality and family with keen obsenrations. His lyrics, though some­times trite, often are poignantly mov­ing like in "The Analytical Mind," a moving and all too true account of the

Dean BaJwpoulos juat got a new hair­cut. !fs short.

intellect's futile attempt to compre- that Dillon O'Brian is more than ca-hend the universe. Other insightfully pable of writing about complex wry observations are directed at the themes, with simple melodies and a Catholic Church, a prominent aspect great deal of compassion. His influ-of O'Brian's Irish-American heritage. ences seem to range from many differ-Songs like ~. ent artists, nota-"Catholic Boys," blypeoplelike Van a bitter exami- Morrison, Paul nation of orga- Simon (especially nized religion on "Two Friends"), and "Something and Dan Almost Sacred," Fogelberg. a moving ac- These quali-count of wonder ties showed and faith, add through last weighty wisdom Thursday, March to the album. 9, when Dillon

0' B ri a n' s O'Brian opened Irish heritage for T r a c y not only influ- Chapman at the ences him the- Dillon O'Brian In philosophical mode Blind Pig in Ann matically, but musically as well. The Arbor. Doing a drumle88 acoustic set, . tunes "My Father's Son" and "Down O'Brian was able to convey the pas-to Earth," with their Celtic strains, sion and honesty of the works on prompted RoUing Stone's Paul Evans Scenes from My Last Confession. His to say that O'Bri~'s work is "rich. sweet sounding acoustic guitar and with the sin-steeped Irish imagery agreeable voice made for an enjoyable that colors Van Morrison's songs and peIformance as the capacity crowd at Joyce's fiction." While this praise may Blind Pig filed in to hear this new, and be a little too lofty, there is no doubt hopefully successful, artist. Ml.

P '1 t · t R"" l~" fO e arIa OCfi. ~ BY GREG PARKER

In the day we sweat it out in the streets of a runaway American dream At night we ride through 11Ul1I8ions of glory in suicide macq.ines ... We gotta get out while we're young 'Cause tramps like us, baby we were born to run - "Born to Run, '" Broce Springsteen

T HERE'S SOMETHING about Springsteen's "Born to Run" that conjures visions of

gas-guzzling hot rods hurtling down the streets of suburbia: It speaks of the one of the few freedoms the young working class realizes - the freedom of the automobile and the open road. But Springsteen dares to implore fur­ther: the auto plays a role metaphori­cally and literally. It is not only the freedom of the working class but also a symbol for the working class's op­pression, as they "sweat it out in the streets of a runaway American dream."

Springsteen shares the company of scores of similar proletariat. or working class, rockers. A few that immediately come to mind include the likes of Bob Seger. Jackson Browne, John Mellencamp. the Allman Brothers, Neil YOllI!gL T~_

Nugent, and Lynyrd Skynyrd. Differ- So while the Talking Heads and Devo ing in talent and technique. these were whining about post-modernism, proletariat rockers present a sort Seger, Springsteen and friends were "pop-culturfied" blues. Maybe more tackling the real, prevalent issues of aptly named "white" blues, this blue- society - the working class. collar rock represents the grit, grime But perhaps what blue collar rock-and glory in Americana. Its artists ers do best poetically centers around picture the American dream of "little the awkward years ofpre-adulthood. pink houses for you and me (John Springsteen spoke of a girl "With her Mellencamp)" and the killer graces/And se-American reality of "Dear cret places/That no Sir letters keep coming in boy can fill" and Seger the mail, I work my back practiced night moves till it's racked with pain .. with a girl in the (Bob Seger)." But blue col- .. "backseat of [his] '60 lar rockers never let one Chevy." Drag racing, forget that, "Dammit, I'm another working class man, I said I'm a man maturity rite, is all but (Seger)." ignored in today's "ar-

No matter how bad it '. . . .,'" ,( tistic" poetry. But gets, be it unemployment . " j Springsteen encapsu-or the loss of a girl, Seger t&~, lates the raw power, and the like never let one ' ~ speed and determina-forget his soul. The con- Neil Y . M 81 a-coli tion of drag racing cept of soul is implicit in oung. r u ar with precision equal blue collar rock. It represents the only to that of a certain famous Grecian part of a man that remains his own - Urn. "'They scream your name at night neither the IRS. the foreman, nor in the street/Y our graduation gown distance can rob a man ofhis soul. It lies in rags at their feet/And in the is his identity. lonely cool before dawnlYou hear their

Proletariat rockers, unlike their engines roaring on .. .It's a town full of pop counterparts, never let soul es- losers/And I'm pulling out of here to cape from their music. Seger states, "today's mu.sic ain't got the same soul."

win." . While the idea of soul is the es-

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sence of blue collar rock, the concept of mobility is the central theme. While the reality of mobility in American society is somewhat bleak, it is the focus of the young and old characters in most proletariat rocker songs . Springsteen's character wants to pull out of a town full oflosers to win. But like in real-life, these characters never seem to leave their "town full oflos­ers," and counterintuitively, they ex­hibit a great sense of regionalism. Seger speaks of "Southern Michigan summer times" and Springsteen fre­quently tells of his old days in Jersey.

Proletariat rockers are largely absent and greatly missed in today'a music culture. Instead of good ole drag racin' and "Wang Dang Sweet Poontang (Ted Nugent)" we groan and writhe in "deep" lyrical psychobabble via Eddie Vedder or Michael Stipe. No one mentions factories or cars or Americana - unless they mock it So while the proletariat rock never en­gaged in blatant, blind nationalism, there was at least some sense of sen­timental ties to America. It's pretty sad that the closest thing to working class rock-we have now is Stone Temple Pilots' "Interstate Love Song" - well, it talks about the open road. anyway. Oh, where have you gone, my blue collar rockers? m

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