Vivaldi's Esoteric InstrumentsAuthor(s): Eleanor Selfridge-FieldSource: Early Music, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Jul., 1978), pp. 332-338Published by: Oxford University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3125802 .Accessed: 21/02/2011 17:34

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Vivaldi S;

esoteric instruments

ELEANOR SELFRIDGE-FIELD

Vivaldi's music has been curiously served by modern scholarship, for despite an enormous amount of well intended effort and a high degree of public recog- nition, a balanced and thorough impression of the composer's full stature remains elusive. This is one reflection that can be made on the third centenary of Vivaldi's birth (4 March 1678).

Because editions, performances and recordings have given heavy emphasis to Vivaldi's concertos, so much so that his name has become synonymous in some minds with the solo concerto, it is little appreciated that some important questions about even this category of his oeuvre remain. Praise and familiarity that rest on an acquaintance with the well-known sonata collection, II

pastor.fido, op. 13 (containing six works usually edited for cross flute) are irrelevant, since the opus is now believed to be spurious.' Our impression of Vivaldi's capabilities in other musical domains tends to be vague. Of his 48 surviving operas, only La ninfafida had up to this year been edited. The current season brings four Vivaldi operas to the stage-Farnace at La Fenice, Venice; Tito Manlio at La Scala, Milan; Orlandofurioso under Claudio Scimone in Verona (also on record); and L'incoronazione di Dario under Newell Jenkins for Siena (26 August) and Castel- franco (2 September); and there is the English Bach Festival's concert performance of Griselda in the Queen Elizabeth Hall, London, this year. A New York production of Farnace under Jenkins, scheduled for November, will be the first modern staging of a Vivaldi opera in the English-speaking world. Apart from Juditha triumphans (happily served by a facsimile, two modern editions and at least five recordings), which could lay some claim to being the finest oratorio of the Italian baroque, none of Vivaldi's oratorios have come to the notice of the modern public. With a few notable exceptions, such as the imposing Beatus Vir, Gloria, and Dixit Dominus, his cantatas and the bulk of his sacred vocal works are known only to a handful of specialists.

Given this state of affairs, it would seem that our knowledge of Vivaldi's instrumental works should rest on relatively secure foundations. This is only true to a degree, however, for Vivaldi's music, having been in the vanguard of pre-Bach explorations, began to be revived rather sooner than standards for editing early instrumental music became differentiated from those pertaining to any music for orchestra. In particular the identification of instruments merits careful scrutiny.

Baryton by Jacques Sainprae (London, Victoria & Albert Museum no. 1444-

1870). Originally having six gut and 25 wire strings, this instrument is rumoured to have belonged to Quantz, a great admirer of Vivaldi.

Portrait of Antonio Vivaldi (1678-1741) engraved by F. M. La Cave, 1724.

While Vivaldi was meticulous in designating instru- ments, the wide assortment for which he scored is not

always portrayed accurately, that is, in accordance with what was available in early 18th-century Venice.

Despite countless modern editions of the two war- horses op. 3 (containing the bulk of the concertos tran- scribed by Bach) and op. 8 (containing The Four Seasons), the backbone of the recorded repertory is formed by the complete edition published by Ricordi and prepared under the guidance of Gian Francesco

Malipiero.2 It comprises 530 instrumental pieces. In the case of variant versions, the earliest is not invari-

ably the one included, for the choices were based more on expediency than chronology. Initiated in 1947, the

complete edition was geared to the instruments avail- able in the modern orchestra. A brief comparison of

designations in the original sources with those in the

complete edition reveals that wherever Vivaldi strayed from the familiar territory of violins, flutes, oboes and bassoons, his aberrations have been set right by the editors with the substitution of such decidedly non-

baroque instruments as the cor anglais. Since Vivaldi was so intrepid an explorer of timbre and technique,

the substitution of modern for ancient instruments introduces an essential misconception which, in these times of increasing numbers of virtuosos on authentic instruments, it is unnecessary to perpetuate.

Against this background it must, however, be pointed out that even with the best intentions and access to all the scholarly tools that have become avail- able since 1947, the modern editor still faces some genuine difficulties in making precise designations for the instruments Vivaldi names. Three factors con- tribute to this problem. The first and most funda- mental is that Vivaldi's working years, 1700-40, corre- sponded to a period of immense vitality and change in instrument manufacture. Particularly among the woodwinds there was constant revision; some of the instruments available to Vivaldi in his last years (he died in 1741) were quite different from those available to him for his first works. Although stringed instru- ments of high quality were readily available in northern Italy, Vivaldi had to rely on Austrian and German makers for the newer woodwinds. It is diffi- cult to determine the date at which specific wind instruments would first have become available to Vivaldi, and the task of dating the Vivaldi manu-

scripts proceeds slowly anyway,3 leaving the inquirer to match variable with variable in a most uncertain way. All of this is compounded further by the fact that with

regard to works of which variants exist, it is some- times the variant prepared by German pupils or

copyists that is in circulation. The resources available for performance in Saxony, from whence came several of these pupils, were somewhat different from those in Venice, particularly in making greater use of ripieno brass and wind instruments.

Another problem is that Vivaldi's use of

terminology is not always certain. A new vocabulary arose with the improvement of instruments, but it did not emerge instantly or fully formed. Thus it is diffi- cult to determine when a single word that at the time had multiple meanings refers to an instrument and when to a manner of playing, a special register, or some other attribute of performance. A related issue is that of differentiating notated pitch from sounding pitch, an ever present capacity for the double entendre that lurks in scores of the early 18th century.

Finally one must consider the possibility that given his fascination with sonority, Vivaldi did not turn exclusively to nascent instruments for unusual effects but also explored the realm of obsolescent instru- ments. There are several evidences of what might be termed an early music revival in Venice in the late 17th

333

and early 18th centuries, and the Venetians tended to

persist in outmoded habits more consistently than their contemporaries elsewhere. Cornetts, which remained in use at St Mark's until nearly the end of the 17th century, are the only antique instruments of Vivaldi's time that he can definitely be said to have

ignored. The possibility that he scored for viols, which were in use at the Venetian conservatoire of the Mendicanti in the 1670s, and shawms, which were in use generally in Venice to the end of the 17th century, is distant but not invisible. Theorbos, the popularity of which declined markedly after 1700, were still used in Vivaldi's last concertos.

Unusual stringed instruments The problems of identification for string instruments are fortunately few. The viola d'amore, for which Vivaldi wrote six solo concertos (RV 392-3974), was

rapidly rediscovered with the first publication of these works, and although live performances are still rare, the works have avoided the fate of being corrupted to suit a substitute instrument. St Mark's Basilica engaged someone to play the viola d'amore in 1689,5 and one

was introduced at the conservatoire of the PietA, Vivaldi's principal place of employ, in 1708. Vivaldi used the instrument to good effect injuditha (RV 644, 1716) and in his setting of Psalm 126, 'Nisi, nisi Dominus' (RV 608). Heller's watermark study reveals that two of the solo concertos, RV 392 and 397, are preserved on paper manufactured only from 1725 to 1730. The concerto for viola d'amore and lute, RV 540, was written in 1740. Vivaldi's tuning for the instrument was d-a-d'-f'-a'-d". *

Vivaldi's viole all'inglese could have been viols but are marginally more likely to have been an exotic species of viola d'amore, the so-called English violet. Leopold Mozart, in his Treatise on the Fundamental Principles of Violin Playing (1756), described the English violet as having seven ordinary gut and fourteen sympathetic wire strings. The additional sympathetic strings, he said, made it louder than the parent instrument. Its

tuning is uncertain, but it is generally believed that the

sympathetic strings were tuned in choirs that corre- sponded in pitch to the main strings. The earliest surviving specimen may be an instrument built in Munich in 1724 by Paul Alletsee, now in the

Boomkamp Collection in Holland. Vivaldi's scoring for the viola all'inglese is in some

ways quite different from his scoring for viola d'amore. InJuditha and elsewhere the viola d'amore is

employed as a solo instrument. In contrast, the viola

all'inglese is rarely employed singly. An ensemble of five

appear in Juditha, a group of three in the Funeral Concerto RV 579, and two in the concerto RV 555. Only in the score of the opera L'Incoronazione di Dario (17 17) is one used singly. The musical style associated with the instrument is somewhat variable but in certain cases, especially that presented byJuditha, it is entirely con- sistent with the Italian notion of English viol scoring. Comparable scoring may be seen in the two sonatas for four viols in Giovanni Legrenzi's op. 10 (1673).6

There can be little doubt that Vivaldi's violoncello

all'inglese, featured with violin in the concerto RV 546, must be of the same family as the viola all'inglese. There is even a documentary reference to this species in Coronelli, the renowned Venetian geographer and man of letters. He wrote of a young lady at the Pietai named Prudenza who 'with the same naturalness

[francheza] sings, plays the violin, and the violoncello inglese'.' Vincenzo Coronelli'sstatement establishes that we are dealing with an instrument as distinct from a style of playing. The viola all'inglese in Dario, I. xv, could appropriately be called a violoncello because of its low * [Note: c' = middle C1

A South-German or Austrian viola d'amore, 1719 (London, Victoria &d Albert Museum no. 722-1878). The viola d'amore survives in both viol and violin shapes-this instrument once

belonged to Princebishop Franz Anton of Salzburg

334

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The opening of the Concerto de Viole all'Inglesefrom Vivaldi's Juditha, Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale MS Foa 28n. 65 276v, 277

pitch; the part could be played on a bass viol. This is a virtuoso part, with six-note chords and a cadenza at the end of the aria. While virtuosity on the gamba was valued at this time, it is difficult to conclude that Vivaldi can have intended anything other than a baryton (the bass member of the English violet family) here. By inference, then, the entire class of viole all'inglese would have been English violets. This con- clusion leaves the modern performer out on a limb, for not only is the English violet (apart from the baryton member) extinct but the nearest substitute, the viola d'amore, is available only in its treble size.

Comparably problematical are the two violini in tromba marina mentioned on the cover only of the manuscript score of the Concerto in C major RV 558, written in 1740. The score itself indiscriminately gives trombe for these parts. As in countless other cases, only ten staves have been used to show fifteen parts; it is

difficult to account for all the instruments once additions and subtractions begin to occur.

It is possible to regard the cover designation as being in error, although it is a very curious expression that would have required conscious thought to invent. Although trumpets, as given in the modern edition, are workable (except for the double stops found later), here it seems more likely from a linguistic point of view that Vivaldi really wished to call attention to a special manner of playing the violin. The 1740 concertos, presented to the Saxon Prince Friedrich Christian on the occasion of his visit to Venice, gave Vivaldi the last opportunity he was to have to display his ingenuity at orchestration. Given all we know of Vivaldi's own skill as a violinist and the possibility that he would have been involved in the performance of these works, a solution recently proposed to me by Sibyl Marcuse seems quite probable. This is that

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Cover page of the Concerto RV5 58 showing the requirementfor 'Due Violini in Tromba Marina' (Sdichsische Landesbibliothek, MS. Mus. 2389-0-4)

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First page of the score of the Concerto RV558

335

Vivaldi intended these parts to be played with a lightly touched string, producing harmonics or so-called flageolet tones. The practice of touching the string but not actually stopping it was of course associated with the single-string tromba marina. The earliest known practical use of harmonics by Jean de Mondonville in his sonatas Les Sons harrnoniques, op. 4 (1735) is entirely compatible with this view.

Unusual but not perplexing is Vivaldi's call for a psaltery in Giustino, II. xiv, RV 717 (Rome, 1724). The required compass is b to c"'. Three-tone chords that appear in this part probably were to be arpeggiated.

Unusual woodwind designations Two general points about the repertory that involves wind instruments should be made. First, some of the ripieno wind and brass parts in Vivaldi's concertos appear only in the Dresden manuscripts, not in the more numerous Turin sources. These works could originally have been written with a purely string orchestra in mind, for as a performer Vivaldi's experi- ence was with strings and except for bassoon, the staple twelve-piece orchestra at the Pieta seems to have been a string one. It should also be recognized that many works that feature solo wind and brass instru- ments still rely on violins for virtuosity.

Second, the matter of distinguishing between flute and recorder was largely ignored until recently. 'Flute' is given indiscriminately in most modern editions, while it appears that up to 1725 or thereabout

Vivaldi's.flauto was a recorder. But making choices for

individual works is difficult, both because many works remain undated and because many works originally written for recorder were revised by Vivaldi himself to accommodate cross flute. In several cases both versions, scored for 'flute', are in circulation. Happily, Ryom's catalogue is quite specific in designating solo parts carefully.

Among the 'flute' sonatas, RV 48-51 are for trans- verse instruments, while RV 52 is a recorder work. The six 'flute' concerti published as op. 10 (c1728) were brought together for the convenience of the publisher Le Cene from miscellaneous earlier works. In fact, of fifteen Vivaldi concertos reckoned by Ryom to be for cross flute (RV 426-40), there are only six complete

works not known in variants scored differently. Nos. 1, 2 ('La Notte'), 3 ('I1 Gardellino'), and 6 of op. 10 are all known in chamber concerto arrangements (RV 98, 104, 90 and 101). Op. 10, no. 4 is for transverse flute, while the version for transverse flute published as no. 5 (RV 434) must have been written later than a recorder version, RV 442, on account of the fact that the second movement of the published work has been transposed from F minor to G minor, while the first movement remains in F major. The only solo concerto for recorder not known to have a variant is RV 441. The concerto RV 533 is for two transverse flutes.

Among the concerti calling for multiple soloists RV 104 and 570 (both variants of op. 10, nos. 2 and 1) seem to require cross flute, as would the B0 Sinfonia RV 162. In the company of oboes and bassoon, flute may seem an appropriate choice to the modern concerto-goer, but 20th-century concepts of timbre families have a short lineage. The recorder seems to have been Vivaldi's choice in at least seven of the chamber concerti (which are scored for violin, 'flute', and bassoon, sometimes with added oboe): RV 87, 92, 94, 95, 101, 103, and 105. Two recorders are among the solo instruments used with double orchestra in the concerto RV 577, and four are required in another double-orchestra concerto, RV 585.

Even in his use of the recorder, Vivaldi was not quick to explore its possibilities. His earliest use of it seems to have occurred during his three-year residence in Mantua (c 1718-21), although recorders were used in Venetian chamber music before this. Benedetto Marcello's sonatas for the instrument, op. 2, had appeared in 1712. Vivaldi employed tenor recorders (flauti grossi) in his operas Tito Manlio (RV 738) of 1719 and La veritd in cimento (RV 739), produced in Venice in 1720.

Although the one-keyed cross flute has been proposed as one meaning of Vivaldi's term

.flautino,8 Lasocki's closely argued case for the use of the sopranino recorder in the concertos RV 443 and 444 suits these works well.9 The written compass in both works is c'-f"'. More perplexing is the flautino part in the concerto RV 445, in which the lowest written note is e. No instrument that merits a diminutive ending could accommodate such a part, suggesting the pos-

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Italian treble recorder, early or mid- 18th century. The veneer is of tortoise-shell with gold pique' and mother-of-pearl inlay. This instrument was once owned by Rossini (London, Victoria &r Albert Museum no. 1124-1869)

336

sibility that the part was simply notated at a :on- venient pitch and played higher.

Arguments against the flageolet as an appropriate choice for flautino focus on customary usage of the term flautino. There is no specific documentary evidence for the use of the flageolet in Venice, even among Vivaldi's well-known treasure trove of rare instruments. However, an anonymous aria found in the same manuscript with Juditha (Turin National Library, Fod 28, ff. 104-6) contains parts for two.flasolet requiring a compass of g'-f"'.'0 Several chromatic notes (c#, ft, bio) are used. If Vivaldi or his contem- poraries knew the flageolet as a.flasolet, it is certain he could have designated it appropriately in instru- mental pieces.

Vivaldi's claren represents the difficult problem of

determining whether he was referring to an instru- ment or a register. If the context were known to be the trumpet, then claren could be taken as an indication of the upper register. But Vivaldi's context in the two C major concertos RV 559 and 560 is string orchestra with two oboes, and some species of early clarinet seems the most likely choice. Scoring for the claren is stepwise melodically and graceful rhythmically, suggesting a reed rather than a brass instrument.

In the concertos RV 559 and 560 the written compass of the two clarini, which absent themselves in excursions outside the principal key, is c'-c"'. A unison part for two

.clarini in Juditha is confined to notes of

the major scale between b' flat and b" flat. The presence of a cue for 'clarinetti' in the basso continuo of the 'San Lorenzo' concerto, RV 556, which happens to call for two clarini (compass g-c"'), could be the later addition of a performer (although the work is an auto- graph). The slow movement can be regarded as little more than a sketch, if one takes seriously its copious list of intended instruments: a clarino solo, arpeggios on the lute, a cello, a pizzicato violin, and 'tutti li bassi' are called for, but the only written obbligato parts are for violin and cello. The large number of chromatic notes and the downward extension of the compass to e flat were, according to present information, un- obtainable on any instrument of the clarinet family available to Vivaldi.

Coupled with the problem of the claren is the problem of the salm3 or salmod, because at face value one would take it, too, to represent an early species of clarinet, but Vivaldi did not use the terms claren and salmod interchangeably. The salmod was undoubtedly known in various sizes, for its register varies from work to work. The folk chalumeau, which was used to a

CONCERTI . Suonati: dallo liglie

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Title-page of the last collection of his concertos assembled during Vivaldi's lifetime (Sichsische Landesbibliothek, Dresden)

limited extent by a number of 18th-century com- posers, had a compass of an eleventh, which is too restrictive for some of Vivaldi's scoring. Surviving specimens of descant clarinets made by J. C. Denner (d 1707) givef as a lowest note and can ascend to c"'. This kind of instrument could accommodate the compass d'-c'" found in the single salmoe parts of the 'Funeral Concerto', RV 579 (possibly written in c 1719) and d'-g" in the concerto RV 555. The more limited compass b' flat-b" flat found in the salmod obbligato of Juditha reminds us that B flat was more easily obtained than B natural on the early two-keyed clarinet." A distinctly lower compass, G-e', in the paired salmod parts in the concerto RV 558 (1740) could have been intended to exhibit the then new bass member of the clarinet family."

Etymology also does not exclude the simple shawm as a possible equivalent for the bass salmod required in

juditha and RV 579. As late as 1724 St Mark's Basilica added a bombard player to its orchestra,13 so that instrument should have been known to Vivaldi.

Vivaldi's sparing use of brass instruments causes very little perplexity apart from his call for paired tromboni da caccia in Orlando.finto pazzo (RV 727; 1714) and in the concerto RV 574 (1725-30). These must have been lower pitched relatives of the 18th-century tromba da caccia, which was pitched in F. B natural and B flat are used more freely than in horn literature of the time, but among modern equivalents there seems to be little alternative to the horn.

The judicious reader will by now have realized that very few of the problems discussed have been resolved. It is hoped that their airing will encourage performers with the appropriate resources to explore the alter- native possibilities to which most of these questions

337

can be reduced and to report on the results of their efforts. Used in that way, the tricentenary provides an opportunity which was not available to recent genera- tions of Vivaldi enthusiasts and which, if it succeeds in bringing new sonorities to a repertory generally thought to be well known, will have been used in a most worthwhile way.

I The volume was published in Paris in c 1737 by Mme Boivin for 'Musette, Viele, Flite, Hautbois, [ou] Violon', but its authenticity has been questioned by Peter Ryom, Verzeichnis der Werke Antonio Vivaldis, Kleine Ausgabe (Leipzig, 1974), pp. 151 and 213, on the ground that many of the movements seem to be reworkings of concerto movements by Vivaldi, Alberti and Meck. 2 Milan, 1947-71. Substantial though it is, the edition is not complete, partly because it contains no vocal works and partly because around 50 new instrumental pieces were discovered after the edition was commissioned. These later instrumental pieces are itemized in the Appendix to Antonio Fanna, Catalogo numerico- tematico delle opere strumentali di Antonio Vivaldi (Milan, 1968), which is the official guide to the Ricordi edition; Ryom, 'A propos de l'inventaire des oeuvres d'Antonio Vivaldi: Etude critique des catalogues et de nouvelles decouvertes (48 manuscrits inconnus)', Vivaldiana, I (1969); Ryom, Verzeichnis, pp. 209-12; and Michael Talbot, 'Some Overlooked MSS in Manchester', Musical Times, CXV (1974).

Instrumental pieces not represented in the Ricordi edition include a Sinfonia in G (RV 147), ed. Talbot (Copenhagen, 1972), and the twelve Manchester sonatas by Vivaldi (RV 754-760 et al.) ed. Talbot (Madison, Wisconsin, 1977). 3 The principal sources on the dates of Vivaldi's works are Karl Heller, Die deutsche Oberlieferung der Instrumentalwerke Vivaldis (Leipzig, 197 1), and Ryom, Les Manuscrits de Vivaldi (Copenhagen, 1977).

4 RV Ryom Verzeichnis. For a discussion of the other systems for identifying Vivaldi's works see E. Selfridge-Field, Venetian Instrumental Music from Gabrieli to Vivaldi (Oxford, 1975), pp. 223-5. Ryom's catalogue gives concordances with the Pincherle, Rinaldi and Fanna systems and with the Ricordi edition. These concord- ances have also been published separately by Ryom, Antonio Vivaldi: Table de concordances des oeuvres (RV) (Copenhagen, 1973). Concordances for the works cited here are given at the conclusion of the footnotes. 5 Selfridge-Field, op cit, p. 304. 6 Modern edition by Raffaele Cumar (Milan, 1965). 7 Guida de'forestieri per le cittd di Venezia (Venice, 1706), p. 21.

8 Dale Higbee, 'Michel Corrette on the Piccolo and Speculations Regarding Vivaldi's "Flautino" ', Galpin SocietyJournal, XVII (1964). 9 David Lasocki, 'Vivaldi and the Recorder', The American Recorder, IX (1968), p. 104. 10 I am grateful to Dr Michael Talbot for calling my attention to this work. " The early history of the clarinet is well treated in F. Geoffrey Rendall, The Clarinet, 3rd edn. rev. by Philip Bate (London, 1971), pp. 64-77. 12 J. H. Van der Meer, 'The Chalmueau Problem', Galpin Society

Journal, XV (1962), 91, chooses to consider this a tenor chalumeau part written an octave lower than sounded, but he presents little rationale for his argument.

The suggestion, loc cit, that cues reading 'Grande Bassone solo' in the continuo of RV 576 refer to a bass chalumeau is difficult to support. These cues occur whenever thefagotto exercises its concertino function (for example, to accompany the horn duo in Bars 13-15 and the oboe solo in Bars 21-4) and no other accompaniment is shown. As such its primary purpose seems to have been to keep the keyboard player informed of changes in continuo responsibility. 'Grande' might suggest the contrabassoon as opposed to the simple bassoon while 'Bassone' strictly meant any large bass instrument. 13 Selfridge-Field, p. 307.

Concordances for works mentioned in the article

Ryom (RV) Pincherle Fanna Ryom (RV) Pincherle Fanna Ryom (RV) Pincherle Fanna 48 - XV:3 395a - II:3 444 78 VI:5 49 Son. 7/9 XV:5 396 233 II:1 445 83 VI:9 50 - XV:6* 397 37 11:6 533 76 VI:2 51 - - 426 - VI:17* 540 266 XII:38 52 Son. 7/10 XV:4 427 203 VI:3 546 238 IV:6 87 81 XII:30 428 155 VI:14 555 87 XII:23 90 155 XII:9 429 205 VI:10 556 84 XII:14 92 198 XII:7 430 - - 558 16 XII:37 94 207 XII:25 431 139 - 559 74 XII:2 95 204 XII:29 432 142 - 560 73 XII:1 98 - - 433 261 VI:12 566 297 XII:31

101 - XII:13 434 262 - 570 - XII:28 103 402 XII:4 435 104 VI:15 574 319 XII:18 104 - XII:5 436 140 VI:8 576 359 XII:33 105 403 XII:20 437 105 VI:16 577 383 XII:3 147 Sinf. 6 - 438 118, 141 VI:6 579 385 XII:12 162 Sinf. 11 XII:44 439 342 VI:13 585 226 XII:48 392 166 11:5 440 80 VI:7 393 289 11:4 441 440 VI:11 394 288 11:2 442 - VI:1 395 287 - 443 79 VI:4

* Work is represented in the Fanna

catalogue but not in the Ricordi edition.