Villancico de Negros

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A

C O N T R I B U T I O N T O T H E H I S T O R Y O F T H E

VILLANCICO DE NEGROS

by

N A T A L I E

Y O D O Y O Z O Y A

A T H ES IS S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F

T H E

R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F

M A S T E R O F A R T S

i n

T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S

(Department of Hispanic an d Italian Studies)

W e accept this thesis as

conforming

to the

required

standard

T H E

U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R IT I SH C O L U M B I A

October

1996

© N a t a l i e Vodovozova, 1996



In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced

degree at the University of British

Columbia,

I agree

that

the Library shall make it

freely available for reference and study. further

agree that

permission for extensive

copying

of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my

department or by his or her representatives. It is understood

that

copying or

publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written

permission.

Department of M Sp^^C

M a ^ ^ ^

The

University of British Columbia

Vancouver,

Canada

Date Oc-6o

^W.

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(2/88)



A B S T R A C T

The villancico originated as a Spanish popular song. The cultivated

poets

of

Spain

started to explore the artistic possibilities of the villancico from about

the second half of the fifteenth century. From the end of that century date

the earliest religious compositions known to us in the form of a villancico.

In the

course

of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the religious

villancico developed into a genre musically and poetically distinct from the

secular compositions of the same title. The new genre combined the qualities

of a song and a minor theatrical form, undergoing the influence of various

poetic, musical and theatrical genres, both native and foreign.

Among

the

characters contributed to the villancico by the Spanish theatre is the figure

of the Negro.

This

study is a contribution to the history of the villancicos put in the

mouths of black Africans. Black slaves and freedmen played a conspicuous

role in the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century economic and social life of

Spain, Portugal and Spanish America. After an outline of the history of the

black

African presence

in these areas, and the use of black speech modes in

Peninsular and Spanish American

letters,

we study the existing printed and

ii



manuscript sources of the preserved villancicos de negros, and then offer a

philological and linguistic study of a selection of sixty-eight negros that have

been collected for this work.

The

earliest

negros

we know about had been performed in the last two

decades of the sixteenth century in the

Capilla

Real in

M a d r i d .

The earliest

surviving negros

are those by Luis de

Gongora, while

the

latest date

from

the end of the eighteenth century, both in

Spain

and in

Spanish America.

Villancicos

negros

have the same structure as other types of

religious

villan-

cico

of the time.

They

were written for all

principal

church celebrations, and

contain

numerous

allusions

to contemporary social habits. The speech modes

of the negrillas—lingua de pretos and habla de

negros—represent

a mixture

of realistic observation and stereotyping. For instance, distorted

Spanish

or

Portuguese forms may alternate

with correct

ones in one and the same com

position. Moreover, while some of the represented grammatical features of

black

speech modes run parallel to those

found

in now existing Iberian-based

C r e o l e s , others—like the

ceceo

of eighteenth-century

negros—betray

insuffi

cient linguistic accuracy.

iii



T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S

Abstract • ii

Table

of Contents iv

Acknowledgement v

I N T R O D U C T I O N , ' , 1

Chapter One The Secular villancico 5

T he Religious villancico 9

Chapter Two Black Africans in the Iberian Peninsula and Spanish America 24

Chapter Three Black

Portuguese

and Spanish in Hispanic

Letters

38

Chapter Four Negros 45

Chapter Five Description of the negritos Used in this Study 53

Chapter Six Analysis of the

negrillas

71

Chapter Seven The

Language

of the guineos 108

Conclusion 125

Bibliography

128

Appendix An Anthology of villancicos de negros 146

iv



A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T

I

wish to

express

my deep gratitude to my thesis director, Professor Derek

C . Carr, for suggesting to me the topic of this study, for his genuine interest

in the progress of my work, scholarly counsel, the care he took in helping me

to prepare the final draft of the thesis, and for his trust. I also wish to thank

Professor Arsenio Pacheco Ransanz for his advice,

helpful

discussions and

comments, and his generosity with his time. I also

express

my gratitude to

the staff of the Interlibrary Loan department of the UBC Library—Patrick

D u n n ,

Cheryl

Niamath, Patrick Patterson, and

D a v i d

Truelove—for their co

operation and patient understanding, and to the Faculty of Graduate Studies

of the University of British

Columbia

for granting me a University Graduate

Fellowship for 1995-96.



I N T R O D U C T I O N

Th e

villancico as a literary and musical

genre

was cultivated in Spain

for at

least

four hundred years, from the second half of the fifteenth century

to the second half of the nineteenth. Although the complete history of the

villancico is

still

non-existent, the tradition has been studied in numerous

works of a more or less partial nature. Some of them

treat

purely literary

aspects of the villancico, others, only its musical

characteristics,

while a few

studies combine the two approaches.

The philological studies comprise Sanchez Romeralo's monographic treat

ment of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century villancico, and St. Amour's dis

sertation on the evolution of the secular villancico into a Christmas carol.

Later

stages

of villancico history are covered in a more sketchy way in in

troductory studies by Rodrigues Lapa, Mendes dos Remedios, Mendez Plan-

carte, J. I. Perdomo Escobar, M. Alvar, and C. Bravo-Villasante to their

editions of certain selections of villancicos—villancicos

gallegos

from the Na

tional Library in Lisbon, villancicos from the Library of the University of

Coimbra,

villancicos by Sor Juana

Ines

de la

Cruz,

villancicos from the Cathe

dral of Bogota, villancicos from Malaga, and villancicos from the collection of

1



villancicos

published

by

Alonso

Cortes.

In most of the quoted studies, the selection of the villancicos is made on

a "geographical" basis. However, the study of Tejerizo Robles concentrates

on

the villancicos written for a specific feast (Christmas), while the work of

Rodrigues

Lapa, Os vilancicos. 0 vilancico

galego

nos

seculos XVII

e XVIII,

centers

around a certain "ethnic" villancico group. The study by Rodrigues

Lapa can be taken, in a

sense,

as a starting point for this dissertation, devoted

to yet another type of the villancico: villancicos en habla de negros.

Although

villancicos de

negros

have

scarcely

been studied in their proper

context—as

a subgenre of the religious villancico

—,

they did attract the at

tention of various scholars, for various

reasons.

J. Lipsky in Latin-American

Spanish (104-07)

and W. Megenney in

"Rasgos

criollos"

(163),

regard them

as written manifestations of seventeenth-century black Spanish. For V. Men-

doza ("Algo del

folklore

negro en Mexico"

1101-03),

they form

part

of A fr ican-

American folklore.

For the compilers of the anthologies of black poetry (Man-

sour, Albornoz), they form

part

of the poetic tradition

that

culminated in

the poetry of N.

Guil len.

The

most

valuable study of the

villancicos

de ne

gros,

however, was written by a musicologist, R. Stevenson. His article "The

Afro-American

Musical Legacy to 1800" combines musical, historical, and

3



philological

approaches to this branch of the villancico tradition

(486-98).

In

this dissertation we try to

bring

together what is currently

known

about

the Baroque villancico (Chapter One), and to situate the sixty-eight villan

cicos

used in this study in the

context

of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-

century religious villancico (Chapters Four, Five, and Six). No music has

been studied, and no manuscript sources used. We give the description of

the contents of the selected villancicos de negros, then analyse the histor

ical and social data they provide (Chapter Six), and study the linguistic

modes in which they are written (Chapter Seven). To correlate the "socio-

historical"

data contained in the villancicos with what we know about the

history of black Africans in Europe and the Americas, a brief outline of

the black

African

presence in the

Hispanic world

is offered in Chapter Two.

Chapter Three provides an introduction to the use of black speech modes in

Hispanic letters.

4



C H A P T E R O N E

T H E S E C U L A R VILLANCICO

1.1 From the second half of the fifteenth century, Spanish Cancioneros

began to include popular songs by the side of the cultivated ones. The

interest towards the popular might have originated in the court of

Alfonso

V

in

Naples, whence

it

was communicated

to the

courts

of

Aragon, Navarra

and

Castilla (Sanchez Romeralo 50).

One

composition

in the Cancionero

de

Herberay

des

Essarts

(compiled

between 1461 and 1464), receives the name villancillo. A related term, vil-

langete, occurs in the Cancionero

de

Stuniga (thought to have been compiled

in

Naples after

1458).

Both terms

are

used

to

designate songs

to be

sung

by

villanos,

or

peasants, and both

antedate yet

another related term,

villan

cico, first documented in the Cancionero musical de la Biblioteca Colombina

(compiled before 1490) on fol. 53r over Pedro Lagarto's "Andad, pasiones,

andad"

(Stevenson,

Spanish

Music

252).

Formerly,

it was

thought

that the

name villancico

had

occurred earlier, namely,

in the

title

of the

composi

tion

"Villancico

. . . a

tres

hijas suyas," written around 1445 and vari

ously attributed to Suero de Ribera and the Marques de Santillana. Sanchez

5



Romeralo shows, however, that since this poem is known only through its two

sixteenth-century versions, the name villancico might have been attached to

it later, when the term became common (Sanchez Romeralo 35).

1.2

Well into the first quarter of the sixteenth century villancico appears

to have been a

rather

broad term. It could mean, for instance, a song with

an

initial refrain. In the Cancionero

musical

de Palacio

that

contains com

positions dating from the 1430s to 1521, 425 out of the surviving 458 songs

receive this denomination. As R. Stevenson says, "the original indexer [of the

CMP] calls everything in Spanish with a prefatory refrain a villancico. He

also gives this name to a Spanish song if any individual section in it, not nec

essarily the first, is repeated" (Spanish Music 252). Villancico could mean a

song that used popular verses and tunes, especially the refrains of the popular

villancicos separated from their popular strophic development (glosa). The

above-mentioned poem attributed to Santillana was called villancico because

it included four such refrains. Finally, the refrains of the popular villancicos,

separated from their popular

glosas

were also called villancicos.

1.3 The "classic" sixteenth-century villancico is a

well

defined literary-

musical

form that may be described as follows:

(a) poetic form. An

initial

refrain of two to four lines (lines 1-3 in the

6



example below)

is

followed

by one or

more coplas

of

seven lines,

the

first

four receiving

the

name

mudanza

(lines

4-7

in

the

example given),

the fifth

line constituting

the enlace

(line

8),

and

the

remaining two

the vuelta

that

returns to the rhyme of the refrain (lines 9-10). The refrain is repeated

after

each

copla:

(1)

Mas vale trocar

(2)

plazer por dolores

(3)

que

estar

sin amores.

(4)

Donde

es

gradecido

5)

es

dulce

el

morir:

(6) bivir

en olvido,

(7)

aquel

no es bivir.

(8) Mejor es sufrir

(9)

passion

y

dolores

(10)

que estar sin amores.

. . .

(Encina

109)

(b) musical form.

The

refrain

has its

own music;

the

four lines

of the

copla have their own music, too; the last three lines of the copla return to

the music

of the initial

refrain, which

is not

repeated.

In other

words,

the

musical villancico, although in itself tripartite, retains only two sections of

the literary

villancico

(Pope, "Development"

12; Rubio, Villancico polifdnico

17-19; Alonso Cortes 19-20).

This is the

form used for their

villancicos

by Juan del Encina and Lucas

Fernandez, the early important contributors to the popularity of the genre. It

7



is also the form that may be traced in all major sixteenth-century song-books

containing villancicos: Cancionero de Medinaceli (mid-sixteenth century),

Cancionero de Upsala (published 1556), Recopilacion de sonetos y villancicos

by Juan Vasquez (published 1551), and Canciones y villanescas espirituales

by Francisco Guerrero (published. 1589).

1 4 The form of the secular villancico did not change in the 17th century,

despite the many vicissitudes endured by its religious counterpart (see below).

Such 17th-century composers as Pedro Rimonte and Juan Bautista Comes

composed both kinds of the villancico, keeping them structurally distinct.

Because of their growing popularity, the villancicos a lo divino soon became

the only kind of composition to be designated by this name. The secular

villancicos were now called

tonos

or

tonos

humanos

(Stevenson, Vilancicos

Portugueses viii).

1 5 The origin of the literary-musical form described in 1.3 is still being

debated. Included among its

antecedents

are: kharchas—borrowed popular

songs inserted by cultivated Hebrew and Arabic poets as a conclusion, or

final

strophe,

to the

muwaSs'ahas

(the

earliest

kharchas date

from

the

mid-

eleventh century); a few troubadour songs in the

Galician

Cancioneiros of

the thirteenth century; many of the Cantigas de Santa Maria collected for,

8



or composed by, Alfonso X towards the end of the thirteenth century; finally,

a couple of songs included by Juan

Ruiz

in the Libro de Buen Amor (four

teenth century). Certain points of contact also exist between the villancico

and Galician-Portuguese cantigas de amigo, the Italian frottola, the French

virelai, the Arabic zejel, as

well

as with the form generically called frauenlied,

or feminine song, that stands at the beginning of all European

folk

poetry

(Sanchez Romeralo 315-80; Pope, "Development" 13-15; Pope, "Form" 208).

T H E RELIGIOUS VILLANCICO

1

1.6 The earliest religious villancicos known to us are modeled on the sec

ular ones. One of the earliest writers of religious villancicos, Fray Ambrosio

Montesino, used

to

write new words

to the

tunes

of

preexisting secular vil

lancicos (St.

Amour

103, Frenk 60-63). The Franciscan monk Fray Ifiigo de

Mendoza directs the

following

villancico to the Christ-Child in his play Vita

Christian. 1480):

Eres nina y has amor,

ique haras cuando mayor?

by changing

"nina" to

"nifio" (Sanchez Romeralo

16-17). The

procedure

was common in those days; sometimes entire books could be converted a

1

This

is the sense in which we shall employ the word villancico for the rest of this study.

9



lo divino, such

as

Sebastian

de

Cordoba's

Las

obras

de

Boscdn

y

Garcilaso

trasladadas en

materias Christianas

y religiosas (Granada 1575).

St.

Amour

suggests that originally the villancicos a lo divino could be

sung in the liturgical drama. She bases this hypothesis on the

following

reasons:

(a)

there

is evidence of the use of songs in the early liturgical drama;

(b) at times, the songs could take the form of a villancico, appropriate to

be sung by shepherds, whose participation in the Christmas cycle is based

on

the Gospel

account

of the

Nativity (Luke

2: 8-20).

Besides, villancicos

were familiar to the audiences of the contemporary secular

theatre.

After the

villancicos became equally familiar to the audiences of religious plays, they

could

be

performed

apart

from

the

plays,

as

religious compositions

in

their

own

right

(St.

Amour

118-19).

O f

major importance for the further development of the villancicos was

their introduction into the Church service itself. Originally, they were per

formed in

the

place of the responsories

at

matins that had traditionally been

sung

in

Latin. The credit

for

this innovation

is

given

to

Fray Hernando

de

Talavera, the first Archbishop of Granada. It is worth repeating here the

oft-quoted passage by Talavera's first biographer:

10



E n lugar de responsos hacia cantar algunas coplas devotisimas,

correspondientes a las liciones. Desta manera atraia el santo

varon a la gente a los maitines como a la misa. . . . En aquesto

tambien, como en otras cosas que adelante se dira, fue este sefior

murmurado, que viendo el enemigo cuanto desta manera era nue-

stro Senor servido e por consiguiente el desamparado, movio a

algunos que dixesen que [no] era bien mudar la universal costum-

bre de la Iglesia, y que era cosa nueva desirse en la iglesia cosa en

lengua castellana; y murmuraban dello fasta decir que era cosa

supersticiosa; pero viendo este varon eminente cuanto de lo dicho

nuestro Senor era servido y cuanto el pueblo animado y conso-

lado, tenia

estos

ladridos por picaduras de moscas y por

saetas

echadas por manos de niiios (qtd. in Lopez Calo, La musica 254).

Fray

Jose

de Sigiienza, one of his later biographers, adds:

de donde quedo la costumbre en toda Espaiia de hacer

estas

fiestas

y regocijos de musica en los maitines y oficio

divino

(Historia de

la Orden de San Jeronimo; qtd. in Lopez Calo, La musica, 255).

1 . 7

Whether Talavera indeed was the initiator of the novelty with which

he has been credited is likely to remain an open question. What is certain

is that from the mid-sixteenth century it became the annual duty of choir

masters

to compose music for a certain number of villancicos for well-defined

occasions.

2

These villancicos were to be performed only once and only in the

institution

for which they had been written.

3

In reality, however, this con-

See the

f o l l o w i n g

l i n e s f r o m the p r o l o g u e of F r a n c i s c o de G u e r r e r o to his

Viaje

a

Jerusalem:

Y

c o m o

tenemos los

deste

of i c i o [=maestro de c api l la] por m u y p r i n c i p a l o b l i

g a t i o n

c o m p o n e r

changonetas y

v i l l a n c i c o s ,

en l o o r d el

s a n t i s i m o n a s c i m i e n t o

de Jesucristo

. . y de su

s a n t i s i m a m a d r e ,

la

v i r g e n M a r i a n u e s t r a S e n o r a

(qtd. in St.

A m o u r

113).

3

See,

for

i n s t a n c e ,

the

f o l l ow i n g

excerpt

f r o m

the

Memorias del Cardenal D.

Diego

de

11



dition was

never

wholly fulfilled.

Because

the

villancicos became exclusive

property

of

the

maestros de

capilla, they were often exchanged,

wholly or in

part, between the chapelmasters of various institutions. Both textual concor

dances between the preserved villancicos, and the surviving correspondence

between the choirmasters point to an extensive exchange.

4

From at least

the second half of the seventeenth century the festive villancicos used to be

published—first, after their performance, later, before it, so that the audi

ences could follow the presentation. The printed booklets were sold around

the city by blind pedlars (Garcia de Enterria 148-51; Catdlogo xv).

There is little direct data about the authors of the librettos of the villan

cicos. The manuscript copies indicate only the name of the composers, while

the

published

chap-books give

the

name

of the

institution where

the

villan

cicos had been performed or were about to be performed, and sometimes the

name

of the

choirmaster. Early students

of the

villancico believed

that the

Guzman regarding the matins of the 1610 Christmas celebration in the Capilla Real in

Madrid: "empecaronse los maytines que a mi gusto no fueron buenos y la causa fue estar

el

maestro [de capilla] malo y ser todos los villangicos de fuera, lo

qual

nunca se ha de

hazer, sino que quando el maestro no pudiere hazerlos avise con tiempo para que los haga

el tiniente

. . ." (qtd.

in Moll

82).

4

See Lopez

Calo,

"Corresponsales" (passim). In one of the

letters

the author has to

insist

that

the

villancicos

he is

sending

are

new: "Lo que aseguro

es que las

letras

son

nuevas, porque me las acaba de hacer mi poeta"

(letter

84). See also

Laird

295-306,

321-22, 330-31.

12



composers themselves wrote the lyrics (Rodrigues Lapa, Os vilancicos 12).

Documentary evidence, although scanty, suggests that at times the cathe

dral would employ a poet for the purpose of supplying the librettos (Lopez

Calo,

La musica 265-67).

At other times, some cleric from

within

the in

stitution,

given to pious versification (or comissioned by the authorities),

would

produce the festive pieces (Lopez Calo, La musica 265-67; Jammes,

Etudes 234). Renowned poets did not despise the genre; Gongora, Lope de

Vega, Agustin

Moreto, Sor Juana

Ines

de la Cruz are some of the illustrious

names connected, in various degrees, with wZ/emdco-writing. Some poets,

like Manuel de Leon Marchante, dedicated an important portion of their ca

reers to

villancico-

writing, as is clear from the list of the works of this author

collected in his two-volume Obras

poeticas

posthumas (Catalogo,

224-33).

In

seventeenth-century literary works, students and professional versifiers ap

pear as the librettistas of the villancicos. The "famoso pastor estudiante

Grisostomo" used to write autos and villancicos for Christmas (Quijote Part

1, Ch. 12), and Quevedo's Don Pablos earned his

l iving

by composing

vil

lancicos and

oraciones

de

ciegos

at some point of his varied

life

(El buscon,

C h .

9).

1.8 In the times of Talavera, the principal celebrations for which villan-

13



cicos

were composed were Christmas and the

Epiphany;

more rarely, the

Assumption and the Nativity of Our Lady (Lopez Calo,

La musica

259-60).

Later on,

villancicos

appear to be written for all the principal feasts of the

Church,

not to mention a variety of less specified occasions: Corpus

Christi,

Pentecost, Easter, Marian feasts, Missions, local Saints, professions of nuns.

The parts of the

Church

service where

villancicos

could be performed were

also extended. Apart from the responsories at matins, they now included the

graduals and offertories of the

Mass,

and the

Calenda,

or conclusion, of the

canonical

hour called

prima hora

(its structure may be seen in Rubio,

Forma

57).

1 . 9 The seventeenth-century religious

villancico

was no longer a two-part

composition. The early seventeenth-century composers, Pedro Rimonte and

Juan Bautista Comes, wrote

villancicos

consisting of three musically distinct

parts, which they called

tonada, responsion

and coplas. At first, the poetic

text of the first two parts was identical. Later, both music and verse of all

three parts became distinct. The three-part structure remained the basis of

the

villancico;

each of the parts, most notably the second one, was further

elaborated. Later in that century the first two parts of the

villancico

were

named

introduccion

and

estribillo.

14



The introduction and coplas used to be strophic (a variety of metres, from

penta- to endecasyllables), and the estribillo used to be through-composed

and metrically irregular. The Baroque villancico, as opposed to the Renais

sance

one, used

an

elaborate musical accompaniment

(the

sixteenth-century

villancicos seem to have been written for unaccompanied voices). Besides,

it was arranged for up to four choirs (sixteen voices in total), while the six

teenth century villancicos had been performed by one choir of three to five

voices (Rubio, Forma Al;

Alonso

Cortes

17).

It is hard at this point to tell precisely when and how the third part

intruded

into the structure of the villancico or, indeed, to assert a contin

uous development from the sixteenth-century composition of that name to

the seventeenth-century

one. It is

certain, however,

that

the

popular

lyric,

including popular villancicos, nurtured the new genre continuously. Many

resourses of popular poetry—for intance, similes and comparisons of a folk

character, exclamations and imitation of the sound of the instruments, not

to mention the folk tunes and refrains borrowed en masse by the new form—

appear in

the

long history ofthe villancico

as

one ofthe endless sources ofthe

author's inspiration (Frenk 73-76;

Rubio, Forma

71-74). Similarly, the liter

ary tendencies of the time did not go unreflected. Elegant plays on words and

15



the use of their sonority in some of the villancicos, and intellectual acrobatics

in others, betray the pen of cultivated poets acquainted with contemporary

literary trends.

1.10 Talavera, who had composed many villancicos himself, "procuraba

que las

letras

que se cantaban dixesen lo mismo que las lecciones e los re-

sponsos, porque los que no sabian latin entendiesen lo que aquello era y lo

supiesen de coro"

(Fray

Siguenza, Historia de la

Orden

de San

Jeronimo;

qtd.

in Lopez Calo, La

musica

259). The villancicos quickly outgrew the

secondary role originally allotted to them, and began to be composed for

their own sake and in ever-growing numbers. In more than one

sense

the

genre could not be contained

within

its own limits. It assimilated the influ

ences

of several contemporary musical and scenic genres, both national and

foreign.

The Spanish genero chico (jdcaras,

entremeses,

coloquios pastoriles,

didlogos

burlescos, bailes,

mojigangas,

sainetes) contributed characters, the

Italian

opera

and cantata, new musical forms.

5

The

latter

appeared as intru

sions in the structure of the

villancico.

New parts, with names like pastorela,

tonadilla,

minuet,

seguidillas,

recitado-aria

were

placed between the

estribillo

5

For the influence of the teatro menor on

villancicos

see Garcia de Enterria 149-50.

16



and the

coplas,

and could be repeated

after

the coplas (Alonso Cortes 22).

Since it was a common practice to suppress various parts of the villancico,

the new elements could even stand by themselves, without any of the basic

villancico parts, while the composition continued to be called villancico.

Stock characters from.the teatro menor now began to appear in the vil

lancicos, perhaps because in many

cases

the authors of the

latter

were well-

versed in both genres.

6

Of the many types introduced,

7

some spoke their

specific language. The most frequent foreign and dialectal types are Por

tuguese, French, Italians, Germans, Basques, Catalans and Asturians. In

Spanish America, Indians. These could speak their respective languages, or,

more often, their respective versions of Castilian, as also did representatives

of the Iberian minorities: Moors, negroes, and gypsies.

The use of characteristic speech modes was not alien to the spirit of the

liturgical

drama. There is a

scene

in Inigo de Mendoza's Vita Christi in

which the shepherds speak in a rustic dialect. The author introduced it, as

he explained, "para poder recrear, / despertar y renouar / la gana de los

lectores" (Lihani

12-13).

The

same

reason for the use of odd

characters

in

6

It is known that choirmasters, too, wrote music for secular theatre (Chase 122).

7

For more detail, see Garcia de Enterria 152.

17



the villancicos is adduced by E. M.

Wilson

in his attempt to explain the

phenomenon:

The carols were for public rejoicings. They did not, could not,

express intimate, highly refined states of mind. Instead the poets

strove to display the simple sense of joy which all could share.

The feelings of a bishop or a grandee towards the central mys

teries

of Christianity are not necessarily different from those of a

charwoman or a bricklayer, but the bishop and the grandee will

express their feelings in a different way. To express religious joy

so that all men and women could share in it, these poets took

the humblest kinds of people as their spokesmen, and made

gip

sies, slaves and even criminals declaim the basic feelings which

others could have expressed with greater verbal refinements. The

fact that these people spoke with a peculiar accent, or in broken

Spanish or in thieves'

cant

added a humorous piquancy to their

words. The audience could, at the

same

time,

share

the feelings

of the speaker and laugh at the way he spoke. The apparent in

congruity of the situation increased both its edification and its

humour. Christ was born for all men, shepherds as

well

as M ag i ;

need we blame the poets for including also gipsies, negresses, Por

tuguese and bravos? (E. M.

Wilson

127)

1.11 We come now to the most

difficult

of the problems associated with

the villancicos, namely, their representation. Were they only sung, or were

they staged as a real dramatic performance? Were they performed in the

Church building, or outside? Were special costumes ever used?

No

direct testimony is available to answer any of

these

questions. Lopez

Calo,

studying the indirect evidence provided by the

Adas

of the Cathedral

of Granada,

came

to the conclusion that roughly before 1550 the villancicos

18



were only sung there, while from about the middle of the sixteenth century

they

became

to include "elementos

ajenos

al

canto",

by which he means

unprofessional

dance

(that

of the

choir boys,

for example)

(Lopez Calo,

La

musica 275).

The

Adas

of the Cathedral of Granada,

those

of the Cathedral of Las

Palmas, and the documents from Segovia published by Flecniakoska, show

that at

times

the

participation

of

professional

dancers was

solicited

for the

presentations of Corpus Christi (La musica 274; De La Torre Nos. 510, 511;

Flecniakoska docs. 12-17, 20, 23-26, 28 and

others).

Studying the dramatic

quality of Gongora's letrillas,

Jammes

concluded that

those

of them writ

ten

in

dialogue form

(and his negros fall

within this

category)

must have

been performed (Jammes, Letrilla 93-96). T . Taylor thinks that the villan

cicos

were

represented both during processions and in the choir area of the

church itself (T. Taylor 70-71). The following possibilities, therefore, may be

summarized:

(a) villancicos other than those written for Corpus Christi were sung

inside

the

church

building,

in

the

choir

area,

and sometimes they might have

been accompanied by (unprofessional) dance;

(b) villancicos for Corpus Christi were sung inside and outside the church

19



building, in the latter

case

as part of the procession, and could be accompa

nied by professional as well as unprofessional dance. (We shall discuss the

use of costumes in 6.7).

1.12

In the second half of the eighteenth century the villancico began its

evolution

towards a simpler model, in accordance with the general taste of

the time. The orchestra became less varied and numerous, and polychoral

arrangement was abandoned in favour of one choir once again. In this form

the villancico survived in the churches of

Spain

and Spanish America well

into the second half of the nineteenth century (Alonso Cortes 17-18).

1.13

What reasons are

there

to account for the lasting popularity of the

villancico? A partial answer was given by E. M . Wilson (see above); revealing

information is also contained in the condemnations and even bans of the vil

lancicos by contemporary ecclesiastical and secular authorities, moralists and

the most illustrious of minds. A few of the most

illuminating

are reproduced

below:

Year 1539

Quando ipse persone representationem facture uenient ad Eccle-

siam,

nulla sint tympana siue tabals, neque trompete, nec aliquod aliud

genus musicorum, neque niger, neque nigra siue famula, nec crustula,

siue

flaons aliquo modo projiciantur (Chapter

decree

of the Cathedral

of Gerona about the presentation of a play Les tres Maries).

8

8

Qtd. i n Donovan 102.

2



Year 1596 Mando que en mi Real Capilla no se canten villancicos, ni cosa

alguna de romance, sino todo en latin como lo tiene dispuesto la Iglesia.

Y o el Rey (From the Real

Decreto

del Rey

Felipe

II de ii de junio de

1596)?.

Year 1613 No quiero decir que el uso de los villancicos sea malo, pues esta

recebido de todas las iglesias de Espafia, y de tai manera,

parece

no se

pueda hacer aquella cumplida solemnidad que conviene, si no los hay.

M as tampoco quiero decir que sea siempre bueno; pues no solamente no

nos convida a devotion, mas nos destrae della; particularmente aquellos

villancicos

que tienen diversidad de lenguajes. . . . Porque el oir agora

un portugues y agora un vizcaino, cuando un italiano y ciiando un

tudesco, primero un gitano y luego un negro, ^que efeto puede hacer

semejante musica sino forzar los oyentes, aunque no quieran, a reirse

y

burlarse y hacer de la iglesia de

Dios

un auditorio de comedias, y de

casa

de oration sala de recreation? Que todo esto sea verdad, hallanse

personas tan indevotas, que, por modo de hablar, non entran en la

iglesia una vez el ano, y las cuales, quiza, muchas veces pierden misa

los dfas de precepto, solo por pereza, por no se levantar de la cama; y

en

sabiendo que hay villancicos, no hay personas mas devotas en todo

el lugar, ni mas vigilantes que estas, pues no dejan iglesia, oratorio

ni humilladero que no anden, ni les pesa el levantarse a media noche,

po r

mucho frio que haga, solo para oirlos (Pietro Cerone, El

Melopeo

y

Maestro).

10

Year 1630 Felipe II quito los villancicos de su Real Capilla: ya se han vuelto

a introducir, y de modo que en las fiestas, el canto llano del oficio, es

como de aldea, y no es oido, ni visto, y los villancicos se celebran con

suma

solemnidad,

y

parece

que se tiene como

principal,

y el oficio divino

como por accesorio . . . De aqui es que los villancicos hechos en lengua

Guinea o Gallega o en otras que no son sino para mover a risa y causar

descompostura; y

otros

hechos a imitation, o en la letra o en el tono,

de los cantares o letras profanas y que despiertan la memoria dellas, en

ninguna

manera debrian

cantarse

en la iglesia ni en el coro . . . (Fray

9

Q t d . in Moll 82.

1 0

Q t d .

in Lopez Calo, Sigh XVII118.

21



Martin

de la Vera, Instruction de Eclesidsticos) .

n

Year 1726 Toda la gracia de las

cantadas

que hoy suenan en las iglesias,

consiste en equivocos bajos, metaforas triviales, retruecanos pueriles. .

.

. Pero aiin no he dicho lo peor que hay en las

cantadas

a lo divino; y

es que ya que no todas, muchisimas estan compuestas al genio burlesco.

C o n gran discrecion por cierto, porque las

cosas

de Dios son

cosas

de

entremes. ^,Que concepto daran del inefable misterio de la Encarnacion

m il disparates puestas en las bocas de Gil y Pascual?

(Padre

Feijoo,

La musica de los templos).

12

.

Year 1752 Y en algun modo estan hoy profanos los templos, porque todos

los lienzos burlones y festivos que finge y dispone la optica y perspectiva

para los coliseos, patios y corrales, ya son mas frecuentes en la iglesia

que en el Buen Retiro, y ya van juntando en las sacristias caudales de

bastidores y morteros; y para que lo acabes de

creer,

sabe que hasta en

los carteles convocatorios a la devocion, que ponen por esas esquinas

para sefialar es dia festivo, lo primero que advierten es que predicara

el Padre Fulano, y este renglon es de letra bastardilla, y despues, de

letrones muy hidropicos: asistird la musica de las Senoras Descalzas, o

del Rey, con violines, etc.; porque temen que no asista la

gente

si no las

dicen que hay tambien holgueta entre la devocion; y el templo donde

no suenan miisicas festivas, y la iglesia que no tiene sabor a coliseo, esta

desierta lo mas del ano (Diego de Torres Villarroel, Suenos morales).

13

Year 1787 ^Y como estamos nosotros en el ano de 1787, uno de los mas

ilustrados o luminosos del nuestro siglo? /Hemos desterrado de nuestro

Parnaso aquella chusma de versificadores bufones que inducfan en el

templo del Dios de majestad inefable los profanos conceptos y chistes

insulsos

que los Gentiles no hubieran oido sin ira en los Fanos torpes

de sus inmundas Deidades? ^Como celebramos hoy la Encarnacion y

Nacimiento

admirables del Hijo de Dios vivo? /.Todavia halla nuestra

consideration devota en el Portal glorioso de Belen al tosco Pascual, al

malicioso y juglar Bato, al atrevido y desvergonzado Anton? jAh Ali i

estan llenando de estiercol las limpias pajas donde esta reclinado el Nino

n

Q t d . in Rubio, Forma 54.

1 2

Q t d .

in Perdomo Escobar 78.

1 3

Q t d .

in Alonso Cortes 62-63.

22



Jesus, atormentando los castos y delicados oidos de su Purisima Madre

y del Santo Esposo Joseph; e irritando a las bestias del establo, que

obsequian con su silencio a aquellos Santos Huespedes mas dignamente

que los

Pastores

charlatanes con sus coplas (Jose Mariano Beristain,

"Reflexiones sobre los villancicos de Nochebuena" ),

14

1.14 The vogue for villancicos did not remain for long the peculiarity of

Church

service in Spain alone. No doubt, the notorious mobility ofthe mae-

stros de capilla in those days contributed to the dispersion of the villancicos

in Catalonia and Portugal. In the Cathedral of Majorca the first villanci

cos seem to have been sung in 1575 (St. Amour 114). In the Cathedral

of Valencia the villancico tradition was firmly established in 1613-1619 and

1631-1642, when Juan Bautista Comes was choirmaster (Ripolles vi). The

first part of the catalogue of the library of K i n g Joao IV shows the abundance

of villancicos written by Portuguese composers in the 17th century (Primeira

parte). Their late appearance and the preponderance of villancicos written in

Spanish point to their borrowed caracter in Catalonia and Portugal (Mendes

dos Remedios 43; Rodrigues Lapa 8).

1 4

Q t d .

in

Alonso

Cortes

63.

23



C H A P T E R T W O

B L A C K A F R I C A N S I N T H E I B E R I A N P E N I N S U L A A N D

S P A N I S H A M E R I C A

2.1 The history of black Africans in the Iberian Peninsula

goes

back

at

least

as far as the Roman colonization: Romans brought with them the

black slaves they had obtained

after

the conquest of North

Africa. This

source apparently continued to furnish black slaves during Visigothic rule

and

Moorish domination

(Jason,

"Language" 336). As

late

as at the end of

the fourteenth century, when the provenance of slaves begins to appear in

bills of sale, the majority of blacks still appear to come from North

Africa

(Verlinden,

L'esclavage 359). The blacks in

that

region became especially

numerous when, after the introduction of the camel, the Sahara turned into

an important commercial route connecting North Africa (Magrib, Ifriquin,

Egypt) with Sudan, Senegal and Niger. The caravans pulling northwards

used

to carry black slaves, among other merchandise.

15

Up to the fifteenth

century, negroes formed but a small part of the Iberian slaves.

Commercial

relationships with West Africa began to be established since

15

This

information and the following account are based on the cited works of

A .

Rumeu

de Armas.

24



the end of the thirteenth century, when Genoese, Majorcans, Catalans and

Andalusians started exploring that region in successive expeditions. Private

initiative

prevailed, until Enrique III of Castile took interest in

these matters

by organizing the conquest of the Canary Islands in 1402. The successors

of Enrique III did nothing to secure the position of Castile in West Africa.

The

commercial traffic

that

since the fourteenth century had connected the

ports of Lower

Andalusia

with those of the Kingdom of Fez and those to

the south of Cape Aguer, remained in private hands. One of the types of

commodity brought home by Andalusian merchants was Moorish or Negro

slaves, obtained through purchase or barter on the West-African

coast

(see

a

vivid

account of the mechanics of this lucrative commerce in Fosse 181).

In Portugal, Prince Henry the Navigator took personal interest in the

exploration of West Africa. He encouraged maritime and

inland

expeditions

to

these

parts, inaugurated by the successful voyage of

G i l

Eanes to Cape

Bojador in 1434. Henry the Navigator received a monopoly over the region

south to Cape Bojador in 1443. After about the year 1446, the interests of

Portugal in

Africa

concentrate on two goals: securing their position in the

Kingdom of Fez, and the exploration of Guinea.

Since Castile was interested in these regions too, the interests of the two

25



in West Africa clearly clashed, which resulted in a latent hostility between

the two countries. The situation was resolved in 1479, when a treaty was

signed between them in the Portuguese town of Alcagovas. By this treaty,

Portugal received all of Guinea, and exclusive rights in all the lands to be

discovered in Africa, while Spain gained the Canary Islands and a strip of

coastal land between the Kingdom of Fez and Guinea, over which to expand

its political influence. One of the consequences of this repartition was the

monopoly

of Portugal, confirmed and expanded by later

treaties,

over the

slave traffic from Africa.

A s a result, Spain became dependent on its neighbour to get workers

for her. She did obtain some slaves directly, through commerce with the

Kingdom of Fez (as shown above), and through the raids

(cabalgadas)

her

residents were in the habit of making over the coast across from the Canaries.

Although the number of slaves thus obtained cannot be ascertained, it was

sufficient to provide the Canary Islands with all the work force needed, and

to convert the capital of Gran Canaria, La Ciudad Real de Las Palmas, into

the largest slave-market of the archipelago. Moreover, the Catholic Monarchs

gathered their fifth from the booty obtained in these raids, unwilling to lose

their

share

in the lucrative business. However, even if these sources of slaves

26



were significant throughout the fifteenth century, their importance in later

centuries is overshadowed by Portuguese slave importation.

The

Portuguese slaving factories extended from Sierra Leone to Angola.

The

earliest of them was founded in

Arguin

in 1449;

that

of San

Jago

of

the Islands of Cape Verde, in 1458; San

Jorge

de M i n a , in 1481; the one on

Santo Tome, in 1486. The slaves brought to

these

factories came from the

G u l f of Guinea, Senegambia and places further inland. They stayed in the

factories for various months, awaiting shipment to the port of destination

(Franco Silva 47-48). They were shipped to the Atlantic Islands, Lisbon,

Seville,

Cadiz, Puerto de Santa Maria, Valencia and, later on, to the Spanish

American ports, Veracruz, Cartagena de Indias, Portobelo (Lipski, Latin

merican Spanish

95).

Many

slaves were brought to

Lisbon

prior to their

transportation.

The beginning of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade is counted from the year

1510, in which two hundred and

fifty

negroes purchased in Lisbon were sent

to America on orders from king Ferdinand (Rawley 55). U n t i l 1518 the

slaves destined to America had to pass through

Seville;

after

that

date, they

were transported directly from West

Africa

(Franco

Silva

73). U n t i l 1640,

Portugal was the most important, if not the

only,

supplier of slaves to the

27



Spanish overseas

colonies; black Africans imported to Spanish America

until

that

date came from Upper Guinea and Angola (Rawley

58).

2.2 There is still no reliable comprehensive study of the total

percentage

of the black population present in all the territories concerned at all the

periods

in

question. Specialists

in the field

acknowledge unanimously

the

extreme difficulty of providing exact numbers. Reasons for that are the

incompleteness of importation records, undocumented illegal trade, and the

deficiency

of

censorial procedures

in those

days. The most recent estimates

are given below.

In Portugal blacks always constituted a minority. Saunders estimates a

minimum of 35,000 blacks in the middle of the 16th century in all of Portugal;

the concentration

was

higher

in the

south than

in the

north

of the

country.

In Lisbon, Evora and the Algarve blacks could form about 11-12% of the

total population (10% slaves and 1-2% freedmen). In 1633 the number of

blacks in

Lisbon

rose to 15% (Saunders 47-61).

In Valencia,

the

annual import of slaves between

1479

and

1516

averaged

two hundred and fifty

a

year, sometimes reaching

the

annual amount of five

to six hundred (Cortes 57). Cortes Lopez

suggests

for 1591 2.5% slaves in

the

Kingdom

of Valencia, 80.40% of which are blacks (La

esclavitud

204).

28



For

Spain,

Cortes Lopez gives the following

estimates

(La esclavitud 204-

05):

- Andalucia: 2.44% of slaves (3.5% in Granada, Almeria and Malaga;

3.07% in

Sevilla, Cadiz

and

Huelva;

1.3% in

Jaen

and Cordoba).

- The rest of the Peninsula: 0.22%.

In

Sevilla, blacks formed 68% of the total number of slaves. In eastern

Andalusia, Moorish slaves outnumbered blacks, while towards the north (Ex-

tremadura and both Castiles), the negroes were more numerous than other

groups. Cortes Lopez

estimates

at 65% the

average

percentage of blacks out

of the total number of slaves throughout Spain at the end of the sixteenth

century.

The numbers below represent slave imports into Spanish America during

the entire period of the slave

trade

(Curtin 46):

Cuba: 702, 000

Puerto Rico:

77,000

Mexico:

200,000

Venezuela:

121,000

Peru:

95,000

La

Plata and

Bolivia:

100,000

Chile:

6,000

Santo Domingo:

30,000

Colombia,

Panama, and Ecuador:

200,000

Central America:

21,000

Total:

1,552,000

29



The imports, and the proportion of blacks to whites, and of both these

groups to the Indians, fluctuated at various periods in various locations.

2.3 In Portugal, people of all

classes

owned black slaves.

16

The

Crown

owned a considerable number of slaves, some of them black, serving in vari

ous capacities at the court and, in limited numbers, in the royal industries as

well. The nobility employed slaves only as domestic servants. Monasteries,

convents and hospitals used them for the same labour as they

would

free

ser

vants. Other classes of owners could use their slaves to replace or supplement

free labour in their own business ventures; they could hire out their slaves'

services to others, or permit them to work and live on their own and pay part

or all of their earnings to the master. Slaves could be employed to perform a

variety of tasks in agriculture, from herding and harvesting to pressing olives

and gathering nuts, herbs and berries in the woods. Both ocean and river

ships

were frequently manned by slave crews. In the cities, slaves could be

sent as apprentices to various craftsmen, or be employed by the

latter

for

occasional labour. Many blacks could become professional workers them

selves, purchase their freedom and open their own businesses.

Many

guilds,

1 6

The

following

account is based on Saunders

62-88.

30



however, such as the goldsmiths', remained closed to them. Female slaves

worked as washerwomen, water-sellers, or street-vendors, selling vegetables,

fruit, fish, chickpeas, olive oil, pasta and snacks. Men were hired out to carry

baskets of meat and fish in the market, or unload fishing vessels. Both men

an d women worked as whitewashers. In addition to the above-mentioned

kinds

of exploitation, already at the end of the fifteenth century a number

of blacks were employed at sugar

cane

plantations in the Azores, Madeira,

Santo Tome and Cabo Verde.

2 4 In Spain, the Crown was one of the largest owners of blacks.

17

It

received under its authority many of those with imprecise legal

status:

the

slaves obtained in military campaigns, those confiscated for illegal traffic,

or those shipwrecked and washed ashore, became its property. Royal slaves

were employed in a variety of tasks, their fundamental occupation being in

the galleys. The nobles maintained slaves in their service or for the display

of luxury. Bishoprics, parishes, monasteries, colleges, convents, as well as

secular clergy appear in the documents as owners of slaves. From other

classes

of the society, merchants of various

categories

possessed the largest

1 7

The

f o l l o w i n g

account is based on

C o r t e s L o p e z , La esclavitud

104-16.

31



number of slaves. Next came junk dealers (traperos), masons, lace- and rope-

makers, tailors, cobblers, potters, silversmiths, jurors

(jurados),

scribes and

moneychangers. Servants and squires also made use of slaves, as did some

institutions, such as hospitals and city councils (the latter as executioners, for

instance). In agriculture, slaves performed all the

tasks

required,

including

the cultivation of sugar

cane

in the Canaries and some peninsular zones.

Muleteering was a traditional occupation of black slaves. At sea, they were

often used as crew assistants; for example, the brotherhood of boatmen in

Barcelona could own an unlimited number of slaves for this purpose.

2.5

The economic

character

of black slavery in the Americas was

differ

ent from that in the Peninsula, and the range of occupations also changed.

During the early years, domestic services, craftsmanship and military ser

vice (as soldiers or squires) were the most important occupations of slaves,

being the continuation of their employment in the Iberian economy. The

O l d

World antecedents of the American plantation system have already been

mentioned; the first plantation of this kind was established in 1506 on His-

paniola (Cortes Lopez, La

esclavitud

183). Besides, slaves were made to work

in cattle raising,

gold

and salt mines, pearl fisheries, the textile industry, and

as boatmen. In the cities, they were hired out for domestic services; some

32



w o r k e d

as

d a y - w o r k e r s an d

street

v e n d o r s ; f e m a l e s l a v e s as w a s h e r w o m e n

a n d men

as w a t e r - s e l l e r s

an d

l a tr i n e - c l e an e r s

(camungueros).

2 6 In the P e n i n s u l a , b l ac k s w e re c o n s i d e r e d d u l l - w i t t e d , u g l y a n d , by the

s u m of t h e i r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , s u i t e d to a l i f e in s l a v e r y . On the s o c i a l s c a l e ,

t h e y o c c u p i e d the l o w e s t s t e p . On the o t h er h a n d , because t h e y

w i l l i n g l y

e m b r a c e d C h r i s t i a n i t y , w e r e g o o d - n a t u r e d , s u b m i s s i v e a n d o f t e n l o y a l

to

t h e i r

m a s t e r s , t h e y w e re g e n e r a l l y r e g a r d e d as big c h i l d r e n , l o o k e d u p o n w i t h

s y m p a t h y an d m i s t r e a t e d r e l a t i v e l y r a r e l y .

I n

S p a n i s h

A m e r i c a , w i t h the

c h a n g e

of

t h e i r e c o n o m i c a l s i g n i f i c an c e ,

t h e i r n u m e r i c a l p r o p o r t i o n

to the

w h i t e s ,

and the existence of yet

a n o t h e r

o p p r e s s e d m a j o r i t y — t h e I n d i a n s — , the s o c i a l r o l e of the b l ac k A f r i c a n s

c h a n g e d . T h e y o p p o s e d w h i t e r u l e by f r e q u en t r e b e l l i o n s an d escapes; r u n

a w a y

s l a v e s f o r m e d c o m m u n i t i e s

in the

i n t e r io r

of

t he m a i n l a n d a n d d e fe n d e d

t h e m a g a i n s t the w h i t e s (some of these, c a l l e d

palenques,

e x i s t e v e n t o d a y ) .

M o r e o v e r , b l a c k s f e l t t h e m s e l v e s s u p e r i o r to the In d i a n s a n d , in the absence

o f s u p e r v i s i o n , f r e q u e n t l y m i s t r e a t e d t h e m . In o t h e r w o r d s , b l a c k A f r i c a n s

became

m o r e c o n s p i c u o u s

in the

s o c i a l l i f e

of the the

c o l o n i e s t h a n t h e y

had

b e e n in t h a t of the Ol d W o r l d . On the o t h e r h a n d , s i n c e t h e y became a

s o u r c e of c o n s i d e r a b l e r e v en u e for t h e i r masters as p a r t of the m i n i n g and

33



plantation systems, they received a harsher

treatment

than in the Peninsula.

2.7 On Sundays as

well

as on festive days, black slaves were free from

work (although they were expected to fulfil their domestic duties, if these

were their primary functions). On

these

days they could

meet

in the city

squares (as they did in la Plaza de Santa Maria la Blanca in Sevilla), or in

the taverns (Franco

Silva

105). Freedmen could go on a pilgrimage

together

(Gual

Camarena 457). The establishing of

religious

brotherhoods by blacks—

both

slaves and freedmen—dates at

least

to the fifteenth century. One such

brotherhood was formed in 1403 in

Sevilla,

another one in 1472 in Valen

cia; there were many in

Cadiz

(Sopranis, Las cofradias; G u a l Camarena, "La

cofradia"). In their petition to form a brotherhood, submitted to the future

K i n g

Ferdinand, the black freedmen of Valencia ask for permission to assem

ble whenever they wish without having to request a special permit from the

relevant authorities; for permission to acquire and maintain a house for their

assemblies; they also ask for permission to own a royal standard "para poder

figurar en los desfiles, procesiones, fiestas y

actos

publicos" (Gual Camarena

458).

More numerous than in the Peninsula, the black Africans in the Americas

united

in brotherhoods according to their tribal origins.

"Estas

los reunen

34



para el culto, y para la reception de los Sacramentos; mantienen los enlaces

sociales de sus respectivas comunidades, y les proporcionan la participation

en general de sus recreos" ("Idea de las congregaciones", fol. 115). On festive

days these cofradias participated in processions,

after

which they returned to

the place of their assembly for a

bayle,

or dancing party.

2.8 In the Peninsula from the second half of the fifteenth century, and

in

the

Amer i c a s

after the i r

importation

there

blacks

a ppea r to have spoken

distorted varieties of the Romance languages. Black Portuguese was referred

to

as lingua de pretos, falar guineu or fala guine; black Spanish, as habla

bozal, habla de negros and

guineo.

The assessment of the linguistic character

of these speech modes is not an

easy

task. In fact, it is the subject of an

ongoing discussion in the

field

of Afro-Romance linguistics,

because

of the

implications

it might have for the history of Latin-American Spanish and the

Hispanic Creoles.

The earliest literary specimens of lingua de pretos are considered a pidgin.

Naro thinks it had originally developed in Portugal, while Goodman believes

it had originated in

Africa

(see the articles cited). The earliest compositions

in habla

bozal

are considered by Lipski a literary imitation of lingua de pretos

("Convergence" 185-86, "Black Spanish" 56-57, "Golden Age" 8). He also

35



believes that later specimens of lenguaje bozal represent foreigners' Spanish or

an

unstable pidgin that "never stabilized to form a C r e o l e or an ethnolinguis-

tically distinct

black

Spanish anywhere in Spain" (Latin American Spanish

100; "Golden Age" 10). For Granda, on the contrary, the Peninsular habla

de negros represents an authentic C r e o l e ("Sobre el origen" 218-19).

A s

to the language of blacks in Spanish America, opinions again vary.

L i ps ki

considers

it a

foreigner's talk

or an

incipient pidgin emerging with

every new wave of slave importation ("On the Construction" 444; "Conver

gence" 186-87; Latin American Spanish 111-13). The same point of view

is

taken by Laurence and Lopez Morales. Another

opinion

is expressed by

the scholars who believe

that there

existed

in

all

of

Spanish America

(or, at

least,

in the

Caribbean region)

an

Afro-Hispanic

C r e o l e ;

for

them,

the

pre

served bozal texts represent this C r e o l e in various

stages

of decreolization (see

the cited works by Granda, Megenney, Perl and Schwegler).

In accordance with

the

monogenetic theory

of

C r e o l e formation (Whin-

nom, Thompson), the hypothetic

Afro-Hispanic

C r e o l e is thought to be based

on

an

earlier Portuguese C r e o l e

or

pidgin

brought

to the

Americas

in the

mouths of the negroes. The existence and the use of this pidgin/creole in

Africa is indeed attested to by the remarks of contemporaries, that also point

36



to

the use of

Portuguese,

in its

standard

and pidginized

forms,

as a world

language in

the

sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Bal

119-21;

Egerod

113-

14;

Valkhoff, all

the

works cited). Some scholars believe

that the

Portuguese

pidgin was

not an

independent formation, but

could

have developed by relex-

ification from Sabir (Whinnom,

Spanish Contact Vernaculars 10, " Or i g i n"

522-27;

Thompson

113;

Hadel

38-42).

37



C H A P T E R T H R E E

B L A C K

P O R T U G U E S E A N D

S P A N I S H

I N H I S P A N I C

L E T T E R S

3 . 1 Black characters make their appearance in Peninsular literature dur

ing the course of the thirteenth century. Baltasar, one of the

Magi

in the

Auto

de los

Reyes

Magos

(late

twelfth—early thirteenth century), is black.

A negro slave appears in the

Poema

de Yiisuf (mid-fourteenth century). At

about the same time the Galician-Portuguese poet Lopo Lias writes a satir

ical poem to be sung to a son de negrada. One story of El Conde Lucanor,

"De lo que contesgio a un rey con los burladores que fizieron el pafio", fea

tures a black slave (Jason, "Negro" 13-15; Russell 245 n.41; Rodrigues Lapa,

Cantigas

385-86).

Up to the second half of the fifteenth century, if a black

character

appeared

in a literary work, he spoke good Spanish or Portuguese. In the second

half of the fifteenth century, when blacks began to pour into the Iberian

world,

compositions

that

reflected modes of speech different from standard

Portuguese and Spanish began to appear. Below we examine

briefly

the

genres of Peninsular literature that were affected by the new speech forms.

38



3

.2.

Coplas

and other secular songs seem to have been the earliest

genre

to assimilate the new element. Three compositions containing

falar guine

appear in the Cancioneiro Geral compiled in 1516 by Garcia de Resende.

The

Cancioneiro

included many pieces written at an earlier

date,

and Fernao

da Silveira's composition written "en breue de huma mourisca rratorta, que

mandou

fazer a senhora pringeza quando esposou", is thought to be the

earliest piece of literature to record the black speech (it was dated 1455 by

Michaelis de Vasconcelos and Teyssier; see Goodman 150 for objections).

Another

poem

presents

a dialogue between a clergyman and his black maid

whom he

accuses

of having overturned a barrel of wine (Anrique da Mota's

Didlogo

"sobre huuma pypa de vynho que se lhe foy pelo cham"). The

third

composition is a much shorter piece by Dom Rodriguo de Monssanto,

"de maneyra que mandaua a hum seu escrauo que curasse huma sua mula"

(Kaussler 1: 172, 3: 106, 277).

Rodrigo de Reinosa appears to be the one who launched the vogue for

black poetry in Spain. His two sets of

coplas

are preserved in a chap-book

whose

date

of publication is impossible to ascertain, although Cossio believes

that they were written before the sixteenth century (Cossio lxxvi, lxxviii).

The first one is entitled

Comienzan unas coplas a los negros y negras: y de

39



como se motejaban en Sevilla un negro de gelofe mandinga contra una negra

de Guinea. A el llamaban Jorge: e a ella Comba: e como el la requerria

de amores: e ella

decia

que tenia otro enamorado que llamaban Grisolmo.

Cdntanse al tono de la nina cuando baileis . A n d

in the same

pliego: A los

mismos negros. Hanse de cantar al tono de guineo

(Cossio 111-17).

18

Theatre .

Portuguese theatre also precedes the

Spanish

in the employ

ment

o f fala guine. G i l Vicente

has black characters in four of

h is

plays: three

o f

them speak

broken

Portuguese (in

Fragoa d'amor [1524], Nao d'amores

[1527]

and

Clerigo da Beira [1529?]), while

a character in

Floresta d'Enganos

(1536) imitates black

Spanish

(Teyssier

227-49; Coelho 45-48; Michaelis

de

Vasconcelos 497-8; Hendrix

17).

Antonio Ribeiro Chiado

uses black Portuguese in his autos

Pratica

d'oyto

feguras

and

L'auto das regateyras;

at least three more plays of the

escola

vicentina

that have come

down

to us contain black protagonists. Black char

acters

continue to appear on the seventeenth-century Portuguese

stage

(for

example,

in the

Apologos

dialogaes

by Dom Francisco

Manoel

de

Mello).

1 8

A n o t h e r

set of co p la s a t t r i b u t e d to R e i n o s a is

c al led

Coplas de

como

una dama

ruega

a un

negro

que

cante

en

manera

de

requiebro;

y

como

el

negro

se

deja rogar,

en fin la

senora

vencida de su gracia le offrece su persona. T h e r e , the n e g r o Jorge

speaks g o o d

S p a n i s h . W e b e r de K u r l at t h i n k s that the

a t t r i b u t i o n

is e r r o n e o u s , w h i l e i l l c o n s i d e r s it

w e l l f o u n d e d (Weber

de

K u r l at , Sobre

el n e g r o 382, n.12;

i l l

18).

40



In the

eighteenth century they pass

to the works of teatro

menor

(Leite de

Vasconcellos, Esquisse 45-46; Teyssier 249-50).

In the Spanish theatre, black characters speaking distorted Spanish ap

pear in Feliciano de Silva's Segunda comedia de Celestina (1534), Gaspar

Gomez's

Tercera parte

de la tragicomedia de Celestina

(1536), three plays

by Lope de Rueda: La comedia de los

enganados (1538),

Eufemia

(1542),

Coloquio de Tymbria (?). Contemporary to these plays are Juan

Pastor's

Farsa o tragedia de la castidad de

Lucrecia, and five farces by Diego Sanchez

de Badajoz : Farsa

theologal,

Farsa

del Moysen,

Farsa

de la hechicera,

Farsa

de la ventera, Farsa de la Fortuna

(De Chasca 326).

Lope de Vega has black characters in dozens of his plays; some of them

speak distorted Spanish, as in

La

madre

de la mejor,

Servir

a

senor

discreto,

Amar,

servir

y

esperar,

La limpieza no manchada, El

santo negro Rosambuco

de la ciudad de Palermo

and

El capelldn de la virgen

(Weber de Kurlat, "El

tipo del negro"). Habla de negros appears as well in Tirso de Molina's La

huerta

de Juan Fernandez,

Calderon's

La

sibila

del Oriente,

and Juan de

Caxes's

Los

trabajos

de

Joseph

(more

references

to

guineo

in the Spanish

theatre can be found in Alvarez Nazario, El elemento 120 n. 7.)

3 4

Teatro

menor.

The presence of the Negro in the Portuguese

teatro

41



c

de cordel of the eighteenth century has already been mentioned (3.3). Simon

Aguado's

entremes

Los negros (1602),

Francisco

de

Avellaneda's entremes

with the

same title

(1622?), the

anonymous

Los negros de Santo Tome

and

La negra lectora,

as well as three entremeses by

Quifiones

de Benavente

(El

negrito hablador, Los sacristanes burlados and El borracho) are but a small

part

of

those

Spanish Golden

Age works

of the genero chico that

featured

negro

characters

(Castellano,

passim;

Cotarelo 1:

clii).

3.5 Leite de Vasconcellos tells us about the numerous calendars and al-

manachs in

lingua

de pretos published in Portugal well into the first quarter of

the nineteenth century.

Similar

literature, though less abundant, continued

to appear there in the latter half of

that

century, too

(Esquisse

47).

In the mid-nineteenth century there appears in Spanish America a

costumbrista-

type literature (plays and novels)

that

recreates

negro

characters

along

with

their language. To this movement belongs the play by the Venezuelan-Puerto

Rican author Ramon C . F. Caballero,

La juega de gallos o el negro

bozal

(published

1852), in which the negro

Jose

speaks bozal Spanish.

19

Our

own century witnessed

the

appearance, growth and decline of

poesia

19

Partially

reproduced

in

Alvarez

Nazario,

El elemento 387-93. For

more examples

of this

kind of

literature

see, for

instance,

Lipski,

Latin American Spanish

108-10, and

Coulthard

(Ch.

1).

42



negrista,

whose most noteworthy exponents are the Cuban Nicolas

Guil len

and

the Puerto Rican Luis Pales Matos. An important component of this

type of poetry consisted in recreating the local black Spanish.

20

3 6 We do not know when habla de negros first crept into the poesia a

lo divino. The earliest such use known to us is a fragment of the Christmas

ensalada La

Negrina

by the Catalan composer Mateo Flecha el Viejo. The

ensalada as a genre was well-suited for the use of a mixture of languages

(Romeu Figueras, "Las canciones" 749-52, "Mateo Flecha" 39; Frenk 57-

60); La negrina employs Castilian, Catalan, Portuguese and habla de negros,

in that order. Romeu Figueras believes that it was written in 1535 or 1536,

while the composer resided in Valencia and was connected with the Cathedral

thereof ("Mateo Flecha"

33; 54-55). It

will

serve

as a

good introduction

to

the villancicos en habla de negros

to

reproduce here

the

relevant fragment

of

La negrina:

-

San Sabeya,

gugurumbe,

alangandanga,

gugurumbe, gurumbe . . . ,

mantenga, sefior Joan Branca,

mantenga vossa merge.

,̂Sabe como e nacido,

aya em Berem

20

Fo r an

overview

of Afro-Cuban

poetry

see

Coulthard (Ch.

2) and

Feldman Harth

794fF.

43



un

Nino

muy garrido?

-

Sa muy ben.

Vamo a ver su nacimento,

Dios pesebre echado esta.

-

Sa contento. Vamo aya.

jSu veni, que yevera.

Bona sa, bona sa,

su camisoncico rondaro;

ga garano, ga garano,

su sanico coyo roso

sa hermoso, sa hermoso,

gucar miendro yevera.

Sansavaguya . . .

Alangadanga,

gugurumbe,

san Sabeya,

gurum-gurumbe

. . .

"Alleluia, alleluia, alleluia

E d . Angles,

Las

ensaladas

46-47.

44



C H A P T E R F O U R

NEGROS

2 2

4.1

Villancicos

written in languages other than Spanish were designated

with special names. There existed franceses, gallegos, tudescos, Portugueses,

Vizcainos, moriscos and gitanos. Villancicos in black Spanish or Portuguese

used

to be

called

negros,

de

negros,

negritos, negrillos, negrillas

or

guineos.

4.2 The earliest known negros are those mentioned in the lists, or facturas

ofthe copyists ofthe Capilla Real in Madrid (Moll). Although negros appear

in these facturas without authorship, they may be assumed to belong to

the

pen of the

maestro de capilla.

In the

time-span that interests

us,

this

position was occupied by the Flemish composer

Philippe

Rogier (1560/61-

1596). There are two negros in these lists that could have been written by

Rogier: "El esclavito de allende"

(1590)

and " E zanzunbe" (1596). Another

villancico

that

might have contained a

negro

fragment is

"Villancico

a diez,

de quatro lenguas" (1591). A ll the texts are lost to us.

The fact that Rogier had written more negrillas than mentioned in the

lists of the Capilla Real, is known from the catalogue of the musical library

2 2

The outline of the history of negritos given in this chapter relies heavily on the article

of R. Stevenson, "The Afro-American Musical Legacy to 1800."

45



of K i n g John IV of Portugal. The first part of the catalogue of this library,

entitled Primeira parte do

Index

da livraria de

musica

de El-Rei D. Joao IV,

was published in 1649; the continuation never followed. The three negros by

Rogier

appear on pages 379 and 425 of this catalogue: "H u, hu, hu, a duo",

"Manani, manana, a 6",

"Turo

lo neglo que aqi sa, solo et a 4".

4 3 Three guineos of Rogier's pupil Gery de Ghersem, also Flemish, are

catalogued in the same Index (pp. 228, 230 and 231). There are another 54

negros

in this catalogue. Two of the most

prolific

composers of

negros

in this

catalogue are the Portuguese, Francisco de Santiago (with 18) and Gabriel

Dias (with 16).

23

Most of the other composers are catalogued with one

negro each. Since the library of John IV was destroyed during the

Lisbon

earthquake

of 1755,

most

of the

compositions catalogued

are

lost forever.

However,

because John IV collected only copies of the villancicos, some of

the originals may yet be discovered sometime in the future, when the contents

of the Peninsular and Spanish American cathedral archives are better known.

23

Negros

formed only a very small part of the composers' repertoire. Santiago's 18, and

Dias's

16

negros—large

output as compared to

that

of other composers—pale beside the

total number of their villancicos (538 and 536, respectively), catalogued in the same Index.

Diego

Duron (maestro de capilla of the Cathedral of Las Palmas from 1676 to 1731) wrote

a total of 421 villancicos, of which only 12 were

negros

(Querol Gavalda, "La production

musical" 214-15).

Rogier appears in

the Index

with

the

total

of 71 villancicos, oi

which

only

3 are

negros.

46



4 4 The earliest

negros

whose texts are preserved are those by Don Luis de

Gongora. One of them was written for the Corpus Christi Eve procession in

1609,

two others for

the

Epiphany and Christmas Eve celebrations in

1615 in

the Cathedral

of

Cordoba (Stevenson, "Legacy"

486;

Jammes,

ed.,

Letrillas

Nos.

xxxix, liv, lv). Those of 1615 were set to music by Juan Risco, the

choirmaster

of

Cordoba Cathedral (Jammes, Etudes

234).

4 5 Thirteen

negros, ten

texts and three texts with their music,

are

pre

served in

the

archive ofthe

Capilla

Real

de

Granada (Tejerizo Robles

1: 137).

The Archive of the Cathedral of A v i la has preserved only one negro (Lopez

Calo, Catdlogo No.

215).

The Musical Archive

of

San Lorenzo

el

Real

de E l

Escorial

has

four

negros, one of

them

by

Antonio Soler (Rubio—Sierra Nos.

2055, 2087, 2172; Rubio, Forma 78). The Archive ofthe Cathedral of Sala

manca contains no less than fourteen

negrillas

(Garcia Fraile). Some of the

negros preserved

in the

Cathedral

of

Salamanca were composed

by

Tomas

Micieces

the

younger. Those that bear dates cover

the

span

of

nearly

a

cen

tury: from 1680 (No. 2392) to 1771 (No. 1677). In the Cathedral of El Pilar

de Zaragoza

negros

were also sung,

as is

exemplified

by the one

composed

by Joseph

Ruiz

Samaniego while he was choirmaster there between

the

years

1661 and 1670

(Gonzalez

M a r i n 67-85). The

brothers Sebastian

and

Diego

47



Duron (the former, maestro of the Capilla Real in 1691-1706; the latter,

maestro de capilla of the Cathedral of Las Palmas for 55 consecutive years,

1676-1731), both contributed

to.the

negro genre. Diego Duron wrote no less

than twelve guineos, and Sebastian, at

least

two (both of which are to be

found among his villancicos preserved in the Guatemala Cathedral Archive).

The

villancico division of the Biblioteca Nacional in

Madrid

has preserved

an enormous number of seventeenth-century negros (around

three

hundred,

according to the Catdlogo). A chap-book containing the villancicos sung in

the Real Capilla in 1684 was analysed by Jose Lopez de Toro; the author

reproduced in his article the negro out of this villancico sequence (6-8). The

collection of 16 chap-books from the Cathedral of Malaga was reproduced in

a facsimile edition by Manuel Alvar in 1973; the 1753 set contains a

negro.

A pliego containing eight Christmas villancicos by Felix Persio Bertiso, a

native of Seville, was printed in

that

city in 1677; one negro appears among

them. A better known author, Manuel de Leon Marchante, wrote a number

of

negritos,

one of which forms an indispensable part of any anthology of

negro poetry.

4 6 The M a i n Library of the University of Coimbra has at least twenty-

one villancicos negros in its manuscript

division

(Carlos de Brito xx). A

48



booklet of the Christmas villancicos sung in the Santa Se de Lisboa in 1646,

as well as a booklet of

those

sung in the Convento de N.S. de Graga de

Lisboa

in 1647 (both containing

negrillas),

are preserved in the Public Library

of Evora (Augusto Alegria, Biblioteca

Publica

Nos. 463, 466). Leite de

Vasconcellos mentions a booklet he had in his possession, entitled Villancicos

que se cantarao na capella de D. Afonso VI. Alguns em lingua de

preto

(Lisboa 1662; Vasconcellos, Esquisse 46, n. 91).

24

4.7 The archive of the Cathedral of Valencia includes a number of negros

written by Juan Bautista Comes, who was

maestro de

capilla there until his

death in 1642.

Joan

Pujol was choirmaster of the Cathedral of Barcelona in

from 1612 to 1626. His works written during that time and preserved in his

house were inventoried

after

his death. The

catalogue

includes "Memorial

dels villancicos que lo molt ilustre capitol de Barcelona te del senyor mestre

Pujol

aixi de la festivitat del Corpus com de Nadal" (ed. Angles,

Opera omnia

x). Three negros appear in this "Memorial": "Gurugu, gurugu mande, a 8",

"Negros a comeye vamo, a 6" and "Turulu negro del Rey Balthazar, a 8".

One

more

negro

by Pujol is preserved in the Biblioteca Nacional in

Madrid

2 4

We have been unable to

locate

this booklet.

49



(Angles, Opera omnia,

xxii).

4.8 The earliest known composer of

negros

in Spanish America is a Por

tuguese, Gaspar Fernandes. From 1606 until his death in 1629 Fernandes

occupied

the post of maestro de

capilla

at Puebla Cathedral. After his death

one of his pupils, who was hired as a musician in Oaxaca Cathedral, took

away with him a book of festival compositions transcribed by Fernandes dur

ing

his

stay

in Puebla (Stevenson, "Legacy"

495-96).

This manuscript was

discovered and catalogued by Stevenson in 1967; it contains fourteen vil

lancicos

negros

(the catalogue of this collection may be seen in Stevenson,

Renaissance, or in his "Puebla Chapelmasters" 40-45).

After

Fernandes, the position of

maestro de capilla

was assumed by Juan

Gutierrez

de

Padilla

(ca.

1590-1664),

a native of Malaga. The

texts

of the

Christmas villancicos composed by him were published annually; those of

the

years

1649, 1652, 1654 and 1656 contain negrillas (Stevenson, Christmas

52).

The

next

Puebla choirmaster, Juan Garcia de Zespedes (ca. 1619-78),

and

Antonio

de Salazar

(1650-ca.

1715),

both contributed to the

negro

genre.

The Jesus Sanchez Garza collection (named

after

its last private proprietor,

and

acquired in 1967 by the Instituto Nacional de Bellas Artes in Mexico)

50



alone contains

three negritos

by

the latter.

Juan

de

Vaeza Saavedra, another

composer who nourished

at

Puebla between

1662

and

1667, has

one negro in

this same collection.

The sparkling negro pieces of Sor Juana Ines de la

Cruz

date from 1676 to

1690.

Some

of

them were

set to

music and performed

at

Puebla Cathedral,

others in

the

Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico. Her contemporary, Gabriel

de

Santillana,

also turned to black themes more than once (Mendez Plancarte,

Poetas 134-36). One of the villancicos by Francisco Moratilla is preserved

in the

Colegio

de

Santa Rosa

de

Santa Maria

de Valladolid (now

Morelia)

(Bernal Jimenez

19-22).

25

4 9 The musical archive of the Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia), whose

contents

were transcribed recently

by

Perdomo Escobar, contains

six

negros.

One

ecclesiastical library in Cusco

(Peru)

contains

at least

five

negritos

(Var

gas Ugarte, Nos. I l l , 114, 115, 134, 344). The Cathedral of Sucre (now Bo

livia)

contains one anonymous villancico negro (Garcia Munoz 24). The negro

by Juan de Araujo published by Stevenson under the title "Los negritos",

2 5

Moratilla appears to have been a Peninsular composer. Three villancicos by the

composer of this name

are

catalogued in the Biblioteca

Nacional,

and the editors have this

to say about the author: "El nombre de

Moratilla

nos era desconocido;

acaso

se trate de

Francisco Moratilla, el cual regia el magisterio de los Santos

Justo

y Pastor, de Alcala de

Henares,

en 1735"

(Angles and Subira, Catdlogo

2: 25).

51



was also performed in Sucre, while this composer served as choirmaster in

the Cathedral thereof in

1680-1714

(Stevenson, Music of

Peru

236-49). The

collection of Julia Elena Fortiin (La Paz, Bolivia) consisting of about

three

hundred manuscript works, contains one or more guineos (one was published,

Fortiin

48). The archive of the Monasterio de Santa Clara in Cochabamba

(Bolivia) has at

least

one negro. Guatemala City Cathedral

Archive,

as

cat

alogued by Stevenson (Renaissance), preserves 19 negros. Some of them are

written by such distinguished eighteenth-century composers as Manuel

Jose

de Quiroz

(maestro

de

capilla

in Guatemala in

1738-65;

four

negros)

and

Rafael Antonio

Castellanos

(maestro

de

capilla

1765-91 in Guatemala; five

guineos) (Lemmon 11-16).

4.10 The above list of

guineo

sources is incomplete for various reasons,

two of which are the poor accessibility and partial nature of many archival

catalogues. Further research in this direction should yield many more

negros

(not to mention villancicos written in other dialects and tongues).

52



C H A P T E R

F I V E

D E S C R I P T I O N O F T H E NEGRITOS U S E D I N T H I S S T U D Y

5.1

Below

is a

detailed description of the sixty-eight

villancicos

used

for

this study. Thirty-one

of

them

are

from Peninsular

sources

(four

in lingua

de pretos

and

the rest

in

habla de negros),

and thirty-seven

are

from Spanish

American

sources

(all,

except

one,

in

habla

de

negros).

Whenever possible,

we indicate

the

precise present location of the

villancicos.

1.

First

Line:

Mariana

sa

Corpus Christa

Author:

Luis

de Gongora

Feast Day:

Corpus Christi

Date of Composition:

1609

Place of Performance: The Cathedral of Cordoba

Secondary Source:

Jammes,

ed.,

Letrillas 153-55

First Line:

iOh, que vimo, Mangalena

Author:

Luis de Gongora

Composer:

Juan Risco

Feast Day:

Christmas

Date

of

Composition:

1615

Place of Performance:

T he Cathedral of Cordoba

Secondary Source:

Jammes, ed., Letrillas 180-81

First Line:

^,Que gente, Pascual, que gente?

Author:

Luis de

Gongora

Composer:

Juan Risco

Feast

Day:

Epiphany

Date

of

Composition:

1615

Place

of

Performance: The Cathedral

of

Cordoba

Secondary Source:

Jammes, ed., Letrillas 182-83

53



First Line:

Composer:

Feast

Day:

4. Date of

Composition:


Present Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast

Day:

5.

Date

of

Composition:


Present Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast

Day:

6. Date of

Composition:

Place

of

Performance:

Present Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:



Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

Vamo, Plimo,

y

adoremo

Juan Bautista Comes

Christmas

before 1643

The Cathedral

of

Valencia

The Archive

of

the Cathedral of Valencia

(Leg X-43)

Comes,

Obras 2: 14-16 (text and music)

Pue

lo

negro

en lo

portale

Juan Bautista Comes

Christmas

before 1643

The Cathedral of Valencia

The Archive

of

the Cathedral

of

Valencia

(Leg X-4)

Comes,


Pues e la Virgen tan beya

Juan Bautista Comes

dedicated

to the

Virgin

Mary

before 1643

The

Cathedral of Valencia

The Archive of the Cathedral of Valencia (Leg X-20)

Comes,

Obras

3: 30-38 (text

and music)

Tacico, vena comigo

Juan Bautista Comes

"en

una primera misa"

before

1643

The Cathedral

of

Valencia

The

Archive of the Cathedral of

Valencia

(Leg

VII-11)

Comes,


reproduced

in the

Appendix

54



First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:

Date

of

Composition:

g

Place

of

Performance:

Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast

Day:

Date

of

Composition:

g Place

of

Performance:

Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:

Date

of

Composition:

10.

Place

of

Performance:

Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

A q u i

za

mi Dios verdadero

Luis

Gargallo

Christmas

1661

The

Cathedral

of

Huesca

Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid);

catalogue

number

104.5

(Catdlogo)

Bravo-Villasante

36-37

forms part

of a

larger

villancico.

Based

on an

earlier

(sixteenth-century)

secular

villancico.

Hagamole plaga

a lo

Reye Mago

Luis

Gargallo

Christmas

1661

The

Cathedral

of

Huesca


catalogue

number

104.8

(Catdlogo)

Bravo-Villasante

41-43

textual concordances

with Nos.

10

and

14.

Reproduced

in the

Appendix

Que

te

cuntale, Thome

Joseph Ruiz Samaniego

Christmas

1661-1670

La Capilla de E l

Pilar, Zaragoza

The Archivo Capitular (Zaragoza);

catalogue

number EPA LXX-13

Gonzalez M a r i n

67-85 (text

and music)


with No.

9

55



First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:


11.

Place of

Performance:

Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Author:

12. Feast Day:


Secondary Source:

First Line:

Feast Day:


^ Place of

Performance:

Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Author:

Feast

Day:

Date

of

Publication:

14. Place of Performance:

Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

j A h , Flansiquiya

Francisco Garcia Montero Solano

Christmas

1673

La

Capilla Real de Granada

the archive of the above; catalogue number

B.G.U.G.B.-18-36(11)

Tejerizo Robles

1: 178-79

textual

concordances with No;

58

Esta noche, los

negros

Manuel de Leon Marchante

Christmas

1676

Albornoz

46

E n el

portal, muy

alegre

Epiphany

1676

E l Real Convento de la Encarnacion

Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid); catalogue number 162.6

(Catdlogo) •

Bravo-Villasante 88-89

forms

part of a

larger villancico

^Que vamo a ve, Catalina?

Felix Persio Bertiso

Christmas

1677

Sevilla?

Samuel Pepys's library (No.

1545, 1/13)

E . M. Wilson 132

textual concordances with No. 9. Reproduced

in

the

Appendix

56



First Line:

Feast Day:

Date

of

Composition:


Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Feast Day:

Date

of

Composition:

16.

Place

of Performance:

Present Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:

^ Date

of

Composition:


Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

. First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:

Date

of

Composition:


Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

- /,Flacico?

-

Ziol.

Christmas

1679

E l Real Convento

de la

Encarnacion

Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid); catalogue number 181.8

(Catdlogo)

Bravo-Villasante 111-113

is reminiscent of No.

54

Flaciquiya,

£a

donde

va?

Epiphany

1684

Capilla

Real (Madrid)

Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid (Varios; Mss. 9.373,

fols.

183-88)

Lopez

de

Toro

6-8

A h mi siolo Juanico

Antonio Montoro Fernandes

de

Mora

Christmas

1694

La

Iglesia de San Mateo

de

Lucena


catalogue

number

122.8

(Catdlogo)

Bravo-Villasante

63-65

Aquellos negros que dieron

Alonso de Bias y Sandoval

Christmas

1694

La

Capilla Real

de

Granada

the archive of the above;

catalogue

number

B.

N. Barbieri

R-34987, 32

Tejerizo Robles

1: 188-89

57



First Line:

Feast Day:

Date

of

Composition:


Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:

Date

of

Composition:

2^

Place

of

Performance:

Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:

Date

of

Composition:

2̂ Place of Performance:

Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:

22

Date

of

Composition:

Place of

Performance:

Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

C o n el zon zonezito del zarabuyi

Epiphany

1696

La Capilla Real


catalogue

number

295.7

(Catdlogo)

Bravo-Villasante

185-87

^Que

gente,

plima, que

gente?

Alonso Bias y Sandoval

Christmas

1699

La Capilla

Real

de

Granada


catalogue

number

B.G.U.G.C-38-36(6-ll)

Tejerizo Robles

1: 212

the beginning is reminiscent of Gongora's

" ,̂Que gente, Pascual, que gente?" (No. 3)

A z i , Flaziquiya

Alonso Bias

y

Sandoval

Christmas

1701

La Capilla

Real

de

Granada

the archive of the above; catalogue number

B.G.U.G.V-38-37(6-15)

Tejerizo Robles

1: 223-24


with No.

24.

Reproduced

in the Appendix

Los narcisos

de

Guinea

Antonio Navarro

Christmas

1717

La Capilla

Real

de

Granada


catalogue

number

B.G.U.G.C-38-37(6-14)

Tejerizo Robles

1: 229-30

58



First

Line:

Composer:

Feast

Day:



Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast

Day:



Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First

Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:

25. Date of Composition:


Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

First

Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:


Place

of Performance:

Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Esta noche lo

Neglillo

Juan

Frances

de Iribarren

Christmas

1753

The Cathedral of Malaga

E l

Archivo Municipal de Malaga; catalogue number

XVIII-4-1053bis

(n.p.)

Alvar

(n.p.)

reproduced in the Appendix

Los

negros

vienen de zumba

Antonio Soler

Christmas

1758

San Lorenzo E l Real de E l Escorial

the archive of the above, E 122-9 (Soler);

N o.

15 (Rubio,

Forma)

Soler 348 (music in the

same

volume)

textual concordances with No.

21

Apalte la gente branca

Esteban Redondo

Christmas

1783

La Capilla

Real de Granada

the archive of the above (Leg 28-1082)

Tejerizo Robles 1: 278-79

Los negrillos esta noche

Esteban Redondo

Christmas

unknown

La Capilla

Real de Granada

the archive of the above (Leg

29-1095)

Tejerizo Robles 1: 307

59



First Line:

Author, Composer:

Feast Day:



Present Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line:

Feast

Day:

Date

of

Performance:

2g Place

of

Performance:

Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First

Line:

Feast Day:



29. Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First

Line:

Feast Day:


^

Place

of

Performance:

Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

A

Belen han venido

unknown

Christmas

unknown

La

Capilla

Real de Granada

the archive

of

the above (unnumbered manuscript)

Tejerizo

Robles 1: 310-11

Bastiao, Bastiao

Christmas

seventeenth century

O mosteiro

de

Santa Cruz

de

Coimbra

Biblioteca

Geral da

Universidade

de

Coimbra

( M . M . 228, fols. 3v-6r)

Carlos de Brito 12-30 (text and music)

in

lingua de

pretos; reproduced in

the

Appendix

Sa qui turo zente pleta

Christmas

1647

Coimbra?

Biblioteca

Geral da

Universidade

de

Coimbra

( M . M .

50,

fols.

18v-23v)

Stevenson, Vilancicos Portugueses 153-60 (text

and music)

in lingua

de

pretos

Afassa afassa que vern

Christmas

1702

Se de Coimbra

Biblioteca

Geral da

Universidade

de

Coimbra

Mendes dos Remedios 50-51

reproduced partially in

the

secondary source;

in

lingua de

pretos

60



First Line:

Feast Day:


Place of Performance

Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First

Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:



Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First

Line:

Composer:

Feast

Day:



Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

O la pleto siolo alfele

Christmas

1703

Se de Coimbra

Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra

Mendes

dos Remedios 51-53

reproduced partially in the secondary source;

in lingua

de

pretos

Dame

albrigia mano Anton

Gaspar Fernandes

Christmas

1606-29

The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico)

The

Cathedral of Oaxaca, the autograph MS

of Fernandes (fols. lOOv-lOlr)

Stevenson, Latin American 120-24; IAMR 7.1

(Fall-Winter 1985): 3-6 (text and music in

both)

available on disc (Purcell)

Eso rigo re repente

Gaspar Fernandes

Christmas

1606-29

The

Cathedral

of

Puebla (Mexico)

The Cathedral of Oaxaca, the autograph MS

of Fernandes (fols. 234v-244r)

Stevenson, Latin American 129-31; "Legacy" 490-95;

IAMR

7.1 (Fall-Winter 1985): 11-13 (text and music

in all three)

the first line is spelt in all editions as

"Eso rigor e repente";


61



34.

35.

36.

First

Line:

Composer:

Date

of

Composition:


Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First

Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:



Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:

Date of Compositon:


Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

Tantarantan a la guerra van

Gaspar Fernandes

1606-29


The

Cathedral of Oaxaca, the autograph MS

of Fernandes (fols. 263v-264)

Stevenson, Latin

American 141-43; I AMR 7.1

(Fall-

Winter 1985): 18-20 (text and music in both)

the feast day is not specified

and

is unclear from the contents

Tururu farara con son

Gaspar Fernandes

Christmas

1606-29


The Cathedral of Oaxaca, the autograph MS

of Fernandes (fols. 217v-218r)

Stevenson, Latin American 146-47; I

AMR

7.1 (Fall-

Winter 1985): 23-24 (text and music in

both)

a fragment of a longer villancico?

A palente, a palente

Juan Gutierres

de

Padilla

Christmas

1649


Li l ly Library, Indiana University (Bloomington),

in

the booklet entitled Villancicos qve se

cantaron

la

noche

de Navidad en la Catedral de la

Puebla

de los Angeles

este

ano de mil y

seiscientos

y

quarenta

y nueve (catalogue number W173d)

a photocopy of the above

the

text

of

this villancico reproduced in

the

Appendix

is taken from Stevenson, Christmas 52. It has also

been reproduced in I

AMR

6.1 (Fall 1984): 87

62



First

Line:

Composer:

Feast

Day:



37.

Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

First

Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:



Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

First

Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:



39.

Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

A l

encarnado Arrebol

Juan Gutierrez de Padilla

Immaculate

Conception

1652

The Cathedral of Puebla

Lilly Library, Indiana University (Bloomington),

in

the booklet entitled Villancicos

qve

se

cantaron

en la

Catedral

de la Pvebla de los

Angeles

en los

Maytines, y fiesta

de la

Limpia Concepcion

este ano de

1652

(catalogue number W173)


A l

puerto de su esperanga


Immaculate Conception

1654

The

Cathedral of Puebla

Li l ly

Library, Indiana University (Bloomington),

in the booklet entitled Villancicos

qve

se cantaron

en la Catedral dela Pvebla de los Angeles en los

maytines, y fiesta,

dela limpia

Concepcion

de

Nuestra

Senora este ano de

mil,

y

seiscientos

y sincuenta,

y

quatro

(catalogue

number

W173a)


O la

plimo,

ola plimo



1656

T he

Cathedral of Puebla

Li l ly Library, Indiana University (Bloomington),

in the booklet entitled Villancicos qve se cantaron

en los

maytines

y

fiesta

de la

Limpia Concepcion

de

Nuestra

Senora,

este Ano de 1656

(catalogue

number

W173b)


63



First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:


Secondary Source:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:


Place

of

Performance:

41

Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First

Line:

Composer:

Feast

Day:


Place

of

Performance:

42

Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Feast

Day:


Secondary Source:

Comments:

A siolo Flasiquiyo


Christmas

before

1664

Stevenson, Christmas

79-80;

IAMR

6.1

(Fall

1984):

88-89; 7.1 (Fall-Winter 1985): 49-53 (text

and music)

Por selebrar este dia

Juan de Vaeza Saavedra

Christmas

1669

Puebla

(Mexico)

Jesus Sanchez Garza collection

(Instituto

Nacional de Bellas Artes de Mexico)


83-84;

IAMR

6.1

(Fall 1984): 133-34

the

text is

obscure

Tarara qui

yo

soy

Anton

Antonio de Salazar

Christmas

1678 - 1715


Jesus Sanchez Garza collection

(Instituto

Nacional

de

Bellas Artes

de

Mexico)

Stevenson, Latin

American 277-79

(music and

text);


82 (the

first four

coplas)


H y, hy, hy, que de risa morremo

Christmas

Puebla (Mexico)

Megenney, "Rasgos criollos"

167-68


64



First Line:

Author:

Composer:

^ Feast Day:



Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Author:

Composer:

45. Feast Day:



Secondary Source:

First

Line:

Author:

Feast

Day:

46



Secondary Source:

First Line:

Author:

Composer:

47.

Feast

Day:



Secondary Source:

No falto en

tanta

grandeza

Sor Juana Ines de la

Cruz

Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa?

Assumption

1676

La Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico

De la Cruz 211

forms part of an Ensaladilla

Aca

tamo tolo


Cruz



1676


De la Cruz 217

A los plausibles festejos


Cruz

San Pedro Nolasco

1677

La Orden

de N. S. de la Merced

De

la

Cruz

223-24

A la voz del Sacristan

Sor Juana

Ines

de la Cruz

Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa

Assumption

1679


De la Cruz 241

65



First

Line:

Author:

Composer:

48. Feast Day:



Secondary Source:

First Line:

Author:

Feast Day:



Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Author:

Composer:

50.

Feast

Day:

Date

of

Composition:


Secondary Source:

First Line:

Author:

^ Feast

Day:

Date of

Composition:

Place

of

Performance:

Secondary Source:

First

Line:

Author:

Composer:

52. Feast Day:



Secondary Source:

Bueno esta en Latin

Sor Juana Ines

de la Cruz

Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa

Assumption

1685

La

Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico

De la Cruz 253-54

Pues,

y yo /

tambien alivinale

Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz

San Jose

1690


De la Cruz 277

forms part of an Ensalada

Perico, con otros Negros

attributable to Sor Juana

Ines

de la Cruz


Assumption

1677

La

Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico

De la Cruz 328

^ A h , Sinol Andlea?

attributable

to Sor

Juana Ines

de la Cruz

Christmas

1678

The Cathedral

of

Puebla

De la

Cruz

332-33

Alegres

a competencia

attributable

to Sor

Juana Ines

de la Cruz

Antonio

de

Salazar?

Christmas

1680

The Cathedral of Puebla

De la Cruz 342

66



First Line:

Author:

Composer:

53.

Feast

Day:



Secondary Source:

First Line:

Author:

Feast

Day:

54. Date

of

Composition:


Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:

Date of

Composition:


Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:


Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

E n esto entraron dos negras

attributable

to Sor

Juana Ines

de la Cruz

Joseph Agurto y Loaysa?

Assumption

1686


De la Cruz 362

jFlasico, atesio

Gabriel de Santillana

San

Pedro

1688

Mexico

Mendez Plancarte, Poetas 134-35

is

reminiscent of "- jFlasico? -

Z i o l "

(No. 15)

H a

negliyo, ha negliyo de Santo Thome

Francisco Moratilla

Christmas

1723

Morelia (formerly

Valladolid,

Mexico)

The Archive of the Colegio de Santa Rosa

de Santa Maria (Morelia, Mexico)

Bernal

Jimenez 21-22


Cucua,

cucua

Joseph de Cascante

Christmas

The Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia)

The Archive of the Cathedral of Bogota

Perdomo Escobar 277-78


67



First Line:

Feast Day:


Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

First

Line:

Composer:

Feast

Day:


Present Location:

Secondary Source:

First

Line:

Feast Day:

Place

of

Performance:

59. Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First

Line:

Feast Day:

^


Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First

Line:

Feast Day:


Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

iQue me manda buenzanze?

Christmas


The

Archive

of

the Cathedral

of

Bogota


Teque-leque

Julian

de

Contreras

Christmas


The Archive of the Cathedral

of

Bogota


Toca

la flauta

Christmas


The

Archive of the Cathedral

of

Bogota

Perdomo Escobar 568-71; Claro, Antologia

lxxviii-lxxix

Claro's transcription makes more

sense

Turu lu neglo

Christmas

The

Cathedral

of

Bogota (Colombia)


Perdomo Escobar 576

Perdomo Escobar thinks it may form part of No. 58

Vengan, vengan

Christmas

The

Cathedral

of

Bogota (Colombia)



68



First

Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:



62.

Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments:

First

Line:

Feast Day:


63. Place

of

Performance:

Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Comments: .

First Line:

Feast Day:



Present Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line:

Feast

Day:

gj.'. Place of Performance:

Present Location:

Secondary Source:

Los coflades de la estleya

Juan

de

Araujo

Christmas ,

1680-1714

The

Cathedral

of

Sucre (Bolivia)

The Archive.of the Cathedral of Sucre

Stevenson, Latin

American

31-44; IAMR 6.2

(Spring-Summer 1985): 37-45 (music and text

in both)

the first South-American negro to reach print

(Stevenson, "Legacy"

498)

Esa noche

yo

baila

Christmas

18th century?

E l Monasterio de Santa Clara, Cochabamba (Bolivia)

the archive of the above

Claro, Antologia lxxv-lxxvii

reproduced

in the

Appendix

Pasacualillo

Christmas

1753

Cusco

(Peru)

The

Archive of the Seminary

of

San Antonio

A b a d ,

Cusco; catalogue number 344 (Vargas Ugarte)

Claro, Antologia lxxi-lxxiv

Turu

lu negro

Christmas

Cusco (Peru)

The Archive of the Seminary San Antonio A b a d ,

Cusco; catalogue number 111 (Vargas Ugarte)

Stevenson, Latin

American

1-2

(music and

text)

69



First Line:

Composer:

Feast Day:


Present

Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line:

Composer:


67. Feast Day:

Place of

Performance:

Present Location:

Secondary Source:

First Line:

Composer:

Date

of

Composition:

Feast Day:


Present

Location:

gg Secondary Source:

Comments:

Antoniya, Frasiquia, Gasipa

Fray Felipe da Madre de Deus

Christmas

The

Cathedral

of

Guatemala City (Guatemala)

The Guatemala City Archivo Capitular

Stevenson, Vilancicos Portugueses

71-83

(music

and

text)

Negros de Guarangana

Rafael Antonio Castellanos

1788?

Christmas

The

Cathedral

of

Guatemala City (Guatemala)

The

Guatemala City Archivo Capitular

Lehnhoff

158 (music in the

same

volume)

Afuela, afuela

Rafael Antonio Castellanos

1788

Christmas

The

Cathedral

of

Guatemala City

The Guatemala City Archivo Capitular

Fortiin

41-46

in her

edition, Fortiin gives

1748 as the date of

composition

of

this

negro.

Since

it is

catalogued

both in Stevenson, "Guatemala" 198 and Lemmon 15

as

a

villancico by Castellanos written

in 1788,

we keep this

date.

This may be a case of two

villancicos with identical letra and different

musical

score.

70



C H A P T E R

SIX

A N A L Y S I S

OF

T H E

NEGRILL S

6 . 1 Although the structural parts of the villancicos negros are not always

indicated in the editions, the majority adhere to the "classic" tripartition into

the introduction, estribillo,

coplas.

26

Some have only

coplas,

or only estribillo;

some have

these

parts, but lack the introduction, and one

negro

contains a

recitado-aria addition ("Afuela, afuela"). The introduction and the coplas

are strophic; the estribillo is through-composed, and it may be as short as one

line, or as

long

as the

rest

of the villancico. The introduction and

coplas

may

be composed of 4, 8, 10, or 12 usually octosyllabic lines, although penta-,

hexa- and heptasyllabic

metres

also occur. As in other types of the villancico,

the estribillo, being through-composed, lacks metrical regularity.

27

6 . 2

Of the sixty-eight villancicos taken into account in this study, forty-

eight are written for Christmas, ten for the Immaculate Conception and the

Assumption

of St. Mary, four for the

Epiphany, three

for the patron saints

2 6

We refer, of course, to the

negros

preserved in their entirety.

27

See Alvar 31-43 about the diversity of

metres

employed in the eighteenth-century

villancicos from Malaga, and about the Italian influence on the metrics of recitado and

aria.

71



(San Pedro, San

Jose

and San Pedro Nolasco), one for Corpus Christi, and

one for the celebration of a new mass.

28

In her study of Christmas villancicos, Sister St. Amour

divided

them by

their

contents

into four groups. In the first group, the emphasis is on the

figure of the Christ-Child; next come the villancicos that retell the events

immediately preceding the birth of Christ and

take

the form of dialogues

between St. Mary and St. Joseph, or the

latter

and the innkeeper; the

villancicos that were written for the post-Nativity feasts, such as.the

C i r

cumcision;

finally,

the pastoral type, featuring the shepherds of Bethlehem

who

learn of the birth of Christ and depart for the manger. It can be im

mediately perceived that the fourth type is by far the most suitable for the

introduction of new characters—Galicians, gypsies, Germans and negroes.

A n d ,

indeed, all the negros de Navidad belong to this type.

6 3 Often the Christmas villancicos represent a negro or a

negress

an

nouncing to his or her kinsmen the miracle that has occurred in Bethlehem:

- jOh, que vimo, Mangalena

j O h ,

que vimo

<i,Donde, primo?

-

No portalo de Belena.

lE que fu?

2 8

0ne more negro "Tantarantan a la guerra

van",

is written for an

unspecified

celebra

tion, and it is unclear

from

the context what it could be used for.

72



-

Entre la hena

mucho

Sol con mucha raya. . . . (2.1-7)

Or:

-Dame

albrigia, mano Anton

que

Jisu nage en Guinea . . . (32.1-2)

O r

else:

-

Toca la flauta,

siola Flancica,

tocala ve,

qu i

mi caio de risa.

- iQue

aia nueba?

- Que lan diosa chiquitiia

a naciro ya en Bele. . . . (59.1-7)

In other villancicos no announcement is represented; instead, the blacks are

shown

on their way to the manger:

-

^Que vamo a ve, Catalina?

- Dioso

que

nace

siquito

en pajita y peseblito

como hijo de gayina. . . . (14.1-4)

Esta noche lo

Neglillo,

vestira de moginganga,

viene turu en una manga,

con

sonaja

y

tamburillo

a vel al Ziolo Manue. . . . (23.1-5)

2 9

The f i r s t i g i t

here

refers to the number of the poem according to the preceding l i s t

see 5.1); the

digits after

the point

indicate

the

lines

of the

poem

that are being

quoted.

73



Or:

Sa

aqui turo zente pleta,

turo zente de Guine;

tambor, flauta y

cassaeta

y carcave na sua pe;

vamoso fazer huns fessa

o menino Manue. . . . (29.1-6)

Or:

-

jA palente,

a

palente

iQue quele, senol neglico?

-

Que bamo a lo portalico

a yeva a

nifio

plesente. . . . (36.1-4)

For a change, in one of the villancicos the scene is set in Africa, where the

audience is invited to listen to the blacks returning from their visit to the

manger:

Vamos a su tierra a oirlos;

contaran como les fue

en

el Portal, que no siempre

han de venir a Belen. . . . (18.5-8)

Sometimes, it is the joy of the blacks and their desire to take part in the

celebration

that

serve as the beginning for the

villancicos:

H y, hy, hy, que de riza morremo,

ha,

ha, ha, contenta,.

que aregria que temo

pos la santa nacimento

deste

Deoso que

nace

na seno . . . (13.1-5)

74



Or:

A l

plimiyo

que adoramo

hazele fiesta quelemo . . . (56.5-6)

Before departing for the manger, blacks prepare both gifts and entertainment

for the C h i l d . The gifts are often of the humblest kind:

-

que yevamo, soblina,

a la naciro plimito?

-

Vn capisaya branquito.

-

^Y

que mas

se

yeva?

-

Maneciya de cablito.

-

^Y

que mas

se yeva?

- De cafia lo cabayito.

-

^Y

que mas

se yeva?

- Una danza de neglito. . . . (14.5-13)

Or:

yebemole asi su un sayo

unas pafias y un sombrero. . . . (32.19-20)

A n d :

Lebalemo tulona,

nuesa pino mondara,

aseytuna y alcaparra,

camueza y melocotona.

Y llebalemo mantiya,

aunque turu bale

cara,

para la miga cuchara,

y miele pala papiya.

. . . (10.65-72)

T h e items

to be

brought

are

monotonously repeated

in a

variety

of

combi

nations:

75



Yevan

cienso, chaculate,

oro,

mirra, pinonate,

de calicante turrone,

caixina de canelone,

grana branca, e cururara,

panara Ingresa, cuchara,

e para hazer almendrara,

guego mas bronco que tii. . . . (9.19-26)

A n d :

Si

tlaemo culasiona,

glagea con canelona,

manzana, pela

y

tulona,

aunque

no

la ha

de come.

. . . (58.141-45)

Neither St.

Mary

nor St. Joseph are forgotten:

- ,/Parira no yeva nara?

-

A la siola M al i a

yevamo a su sefiolia

manteyina cururara,

guante

polviya

picara,

abanico, galgantiya,

manto con punta le Flande,

do l ibla

de sucalcande,

y confite con que beba. . . . (14.37-45)

A n d :

Lebalemo a la

siola,

pala abrigaya frasara

amariya y cururada,

que

tlaemo desde Angola.

Y a Jusepe le dale

tora una samarra entera,

76



que paleza consejela

si se la quiele pone. . . . (10.73-80)

The entertainment they prepare includes music, dancing, singing and acting:

- que yeva tu?

- Tamboletiyo le gugulugii,

con que baila tu y Andles;

y turo neglo y tura Guinea

aleglamo lo Nino Sesii (10.15-19)

A n d more:

Azuntamo

turo zente

cos flauta y os bitangola,

cos birimbao, cos viola,

cos arpa e cascaue;

aregremo

esse

siola,

os menino e Sa Zuze. . . . (43.14-19)

Sometimes it is to quiet the weeping C h i l d that the blacks bring their music:

-

Ha negliyo, ha negliyo de Santo Thome,

vaya de vuia de festa y place,

y arruyemos al nifio que nace en Bele

con la tonadiya del Zanguangue. . . . (55.1-4)

Very often the negroes describe in these villancicos the musical instruments

they are going to play:

Tura

instrumenta

se

escuche;

toquemo como pelsona

chirimingula y baxona,

culnetiya y sacabuche

que se ciela como estuche,

77



y

si le

toca un negliyo,

a pulo de inchal el carriyo,

atluena como alcabus. . . . (55.24-31)

T h e blacks of one of the villancicos announce: "Benimo cargara / de dusienta

estlumentiya" (13.28-29). The instruments mentioned are not always of a

conventional kind:

Yo solito quielo

tocal

la

multelo,

sono la pandelo,

cantala e coldelo . . . (59.11-14)

One villancico centers around the play that the blacks

represent

about the

Nativity:

-

Vengan, vengan,

que lo plegona la negla,

que

la

negla

lo

plegona

con vose de caramela;

vengan a ber

comeria nueba,

que la negla representa

de l Dioso recien nacido

y su madle helmosa, beya;

que ya empiesa, que ya empiesa,

cayar:

que

ya

salen

a cantar,

jcayar

. . . (61.1-13)

Another,

about

the

series

of pasos

with which negroes propose

to

entertain

the C h i l d :

78



Pue que

ega la

noche buena

en que lo neglo no ayuna,

si a de salir paso alguna,

saiga al paso de la gena

Saquemo el paso del huerto,

pue la noche turu es flores,

y

admiremo a los pastoles

de ber neglo con consierto

Si lo neglo solisita

daye gusto

al

sagalito,

al paso de huir a Ejipto

benga con la borriquita. . . . (64.49-52, 57-60,

65-68)

The negroes of

N o.

57 represent an entremes; those of

N o.

31, several dances.

The villancico N o .

40 shows them

disguising

themselves as parrots and mon

keys. Yet

another

guineo

shows negroes about

to

present

a mogiganga:

Esta noche lo Neglillo

vestira de moginganga

viene turu en una manga

con

sonaja

y

tamburillo

a vel al ziolo Manue. . . . (23.1-5)

The

blacks are often shown conscious of the importance of their role as en

tertainers:

-

jAh, mi siolo Juanico

iQue

dise, siolo Alosico?

- Que ya sabe su melse,

que

estamo

en lo Portalico

79



en que turu lo Neglico

la noche de Nasimienta

ha

de andal como pimienta

en honra de lo Chiquito. . . . (17.1-8)

Sometimes, they are shown in the process of preparing for their show:

-

^Flasico? -

Ziol.

- Tlaygame vozase un faciztol.

- ^No me di la , que quele faze?

-

Quielo hazel un Viyansico,

turo

de

zol-fa-mi-re.

-

lY como ha de ze?

-

Zin zanguangua,

Gurupa, gurupe,

N i zambucutu,

Usia,

usie. . . . (15.1-10)

In

another type of villancico de Navidad, black protagonists describe the

events at the manger and depict the characters present. For instance, the

negroes of No. 18 declare that they have seen the

C h i l d ,

St. Mary, St.

Joseph, shepherds with a variety of gifts, Gypsies dancing (while St. Joseph

was keeping an eye on the mule so that they

would

not steal it), the

Magi

("dos re marfil eran, / uno re azabache", 71-72), and other negroes who

brought along a camel loaded with gifts. In this type of villancico a black

character may introduce himself first:

Y o soy Anton molinela,

y ese

nifio

qui nacio

80



hijo es li unos lablalola:

li tura mi estimation. . . . (42.4-7)

Some Christmas villancicos have little to do with the argument they are

supposed

to

treat.

The negro sung in San Lorenzo El Real de El Escorial in

1753 depicts a negro and a negress who get into the festive church under the

cover of the night ( que de noche loz gatoz son pardoz") and describe the

singers, musicians and especially the instruments they play in a naive and

funny

way. The

only allusion to

Christmas

is

in

the

following estribillo:

Turulu neglu

e

turu

la

negla,

i

vengan a ver

al

zior nacimienta

. . . (24.17-20)

Some of the eighteenth-century negros from Granada no longer have the

spontaneous freshness and naivety

that

characterize

the

earlier specimens

of

the genre. Instead, they speak directly of the concepts of the Christian faith,

at times in

an

unusually elevated language:

Bendita la

Mare tuya

y

bendito San

Jose:

esta polque te

palio,

polque

no

es tu

pare

A q uel . . . . (25.42-45)

A n d

Eze

branco cuelpecito

81



con el tiempo ze ha de ver

denegrido

y en

un palo

zolo por quelerme

bien.

. .

(26.34-37)

6 4 The villancicos de Reyes do not differ much from those written for

the Nativity. One of the Magi is represented as black. In Gongora's negro

two shepherds

meet

the black king (this time it is Melchior), who comes to

offer incense to the C h i l d . In another villancico the negro chocolate-makers

are bringing their product to please the C h i l d ; the reference to the Feast of

the Ephiphany is slight:

- Antoniya, ,̂donde va?

Cuenta

me da.

- A ver el Infante elmosa,

que nace tan podelosa

que a la Negla blanca ala.

Vamo

aya;

que ya yega el Rey Neglo,

y podemo

canta

gulungua, gulungua. . . . (16.7-15)

Negroes in the Epiphany villancicos may be depicted arriving at the manger

to divert the C h i l d and the M ag i :

E n el portal, muy alegre

Unas

sonajas tocando

Entro un Negro, tan obscuro,

Que no se via la mano.

Por divertir a los Reyes,

Empezo

a

cantar

con garvo . . . (13.1-6)

82



A n d :

C o n el zon zonezito del zarabuyi,

Haremo a lun Reye de Reya reir. . . . (19.1-2)

They assert

and pride themselves in their relationship with

the

Black

K i n g :

A lun Rey

de

Inciensa

Dexale venil,

Que

zamo pintara

De

un mismo barniz. . . . (19.58-61)

6 5

The

villancicos to St.

Mary

commemorate the Immaculate

Concep

tion

and

the

Assumption

of the

Virgin

to

heaven.

Sor Juana's

"Aca

tamo

tolo" depicts

a

negro who

kills

the

serpent

(Devil)

that

tried

to

bite

the

V i r

gin.

Other

negros of

the

Immaculate

Conception feast

are not as

inventive:

they picture blacks exalting the purity of the Virgin :

Negro soy, y aunque bogal,

por decir

dare la

vida

que es la

Virgen

concebida

sin pecado original . . . (6.8-11)

In the Assumption type, blacks are shown discussing the departure of the

V i r g i n and expressing their sadness:

- Cantemo, Pilico,

que

se va las

Reina,

y dalemu turo

una noche buena.

-

Iguale

yolale,

83



Flacico, de

pena,

que nos deja ascula

a turo las Negla.

Si las

Cielo

va

y Dioso

la

lleva,

^pala que yola,

si Eya sa cuntenta? . . . (44.1-12)

Some

of

the villancicos of the Assumption end with

a

request

to the V i r g i n

to deliver

the

negroes from their slavery:

- Mas ya que te va,

ruegale a mi Dios

que

nos saque lible

de aquesta plision. . . . (48.36-39)

A n d :

- Ay, Siiiola, lible Negla

que estrela

pisandi esta;

jdame una de

la

que pisa,

pue que a mi me sevila . . . (53.22-25)

In

one of the villancicos

a

negro

camotero (street-vendor)

comes

to bring the

V i r g i n

his humble offerings:

- Espela, aiin no suba,

que tu negro Anton

te guarra cuajala

branca como Sol.

Garvanza

salara,

tostada ri doy,

que complo Cristina

mase de un toston.

. . . (48.21-28)

84



Sometimes,

the

negroes dance

to

celebrate

the

event:

- Pues privini la tambo,

porque en fiesa la Suncio

no

se esta

queda

la

pie.

. . . (50.10-12)

A n d :

-

Flacica, turu

la

Negla

hoy de guto bailala,

polque

una Nenglita beya

e Cielo va g o bel na . . . . (53.17-20)

6.6 Villancicos for other occasions—Corpus Christi (No. 1), patron saints

(Nos. 46, 49, 54), and the celebration of a new mass (No.

7)

are

variations

of the ones already described.

The villancico de Corpus represents two negresses on their way to join

the festive procession. They discuss whether they deserve being present near

the Sacrament:

Samo negra pecandora,

e branca la Sacramenta. . . . (1.7-8)

Then, they describe the procession they are witnessing, with flattering

a l lu

sions to the bishop of Cordoba (Jammes, Etudes 233):

- ^,Si viene

la Obispa santa?

la

mano

le

besara,

que mano que tanto da

en

Congo aun

sara

bien quista.

. . . (1.34, 38-40)

85



In the villancico "Tacico, vena comigo", a negro persuades his fellow-slave

to

go

listen

to a

new

mass;

they discuss what they

are

going

to see:

Veremo una

sacerote

cantar la Kirie Leyson,

vestira una camison

y una pulida capote . . . (7.15-18)

The

cheerful introduction

of

Sor

Juana to her

villancico

for San

Pedro

Nolasco

(46.1-8)—

A los plausibles

festejos

que a su fundador Nolasco

la Redentora Familia

publica

en

justos

aplausos,

un Negro que entro en la Iglesia,

de

su

grandeza admirado,

por regocijar la fiesta

canto

al

son

de

un calabazo—

contrasts

with

the

actual

contents

of the

coplas:

Eya [=San

Pedro Nolasco]

dici

que redimi:

cosa palece

encantala,

por que

yo la

Oblaje vivo

y las Parre no mi saca. . . . (46.17-20)

In the

negro

for San Jose (No.

49), the

black

character

invites himself to

take

part

in

a

quiz about

St.

Joseph,

that has

been offered

to the

choirboys:

- Pues,

y yo

tambien alivinale;

lele, lele, lele, lele,

jque pulo

ser

Neglo Sefiol San

Jose . . . (49.1-4)

86



Finally,

Gabriel de Santillana's negro for San Pedro shows two blacks, Fran

cisco and Manuel, preparing their instruments to join the chant of the matins:

-

Flasico, atesio

iQui lisi, Manue?

- Fiesa li San Perro

Este

noche es.

- Ya yo lo sabe.

-

Cantal lo Mastine,

mus

toca

tambe. . . . (54.1-7)

6.7 The authors of the villancicos

negros,

as we have seen above, tried

to imitate, or

recreate

artistically, to the best of their linguistic sense, the

speech of the black part of the population. This they did with the practical

aim to guide white performers so that they could perform the villancicos for

the

best

amusement of their audiences. That the performers did not differ

from those

that

sung other

villancicos,

in

Latin,

Spanish and other languages

and

jargons, can be seen from the following introduction to a

villancico

negro

by Sor Juana that forms part of a larger Ensalada. After the coplas in Latin,

the introduction is continued:

-

Bueno esta en Latin; mas yo

de la Ensalada, os prometo

que lo que es deste bocado,

lo que soy yo, ayuno quedo.

Y

para darme un hartazgo,

como un Negro camotero

quiero cantar,

que al fin es

87



cosa que gusto y entiendo;

pero que han de ayudar todos.

(Tropa) - Todos os lo prometemos.

-

Pues a la mano de

Dios,

y

transformome en

Guineo.

. . .

(48.1-12)

It

would

seem

likely that

after the last

line

the singers put on masks, "trans

forming"

themselves in negroes. Disguise as a black character was often used

in

the contemporary theatre. For example, one character in Gil Vicente's

Floresta d Enganos manages to pass himself off as a black maid by dressing

himself

in female clothes and speaking in

guineo.

Four thieves, three men

and

a woman, in the entremes Los

negros

de Santo

Tome disguise

themselves

as negroes and thus avoid imprisonment. The disguise they use cannot be

simpler:

one of the thieves appears on the

stage

"con unas mascaras de ne

gros y sus bonetes y tamborillos"; a few lines later a

stage

direction says:

"Ponense las mascaras y empiezan a taner y a danzar. . . ." (Cotarelo 1:

138). They sing, of course, in

guineo.

30

6.8 The fragment by Sor Juana cited above also shows

that villancicos

en

habla de negros were liked and much better understood by the

public

than

3 0

C f .

also a similar practice among the

Morris

dancers in 17th-century

England:

"las

danzas moriscas existentes por entonces en Inglaterra . . . conservaron, durante muchos

afios,

como signo autentico de su origen, algunos detalles, por ejemplo, las bandas de

cascabeles en las rodillas y

tobillos,

o la costumbre de pintarse de negro los danzantes el

rostro" (Pfandl 258).

88



the compositions in Latin: "Cosa que gusto y entiendo". Leon Marchante,

a Peninsular author of villancicos, and a contemporary of Sor Juana's, also

testifies to the popularity of the

guineos:

Los

negros que estan cansados

de ser, cada Nochebuena,

anis de los villancicos,

porque con frio se beba. . . . (12.12-15)

A n d

yet another (this time, anonymous) testimony:

turu

lo Neglico

la noche de Nasimienta

ha de andal como pimienta

en honra de lo Chiquito. . . . (17.5-8)

The last two fragments are reminiscent of Cerone's lament over the same

matter:

"en sabiendo que hay villancicos . . . ni les pesa el levantarse a

media noche, por mucho frio que haga, solo para oirlos".

6.9 Besides the exploiting of habla de negros, the readiness of the blacks

to sing and dance, and their important role as entertainers, the favourite

device of the authors of villancicos en guineo is the juxtaposition of black

and

white and related concepts (sun-shade, light-darkness), as well as the

wealth of comparisons between the colour of the blacks and various objects

of reference. Thus we read in Sor Juana:

-

jVaya,

vaya fuera,

89



que en

Fiesta de luces,

toda de purezas,

no es

bien

se permita

haya

cosa negra

. . . (45.6-10)

•

A n d in Gongora:

Hormiguero,

y no en estio,

negros hacen

al

portal.

. . . (3.25-26)

Humo

al fin el humo ha dado. . . .

3 1

(3.32)

Samo negra pecandora,

e

branca

la

Sacramenta.

. . . (1.7-8)

Mas tinta sudamo, Juana,

que

dos pruma de crivana. . . . (1.24-25)

The blacks are said to have

caras

tiznadas,

caras de

tinieblas, vultos az-

abachados, caras

and

gargantas

de

bayeta, bocas

de

noche,

color

adusta; they

go

sin narices,

have hocicos

de

hongo and sudan tinta. One villancico speaks

of la

cara

de Guineo" (13.7). They are referred to as los Musicos

de Az-

abache,

los

Azabaches

con

alma,

los de la

color adusta,

los

carbones,

las

tinieblas, while they are also made to call themselves fidalgos

de

cravao.

Los

Azabaches con alma

su cantico comenzaron,

y

novedad fue

en

Maitines

ver las tinieblas cantando,

says

Sor Juana

(53.5-8).

3 1

About the black King who

came

to offer the Child incense.

90



jAdios,

Luz, que los maitines

se han convertido en tinieblas —

echoes Leon Marchante (12.16-17). Subtler plays of concepts also occur, as

when a

negress speaks

to St.

Mary in

these

terms:

-

Di

la luzu

qui displesia

tu pie, la unu dala,

polo

que sin ti quedamus

e

continua eculila

(=oscuridad). . . . (53.27-30)

Often blacks fear to frighten the C h i l d with their dark faces:

- Y si a lo nifio que yora

le pantamo, que halemo?

- Vno bayle baylemo . . . (36.7-9)

j A l tomarlo [=el chocolate], lo coco

no le [=al Nino] faltala,

polque la

nuesa

cara

de coco sera. . . . (16.49-52)

Cayemo

tambe;

la Nino se panta

de milal a neglo

su cara

tisnala.

. . . (52.33-36)

Sometimes

it is the

white folks

that

fear blacks

would

scare

the Chi ld :

-

jFuera alia

No

piense

el Nino

que

es

coco

el Rey que a adoralle va. . . . (3.22-24)

Th e contrast of black and white is emphasized by references to the white

ness

of

Mary and

the Chi ld :

91



y el branquiyo esta como

asuca

fresca requeson,

que a tus manos beya

parece el cold. . . . (48.32-34)

Many

authors use the juxtaposition of black and white to show their

sympathy towards the oppressed race:

L a alma sa como la denta,

Crara mana,

asserts Gongora (1.9-10);

il

alma rivota

blanca sa, no prieta,

confirms Sor Juana (45.11-14). Strong resentment is reflected in the

following

lines of the Mexican

poetess:

L a

otra noche con mi conga

turo sin durmi pensaba,

que no quiele gente plieta,

como eya

[=San

Pedro Nolasco] so gente branca.

Solo

saca la Panola;

jpues,

Dioso,

mila la trampa,

que aunque neglo, gente somo,

aunque nos dici cabaya . . . (46.21-28)

T h e

"nigra sum" topic

is

repeated frequently:

3 2

3 2

T he t o p i c o r i g i n a t i n g f r o m

the

l i n e

of

the Song of Songs: Q u a m q u a m n i g ra sum

f o r m o s a .

. . . (17.50)

92



y u n s a c l i s t a n q u e es n e g l i y o ,

e c h a n d o d e l a g l o l i o s a ,

e l N i g l o s u n i

s e d f o r m o s a

c a n t o a l s o n d e l a r c h i l a u . . . . (55.53-56)

A n d :

- S o m e m e [=asomeme], y v e n d o m e a r o s a

d e J e r i c o n g o , M a r i a ,

- E n t r a , d i j o ,

p r i m a

m i a ,

q u e n e g r a s o , m a s h e r m o s a . . . .

(2.30-33)

A v a r i a t i o n , o r ex t e n s i o n o f t h e t o p i c m i g h t b e s ee n i n t h e f o l l o w i n g :

a u n q u e t e n e m o f o s i c o ,

z a m o

g en t e m u y o n r a r a . . . .

(13.26-27)

6 .1 0 A s w o u l d b e e x p e c t e d , n e g r o e s a r e o f t e n m a d e t o s p e a k a b o u t f r e e

d o m i n these villancicos, a n d s o m e t i m e s c o m p l a i n a b o u t t h e i r s e r v i t u d e . A

street

v e n d o r a s k s

M a r y :

- M a s y a q u e te v a ,

r u e g a l e a m i D i o s

q u e n o s s a q u e l i b l e

d e a q u e s t a p l i s i o n . . . .

(48.36-39)

A n d

a n e g r e s s a s k s M a r y :

A y , S i i i o l a , l i b l e N e g l a

q u e e s t r e l a p i s a n d i esta . . .

(53.22-23)

O f t e n

t h e b l a c k s h o p e t h a t t h e n e w - b o r n

C h i l d w i l l

r e d e e m t h e m :

93



Nacimo de

huns may donzera

huns Rey que mia Deuza he,

que ha de forra zente pleta

que cativo he.

. . . (29.31-34)

Los narcisos de Guinea,

de Mozambique y de Goa

a pedir vienen al Nino

su libertad por graciosa,

y no sean mas esclavos . . . (22.1-2, 5-7)

Flutai,

pequenina,

minha colagao

(Que turn, que tao)

Forrai

os

pletinho,

siolo Zezii . . . (28.57-61)

naze Ion Dios

que llorando esta

y biene a los neglos

a dal libelta.

. . . (58. 2-5)

The

complaint,

or

rather,

resentment,

is

seen in

the

following

fragments

Eya [=San Pedro Nolasco] dici que

redimi:

cosa palese encantala,

por que yo la Oblaje vivo

y

las

Parre

no

mi

saca. . . . (46.17-20)

A n d :

Negla sela la pendona,

y negla

la

tlompetela,

y

negla

la

Regidera

que gobierna plosesiona;

negla sela

la

sayona,

neglo cucurucho e falda,

94



y negla sera la espalda

de

quien

quisiere

agotar. . . . (64.80-88)

6 . 1 1 From the villancicos negros can be extracted a wealth of informa

tion about the life of blacks, their social position, their origin, occupations,

recreation, and so on. It is to these that the rest of this chapter is devoted.

Occupation.

Negroes are mentioned as

working

at textile manufacturing

(al Oblaje), as being day-workers

(samo

neglito / que andamo jolmal [58.7-

8]),

street

vendors (they are mentioned as

selling,

for example, sweet potatoes

and

chickpeas). One

villancico

features negro chocolate-makers; two others

show them at work as town-criers. From other sources we know that the

latter

was an occupation usually reserved for blacks (Claro, Chile 40, 52).

33

Treatment.

The

practice

of

sprinkling boiling

lard

(pringar)

over

the

wounds

received by slaves after a whipping is mentioned twice in

these

vil

lancicos:

iQue

tene? ,/Pringa senora?

one negress cheerfully asks another in one of the Gongora's negrillas (1.6).

3 3

See

also

a c o l o u r f u l d e s c r i p t i o n in V i l l av e r d e :

E n f r e n t e

. . . se h a l l a b a un

n e g r o

en

mangas de

c a m i s a

y a su l a d o un

h o m b r e

b i a n c o , v e s t i d o decentemente, q u i e n

l e i a

en voz

baja

de un

legajo

de

p a p e l e s a b i e r t o ,

que

a

g u i s a de l i b r o sostenfa en ambas

m a n o s y el

p r i m e r o

r e p e t f a

en

v oz a l t a . . . 1:

294-95).

95



In

a

villancico

by

Comes

one

slave persuades another

to go

and listen

to a

new mass; the other, more cautious, asks:

iY si nosamo no pinga? [=^Y si nuestro amo nos pringa?] (7.5)

A n d they discuss if, indeed, that could happen. This practice must have

been

particularly associated with black slaves; it is often mentioned in other

contemporary literature, always for humorous effect.

34

Whites apparently used to

greet

blacks, whenever they happened to see

them, by a sneezing sound called estornudo (Brooks 240).

35

This habit is

often mentioned in

the negrillas:

E n la chuculatiya

pimiento

no abla,

polque como sa negla,

hara estolnudar. . . . (16.49-52)

(Negro) jAchu molena

(Negra) Plimo, iqne ez ezo?

^ha

comido pimienta?

(Negro) Tomen tabacu

y

haranse corrientaz. . . . (24.24-28)

M i l a ,

Ciolo , que halan el "guachi",

y

yo no

queliba pol

eso

cantal.

. . . (27.33-34)

The following lines show that negroes perceived this greeting as an insult:

34

For instance, in the entremes Los

negros

by Simon Aguado, and in Quevedo's Boda

de negros.

3 5

In Quevedo's Boda de negros: "Hundiase de estornudos / la calle por do volvian; /

que una boda semejante / hace dar mas que un pimiento".

96



que los biancos no vengan bullal

de los neglos hablandonos "guachi",

porque a

tolos nos hacen labial.

. . . (27.62-64)

Blacks

address

one

another

as hermano, primo or pariente.

The insults

applied to

them

are perro, caballo

and bellaco.

Origin.

References

to

the blacks' places of

origin include Congo, Ethiopia,

Guinea, Santo Thome, Angola,

Goa

(Goba?),

Mozambique (and, specifi

cally,

Sofala), Puerto Rico and Panama. Sometimes

a

tribal designation

is

given

(lucume, conga,

carabali, mandinga and matamba); the following stanza

shows blacks from an unidentified place:

Negros

de

Guarangana,

tan de pocos conocidos

al

son de sus largas unas

asi le

cantan

al Nino . . . (67.1-4)

Names. All negroes are christened with European names. The most

common

masculine names

that

appear

are

Francisco and Anton. Next

are

Tomas,

Pero,

Andres,

Manuel, M i g uel

and

Gaspar. Others (Bias, Juan,

Pascual, Pablo, Sebastiao, Jorge, Alonso, Guillermo, Clement,

"Gelomiya",

"Juzepilla",

Martin and Bastolo) occur once. One negro

is

called Mamede.

The

names almost always occur

in diminutives.

Feminine protagonists

are

less numerous in the

guineos.

The names Juana and Catalina appear twice;

97



Clara, Magdalena, Francisca, Cristina,

Maria

and Esperanza, once each.

Musical instruments. The "conventional" ones that are mentioned are:

hornpipe, sackbut, shawm, clarion, horn (trompa, bocina), churumbela

36

bu

gle,

flute, Aragonese flute, bagpipe, bassoon, organ, large lute (archilaud),

rabel (an ancient pastoral bow instrument), trumpet, tambourine, jingle

bells, castanets, and

rattles.

The instruments specifically associated with

negroes are drums (tanbore/tamburillo/tamboretillo, zambacate, tambaco),

kettledrum,

calabash,

cacambe,

guache, birimbao and marimba.

37

The bi-

tangola, although unidentified, appears

three

times (see Megenney, "Rasgos

criollos"

173, for conjectured

roots

for this word). Mortars, jugs, pails and

pots are also mentioned as musical devices.

Dances.

These

are

numerous and varied:

caballero: "^Quiele el cabayelo?" (17.29);

cameron: "voy a bayla yo a Belena / pultilica y camalon" (42.11-12);

canario: "bayle el canario y viyano" (40.36); "/De canalio tene

gana?"

(17.31);

capona:

"le

baylamo

la

Capona"

(11.59);

3 6

"Genero de instrumento musico que se tafie con la boca, en forma de chirimia" (Co-

varrubias, article "Churumbela").

37

See

Ortiz,

Los

instrumentos 2: 59, 79;

Mendez Plancarte, Obras

completas 373

and

Claro, Chile 33 for the description of some of these instruments.

98



cuacuarani: "baylando y cantando / c u a c u a r a n i " (41.10-11);

chacona:

"y tucamo chacona" (21.10);

"Vaya,

vaya la chaconsiya, / que

es

a

gusto

de la

persona"

(17.35-36);

"tucando

la

guitarriya

/

por folia

o

por

chacona"

(22.72-73);

chucumbe:

"toca

pue / chucu-chucumbe" (37.20-21);

floreta: "tocamo la Bandurriya, / danzamo Floreta al son" (68.38-39);

-folia: "Toca viyano y follia / bayaremo alegremente" (33.26-27); "^Quiele

su melse folia?" (17.25); also see

chacona;

garimbola: "turos los pastores / le bailen la garimbola" (22.70-71);

guineo: "le

dansamo

lo

guineo

/

aunque

no

haya cascabe"

(11.55-56);

gulugu

/

gurugu: "tamboretiyo le gugulugii / con que baila tu y Andles"

(14.16-17);

"Toca,

plimita

/

la guitarrilla

/

del gurugu

/ al

Nino

Jezii"

(12.8-

i i ;

gulumbe / gurumbe / gulumpe / gurupe: "pues bailemo usia, / la pranta

se mueve / de alegre que sa / gurumbe" (56.7-10);

matachin: "entle la botalga plonta / vestira de Matachin / pala dal al

bayle

f in"

(23.24-27);

pandorga: "juntamo nossa pandorga" (28.3);

pavana: "^Tanalemo la pavana?" (17.27);

99



puertorrico:

"uno bayle baylemo, / y

sera

la pueltorico" (36.9-10);

saltaren: "baylandole el Saltale" (11.76);

sangualangudn:

"nos bolvelemo a

Guinea

/-baylando el sangualanguan"

(39.90-91);

villano: see

canario

and folia;

zalambeque:

"que tuque instlumenta

/

pala

el

zalambeque"

(21.18-19);

",fVaya el salambeque?" (17.23);

" j A l

sonecillo indiano / del zarambeque /

anden las mudanzas / firmes y alegres " (12.18-21);

zarabanda: "y a lan Dioso que sa yoranda / le cantemo la salabanda"

(51.10-11);

zulambaque: "vaya,

plima,

vaya

/ de

zulambaque"

(57.3-4).

The following

tonadillas

are

also mentioned:

cumbe:

"toca la cumbe, / que al Nino le agrada / aquesta tonada; /

cante su merce" (25.22-25);

gulungua: "y podemo

canta

/ gulungua, gulungua" (16.14-15);

run-run: "que se duelme lo

nifio

Jesii / con el sonsonetiyo de la run-run"

(55.13-15);

tapalatd: "arruyemos al

nifio

que esta en el poltal / con la tonadiya del

Tapalata"

(55.9-10);

100



zambucuti:

"arruyemos al nine- que quele dolmi / con la tonadiya del

zambucuti"

(55.6-7);

zanguangue:

"y sanguangue cantalemo, / que sa famosa letliya" (55.34-

35); "y arruyemos al nifio que nace en Bele / con la tonadiya del zanguangue"

(55.3-4);

zarabuyi:

"con el zon zonezito de zarabuyi / haremo a lun Reye de Reya

reir" (19.1-2).

In addition, these unspecified tonadillas are mentioned:

A moler, a moler empezad,

porque al

son

de las

piedras

podremos cantar

tonadillas de

Angola

y de

Panama.

. . . (16.33-37)

O f

the above dances and tunes, some appear in Covarrubias, Diccionario

de Autoridades, Cotarelo's classic study, in the Glosario de afronegrismos by

F.

Ortiz,

or

other sources:

caballero

(Cotarelo 1: ccxxxv-xxxvi);

canario (Dice. Aut., article "Canario"; Cotarelo 1: ccxxxvi; Perdomo

Escobar

603);

capona (Dice. Aut., article "Capona"; Cotarelo 1: ccxxxvii-xxxviii);

cumbe (Dice. Aut., article "Cumbe"; Glosario 154);

101



chacona (Dice. Aut, article "Chacona"; Cotarelo 1: ccxl-xlii);

chucumbe (Mendoza 1103);

floreta (Dice. Aut., article "Floreta");

folia (Covarrubias, article "Folia"; Dice. Aut, article "Folia"; Cotarelo

1: ccxlv);

guineo (Covarrubias, article "Guineo";

Dice.

Aut., article "Guineo";

Cotarelo 1: ccl-li);

gurumbe (Glosario 248);

matachin (Cotarelo 1: cclii, cccviii ff.; Covarrubias, article "Matachin");

pandorga (Covarrubias, article "Pandorga",

Dice.

Aut., article "Pan

dorga"; Cotarelo 1: cclv);

pavana

(Dice.

Aut, article "Pavana"; Cotarelo 1: cclv-lvi);

run-run

(Dice. Aut, article "Run Run" )

3 8

;

saltaren (Dice. Aut., article "Saltaren"; Cotarelo 1:

eclx);

villano

(Dice.

Aut., article " V i l l a n o " ; Cotarelo 1: eclxiii);

zarabanda (Dice. Aut, article "Zarabanda"; Cotarelo 1: eclxv);

zarambeque

(Dice.

Aut., article "Zarabanda"; Cotarelo 1: eclxxi);

3 8

The meaning given is "lo mismo que Rumor".

102



zulambaque

(Perdomo Escobar 509).

We have been unable to trace the rest. Some of the dances or tunes

mentioned may be the fruit of imagination of the authors, as some scholars

have implied; others might be traced further.

39

6.12 The guineos are very rich in seemingly senseless words that appear

typically in the refrains to create the rhythm and communicate to the pieces

an

African flavour. Some of

these

are onomatopoeic, imitating sounds of the

instruments, or accompanying the movements of an energetic dance: he he

he; ha ha ha; ho ho ho; hy hy hy; le le le;

rorro

ro;

achihe,

achihd

(rattles?);

ah ah ah; uh uh uh; husihe husihd

(appears

with various spellings: ussie,

ussid;

usie,

usid; usihe;

usihd); tarara, tantarantan; tururu, farara; que tao

palatdo tao tao tao, que

turn

polotum

turn turn turn

(drums); aha aha; tan

tan tan; funfunrrumfun; tuturutu tu. Others are composed of independent

words, sometimes with a syllable ot two added or removed, or a sound or two

changed. The most frequent of

these

are:

gulugu (gurugu,

gulungu,

guruguo, gulugue, gulungud, gugulugu, gulu-

3 9

The number of seventeenth-century dances surprised even contemporaries. A tes

timony of

that

is in the

following

lines from the entremes by Cervantes, La

cueva

de

Salamanca: "Digame, senor mfo, pues los diablos lo saben todo, ^donde se inventaron

todos estos bailes de las Zarabandas, Zambapalo y

Dello

me pesa, con el famoso del nuevo

Escarraman?"

103



guluge);

gulumbe (gulumbd, gulumpe, gulupd,

gurupe);

teque-leque;

dale

que

dale

(daye que

daye).

The

following also occur:

gudn gudn

gud; zarangudn;

cucud; cambule;

zam-

bambii;

elamu,

calambu,

cambu;

chucumbe; tenge

que

tenge;

sumbacasu cu-

cumbe;

guache;

salandanga mandinga;

surunga

surumba;

tumba catumbe;

tumbere

tu; bombono,

bombone.

Some of these words were so firmly associ

ated

with negros

that a black musician in one of them declares that he wants

to compose a villancico

Z in

zanguangua,

Gurupa, gurupe,

N i

zambucutii,

Usia,

usie. . . .

(15.9-12)

Sor

Juana seems to have employed authentic expressions

from

some African

languages:

-

jHa, ha, ha

-

jMonan

vuchila

jHe, he, he,

cambule

-

jGila Coro

gulungii, gulungii,

hu hu hu

-

jMenguiquila

104



ha

ha ha

(47.9-17)

Analysing the above list, we can pick out the words with established or

conjectured independent meaning:

gulugu, gulumbe,

zambambu (zambomba),

guache, mandinga chucumbe; dale que dale

40

tumba,

cumbe

(Glosario 154),

cu-

cumbe

(Glosario

155), calambu (cucalambe)?;

Glosario

95), teque

(Glosario,

article "Tenguerengue"),

leque

(Ortiz,

Los instrumentos

2: 302). Others re

main to be identified.

6.13 We have mentioned earlier that villancicos in general sometimes

appear with textual borrowings. The villancicos collected for this study offer

some examples of this.

Negrito

No. 8, " A q u i za mi Dios verdadero", relies on the listeners' knowl

edge of the earlier secular villancico from which we reproduce the beginning:

A n d a ,

vete

con Dios, moreno,

aqui quere negro mori santero.

Entra vn negro en Malalena

y vase ar artar mayor,

suplacano a nuesa Sifior

qui

le fasa la pansa llena;

en aquesto el Cura vinera:

^que hazemo aqui, cabayero?

40

This

reduplication of the verb "dale" (from Spanish da + le) occurs in

Philippine

Creole Spanish (Whinnom,

Spanish

Contact Vernaculars 96). Other reduplications that

occur in

these

villancicos are, for instance, "manda que manda" (22.13),

"toca

que toca"

(22.18), and "templa que templa" (21.61).

105



A q u i

quere negro

mori

santero.

. . . (Becco 19-21)

O ur negrito

paraphrases and refers to the old villancico:

A q u i

za mi Dios verdadero,

y aqui quiere Neglo morir

Santero.

A q u i za, Neglo de antano,

que

quiele ser Elmitafio,

polque

tiene desengano

de lo mundo pecadero.

A q u i

za mi Dios verdadero . . . (8.1-8)

T h e

beginning of

N o.

20, iQue gente, plima, que gente?" is reminiscent

of

Gongora's iQue gente, Pascual,

que

gente?"

(No. 3).

Echoes

of the

1661 negro from Huesca, "Hagamole plaga a lo Reye

Mago"

(No. 9), appear

in

two later (or contemporary) villancicos, "Que te cuntale, Thome" (1661-

70, Zaragoza; No. 10) and "/.Que vamo a ve, Catalina?" (published 1677,

Sevilla; No.

14). The 1688

negrilla

by the

Mexican Gabriel

de

Santillana

(No.

54) is reminiscent of the 1679 villancico from

M a d r i d ,

"/,Flasico? -

Z i o l "

(No.

15).

For instance,

the

latter says:

iPuez

como ha de ze?

-

Acicuchele,

y lo dile:

L a

T i pl a d i l a ,

fa-zol,

L o

Contlalta ala, mi-re,

L o

Tenor,

be fa-de-mi,

L o

Baxone, re-re-re.

. . . (15.13-18)

106



A n d the former goes:

- como ha li se?

- Las tipla, fa sol;

cumtlata, mi

re;

tenole, fa mi;

bajone,

re re . . . (54.17-21)

Negrito No. 11, "jAh, Flansiquiya " (Granada, 1673) apparently precedes

the longer No. 58 from Bogota. The 1758

negro

from San Lorenzo de E l

Escorial,

"Los negros vienen de zumba" (No. 24) is a reworking of No. 21,

" A z i , Flaziquiya" (Granada, 1701), unless they both draw on some earlier

source.

107



C H A P T E R S E V E N

T H E L A N G U A G E OF T H E

GUINEOS

7.1 The lingua de pretos

was studied

by

Leite

de

Vasconcellos ("Lingua

de preto", Esquisse 45-48), Michaelis de Vasconcelos (497-98), W. Giese, and

P. Teyssier. The

habla

de

negros

was studied by E . de Chasca, M. Alvarez

Nazario ("Notas", Elemento 123-331), H .

Jason

("Language"), F.

Weber

de Kurlat ("El tipo comico"). The two linguistic varieties were considered

separately (for example, in the studies of Teyssier or Weber de Kurlat), or

together

(De Chasca).

In our description of the languages of the villancicos, we shall.adopt the

approach of E. de Chasca and consider the deviations of

lingua

de

pretos

from

Portuguese and those of

habla bozal

from Spanish

together. A l so ,

in our study

of these languages, we shall regard them as a system in itself, without refer

ence

to parallel developments in dialectal, rustic or other.linguistic domains

of Spanish/Portuguese. In doing so we follow the guidelines indicated by F.

Weber

de

Kurlat

for habla de negros,

which

are

worth quoting in

full :

"Creo

que debemos estudiar

la

fonetica

de

los negros comb un sistema propio,

una

organization peculiar, simplificada,

del

castellano

de la

epoca

y si

bien

es

108



cierto que encontramos tendencias que coinciden con la lengua de los riisicos

o de

otros

grupos sociales o dialectales, estas son mutaciones paralelas en el

habla del rustico y en la del negro, o contamination en la creation artistica de

los autores, en

tanto

que

otras

. . . son consecuencia del

influjo

del

sustrato

de sus lenguas nativas, influencia poderosa en la reproduction de los sonidos

con

que deformaban el castellano" ("El tipo comico" 140).

7 .2 P h o n o l o g y .

(1) Final consonants often

fall,

unless supported by an additional vowel;

hence the pairs like:

(-s) vamo—vamoso, dejemo—dejemoso, ma - mase;

(-r, -1) canta—cantale, pone—ponele, pota—potale, po—polo (por),

pano— panola, crabe—cravela;

(-n) plusisio—plocesiona, atesio—atesiona;

(-y) Re—Reya; bu—bueya

(-z) pa

(paz),

luzu (luz);

also, (-d) libelta, nobela, Mageta.

Lingua

de pretos

(-s) azuntamo, vozo, morremo, Deuza, alfele;

(-r) more, faze, toca, forra;

(-1) Manue, Gazpalo, amolo, tambolo.

(2)

Simplification

of consonant groups

(a)"through assimilation:

(-dr-)

San Perro, poremo;

109



(-rd-)

sacerote;

(-sc-) Flasico, ecrava, eculila (=oscuridad);

(-st-)

fieta, taba, sa, metiso, guto, eta, Mageta, vi-

tita

(=vestida);

(-rs-)

mece

(-rc-);

(-rp-) cuepo;

(-rt-) potal, ceto;

(-It-)

cumtlata (-It-);

(-fr-) asafa.

Lingua de

pretos:

(-st-) cassaeta, essa/esa, fessa, bessa, afassa.

(b)

Through

the

addition

of an epenthetic

vowel:

(-sp-)

reseponde, Gasipar

(-sp-);

(-sc-) acicuchele;

(-fl-) falauta;

(-rg-)

guruganta.

(3) b > v:

vaylaron, vandela, tanve,

Velena,

estliviyo, garvo;

v

>

b: ban, yebar, buelta, buesa, nobela, bel, bonzanse.

Lingua de

pretos: v >

b: biba.

It is not certain whether this indeed may be considered a characteristic trait

of the black Spanish or Portuguese: the "non-black" villancicos

display

the

same interchange (printers' choice?)

(4) /d/>/r/,/l/:

110



(initial) riabo, rimc-no, rentlo (=dentro), rivota

(devota),

lunguya

(=doncella), londe, lisi (=dice), re/ri/le/li (=de);

(intervocalic) vira, turu, puero, helilas, pulo, picalo (=pecado),

piselumble (=pesadumbre);

(part of a consonant group) palre.

Occaionally, -d- falls, as in querio (querido), tos

(todos).

Lingua

de pretos:

(intervocalic) hirmandale,

toros.

(5) Interchangeability of /r/ and/1/:

(initial) leina, labial (=rabiar), leves, lebano, ruego (=luego);

(intervocalic)

moleno, culazon, sinula, valita, butilo, pastola, pal-

aben, Malia;

(part of a consonant group) pultilica, polta, estleya,

plima,

mat-

laca, gobelna, neglo, groria, pruma, nobre, copriya, Crara,

ecravita, diabro;

(final)

labial,

quelel.

Lingua de pretos:

(intervocalic) tampelai, chola, palaizo, palece, colagao, gelagao,

palente,

aregria/aregremo,

Donzera, Berem, Guadarupe; '

(part

of a consonant group) plegao, ploque, neglo, aleglia, flu-

moso, pletinho, glande, plegunta, concruzao, sarva.

(6)

rr > r:

core (correr), pero, mira (mirra), tiela

(rr > r > I).

(7) /A/ , /77 />yodorO:

(/A/) acuya,

creeya,

negriyo,

cayar,

yena; gaina, paxia (pajilla),

ai

(alli)a;

f t } / siolo, zeol.

Lingua de pretos:

111



(/A/)

oyo /

oio, gaiofa;

(/r)/)

cassaeta, siolo, mias.

In

habla

bozal, sometimes / A /

> /I/:

lena (llena), caramela (caramillo), molinela (morenillo).

(8) Seseo:

viyansico, lus, fosico, amanese, palese, comensa;

ceceo:

Diozo,

zeolo, tantuz, ziendo, zi, "loz

gatoz

zon pardoz"

(24.35).

It

appears

that

ceceo,

or rather,

"zezeo"

is an

invention

of the

eighteenth-

century authors; this speech

tag

had been traditionally reserved

for

gypsies.

(9)

/c/,/x/ > /s/ {habla de negros):

siquito (= chiquito), musa (= mucha); Sesii (= Jesus), Suse (=

Jose),

Susepe, Soseph, sente

(=

gente);

jzj

> jzj

(lingua

de

pretos):

zunta

(=

juntar), azuntamo

(=

ajuntamos),

Zezii

(Jesus), Zuze

(Jose), zente

(=gente).

(10) Metathesis:

presona, probeza, turmenta (instrumentos), palde, malde, palra

(= parla);

Lingua

de

pretos:

cravao, flumoso,

flutai,

Flunando, ploque.

(11) Instability of unstressed vowels.

Pretonic:

112 .



jej > jij:

vizina,

trivimenta, privini lu, billaco,

siol, sinai;

jej > juj: surpiente, burugungaro, hurmosa, plu-

gunto;

joj > juj: currendo, culnetiya, cumtlata, cultes,

cunsielta, Batulume, plusision, lunguya, lun N iiio,

cururara (=colorada).

Posttonic:

jej > jij: virgi, subi

(=suben);

joj > juj: tantuz,

quisu.

Lingua de pretos (all pretonic):

joj > juj:

Zuze;

/u/ > /o/\ cholomela;

jej > juj: Flunando;

jej > /i/: minina, siolo.

(12) Stressed vowels may change, too:

joj > juj: (cun) tesuro, turu, cumu, tuca.

(13) (a) Diphthongs may be simplified:

ie > e: currendo, ben, ceto, parente, trivimenta, nasimento, ]

ue > u: pus, fu;

ue > o: portorrico, nostla, pos casolita (=cazuela);

ai > as: Mastine.

Lingua de pretos:

ou > o: so;

ao > a : sa.

113



(b) Hiatus may be resolved through the introduction of a semivowel:

M a l i y a , Guineya, torneya.

(14) Apheresis:

mana (hermana), panta

(espanta),

crivana (escribano), treya (es-

trella),

tandarte

(estandarte), cienso (incienso), turmenta (in-

strumentos), manece (amanecer), miscla (almizcle).

Lingua de

pretos:

Bastiao (Sebastiao).

(15) Nasalization:

moginganga, pampangaya, lan

4 1

dunceya, Ion Dioso, Mangalena,

M i ng uel , ninglo/nengre/ninglito, Jesumclisa, pecandora, bosanse,

sacanbuche, milanglosa, cambayela.

N ot so evident in Portuguese.

(16) Isolated phenomena.

—n— > yod: Beleya (maybe through Belen >

Belena

> Belea >

Beleya, as in torneo >

tornea

> torneya);

calmino (insertion of -1-);

bayar (fall of -1-);

rimofio,

dimono (—ni— > /n/);

guevo (=huevo);

pagre, magre (fdj > /g/);

cagayera (/&/ > jgj);

adzoluto (jbj > jdj);

carcave (-sc- to -rc-);

jerquia (syncope).

4 1

Alvarez Nazario derives this form from grammatical particles of Bantu languages con

taminated phonetically by the Spanish article "la" and semantically by the Portuguese

reduced forms "na, no, nas, nos" ("Notas" 46; El elemento 164-67).

114



7.3

Morphology.

(a) Articles may be missing:

"[una] cosa vimo, que creeya / pantara" (2.21-22);

"en

[la] fiesa la Suncio" (50.11);

"a[l] niiio seluimo" (36.19);

"queremo que [el] niiio vea" (33.22);

or superfluous:

"perimo

al

Dioso lisencia

/ e

luego

a

Reye Gazpala"

(68.66-67);

Ion Dios; "a lan Dioso que sa yoranda / le cantemo la salabanda"

(51.10-11).

There may be a number-gender disagreement between the article and the

noun it defines:

las Leina (la Reina), las alma (el alma), unas cantaleta(s), unos

lablalola(s), las

pastola(s), las

mula

(la

mula),

las

consuelo

(el

consuelo); la cuepo, la nino Dios, la Santo Papa.

Lingua de pretos:

nos soalho(s), nos gaitinha(s), os fidalgo(s), nos palma(s) de mao,

humas danga (uma danga), os zente (a gente).

The loss of final / s / may be partly responsible for this disagreement.

Masculine singular article is sometimes derived from the masculine plural

through the loss of -s:

lo

Nifio

Jesu, lo Dioso, lo Pesebre, lo Potal, "de cana lo cabayito"

(14.11).

115



Not to be confused with "lo" as a

plural

article with final -s lost, as in "lo

pe" (los

pies), "lo neglo venimo"

(36.13).

(b) Nouns. Often a substantive and the adjective that modifies it disagree

in number and gender:

corason abierta, el Infante elmosa, lo[s] Negro[s] Chuculatera[s],

mi

sifiula[s]

M a l i a y

Jusepe.

Lingua

de

pretos:

Donzelhina belo, sua filho, suas cabelo[s], dois estrela[s], minha

coragao, sua plegao, ou'tros danga, os meus

vira, tuas

oio, mias

Menina.

Again, the fall of final -s may be partially responsible for the phenomenon.

The gender of a noun may be changed:

mucha raya (muchos rayos); la perrera (el perrero); la nascimenta;

la bueya; una sola (el sol); jumenta; el arpo.

(c) Pronouns. There are some instances of an indirect object pronoun em

ployed as a subject pronoun:

in habla bozal:

"mi

eztar poztillon"

(20.3);

"mi

quedar

. . .

reya"

(20.6);

in lingua de

pretos:

116



"mim

nao

quele senao

paz"

(30.11),

"mim

fessa

sar

plimela"

(30.12),

"mim

tocala os pandeilo" (30.22).

(d) Verbs. The basis

of the

conjugation

is

Spanish/Portuguese. There

are,

however, numerous deviations:

- deficient conjugation:

"el

Nino diosa yoramo" (10.50);

"si

tu

yolamo

pol mi, / yo me

aleglamo

pol tu"

(40.46-47);

"Nacimo

de

huns may donzera

/

huns Rey que mia

Deuza

he"

(29.31-32);

lingua de pretos:

"mim

tocala os pandeilo" (30.22);

- use of uninflected infinitives:

"esa noche

yo

baila"

(63.1);

"z i hayar grazia en el Garzon / a quien plezenta

yevamo,

/

mi quedar

tan

reya

/

como mi Amo"

(20.4-7);

"Eya dici : So molena / con las Sole que mira"

(44.46-47).

These are usually scattered among the inflected forms. The only

negritos

that

employ them systematically

are

"Esa

noche

yo

baila"

(No. 63; in

habla

de negros) and

"Afassa afassa que vem"

(No. 30; in lingua de

pretos);

- finally, some curious forms:

117



pinsiaba, sirviaba, quiriaba/queliba.

The tenses of the verbs are

those

of Spanish / Portuguese. In the villancico

with predominant infinitive forms other means

are

used

to

distinguish

tenses:

"su hichito ya nace" (63.13);

"lo garganta ya causa

/ . . . / •

pechuguera yo tene" (63.58-60).

The verbal form that unites all of the villancicos is the phonetic/semantic

derivation

of

Portuguese/Spanish verbs

ser/estar.

sar/sa

(or,

more rarely,

ta).

It is

used concurrently with regular Spanish/Portuguese copulas

(cor

rectly or incorrectly inflected), and may stand for all persons in the singular

and

third person in the plural, while in the first person

plural

it

takes

the

form

samo (tamo),

when correctly inflected:

sa(r) for

soy/estoy:

" j A y , Jesii, como sa mu trista " (1.5);

"aunque negra, sa presona" (1.21);

"hormiga sa, juro a tai" (3.27);

"saro

bu" (2.17);

lingua de

pretos:

"mim

fessa sar plimela" (30.12);

"sar contenta"

(30.17);

sa for eres/estds:

118



"sa hermosa tu" (1.14);

lE

que sara, primo,

tu?" (2.16);

sa for

es/estd:

"la

alma sa como la denta" (1.9);

"^Quien sa aquel?" (1.26);

"jque sa

cosa buena "

(44.38);

"sa yoranda" (51.10);

"sa siempre / milando la Iglesia" (44.29-30);

"sa cuntenta" (44.20);

"mano que

tanto

da

/

en Congo aiin

sara

bien

quista"

(1.38-39);

"sara muy galana" (44.21);

lingua de

pretos:

"sa un

Donzelhina

belo" (28.27);

"sa

Deuz . . . / e

noso palente

sa" (28.31-32);

"como sar linda / os minina" (30.41-42);

sa for son/estan:

"sa lo moleno ya / cayendo . . . de risa" (40.7-8);

"sa turu negla fea"

(33.21);

lingua

de pretos:

"sa os zente pleto / os fidalgo de cravao" (28.38-39);

samo/tamo:

"si debota samo, / peldone mi amo" (10.6-7);

"samo negra pecandora" (1.7);'

"samo enfadado ya" (3.17);

119



. "tamo lena li glolia" (47.19);

"aca tamo tolo" (45.1);

sando (gerundive of sar/sa):

"sando ronca

y

resfriara,

/

cantalemo mal, sifiole"

(=estando;

51.19-20).

7

.4

Syntax.

(a)

The indicator of direct/indirect object, location and direction

"a" is

often

eliminated:

— direct/indirect object indicator:

"sola saca [a] las Panola" (46.25);

"^Que vamo

a

ve, Catalina?

/ - [a]

Dioso que nace

siquito" (14.1-2);

tambie sabemo / cantalle [a] las Leina" (45.3-4);

"[a] la

Reya mio

/

incienso

ofrece

sagrado"

(3.30-

31); . • "

u

i[&] Parira no yeva

nara?" (14.37);

- location indicator:

"[a] la

Oblaje nos deja"

(44.28);

"yo [a] la Oblaje vivo" (46.19);

"turu la ninglito / se pone culbata, / que

vini

lan

fieta /

[al]

piscueso colgala"

(52.9-12); , .

-

direction indicator:

• .

"va subiendo

[a] lo

sumo"

(47.33);

"venga cun la tandarte / mafiana [a] la Prucisio"

(50.32-33);

120



"[a] las Cielo va" (44.17);

"vini

[a] lan fieta" (52.11).

(b) Preposition "de" is sometimes eliminated:

"entlamo la tlopa [de] Gazpala" (68.3);

"ra Gualda

/ re

reye

[de]

Guineya"

(68.6-7);

"vestira [de] una camison / y una pulida capote" (7.17-18);

"entle [de]

Angola

Pampangaya" (23.19);

"en fiesa [de] la Suncio" (50.11).

(c) An auxiliary verb/copula may be missing:

"[he] acabada de yegar" (16.22);

"donde ya [esta] Pilico, escrava no queda" (46.10);

"iguale [es] yolale" (44.5);

"samo negra pecandora

/ e

branca

[es] la

Sacramenta"

(1.7-8).

(d) The word order conforms to that of Spanish/Portuguese.

7.5

V o c a b u l a r y

is predominantly Spanish / Portuguese. The

negros

of

both

linguistic varieties

may

contain words

of

African origin pertaining

to

the place of their

origin,

dance, music and musical instruments. A ll

these

have been studied earlier (see 4.18). Some of the words we could not iden

tify (apart from

those

employed in the refrains), for instance,

cambinga

and

machi. The early villancicos in habla de

negros

may contain identifiably

Portuguese words:

menin(o),

chorar,

and the

definite articles,

or

prepo-

sition+article: "a mula un coz me tiro" (2.36); "escravita do nasimento"

(2.15). *

121



7 6 Analysing the language of the sixteenth-century Portuguese texts

containing

lingua de

pretos,

W. Megenney asks: "^Representa esto una ver-

dadera reflexion del habla negra . . . o es simplemente un artificio estilistico

comun

que fue ampliamente usado por los autores peninsulares que deseaban

crear la impresion de cierto estilo de habla?"

("Fenoraenos

criollos" 335-36).

This question applies directly to the language of the villancicos en habla de

negros. Although a definitive answer cannot be given, a few considerations

might be discussed here.

Black

Africans in the Peninsula and Spanish America apparently spoke

the peninsular languages with various

degrees

of proficiency. It follows then,

that an imitation, although faithful, of any one model, can never have pre

tensions at universality. Moreover, various authors at various periods and

in various locations had different opportunities for the direct observation of

black

speech. Perhaps not all of them were in a position to observe the

speech of blacks in their own household (as was Gongora, for instance).

42

Black

Africans were distributed unevenly throughout the Peninsula; they

were numerous in the seventeenth and rare in the

late

eighteenth century.

4 2

Jammes, Etudes 421, n. 34.

122



The printed booklets of the villancicos c o u l d be easily purchased every

year, and the black Spanish studied and imitated. Other genres of the lit-

eratura de cordel also provided samples of this literary dialect, as also did

stage

black Spanish. The authors of the villancicos that could not (or would

not)

base

their negro-writing on linguistic observation, could easily concoct

an

habla, combining a few conspicuous language-traits, phonetic, or lexical.

The recipe given by Quevedo in his Libro de

todas

las cosas—"Si escribes co-

medias y eres poeta

sabras

guineo en volviendo las rr 11, y al contrario: como

Francisco, Flancisco; primo, plimo —may not be an exaggeration,

after

all.

O n

the other hand, some of the linguistic

traits

of the villancicos run par

allel to those found in various Afro-Romance Creoles. The form sa survives

as one of the auxiliary verbs in the Afro-Portuguese

Creole

of Cape Verde

(Lopes da

Silva

139). The adverb ya marks

past

tense (or perfective as

pect)

in a variety of Iberian-based

Creoles

(Lipski, "Portuguese Element" 4).

The elimination of articles, prepositions de, a, and copula, is common to all

Hispanic-based

Creoles. Many

of the noted phonetic

changes—as

the loss of

final

/s/, /r/, j\j, interchange of

liquids,

neutralization of /d / , /r/ in favour

of /rf, simplification of consonant groups and diphthongs, instability of the

unstressed vowels—are also to be encountered in many ofthe Creoles (Megen-

123



ney, "Fenomenos criollos" 362-70). Popular Brazilian Portuguese, that has

been influenced by the native speakers of African languages, displays similar

phonetic changes:

yeismo,

/z/ > /z/, apheresis, apocopation, interchange of

liquids,

simplification of consonant groups and diphthongs (Mendonga 101-

24).

In

view of the above, it seems

that

the language of the

villancicos de

negros always represents a combination of observation and stereotyping. The

proportion of the two elements may be different and has to be determined

for

each and every author, or even each and every villancico.

124



C O N C L U S I O N

(a) Villancicos de negros form a small part of the tradition of religious

villancicos that began to be composed in

Spain

at

least

since the end of

the fifteenth century. The habit of writing and performing these villancicos

was so widespread that the term itself was reserved specifically for these

compositions, while secular villancicos began to be designated by the

terms

tono

or

tono

humano. Moreover, it appears that villancicos were exported

from Castile to its neighbours, Catalonia and Portugal, in the late sixteenth—

early seventeenth century.

(b) The earliest guineos

that

we know about were composed in the last two

decades of the sixteenth century for the Capilla Real in M a d r id . The latest

villancicos de negros collected for this study are dated 1783 (from Spain) and

1788 (from Spanish America).

Thus,

the overall popularity of the

negro

was

undiminished

for at

least

two centuries.

(c) The use of habla de negros and lingua de pretos had originated in

secular literature before it was used to enrich the villancico genre. The

earliest use of

lingua

de

pretos

dates from the second half of the 15th century,

and

the earliest specimen of habla de negros has been tentatively dated by

125



the end of that century. The earliest use of the latter for religious purposes

may have occurred in the ensalada by Mateo Flecha el Viejo, La negrina,

written for the Christmas celebration of 1535 or 1536 in

Valencia.

(d) From the formal point of view,

negritos

adhere to the structural pat

tern of other contemporary villancicos, introduction-estribillo-coplas being

the basis of it. The introduction and

coplas

are strophic, often consisting of

octosyllabic lines; the estribillo is through-composed and metrically irregular.

(e) Negros were written for all principal Church celebrations: Christmas,

Epiphany, Corpus Christi, Immaculate Conception, Assumption.

(f) Villancicos de negros, in common with other subgenres of the villan

cico, contain numerous details of contemporary life, customs, and allusions

to many contemporary events. They may be studied, in a sense, as a mirror

of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century social habits.

43

(g) The language of the

negritos

is not

uniform; correct

Spanish or Por

tuguese forms

alternate

with the distorted ones. On the basis of this study

we might conclude that the language of each and every author depends on:

-

the model transcribed;

43

This

is a common trait of the villancicos and the literatura de cordel in general. See

Garcia de Enterria 152-53.

126



- the individual linguistic ability of the author;

-

the proportion of observation versus stereotyping.

If villancicos de negros are used as linguistic documents presenting to

some extent the speech of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century black

Africans in the Peninsula and Spanish America, they are likely to provide

evidence for the adherents of creole theory and for the exponents of the for

eigner's talk/incipient pidgin hypothesis alike. On the basis of the linguistic

evidence of the villancicos used for this study, we think that what they rep

resent can be explained in most cases as Spanish/Portuguese acquired by

adult learners. The negros "Esa noche yo baila" (No. 63; reproduced in the

Appendix) and "Afassa afassa que vern" (No. 30), come closest to pidgins

of all the

guineos

examined (having in

mind

Lingua Franca and the earliest

specimens of

lingua

de pretos as examples of Romance-based pidgins).

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145



A P P E N D I X

A N A N T H O L O G Y

OF

VILLANCICOS

E

NEGROS

The

following

considerations have been taken into account while preparing

this anthology:

(a) geographical. We tried to represent villancicos from various locations,

both in the Peninsula and Spanish America;

(b) temporal. We chose villancicos to cover the two hundred years—from

the early seventeenth to the

late

eighteenth century—more or less evenly;

(c) linguistic. One

villancico

in lingua de pretos and nine in habla de

negros

represent the right proportion of the

negritos

used in this study (five

of

the

former variety versus sixty

three

of the

latter).

From

the

villanci

cos in habla de

negros

we tried to choose those that represent a variety of

linguistic models with different proportions of linguistic observation versus

stereotyping;

/

(d) clarity. Villancicos particularly

difficult

to interpret were omitted;

(e) textual.

O n l y

fully surviving

negrillas

were included;

(f) accessibility. The negrillas by Gongora and

Sor

Juana were omitted

in view of their easy accessibility. This explains why the earliest

villancico

included is that by Comes.

The available editions of villancicos negros are of very unequal value.

Some of them, being transcribed from musical manuscripts, completely lack

punctuation

and

capitals.

We

regularized

the

punctuation

and the use of

capitals throughout. Infinitives with final -r dropped have been accentuated.

Whenever we made corrections of transcription (when this could be done with

a fair degree of certainty), we indicate the original version in the footnote.

Valencia, before 1643 (No. 7)

Juan Bautista Comes

Tonada:

- Facico, vena comigo.

44

- /,Adonde me lleva, hermano?

-

A ver la misa cantano,

que samo re turo amigo.

4 4

"Facico" instead of "Tacico"; "vena" instead of "ven a .

146



- si nosamo no pinga?

45

-

jE que no pingara

- jE que si pingara

- jE que no

Gurugu,

gurugu, mandinga.

- jE que no pingara

-

jE que si - jE que no

- Pues vamo turo y bailemo,

vamo y cantemo y dancemo,

llevaremo su bendicion.

Responcion (same text as the

tonada

Coplas:

Veremo una sacerote

cantar

la Kirie Leyson,

vestira una camison

y una pulida capote;

venga y seremo testigo.

Si quiere venir, veremo

como con mucho primor

alzar a nosa Senor

la

sacerote poremo;

venga y seremo testigo.

Coimbra, seventeenth century (No. 28)

Anonymous

- Bastiao, Bastiao, Flunando, Flancico,

palente, placero, nozo gelagao,

juntamo nosso pandorga,

nossa festa de tao balalao

- Eu so capitao dos pleto d'Angola,

tampelai

esse

bitangola

46

45

Corrected from "no samo, no pinga".

4 6

We have corrected this from "bi t'Angola", for the word clearly means some musical

instrument, here and in other

negros.

147



e fazeme uma rojao

de guguluga, de tao balalao,

de glande folia, que cos fessa,

cos aleglia me say pelos oyo

minha

colagao

-

Ploque rezao

tanto

flugamento ha

de guguluga, de tao balalao?

-

Siolo capitao,

que

gente

pleto zunta

debaixo sua plegao.

-

Bastiao bem plegunta;

nao palece o neglo bessa,

esse

noite sa de festa,

tura

gente

festeja,

que baixa desses alto palaizo,

tao glante, tao flumoso,

que

palece que ser

vinho

suus oyo

quando chola.

Sua

Mae Nosso Senhora

sa un

Donzelhina

belo,

oiro sa suas cabelo,

suas oyo dois estrela,

sua

filho

honra par'ela,

que sa Deus en concruzao,

e noso palente sa

H a ,

ha, ha, ha, ha, ha

de gugulugu, de guguluga,

que

esses

campo se abrasa,

ploque

sol

esta

no chao

- Tern muito rezao siolo capitao,

a qui sa os zente pleto

os fidalgo de cravao,

a qui sa nosso

folia,

turo nosso companhia.

Toquemo

no bandurinha,

148



nos soalho, nos gaitinha,

toquemo co pe no mao,

de guguluga, de tao balalao

He,

he, he, bulico a pe

de guguluga, de gugulugue;

ha, ha, ha, corre baya

de gugulugii, de guguluga,

de tao balalao

Os

oyo na ceu, giolho na

chao,

fagamo lo solfa nos palma de mao

Que

tao

palatao

(tao, tao, tao),

que turn polotum (turn turn

turn)

que turn, que tao

gulu-guluga, gulu-gulugii.

- Flutai , pequenina,

minha colagao

(Que turn, que tao, etc.)

-

Forrai os pletinho,

siolo

Zezu

(Que tao, que turn, etc.)

Os

oyo na ceu, giolho na

chao,

fagamo lo sol fa nos palma de mao

149



Huesca, 1661 N o . 9)

Luis Gargallo

Hagamole plaga a lo Reye Mago,

turo lo neglo, e turo lo branco,

que venimo en Cameya,

y buscamole por

estreya,

con oro, con cienso, con mirra divina,

Diosu chiquitu,

Diosu, que nace bonitu,

en paxia, e pesebricu,

como hijo de

Gaina.

Traemole a lo chiquitu

una danza de neglitu,

y uno mono de Tulu;

con

esso,

y el gu, gu, gu,

y el gua, gua, gua,

y el gue, gue, gue

festejamole a su melee,

como a uno Nino Sesu.

- Plimo, ique yevan lo Reye en done?

- Yevan cienso, chaculate,

oro, mirra, pinonate,

de calicante turrone,

caixifia

de canelone,

grana branca, e cururara,

panara Ingresa, cuchara,

e para hazer almendrara

guego mas bronco que tu;

con esso, y el gu, gu, gu, etc.

- Plimo,

^que yevan al tielno Infante?

- Yevalemole pinona,

nuesa, y almendra monsara,

aceituna, y alcapara,

camueza, y melacotona,

yevamole valona,

150



y a Susepe le dale

samarra de consejela,

si se la quiele pone;


-

Plimo,

ique yevan a la parira?

- A la Siola M al i a

yevamo con aleglia

bayalde para la cara,

manto de gloria con punta,

mono,

e

tanta

cosa junta,

que para aver de yevayo,

sa menester un cavayo

tan glande como yo, e tu;

con

esso, y el gu, gu, gu, etc.

-

Plimo,

ique

yevan de cantulia?

N o quede a vira instlumenta,

que no toque la peliona,

chimigula,

y baxona,

lo sacabucha, y culneta.

Tocamole cubetiya,

sonagia, e

cascabe,

y

una famosa cansiona

po r el sol, fa, mi, re;


Seville,

1677 (No. 14)

Felix

Persio Bertiso

- /.Que vamo a ve Catalina?

-

Dioso

que

nace

siquito

en pajita y peseblito

como hijo de gayina.

lY

que yevamo, soblina,

a la naciro plimito?

- Vn capisaya

47

branquito.

Orig. "capisa ya".

151



lY que mas se yeva?

-

Maneciya le cablito.

[

que mas se yeva?

-

De cafia lo cabayito.

-

que mas se yeva?

-

Una danza de neglito.

lY que mas se yeva?

-

No yeva mas. ^Y que yeva tu?

-

Tamboletiyo le gugulugii,

con que baila tu y Andles;

y turo neglo y tura

Guinea

aleglamo lo

Nino

Sesii.

Todos. -

Guan,

guan, gua,

he, he, he, usie, usie,

hu,

hu, hu, gulugu, gulugu.

<i

,Que yeva mi plimo Andles?

-

Yeva prato de cuscu,

que hace al

Nino

Sesu

la

monja le

santa

Ines.

Y con

lima

camalon,

aleglia,

cafiamon,

a ochavito bocarito,

panariya, rosquetito,

chocho, galbanza

tostara,

y para hacer rebanara

guevo y casolita nueva.

-

que mas se yeva?

-

No yeva mas. ^Y que yeva tu?

-

Tamboletiyo de gugulugu, etc.

-

^Parira no yeva

nara?

-

A la siola

Malia

yevamo a su senolia

manteyina cururara,

guante polviya picara,

abanico, galgantiya,

manto con punta le Flande,

152



do l ibla de sucalcande,

y confite con que beba.

lY que mas

se

yeva?

- No yeva mas. que yeva

tu?

-

Tamboletiyo

le

gugulugvi,

etc.

G r a n a d a , 1701 ( N o . 21

Alonso de Bias

y

Sandoval

Estribillo:

- A z i , Flaziquiya;

az i

Almentela;

azi,

Clementiya.

- Rigamo: iQue quele?

-

Que tuque instlumenta

pala el zalambeque,

que teque, que teque;

que zamo

Negliya

con la instlumentiya,

y tucamo chacona,

(chacona,

chacona)

azi,

que

le

aglada

a

la

Reina pulida;

tuquemo suliya.

Zezii, jque cuntenta

que za Nazimenta

-

Rigamo: iQue quele?

- Que tuque instlumenta

pala

el zalambeque,

que teque, que teque.

Zezii, ique cuntenta

que

za

Nazimienta

Coplas

a

solo:

Venga apliza, camine, Flazico,

velemo de Noso Siolo

la

festa,

que tocan campana

a

maitine,

153



que za bona noche re zu Nazimenta.

-

Rigamo: iQne quele?

-

Que tuque instlumenta

pala

el zalambeque,

que

teque, que teque.

Zezii,

jque cuntenta

que

za Nazimenta

Tlaiga turo zumbrero calaro,

cuberto fozico, tapara la geta,

que de noche za parda lo gato,

y penza lo branco que za cabayera.

-

Rigamo:

iQue

quele? . . .

Entlalemo en la Reale Capiya;

velemo

la ronda que vene muy gueca,

cun

pultelos y hachas delante,

dal

vuelta al zopulco donde za lo Reya.

- Rigamo: iQne quele? . . .

Entlalemo

muy glave en el colo,

que

za

plima

noche cun hacha e cun vela;

cuchalemo la viyarancica

que

canta cantole que za mucho diestla.

-

Rigamo: iQue quele? . . .

Vela tanto de lo zaclistane,

que tlae

camizona vestira de suela,

que uno canta, otlo rabia, otlo riye,

otlo toma tabaca, otlo palra, otlo reza.

-

Rigamo: iQue quele? . . .

Vela un hombre que yaman Bajona,

que

chupa uno palo, y lo sopla, y lo besa;

y otlo toca una cosa tursira,

que turo lo neglo ze ezpanta re veya.

-

Rigamo: /.Que quele? . . .

Otlo

alza y abaja la mano,

y

en merio re turos laz mozcaz ojea.

Otlo

tiene instlumenta muy grande,

154



y tura la noche za templa que templa.

-

Rigamo:

iQne

quele? . . .

Hallala alii

otloz mil instlumentos,

acoldez, sonoraz, con cien difelenciaz,

que le ran palabienes al

Nino

que nace, alegliya rel cielo y la tiela.

-

Rigamo: ^Que quele? . . .

Malaga,

1753 (No. 23)

Juan Frances de Iribarren

Estribillo:

Esta noche lo

Neglillo,

vestira de moginganga,

viene turu en una manga,

con sonaja y tamburillo

a vel al ziolo Mamie.

(Coros)

Ay, que turu, turu, turu,

zamo loco de plazel,

y a lo zon de zonajillo

cantaremo pez con pez:

achiha, achiha, achiha,

achihe, achihe, achihe;

jviva el Diozo zeolo Niiio,

que come butilo, e mel

Coplas:

Vaya

entlando la Tlompeta,

cuchiflando

la Carriya;

entle

Cabayo con

Ziya

a compasia de lo pe.

A y, que turu, turu, etc.

Entle Angola Pampangaya,

y dempueza en zu plezona

cambayara tula

Mona,

tucandu lu cazcabe.

155




Entle la botalga plonta,

vestira de Matachin,

pala dal al bayle fin,

zi

al

Nino

paleze ben.


P u e b l a ( M e x i c o ) , 1649 ( N o .


Estribillo:

- jA palente a palente

iQue quele,

seiiol

neglico?

48

- Que bamo a lo portalico

a yeva a nino plesente;

vamo turu de

repente

ante que vaya pastora.

-

Y si a lo nino que yora

le pantamo, que halemo?

- Vno bayle baylemo,

y

sera la puelto rico;

le le le le le le,

que la nino duerme.

Copla:

L o

neglo venimo

le le le le le le

a la nacimenta,

le le le le le le

tocando trumenta,

le le le le le le

y

a nino seluimo,

le le le le le le

copriya

decimo

le le le le le le.

C h a n g e d f r o m que que le .

156



Morelia (Mexico), 1723 (No. 55)

Francisco Moratilla

Estribillo:

H a negliyo, ha negliyo de Santo Thome,

vaya de vuia de festa y place,

y arruyemos al niiio que nace en Bele

con

la tonadiya del Zanguangue.

H a

plimiyo, ha plimiyo negliyo Martin,

arruyemos al niiio que quele dolmi

con

la tonadiya del Zambucuti.

H a negliyo, ha negliyo

plimiyo

Gaspa,

arruyemos al nifio que esta en el poltal,

con la tonadiya del Tapalata.

Vaya, vaya el sonsonetiyo de la run-run,

cu cu cii, cu cu cii,

que se duelme lo niiio Jesii,

cu cu cii, cu cu cii,

con

el sonsonetiyo de la run-run.

Coplas:

A l Dioso que sa nasiro

49

con

sonsonete que alegla,

cantamo la

gente

negla

como en Angola un toniyo.

Polque

se duelme el chiquiyo

que desbelaro le vemo,

en la cuna le mesemo

y

le cantamo a la "mu".

Tura instrumenta se escuche.

Toquemo como pelsona

chirimingula

y baxona,

culnetiya y sacabuche,

que se ciela como estuche;

C o r r e c t e d

f r o m

sana

s i r o .

157



y

si le

toca

un negliyo,

a pulo de inchal el carriyo

atluena como alcabus.

Panderiyo

y raveliya

con sonaxa tocalemo

y Sanguangue cantalemo,

que sa famosa letliya.

Soplalemo la olganiya

con

fuega daye que daye,

y a manela de

atabaye

haremo suene el tuntun.

Una xacala tambe

le cantamo, entando en eya

la

mulica con la bueya

que saben sol fa mi re.

Y cuando plimo Tume

la

xacaliya empezo,

la muliya rebusno

y ablo el bueya y dijo "mu".

A l son del tamboriliyo

a la

Siola

M al i a

la

damo con aleglia

nolabuena del chiquiyo.

Y

un saclistan que es negliyo,

echando de la gloliosa,

el "Nigla sum sed formosa"

canto

al son del archilau.

B o g o t a ( C o l o m b i a ) , seventeenth

c e n t u r y

(No

Joseph de Cascante

Cucua, cucua,

que valgame dios;

o que bueno queda,

que valgame Dios.

Estribillo:

5 8



A l

plimiyo que adoramo,

hazele fiesta quelemo;

pues bailemo usia,

la

pranta se mueve

de alegre que sa

gurumbe;

jla

gala se la yeva

sio Manue

Cucua.

Coplas:

Todo lo neglo quelemo

regosija y contenta

celebra la nacimenta

que de Ion Dios que tenemo.

jBayla,

plima

Cucua.

A siola Donzeya

le dalemo palaben,

que

al siolo Manue

palio tan linda y tan beye.

jToca,

plima

Cucua.

C o c h a b a m b a

( B o l i v i a ) , e i g h t e e n t h

c e n t u r y

(No

Anonymous

5 0

Esa noche yo baila

ha

ha ha ha

con

Maria

lucume

he he he he

asta sol que amanece

ha

ha ha ha

plo

mi

Dios

que sa acuya

he he he he

esa

gente

comensa

We

leave the original punctuation.

159



ha ha ha ha

aunque pe la buesa fe

he he he he

su hichito ya nace

ye ye ie ie

Poca poca nobela

ha ha ha ha

Nacie cun Batulume

he he he he

Puero nega en bona fe

ha ha ha ha

del

chiquillo

que aye sa

he he he he

el manda me a mi canta

ha ha ha ha

yo

canta

asta

amanese

he he he he

su

hichito ya nace

ye ye ie ie

L u metiso dea falta

ha ha ha ha

porque ya urta quele

he he he he

a la mula del plata

ha ha ha ha

pueso de siolo

Jose

he he he he

y lo nino yolala < la >

ha ha ha ha

si

quera solo yo boi;

he he he he

su hichito ya

nace

ye ye ie ie

Las vieja no palese

ha ha ha ha

por que esa conso lima

160

Villancico de Negros

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