Verbal Inflection and Clause Structure in Swahili
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Transcript of Verbal Inflection and Clause Structure in Swahili
i
Verbal Inflection and Clause Structure in Swahili
Carolyn Harford (Prof.)Department of African Languages and Literature
University of SwazilandPrivate Bag 4
KwaluseniM201 Matsapha
August 4, 2010
ii
Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
1. Introduction 1
1.1. Theoretical Perspectives 3
1.2. Swahili Noun Class System 3
Chapter 2: The Structure of the Inflected Verb in Swahili 8
2.1. Verbal Inflectional Morphemes in Swahili 8
2.2. Prosodic Structure in the Swahili Inflected Verb 10
2.2.1. Prosodic Properties 13
2.2.1.1. Epenthetic ku 14
2.2.1.2. Secondary Stress 19
2.2.1.3. Relative Morpheme o 20
2.3. Theoretical Analysis: Phrase Structure and
the Prosody-Syntax Interface 25
2.3.1. Phrase Structure 26
2.3.2. The Prosody-Syntax Interface 30
2.4. Exceptional Dual Conjunct Effects in
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the Negative Clitic Relative 36
2.5. A Diachronic Perspective on the Inflected Verb in Swahili 38
2.6. Conclusion 40
Chapter 3: Movement and Licensing in the Inflected Verb 41
3.1. The Distribution of Negative Morphemes 41
3.1.1. Conditionals 51
3.1.2. The Negative Infinitive 54
3.2. The Distribution of Final Vowels (FRS) 55
3.2.1. Comparisons to Other Bantu Languages 65
3.2.1.1. Blocking in Shona 66
3.2.1.2. Blocking in the Passive in Zulu 70
3.3. Conclusion 72
Chapter 4: the Structure of Clauses 74
4.1. Type B Structure 75
4.1.1. Verb-Subject (VS) Order in Type B Clauses 78
4.1.2. Negation in Type B Clauses 82
4.1.3. Object Topicalization in Type B Clauses 85
4.2. Type A Structure 87
4.2.1. Type A Main Clauses 88
iv
4.2.1.1. Subject-Verb (SV) Order in Type A Main Clauses 88
4.2.1.2. Negation in Type A Main Clauses 90
4.2.1.3. Object Topicalization in Type A Main Clauses 92
4.2.2. Type A Subordinate Clauses 94
4.2.2.1. Subject-Verb (SV) Order in Type A Subordinate Clauses 98
4.2.2.2. Negation in Type A Subordinate Clauses 100
4.2.2.3. Object Topicalization in Type A Subordinate Clauses 104
4.3. Connecting the Inflected Verb to the Clause 107
4.4. Conclusion 108
Appendix: The Swahili Noun Class System 110
Notes on Appendix 117
References 138
1
Chapter 1: Introduction
This work has two goals. The first is to present a unified analysis of significant
portions of the verbal and clausal structure of Swahili, a Bantu language spoken widely in
East and Central Africa (Nurse & Hinnebusch, 1993). These portions cover the structure
of all non-compound forms in the inflectional paradigm and the structure of main,
relative and other subordinate clauses. The second goal is to explore the consequences of
the assumption that both of these areas of Swahili grammar are organized according to a
single set of syntactic principles; i.e., that there is no separate morphological component
for the inflected verb. While I refer to verbal formatives as morphemes, I propose that
they occupy syntactic terminal nodes and are subject to syntactic processes. The
arguments for this position take two basic forms. First, the patterns of morpheme
selection and distribution resemble the syntactic processes of movement and licensing as
analyzed within Principles & Parameters theory (Chomsky, 1981, 1991; Haegeman,
1994). Second, rather than the inflected verb functioning as an unanalyzed whole at the
clause level, individual morphemes interact on a par with words in determining the
constituent order of both.
The analyses resulting from this assumption also carry broader theoretical
implications. For example, although there is broad agreement that inflectional
morphology, as opposed to derivational morphology, is associated with syntax, ther is no
consensus on how this association is realized. The analyses proposed here entail that, for
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at least one type of largely agglutinative language, there is no need for a separate
morphological component for inflectional morphology, following the line of research
initiated in Pollock (1989). Also, Swahili verbal morphology is frequently cited as an
example of template morphology (Stump, 1992, 1993, 1996) and the analyses proposed
here offer a non-morphological model for this type of morphology, following the line of
inquiry in Speas (1990) and Rice (1995, 2000).
The data is drawn from secondary sources, primarily Ethel O. Ashton’s (1947)
Swahili Grammar, still the standard in the field. Barrett-Keach (1980, 1986), Hinnebusch
& Mirza (1970), Maw (1969), Johnson (1939), Perrot (1957), Whiteley (1968), Tyler
(1985) and one Swahili novel, Euphrase Kezilahabi’s Rosa Mistika have also been used.
The variety of Swahili described represents the Unguja dialect discussed by Nurse &
Hinnebusch (1993).
The remainder of the book is organized as follows. Chapter 2 proposes an X-bar
theory analysis of the inflected verb, which includes its prosodic structure. Chapter 3
develops the argument for a syntactic analysis of the inflected verb with an account of the
patterning of negative morphemes and final vowels in terms of movement and licensing.
Chapter 4 incorporates the results of Chapters 2 and 3 into an analysis of subordinate
clauses. Chapter 5 considers the implications, within a structural analysis, of the
possibility that the subject and the subject agreement morpheme of the Swahili clause
constitute a topic-comment structure. Chapter 6 examines more closely the issues
involved in analyzing template morphology syntactically. Chapter 7 concludes.
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1.1. Theoretical Perspectives
The basic theoretical framework of this work is Principles & Parameters theory
(Chomsky, 1981, 1991; Haegeman, 1994), in particular, the Split-INFL hypothesis of
Pollock (1989), the theory of Head Movement (Travis, 1984) and the theory of
Relativized Minimality (Rizzi, 1990). This theory has hitherto been applied mostly to
European languages (see, for example, Belletti (1990), Roberts (1993), Lightfoot &
Hornstein (1994), Battye & Roberts (1995), Vikner (1995), Zanuttini (1997) and, also, to
a more limited extent, to Bantu languages (Carstens, 1991; Carstens & Kinyalolo, 1989;
Demuth & Harford, 1999; Harford & Demuth, 1999; Itangaza, 1993; Kinyalolo, 1991;
Ngonyani, 1999). This work is a contribution to this line of research. The influence of
Optimality Theory (OT) (McCarthy & Prince, 1993; Prince & Smolensky, 1993;
Grimshaw, 1997) should also be apparent, although there is no analysis presented
specifically in OT terms. There are also places where I appeal to diachronic explanations
and the functional structure of Lexical-Functional Grammar (Bresnan, 1982). I assume
basic familiarity with all these theories.
1.2. Swahili Noun Class System
The topic of this work is the verbal and clausal structure of Swahili. Swahili also
has a noun class system, typical of the Bantu family, which is encountered in nearly
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every example in the book. This section provides a sketch of this system, including a
table in Appendix 1.
The gender system of a Bantu language such as Swahili is typically referred to as
a noun class system (Welmers, 1973). The noun class that a Swahili noun belongs to
determines the inflections of other inflections construed syntactically with it: two
categories of modifier (conventionally labeled adjectival and pronominal) and two series
of verbal morphemes: the subject agreement morpheme and the object agreement
morpheme, which encode the noun class of the subject and object of the verb,
respectively. These inflections take the forms of prefixes which, in a number of noun
classes, match the prefix on the controlling noun, with phonologically motivated
variation. One example of such a class is Class 8, illustrated in example (1).
(1) vi-kombe vy-a-ngu vi-kubwa
N8-cups PRO8-AP-my ADJ8-big
‘my big cups’
(Ashton, 1947, p. 56)
In example (1), the Class 8 noun vikombe ‘cups’ has the prefix vi, which also occurs on
the associative particle a ‘of’ (a modifier stem taking pronominal agreements) and the
adjectival stem kubwa ‘big’. Since the pronominal stem a ‘of’ is vowel-initial, the
preceding vowel [i] of the prefix dissimilates to [y]. Examples (2) and (3) illustrate the
subject and object agreement morphemes, respectively, of Class 8.
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(2) vi-kombe vi-me-pote-a
N8-cups SM8-COMP-be lost-FV
‘The cups are lost’
(Ashton, 1947, p. 43)
(3) U-me-vi-on-a?
SM2s-COMP-OM8-see-FV
‘Have you seen them?’
(ibid.)
In Swahili, as in other Bantu languages, the subject agreement morpheme precedes the
tense/aspect modality morpheme(s) and the object agreement morpheme precedes the
verb stem. (See example (1) in Chapter 2.)
In other noun classes, there is less similarity among the prefixes of the agreement
set. An example is Class 6, illustrated in example (4).
(4) Ma-ji y-ote ya-me-kauk-a
N6-water PRO9-all SM9-COMP-dry up-FV
‘All the water has dried up.’
(ibid.)
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In this example, the Class 6 prefix ma on the noun maji ‘water’ differs from the Class 6
subject agreement morpheme ya. The latter prefix also appears on the pronominal stem
ote ‘all, each’, with its vowel deleted or coalesced before the initial vowel of the stem.
According to Corbett (1991), a gender in a language is defined in terms of an
agreement set, the set of inflections or other modifications associated with the nouns in
the gender. This reflects the situation in Bantu noun class studies closely but not
completely. The traditional, and currently most widely used, noun class numbering
system, the Bleek-Meinhof system, was devised by Bleek (1862) and modified by
Meinhof (1932), to provide the same numbers for cognate classes throughout the Bantu
family, reflecting the reconstruction of the noun class system in Proto-Bantu. This system
results in noun classes coinciding with agreement sets overwhelmingly, but not entirely,
as when separate numbers are used for historically separate classes which share an
agreement set in the current language. An example in Swahili comes from classes 3 and
14, which currently share an agreement set but which have separate Bleek-Meinhof
numbers because they were originally separate classes. (For more discussion of these
issues, see Bennett, 1970.) Bleek-Meinhof numbering is used in this book.
Swahili has 18 agreement sets and 16 Bleek-Meinhof noun classes. Note also that
the Bleek-Meinhof system asssigns singulars and plurals to separate classes. There are
two reasons for this: the prefixes of singular and plural classes are not morphologically
related (Welmers, 1973) and there is no one-to-one correspondence between singular and
plural classes.
Appendix 1 presents a table of the Swahili noun class system, organized in terms
of agreement sets. The table is intended to summarize the system as described by Ashton
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(1947), with additional observations from Perrott (1957), Johnson (1939) and Hinnebusch
& Mirza (1979). The format is inspired by a similar chart for Gikuyu in Bennett (1970).
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Chapter 2: The Structure of the Inflected Verb in Swahili
This chapter begins the analysis of clause structure in Swahili with an analysis of
basic morpheme order and prosodically grounded conjuncts in the inflected verb. The
chapter is organized as follows. Section 2.1 presents the surface order and labelling of
verbal inflectional morphemes in Swahili. Section 2.2 describes the prosodic structure of
the Swahili inflected verb. Section 2.3 analyzes verbal inflectional structure and prosody
within the frameworks of the Split-INFL hypothesis (Pollock 1989), Grimshaw’s (1991)
theory of Extended Projections, and Prosodic Phonology (Selkirk 1986). Section 2.4
provides a diachronic perpective on the prosody-syntax connection in Swahili. Section
2.5 concludes.
2.1. Verbal Inflectional Morphemes in Swahili
The morphemes of the Swahili inflected verb may be represented in terms of a
template, given in example (1):
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(1) (NEG1)-(SM)-(NEG2)-(TAM)-(RELPC) -(OM)-VS-(Ext*)-FV- (RELPC)
1a 2a 3a 4a 5a 6 7 8 9 (PLIMP)
10
(INF-(NEG3))-
1b 2b-5b
(HAB)
1c-5c
Parentheses indicate morphemes that are not required in all verb forms. The labels on the
template slots indicate the grammatical and semantic characteristics of the morphemes
which occupy the slots. The (a), (b) and (c) alternatives for slots 1-5 represent mutually
exclusive options for strings of morphemes preceding the macrostem (see section 2.3
below), the first morpheme of which is the object morpheme (OM) in Slot 6. The
hyphenated “2b-5b” and “1c-5c” indicate that the morphemes so labelled block
morphemes occurring in those slots when they are present (i.e., for example, the habitual
morpheme HAB blocks the occurrence of SM, NEG2, TAM and RELPC). The (b) series
of morphemes represents the affirmative and negative infinitives, and the (c) HAB
morpheme represents the one verb form in which only a single morpheme precedes the
macrostem. The relative and plural imperative morphemes in Slot 10 occupy the same
10
slot because they are in complementary distribution, not because they represent a single
category.
There are three positions for negative (NEG) morphemes and two positions for
the relative morpheme (RELPC); the NEG morphemes are discussed below in Section
2.2 and in Chapter 3 and the positioning of the relative morpheme is discussed below in
Section 2.3.1.3.
The subject morpheme (SM) indicates the noun class of the subject, the object
morpheme (OM) the noun class of the object, and the relative morpheme (RELPC) the
noun class of the head of a relative clause. The status of these morphemes is discussed
further in Section 2.2 and the noun class system as a whole is described in Chapter 1.3.
Other morphemes are discussed in Section 2.2.
2.2. Prosodic Structure in the Swahili Inflected Verb
Prosodically, Swahili inflected verb forms fall into two categories depending on
whether they contain one or two prosodic domains, or conjuncts. The number of
conjuncts in a verb form depends in turn on whether it contains a Slot 4 TAM morpheme,
and which one it contains. The following is a table of the Slot 4 morphemes, with
designations indicating their approximate meanings drawn from Ashton (1947) or based
on her terminology. (Morpheme (9), mesha, is discussed by Hinnebusch & Mirza (1979),
but not Ashton. See note 6 below.)
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Table 1: Swahili Tense/Aspect/Modality Morphemes
Morpheme Designation Distribution
(1) na Definite Time (Ashton, 1947, p. 36) Affirmative forms only
(2) li Past Time (ibid.) Affirmative forms only
(3) ta Future Time (ibid.) Affirmative and negative
forms
(4) me Completed Action/State (ibid.) Affirmative forms only
(5) nge Suppositional (ibid., p. 187) Affirmative and negative
forms
(6) ngali Suppositional (ibid.) Affirmative and negative
forms
(7) ja “Not yet” (ibid., p. 70) Negative forms only
(8) ku1 Negative Past (ibid.) Negative forms only
(9) mesha “Already” (Hinnebusch & Mirza, 1979, p.
124)
Affirmative forms only
(10) a Indefinite Time (ibid., p. 36) Affirmative forms only
(11) nga Concessive (ibid., p. 186) Affirmative forms only
(12) ka Consecutive (ibid., p. 133) Affirmative forms only
1 Hinnebusch & Mirza (1979) point out that this is probably to be identified with theinfinitive morpheme. Ashton (1947, p. 72) identifies it as a tense morpheme. It behaveslike a TAM morpheme in that it blocks negative FV i (see Chapter 3.2 below). See Nurse& Hinnebusch (1993, pp. 335, 416) for more detail on its origins and variations in its use.
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(13) ki Continuous (ibid., p. 138) Affirmative and negative
forms
These morphemes divide the forms of the Swahili verb paradigm into two categories,
which may be labelled conjunct morphemes and non-conjunct morphemes, shown in
Table 2.
Table 2: Conjunct and Non-Conjunct TAM Morphemes
Conjunct TAM
Morphemes
Non-Conjunct TAM Morphemes
(1) na (10) a
(2) li (11) nga
(3) ta (12) ka
(4) me (13) ki
(5) nge
(6) ngali
(7) ja
(8) ku
(9) mesha
Verb forms which contain conjunct TAM morphemes, henceforth referred to as conjunct
forms, are divided into two conjuncts, the first extending from slot 1 to slot 5, referred to
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as the inflectional stem by Myers (1998), and the second extending from slot 6 to slot 8,
referred to as the macrostem by Hyman & Ngunga (1994), Mutaka (1994) and Myers
(1998). Verb forms which contain non-conjunct TAM morphemes, or no TAM
morpheme at all, henceforth referred to as non-conjunct forms, consist of a single such
domain. Conjunct and non-conjunct forms contrast with respect to three properties, which
can therefore be correlated with the presence or absence of the conjunct TAM
morphemes. These are listed in (2), and described in Section 2.2.1.
(2) i. presence or absence of epenthetic ku
ii. presence or absence of secondary stress
iii. position of the relative morpheme o (slots 5, 10)
To summarize at this point, Swahili has a category of TAM morphemes which
divide verb forms in which they appear into two conjuncts. Verb forms without these
morphemes consist of a single conjunct. Evidence for these conjuncts comes from three
prosodic properties which are described and analyzed in the next section.
2.2.1. Prosodic Properties
Properties (2i)-(2iii) are used by Barrett-Keach (1986) to argue that the first
conjunct in the Swahili verb forms a morphological constituent (Aux), and is not the
result of a successive stringing of morphemes onto the second conjunct. Her argument
responds to a wider debate about template morphology, initiated by Akmajian, Steele and
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Wasow (1979), analyzing Luiseño, and continued by Kaisse (1981) and Pullum (1981),
also on Luiseño, and by Halpern (1995), analyzing Sekani. Barrett-Keach's Aux proposal
has been recently revived by Myers (1998) on the basis of data from Shona. (For a useful
summary of the issues, see Halpern (1995), Chapter 6.) This section proposes that all
three of these properties are prosodically linked, a conclusion only partially arrived at by
previous researchers. Barrett-Keach refers to the domains as morphological, not prosodic.
Park (1995) recognizes that the TAM morphemes divide the verb into two prosodic
domains, but does not proceed to the conclusion that verb forms without TAM
morphemes form single prosodic domains. The relative pronoun (2iii) has also been
analyzed syntactically by Carstens and Kinyalolo (1989), but their analysis does not link
it to prosody.
2.2.1.1. Epenthetic ku
Epenthetic ku is a morpheme which immediately precedes monosyllabic VS in
certain verb forms. Monosyllabic verbs comprise a small, closed class2. They are referred
2 Ashton (1947, p. 142) gives the following, presumably complete, list of monosyllabicroots: ch `fear', ch `rise (sun)', chw `set', f `die', j `come', l `eat', ny `drop like rain', nyw`drink', p `give', w `be, become', ish `end', end `go'. Note that ish `end' and end `go' aredisyllabic verbs which pattern exceptionally with the monosyllabics. This exceptionalbehavior will not be analyzed here, but note the following two points. First, these verbsare vowel-initial (Givón (1978), Nurse & Hinnebusch (1993)), a property associatedcrosslinguistically with exceptional prosodic behavior (Downing (1998)). (Ashton (p.142) notes that other vowel-initial verbs pattern the same way in some areas.) Second, interms of their semantics, they appear to be likely to become auxiliary verbs (see, forexample , Heine, Claudi and Hünnemeyer (1991)), and ish, at least, has already begun theprocess, in the mesha form of the verb, hypothesized by Hinnebusch & Mirza (1979, p.124) to be a contracted form of the perfect morpheme me and the final syllable of ish.
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to as "monosyllabic" because they form a single syllable in combination with the FV, as
in the verb l-a `eat':
(3) ku-l-a
INF-eat-FV
`to eat’
Monosyllabic VS are preceded by ku in just those verb forms that contain one of the
conjunct morphemes. The following is an example:
(4) a-na-ku-l-a
SM1-DEF-INF-eat-FV
`I am eating’ (my translation)
(Ashton, 1947, p. 142)
The same verb forms with polysyllabic VS do not take ku:
(5) ni-na-tak-a
SM1s-DEF-want-FV
`I am wanting’
(ibid., p. 36)
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In verb forms other than those containing the conjunct morphemes, monosyllabic
verbs do not appear with ku, as also pointed out by Ashton (1947) and Park (1995).
Examples of these forms are listed in examples (6)-(12):
(6) n-a-j-a
SM1s-INDEF-come-FV
`I come’
(Ashton, 1947, p. 35)
(7) hu-l-a
HAB-eat-FV
`eat, eats’ (used for all persons and classes; my translation)
(ibid., p. 38)
(8) a-ki-l-a
SM1-CONT-eat-FV
`s/he eating’ (my translation)
(ibid., p. 142)
(9) a-ka-l-a
SM1-CONS-eat-FV
`s/he then ate’ (my translation)
(ibid., p. 142)
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(10) a-l-e
SM1-eat-FV
`let him/her eat’ (my translation)
(ibid., p. 142)
(11) a-si-l-e
SM1-NEG2-eat-FV
`let him/her not eat’ (my translation)
(ibid., p. 142)
(12) ha-wa-j-i
NEG1-SM2-come-FV
`they do not come’ (my translation)
(ibid., p. 72)
The syllable ku has been identified with the infinitive prefix (Ashton (1947), Barrett-
Keach (1986), Hinnebusch & Mirza (1979), Nurse & Hinnebusch (1993), Park (1995)), a
proposal that will figure in the diachronic analysis to be developed below. Note also that
ku is not present when the verb form has a monosyllabic VS if it also contains an OM, as
follows:
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(13) a-me-ya-l–a
SM1-COMP-OM6-eat-FV
`s/he has eaten them’
(ibid., p. 142)
This observation is an important indicator of the function of ku: it serves to add a syllable
to the domain of the VS, a function which is also served by the OM. Barrett-Keach
(1986), echoing Ashton (1947), proposes that ku acts as a stress prop, and Park (1995)
proposes that it enforces a requirement that the verb stem have at least two syllables, a
requirement that also holds more generally of all phonological words in Swahili, as well
as in other Bantu languages (Brandon (1975), Mutaka (1994), Myers (1995), Park (1995),
Harford (1996)). This disyllabicity requirement may be satisfied by any morpheme in the
verb stem, regardless of its morphological identity, as long as it provides the required
extra syllable.
These observations raise two questions. First, why do some verb forms with
monosyllabic VS require ku but not others? Second, why is ku required at all, given that
the relevant verb forms contain prestem morphemes, such as subject agreement markers
and the TAM morphemes? In other words, why can't these prestem morphemes
disyllabify the VS? The answer, as pointed out by Barrett-Keach (in slightly different
terms) and Park, is that the TAM morphemes divide the inflected verb into two prosodic
conjuncts. Without them, the inflected verb consists of one prosodic conjunct. The
minimal disyllabicity requirement holds at the level of this conjunct. Therefore, when one
19
of the Conjunct morphemes is present, the VS is a prosodic domain on its own, the
prestem morphemes cannot disyllabify it, and ku is required. Otherwise, the VS forms a
prosodic domain with the prestem morphemes, and ku is neither required nor possible.
This section has shown the prosodic relevance of epenthetic ku in Swahili
inflected verb forms. The next section discusses the second prosodic property, secondary
stress.
2.2.1.2. Secondary Stress
The second property which separates verb forms with Slot 5 TAM morphemes
and those without is secondary stress. In Swahili, primary stress falls on the penultimate
syllable of a word, except for certain loanwords (Ashton, 1947, p. 5). As observed by
Barrett-Keach (1986), verb forms such as the following also have secondary stress in the
first conjunct:
(14) nì-na-ku-pénd-a
SM1s-DEF-OM2s-love-FV
`I love you’
(Barrett-Keach, 1986, p. 562)
Other verb forms, on the other hand, lack secondary stress:
(15) zi-andík-e
20
OM8-write-FV
`Write them!’
(Barrett-Keach, 1986, p. 562)
According to Barrett-Keach, verb forms show secondary stress "when Tense is
phonetically realized" and don't "when Tense is not phonetically realized" (p. 562). In the
terms developed in this paper, secondary stress occurs in the verb forms containing one
of the conjunct morphemes and is absent otherwise. Barrett-Keach's analysis also carries
over to the analysis in this paper: she proposes that when a verb form contains two
"morphological units" (corresponding to AUX and V), primary stress is assigned in both
of them, with the first reduced to secondary stress. In our terms, primary stress, with
subsequent reduction, is assigned in both of the prosodic domains created by the conjunct
morphemes. Secondary stress shows precisely the same patterning as epenthetic ku.
This section has shown how secondary stress patterns with epenthetic ku in the
prosodic structure of inflected verb forms. The next section discusses the distribution of
the relative morpheme o, the third prosodic property.
2.3.1.3. Relative Morpheme o
Swahili shows three patterns for forming relative clauses, all of which use the
relative morpheme o. The use of o as a relative morpheme is one of a wide range of uses
of this morpheme, and it is most commonly referred to as the "o of reference" (Ashton
(1947)). Barrett-Keach (1986, p. 560) refers to it as an "inanimate pronominal clitic", and
21
I gloss it as "RELPC" in the examples in which it is used as a relative morpheme, and
"PC" otherwise3. (In Class 1, it exceptionally takes the form ye; see example (4) in Table
2 in Chapter 3.) In its use in relatives, this morpheme shows three patterns of attachment,
exemplified in examples (16)-(18) (the RELPC is in bold):
3 See, for example, Chapter 4, example (18).
22
(16) ki-su amba-ch-o ki-ta-fa-a
N7-knife which-PRO7-RELPC SM7-FUT-suit FV
`the knife which will be suitable’
(Barrett-Keach, 1986, p. 560)
(17) kazi i-li-y-o-m-fa-a
N9/work SM9-PST-PRO9-RELPC-OM1-suit-FV
`work which suited him/her’ (my translation)
(Ashton, 1947, p. 111)
(18) kazi i-tu-fa-a-y-o
N9/work SM9-OM1p-suit-FV-PRO9-RELPC
`work which suits us’
(Ashton, 1947, p. 111)
In (16), the RELPC is suffixed to the independent morpheme amba, which is separate
from the verb. In (17), it appears inside the inflected verb, between the two conjuncts. In
(18), it is suffixed to the entire verb form. The (16) amba relative may be used with any
verb form. On the other hand, the verb forms that appear in the (17) and (18) relatives are
restricted. The (17) pattern, henceforth referred to as the clitic relative, occurs only with
affirmative verb forms containing one of three of the conjunct morphemes: na, li and ta
(ta in a relative clause is realized as taka) and one negative form, which is discussed in
23
Section 2.3.2 below. (The remaining conjunct morphemes use the amba relative.) The
(18) pattern occurs only with verb forms lacking TAM morphemes altogether4. Even
with these restrictions, it can be seen that the division of verb forms between the (17) and
(18) patterns falls out in the same way seen in the discussion of the first two properties:
the (17) pattern occurs when the verb consists of two prosodic domains, and the (18)
pattern occurs when it contains one. All three patterns may be analyzed prosodically.
Two observations about the RELPC are relevant. First, it is a monosyllable, and
therefore cannot stand on its own as a phonological word (Demuth & Harford (1999),
Harford & Demuth (1999), Park (1995)). Second, as demonstrated by Barrett-Keach, it is
always suffixed to its host, as illustrated by the following example (note that example
(19) illustrates a non-relative use of this morpheme):
(19) ki-tabu ki-ngine-ch-o
N7-book PRO7-same-PRO7-PC
`a book of the same sort’
(Barrett-Keach, 1986, p.560)
In this example, the Class 7 form of the PC, cho, is suffixed to its host, the adjective stem
ingine, whose meaning in this construction is `same' (Ashton (1947, p. 185)). I assume
that the PC, in its use as a relative morpheme, is base-generated in the position otherwise
identified with C0 (Demuth & Harford (1999) and Harford & Demuth (1999)). Since it is
a monosyllabic suffix, it must cliticize to an appropriate host. This appropriate host is the
4 Another restriction, the failure of Indefinite a to occur with the (17) and (18) patterns, isnot discussed here.
24
first prosodic word to its right. In the amba relative, amba is the first prosodic word
occurring to the right of the RELPC and, accordingly, serves as its host. (The amba and
clitic relative constructions in (16) and (17) will be given a more detailed syntactic
analysis below in Chapter 3.) For the clitic relative in (17), which involves the three
Conjunct morphemes, the first conjunct is the first prosodic unit, and the PC attaches to
its right edge, a process referred to by Halpern (1995) as Prosodic Inversion, in which an
element is base-generated in one position and realized in another position to resolve a
mismatch between syntactic and prosodic representations (this, in different terms, is also
Barrett-Keach's analysis). For the pattern in (18), the entire verb constitutes a prosodic
unit, and the PC is suffixed to it following the FV. In anticipation of the analysis
involving syntactically-based prosody to be developed in Section 2.2.2, these applications
of Prosodic Inversion are illustrated in terms of labelled brackettings in (20)-(22), for
(16), (17) and (18), respectively5 (phonological word boundaries are in bold):
(20) NP[ kisu CP[ cho amba ]PW IP[ ki-ta VP[ fa-a]]]]
(21) NP[ kazi CP[ yo IP[ i-li ]PW VP[ m-fa-a]]]]
(22) NP[ kazi CP[ yo IP[ i VP[ m-fa-a ]PW ]]]]
5 In Barrett-Keach's analysis, VP is a sister of I (Aux, in her terms), not its complement,as in the representations in (14).
25
One advantage of this analysis is that it explains the observation that the RELPC always
finds a host as far to the left as possible: amba when it is available; otherwise, the first
conjunct, when it is available; finally, the entire verb, when amba and a first conjunct are
lacking. Under this analysis, the RELPC originates in a position to the left of the relative
clause, from which it is forced to move to satisfy its requirements as a left-attaching
clitic. Given general considerations of economy (Chomsky (1995)), we expect it to move
only as far rightwards as is necessary to solve this problem, and this is what we see.
Given, however, that the RELPC must suffix to something, why doesn't it cliticize
to the head noun of the relative clause on its left, a move that would not require Prosodic
Inversion? In other words, why isn't the (21) structure resolved as in (23)?
(23) *kazi-y-o i-li-m-fa-a
9/work-PRO9-RELPC SM9-PST-OM1-suit-FV
Following Demuth & Harford (1999), I assume that the RELPC must cliticize within its
extended projection (Grimshaw (1991)) which, in this case, is CP-IP. Note also that if the
RELPC is suffixed to the head noun, it may be interpreted incorrectly as modifying the
noun, not the relative clause. Both of these possibilities exclude cliticization to the head
noun. The important point here is that the domain of cliticization is determined by
syntactic considerations that string adjacency cannot override.
In Section 2.2.1, I have examined three properties of Swahili inflected verbs in
which variation is prosodically determined: 1) the placement of epenthetic ku, 2) the
assignment of secondary stress and 3) the placement of the RELPC o. In each case,
26
variation correlates with the two classes of verbs discussed in Section 2.2.1; i.e., the
presence or absence in the verb form of one of the Conjunct morphemes. These
observations raise the question of why these morphemes split the verbs containing them
into two prosodic units. The next section proposes an answer to this question within the
context of a syntactic analysis of prosodic domains.
2.3. Theoretical Analysis: Phrase Structure and the Prosody-Syntax Interface
This section analyzes the structure of the Swahili inflected verb in terms of PS
and syntactically defined prosodic units.
2.3.1. Phrase Structure
The PS analysis of the structure of the inflected verb in Swahili is based on X-bar
theory, a model used in other analyses of Bantu languages by Kinyalolo (1991), Carstens
and Kinyalolo (1989), Demuth & Gruber (1995), Itangaza (1993), Demuth & Harford
(1999), Harford & Demuth (1999) and Ngonyani (1999). Of these, Demuth & Harford
(1999), Harford & Demuth (1999) and Ngonyani (1999) analyze Swahili, and Demuth &
Harford (1999) Harford & Demuth (1999) also include Shona.
In particular, I assume Pollock's (1989) Split-INFL hypothesis of inflected verb
structure, which is also applied to Swahili by Carstens and Kinyalolo (1989) and
Ngonyani (1999). According to the Split-INFL hypothesis, verbal inflectional
morphemes are the heads of hierarchically embedded X-bar theoretic maximal
27
projections, with the VP projection at the lowest level of embedding (Pollock (1989),
Roberts (1993), Travis (1984)).
The Split-INFL Hypothesis is further modified by Grimshaw (1991), who assigns
the maximal projections headed by inflections and other functional categories to a single
domain referred to as a functional projection. When the inflections are verbal, the
functional projection embeds V'', an example of a lexical projection. A functional
projection embedding a lexical projection constitutes an extended projection. In order to
ensure that lexical projections are embedded under functional projections, Grimshaw
assigns each category a number (its F(unctional) value) and specifies that a particular
category forms an extended projection only with a category with a higher F value. For
example, the functional category I has F value 1, whereas V has F value 0, so that only I-
V is a legitimate extended projection, not *V-I. When I is decomposed according to the
Split-INFL Hypothesis, each separate projection, such as AGR'', T'', etc., is assigned its
own F value according to its order with respect to other projections within the maximal
projection. This extension of the F value proposal reflects Grimshaw's assumption that
the ordering of categories within the functional projection is not determined by selection
or subcategorization, as it is in the lexical projection.
In applying these ideas to the template in (1), I first propose that the only
morphemes that head syntactic maximal projections are those that precede the OM (Slot
6)6. I assume that the morphemes of the lexical projection – the Slot 6 OM, the Slot 7 VS,
the Slot 8 verbal extensions and the Slot 9 FV, which together constitute the macrostem –
6 I consider only the (a) series of morphemes in the template in (1), since they are mostimmediately relevant to the issues discussed in this work, and because the analysis maybe extended straightforwardly to the other series of morphemes that may replace them.
28
are assembled in the lexicon and form a single V0 head in the syntax bearing the features
of its contributing morphemes7. The syntactic heads in the Swahili inflected verb are thus
RELPC, SM0, NEG0, TAM0 and V0. RELPC occupies the node usually labeled SM0, and
I will continue to use this more familiar label.
Secondly, I propose that while the template reflects the surface order of
morphemes, it does not entirely reflect the underlying order. In particular, I take the
occurrence of a single type of morpheme in more than one slot to reflect movement from
a single base-generated position, as is the case with the negative morphemes NEG1 and
NEG2 and the relative morpheme. When these instances of movement are factored out,
the underlying order of morphemes in Swahili remains as follows.
(24) (RELPC)-(SM)-(NEG)-(TAM)-(OM)-VS-FV
Movement of the relative morpheme is discussed in Section 2.3.1 below; movement of
the negative morpheme in finite clauses is discussed in Chapter 3 below.
Thirdly, it is necessary to account for the properties of template morphology
shown by the first conjunct morphemes: they are optional, yet show the same overall
relative ordering regardless of which are chosen. Here I assign a Grimshavian F value to
each maximal projection, as follows.
7 Verbal extensions carry passive, reciprocal, causative and applicative meanings, amongothers. See, among others, Hyman (1990), and references cited there, for discussion ofverbal extensions in Bantu languages, and Section 2.3 below for more on the macrostem.
29
(25) (RELPC)-(SM)-(NEG)-(TAM)-V''
F4 F3 F2 F1 F0
Following Grimshaw's theory, then, any verb form in which the morphemes bear
descending F values from left to right is legitimate (barring other non-structural
restrictions), regardless of the numerical difference between the F values of morphemes
which end up adjacent to each other. This permits any morpheme to be omitted while
ensuring that those that appear occur in the right order. I will not otherwise try to account
for the order of morphemes in the first conjunct, except to note that it matches the order
posited for Subject Agreement, Negation and Tense in other languages by Belletti (1990)
and Chomsky (1991). Pollock (1989) assumes the opposite order for Subject Agreement
and Tense.
A related issue concerns cooccurrence restrictions among the first conjunct
morphemes, which fall into two categories. The first is the partial failure of NEG
morphemes to cooccur with TAM morphemes, which will be discussed further in Section
2.3.2 below. The second is the restriction of TAM morphemes to forms which also
contain an SM8, an observation also made for Shona by Myers (1998). I will not propose
8 There are two exceptions to this generalization in Swahili. First, the consecutivemorpheme ka may appear in forms without the SM (compare examples (14i) and (13b)below).
(i) ka-kimbi-aCONS-run off-FV`and ran off’(Ashton, 1947, p. 135)
30
mechanisms to enforce these restrictions, but note only that similar cooccurrence
restrictions occur in other languages, both Bantu and non-Bantu, making it unlikely that
such language-specific mechanisms are the best way to deal with them. Otherwise, I
leave the issue open.
This section has proposed an X-bar theory analysis of Swahili verbal inflections
based on Pollock's Split-INFL hypothesis and Grimshaw's theory of Extended Projection.
The classification of heads as functional or lexical is relevant to the analysis to the
prosodic structure of the inflected verb, discussed in the next section.
2.3.2. The Prosody-Syntax Interface
An analysis of prosodic domains in the Swahili inflected verb must account for
the following observations:
(26)a. Verb forms without conjunct morphemes comprise one prosodic domain.
b. Verb forms with morphemes comprise one prosodic domain, which contains
two subdomains (conjuncts).
(ii) ka-let-eCONS-bring-FV`(go and) bring’(ibid.)
Second, Ashton (1947, p.38) analyzes habitual hu as a tense morpheme which does notappear with an SM (see Table 3, example (8) in Chapter 3 below).
31
In the analysis proposed in this section, prosodic domains are read off of the syntactic
structure proposed in Section 2.1. I illustrate the prosodic implications of the syntactic
proposal with an account of the first observation (18a), involving a verb form lacking a
conjunct morpheme.
(27) wa-ki-chez-a
SM2-CONT-play-FV
`they playing’
(Ashton, 1947, p. 138)
An X-bar tree for this verb is given in example (28)9.
9 In this tree, the SM heads its own maximal projection, following Pollock (1989) butcontrary to Carstens and Kinyalolo (1989) and Iatridou (1990). The idea that NEG headsa maximal projection is explored in detail in Pollock (1989), Zanuttini (1991), Laka(1990) and Newson (1998), and references cited in these works.
32
(28) SM''
SPEC SM'
SM0 TAM''
wa
SPEC TAM'
TAM0 V''
ki
SPEC V'
V0-FV
chez-a
The use of PS to model inflected verbs differs from its application to full sentences, in
that it is assumed that the contents of the syntactic terminals need to be assembled into a
single unit, unlike in sentences, where the contents of terminals mostly remain as
independent words. The recent literature provides two proposals for this assembly, both
of which have a role to play in the analysis of the Swahili inflected verb. The first is Head
Movement, which moves the morphemes of the inflected verb to a single syntactic
terminal. The second, part of the theory of Prosodic Phonology (Nespor & Vogel (1986),
Selkirk (1986), Hayes (1989), Inkelas & Zec (1990)), groups the verbal morphemes into
prosodic units by inserting phonological word boundaries according to the bar-level or
categorial status (lexical or functional) of each node. Head Movement is discussed in
Chapter 4. Here, I develop the Prosodic Phonology side of the analysis.
33
Selkirk (1986) forms phonological words by combining an item from a full
(lexical) category with the functional categories on either the left or the right. Functional
categories are typically closed classes of items such as inflections. Full categories are the
remainder, typically lexical categories such as Noun and Verb. Myers (1995) applies
Selkirk's approach to the problem of defining phonological words in Shona, including
inflected verbs, by adapting her ideas to an Optimality Theory (OT) analysis, following
Prince and Smolensky (1986). In Myers' account, a phonological word boundary is
placed at the right edge of the VS, a full item, combining it into a phonological word with
the verbal inflections on its left10.
Myers' analysis may be applied to the inflected verb in Swahili, whose structure
closely resembles that of its counterpart in Shona, with the result shown in the labelled
bracketting in (21), based on the tree in (20). In this structure, a phonological word is
formed from the Swahili VS plus its preceding inflections. The leftmost phonological
word bracket is the right bracket of the phonological word preceding the inflected verb,
indicating that the verbal inflections following it belong to the same phonological word
as the VS (as before, phonological word boundaries are in bold).
(29) ]PW wa ]SM'' ki ]CONT'' cheza ]V'' ]PW
In (29), the nodes between the phonological word boundaries constitute a single prosodic
domain. We therefore predict that this verb form contains one prosodic domain, with the
10 As noted by Barrett-Keach (1980, 1986), verbal clitics like je `how', which follows theverb stem, induce stress shift. See Myers (1995) for an Optimality theoretic analysis ofparallel verbal clitics in Shona in terms of nested prosodic domains.
34
empirical consequences described in the preceding sections: no epenthetic ku with
monosyllabic VS and a single primary stress. (This form does not appear in relative
clauses headed by the PC, so placement of the PC with this form is not relevant.)
This analysis by itself produces inflected verbs comprising a single prosodic
domain, both those with and without a conjunct morpheme. However, it does not account
for the conjuncts observed in verb forms with conjunct morphemes (observation (18b)). I
propose now that the conjunct morphemes have a special status. They are functional
morphemes, as implied by the fact that they constitute a small, closed class. However,
they differ from other verbal inflectional morphemes in projecting a prosodic constituent
in the same way that the lexical VS does, in that a phonological word boundary appears
at the right edge of every conjunct morpheme. The prosodic TAM morphemes are
therefore exceptional in being functional categories that project prosodic constituents.
Consider how the analysis works, with the following verb form, repeated from (5) above.
(5) ni-na-tak-a
SM1s DEF want FV
`I am wanting’
(ibid., p. 36)
The structure of example (5) may be represented by the tree in (30).
35
(30) SM''
SPEC SM'
SM0 TAM''
ni
SPEC TAM'
TAM0 V''
na
SPEC V'
V0-FV
tak-a
As for the preceding example (19), the prosodic organization of this verb form is
illustrated by a labelled bracketting, given in (23).
(31) ]PW ni ]SM'' na ]TAM'' ]PW taka ]V'' ]PW
Structurally, (23) is identical to (21), except for the additional phonological word
boundary at the right edge of the conjunct morpheme na. Note now, however, that this
proposal by itself does not produce the right result, since, under Myers' assumptions, a
phonological word is bounded on the left only by another lexical category bracket.
Therefore, the structure in (23) contains two phonological words, not a single
36
phonological word with two conjuncts, since the phonological word boundary introduced
by the conjunct morpheme becomes the left boundary of the phonological word whose
right boundary is at the right edge of the VS. To counter this problem, I add to Myers'
analysis the assumption that a phonological word boundary is added at the left edge of
the string of functional categories (verbal inflections) when the right edge boundary is
inserted, rather than relying on the right edge of the next leftward lexical category to
delimit the left edge of the phonological word. In other words, the left edge of the
inflected verb is marked actively by inserting a phonological word boundary, not by
allowing the right edge of the next leftward lexical category to mark it by default, as in
the structures in (21) and (23). The revised structures of the verb forms in (21) and (23)
are illustrated in (24) and (25). In these structures, the brackets introduced by the VS are
labelled PW1, those introduced by the conjunct morpheme na are labelled PW2 and the
right edge bracket introduced by the next leftward lexical category is labelled PW3.
(32) ]PW3 PW1[ wa ]SM'' ki ]CONT'' cheza ]V'' ]PW1
(33) ]PW3 PW1[ PW2[ ni ]SM'' na ]TAM'' ]PW2 taka ]V'' ]PW1
Note that, in (25), the first conjunct is a prosodic domain nested within the prosodic
domain comprised by the inflected verb as a whole. This situation arises because of the
dual nature of the conjunct morphemes. Recall that the pattern of phonological word
formation is for a lexical category to combine with the functional categories on its left.
37
When the lexical VS in (25) combines with the set of functional morphemes to its left,
the Conjunct morpheme is included in this set because it is a functional morpheme. At the
same time, the conjunct morpheme also projects its own prosodic constituent, which
includes the same set of functional morphemes. The result is that the second conjunct is
actually the prosodic domain corresponding to the entire inflected verb, within which the
first conjunct is embedded. We predict the empirical consequences described earlier: the
relative PC is attached at the right edge of the first conjunct, the first conjunct bears
secondary stress and a monosyllabic VS takes epenthetic ku.
This section has provided a syntactically-based analysis of the differing prosodic
domains observed in Swahili inflected verbs, in which phonological structure is
determined by a prosodic algorithm which combines a lexical category with the
functional categories on its left. The next section discusses a possible diachronic account
of the prosodic effects of the conjunct morphemes.
2.4. Exceptional Dual Conjunct Effects in the Negative Clitic Relative
As seen in example (27d), the relative morpheme o appears before the VS in the
negative clitic relative, showing the pattern described earlier in Section 2.1.3 for verb
forms with two conjuncts. The same pattern emerges when the VS is monosyllabic, as
seen by the presence of epenthetic ku in the following example.
38
(34) a-si-ye-ku-w-a
SM1 NEG3 relpc1 INF be FV
`(one) who isn't’ (my translation)
(Ashton, 1947, p. 205)
Note also from these examples that the FV in negative clitic relative forms is default FV
a, not negative FV i. These are all properties expected in verb forms which contain one of
the conjunct morphemes discussed earlier in Section 2. However, the negative clitic
relative does not contain a TAM morpheme. Why, then, does it show the same properties
as forms which do?
This situation is noted by Barrett-Keach (1980, p. 35), who refers to NEG3 si as a
"tense affix" and includes it in her set of TAM morphemes which induce these effects,
precisely on the basis of its appearance in this form. However, only the negative clitic
relative shows these effects, not any of the other forms with NEG3 si. Rather than NEG3
si being exceptional, it is the negative clitic relative construction itself which is
exceptional, showing the double conjunct structure associated with a morpheme which it
doesn't have.
One way to account for this discrepancy is to assume that the structure of the
negative clitic relative contains a maximal projection headed by a null Conjunct
morpheme which has the same prosodic and syntactic effects as Conjunct'' projections
with overt heads. This situation may arise diachronically when a morpheme disappears
before its structure is completely eliminated. The disappearance of an overt TAM
39
morpheme in this form may be attributed to a pattern in Swahili of neutralizing tense
distinctions in negative verb forms (Contini-Morava, 1989), which is also seen in the
limited number of the available TAM morphemes which occur in negative forms and in
the use of what was probably the infinitive prefix ku instead of the past tense morpheme
li in the negative past tense form (see example (26c) above, note 4, and Givón (1978)).
This pattern is part of a general crosslinguistic tendency for negative verb forms to make
fewer TAM distinctions than affirmative forms (Givón, 1978, Horn, 1989).
A similar diachronic scenario is presented by Nurse & Hinnebusch (1993). They
propose that si in this construction may be identified with the negative copula and that it
acts as an auxiliary verb, having replaced the TAM morpheme. In terms of the analysis
developed in this paper, si occupies the empty TAM head rather than occupying a slot
alongside of this empty head. In either case, the TAM structure induces the dual conjunct
effects.
This section has suggested that the exceptional dual conjunct properties of the
negative clitic relative may be attributed to a maximal projection whose head is either
empty or filled by the negative copula si. The next section discusses the exceptional
single conjunct properties associated with the TAM morpheme Indefinite Time a.
2.5. A Diachronic Perspective on the Prosody-Syntax Interface in Swahili
Why are the Conjunct morphemes exceptional? Recall the precise nature of this
exceptionality: they are functional morphemes with a lexical property, that of projecting a
prosodic constituent. The ideas concerning the structure of Swahili inflected verb
40
proposed in this chapter may be connected to longstanding suggestions about the
diachronic origins of TAM morphemes in Bantu languages, that the conjunct morphemes
were originally verbs which changed into TAM morphemes. Among those who have
argued this way for Swahili and other Bantu languages are Doke (1950), Fortune (1967),
Givón (1971), Givón (1978), Nurse & Hinnebusch (1993) and Wald (1981).
The clearest connection between a prosodic TAM morpheme and a lexical verb is
provided by the future morpheme ta, which may be identified with the verb tak `want',
which surfaces in its full form in relative clauses (see note 5). The semantic shift from
`want' to `future' is widely attested, a familiar example being the English future auxiliary
verb will, with its original meaning of `want'.
The use of the syllable ku to disyllabify a monosyllabic VS provides an indication
of the original structure from which the current verb forms containing Conjunct
morphemes derive. As mentioned above in Section 2.2.1.1, this morpheme is commonly
assumed to represent the infinitive prefix. If this assumption is correct, it suggests that
verb forms containing Conjunct morphemes were originally biclausal structures in which
the verbs which became Conjunct morphemes took infinitive complements. Evidence
from Shona dialects indicating possible stages of such a diachronic process is described
in Chapter 3, Section 3.2.1.
The idea that the Conjunct morphemes may have been lexical verbs historically
suggests a reason why they project a prosodic constituent synchronically: this property is
a remnant of their original status which was retained when they changed from lexical
verbs to functional morphemes. The idea that they were originally complement-taking
main verbs is thus linked to the hierarchical structure which I propose in this paper.
41
2.6. Conclusion
This chapter has examined the verbal inflections of Swahili and proposed a PS
analysis of this system. The analysis is X-bar theoretic, based on Pollock's (1989) Split-
INFL hypothesis and Grimshaw's (1991) theory of Extended Projection. Three prosodic
properties, epenthetic ku, secondary stress and the placement of the relative morpheme o,
are accounted for by mapping between prosodic structure and PS using Selkirk's (1986)
and Myers' (1995) theories of the prosody-syntax interface. Finally, I have proposed that
the prosodic effects of the Conjunct morphemes may be a holdover from an earlier stage
of the language at which they were lexical verbs. The next chapter extends the analysis to
account for the distribution of negative morphemes and final vowels in terms of
movement and licensing within PS.
42
Chapter 3: Movement and Licensing in the Inflected Verb
This chapter takes up the distribution of negative morphemes and final vowels
(FV)s. The first section discusses the two verbal negative morphemes ha and si in the (a)
series of morphemes preceding the macrostem in the template in example (1), Chapter 2,
which negate the non-infinitival forms of the verb. It proposes that the complementary
distribution of these two morphemes is a result of syntactic movement, conditioned by
whether the clause is declarative or non-declarative. Section 3.1.1 discusses conditionals,
a counterexample to this pattern of negation. Section 3.1.2. describes the negative
infinitive. Section 3.2 proposes that the negative FV is licensed by a cooccurring negative
morpheme subject to blocking by the TAM morphemes, which is compared to similar
blocking in other Bantu languages in subsections 3.2.1.1 and 3.2.1.2. Section 3.3
concludes.
3.1. The Distribution of Negative Morphemes
This section argues that the distribution of the verbal negative morphemes ha and
si results from syntactic movement. The (a) series of morphemes preceding the
macrostem in the template in example (1), Chapter 2, repeated here in (1), gives two
positions for negative morphemes, one immediately preceding the subject morpheme in
Slot 1, and the other immediately following it, in Slot 3, indicated in bold.
43
(1) (NEG1)-(SM)-(NEG2)-(TAM)-(RELPC)
1a 2a 3a 4a 5a
The negative morpheme preceding the subject morpheme, glossed as NEG1, takes the
form ha. Examples of verb forms in which it appears are listed in Table 1. As in Table 1
in Chapter 2, the designations in this table are drawn from Ashton (1947) or are based on
her terminology.
Table 1: Verb Forms with NEG1 ha
44
Negative Verb Form Designation
(1) ha-wa-tak-i
NEG1-SM2-want-FV
`they do not want’
(Ashton, 1947, p. 70)
(2) ha-wa-ta-imb-a
NEG1-SM2-FUT-sing-FV
they will not sing’
(ibid.)
(3) ha-wa-ku-imb-a
NEG1-SM2-PST-sing-FV
`they did not sing’
(ibid.)
(4) ha-wa-ja-imba-a
NEG1-SM2-“not yet”-sing-FV
`they have not yet sung’
(ibid.)
(5) ha-tu-nge-ju-a
NEG1-SM1p-SUP-know-FV
`if we were not to know/did not know
(ibid., p. 188)
(6) ha-tu-ngali-ju-a
NEG1- SM1p-SUP-know-FV
`if we had not known/would not have known’
(ibid.)
45
The negative morpheme following the subject morpheme, glossed as NEG2, takes the
form si. Examples of verb forms in which it appears are listed in Table 2, subject to the
same comments as for Table 1.
Table 2: Verb Forms with NEG2 si
Negative Verb Form Designation
(1) ni-si-pik-e
SM1s-NEG2-cook-FV
that I not cook’ (my translation)
(Ashton, 1947, p. 70)
(2) tu-si-nge-ju-a
SM1p-NEG2-know-FV
`if we were not to know/did not know’
(ibid.)
(3) tu-si-ngali-ju-a
SM1p-NEG2-know-FV
`if we had not known/would not have known’
(ibid.)
(4) a-si-ye-som-a11
11 This relative construction also encompasses forms in which the Class 16 RELPC po isused adverbially. Ashton lists the following two examples:
46
SM1-NEG2-RELPC1-read-FV
(one) who doesn’t read’ (my translation)
(ibid.)
(5) si-end-e-ni
NEG2-go-FV-psfx
`Don’t go! (pl.)’
(ibid., p. 188)
The distribution of NEG1 ha and NEG2 si is determined by the types of clauses in
which they appear. With the exception of the conditional forms in (5) and (6) of Table 1
and the relative forms in (4) of Table 2, discussed in Section 3.1.1 and Chapter 4,
respectively, NEG1 ha appears in declarative clauses and NEG2 si in non-declarative
clauses. In addition to these observations, NEG1 ha is also used in embedded selected
clauses (example (3)) and in the amba relative (example (4)) (see discussion of the amba
relative in Section 2.2.1.3 of Chapter 2).
(i) a-si-po-som-a SM1-NEG2-RELPC16-read-FV `unless he reads’ (Ashton, 1947, p. 139)
(ii) u-ja-po-mw-ambi-a SM2s-not yet-RELPC16-OM1-tell-FV `even though you tell him’ (ibid., p. 186)
47
(2) Daktari a-li-wa-ambi-a wazi kwamba
N1/doctor SM1-PST-OM2-tell-FV clearly that
ha-wa-ta-pat-a m-toto.
NEG1-SM2-FUT-get-FV N1-child
`The doctor told them clearly that they would not have a child.’ (my translation)
(Kezilahabi, 1971, p. 25)
(3) barua amba-z-o ha-wa-ta-zi-andik-a
N10/letters which-PRO10-RELPC NEG1-SM2-FUT-OM10-write-FV
`letters which they won’t write’
(Barrett-Keach, 1980, p. 35)
Forms with NEG2 si appear in the protasis and apodosis of conditionals (examples (2)
and (3), Table 2) and in subjunctives, which serve a number of non-declarative functions,
such as imperatives (example (4)), hortatives (example (5)), questions (example (6)) and
in clauses indicating prohibition (example (7)).
(4) u-si-pik-e
SM2s-NEG2-cook-FV
`Don’t cook’
(Ashton, 1947, p. 32)
48
(5) tu-si-pik-e
SM19-NEG2-cook-FV
`let’s not cook’
(ibid., p. 32)
(6) a-si-pik-e
SM1-NEG2-cook-FV
`Is he not to cook?’
(ibid., p. 32)
(7) Simama hapa a-si-ku-on-e
stand here SM1-NEG2-see-FV
`Stand here so that he won’t see you.’
(ibid., p. 120)
The analysis turns on the different positions of NEG1 ha, preceding the SM, and
NEG3 si, following it. I propose that these different positions are determined by the
principle of NEG First, Horn’s (1989) term for Jespersen’s (1917) idea that negative
markers tend to appear as far forward in the clause as possible12. I implement this idea in
more current theoretical terms as movement between positions in a PS tree. I proposed in
Chapter 2.2 that NEG2 si heads a maximal projection intermediate between SM’’ and
12 See Contini-Morava (1989) for a discourse-oriented account of the distribution ofNEG1 ha and NEG2 si in Swahili.
49
TAM’’, according to its position in the template, illustrated in the following tree for
tusingejua (example 2, Table 2).
(8) SM’’
SPEC SM’
SM0 NEG’’
tu SPEC NEG’
NEG0 TAM’’
si SPEC TAM’
TAM0 V’’
nge SPEC V’
V0 V’
V0-FV
ju-a
In this tree, NEG2 si occupies the head NEG0 of NEG’’, in which position it follows the
SM tu, the head of SM’’ to the left of NEG’’ in the tree. NEG1 ha, preceding the SM, is
the realization of NEG0 when it moves to a position higher in the tree. There are two
ways to analyze this movement within the framework adopted here. The first is to treat
NEG0 as an operator moving to SPEC. On this view, NEG First may be regarded as one
aspect of the Optimality Theoretic constraint OpSpec (Grimshaw 1997), which requires
operators to be in specifier positions, typically necessitating movement forward in the
clause. The second is to treat NEG0 as a head which moves to a higher head position. I
50
adopt the second idea in this analysis, illustrated as follows for hatungejua (example 5,
Table 1). In the tree in (9), NEG0 moves to C0, the head of C’’, the next higher projection
in the extended projection (ibid.)
(9) C’’
SPEC C’
C0 SM’’
hai SPEC SM’
SM0 NEG’’
tu SPEC NEG’
NEG0 TAM’’
ti SPEC TAM’
TAM0 V’’
nge SPEC V’
V0 V’
V0-FV
ju-a
Why does NEG0 move in some verb forms but not others? Recall the
generalization that NEG1 ha appears in verbs in declarative clauses, whereas NEG2 si
appears in verbs in non-declarative clauses. This declarative/non-declarative distinction
resembles distinctions between clause types proposed in the literature to account for
generalizations involving movement, such as Hooper & Thompson’s (1973) proposal that
51
the root clauses of Emonds (1970, 1976) are actually clauses whose content is asserted.
More recently, Rizzi & Roberts (1989), drawing on Emonds (1976), and McCloskey
(1992), drawing on Chomsky (1986), propose that movement such as that involved in
subject inversion and adjunction is possible only in non-selected clauses, as opposed to
selected ones. Grimshaw (1997) proposes, as part of an OT analysis of syntactic
movement, a constraint, Purity of Extended Projection, one of whose clauses specifies
that “no movement takes place into the highest head of a subordinate extended
projection” (p. 394). I suggest that, in Swahili, the declarative/non-declarative distinction
plays the same role in regulating movement as the main/subordinate distinction does in
languages like English, in that movement is dispreferred in non-declarative clauses,
formulated as follows.
(10) No movement takes place into the highest head of a non-declarative extended
projection.
On OT terms, (10) outranks NEG First, thus blocking movement of NEG0 in non-
declarative clauses. Chapter 4.1.2 below presents a case where this constraint in turn is
blocked by a structural constraint.
To summarize at this point, so far I have proposed a single structure for verb
forms containing NEG2 si and NEG1 ha. NEG2 si heads a maximal projection that
appears between SM’’ and TAM’’. NEG1 ha is the negative marker that appears in the
head position of C’’ when movement occurs. Movement of NEG0 in non-declarative
52
clauses is blocked in non-declarative clauses by a principle similar to Grimshaw’s (1997)
Purity of Extended Projection.
3.1.1. Conditionals
The generalization developed in the preceding section governing the distribution
of NEG1 ha and NEG2 si is that NEG1 ha appears in declarative clauses and NEG2 si in
non-declarative clauses. One counterexample to this generalization comes from
conditional forms, forms which contain the TAM morphemes nge and ngali. These forms
take both NEG1 ha and NEG2 si, as seen in the following examples, repeated from
Tables 1 and 2 above.
(11) ha-tu-nge-ju-a
NEG1-SM1p-SUP-know-FV
`if we were not to know/did not know
(ibid., p. 188)
(12) ha-tu-ngali-ju-a
NEG1- SM1p-SUP-know-FV
`if we had not known/would not have known’
(ibid.)
53
(13) tu-si-nge-ju-a
SM1p-NEG2-know-FV
`if we were not to know/did not know’
(ibid., p. 70)
(14) tu-si-ngali-ju-a
SM1p-NEG2-know-FV
`if we had not known/would not have known’
(ibid.)
Under the assumption that conditionals are non-declarative, the forms in examples (11)
and (12) should not be possible, according to the analysis proposed here. Why, then, do
they exist? The fact that both NEG1 ha and NEG2 si forms exist suggests that the
grammar contains competing preferences, perhaps reflecting ongoing diachronic changes,
that have not yet been fully resolved. I propose that the NEG2 si forms exist as a
reflection of constraint (10). As for the NEG1 ha conditional forms, note that their
exceptional behavior parallels exceptional behavior of the protasis of conditionals in
English. As pointed out by Grimshaw (1997) and references cited there, the English
conditional clauses show subject inversion, unlike other adjunct clauses covered by her
Purity of Extended Projection constraint, as follows:
(15) Had I been on time, I would have caught the train. (Grimshaw, 1997, p. 402)
54
(16) *I had been on time, I would have caught the train. (ibid., p. 403)
The usual analysis of subject inversion, assumed by Grimshaw, is that the verb preceding
the subject (had in example (15) moves into C0, the same movement I have proposed for
NEG1 ha. Grimshaw’s Purity of Extended Projection constraint disprefers this movement
in subordinate clauses, just as (10), its Swahili counterpart, disprefers movement in non-
declarative extended projections. To explain the exceptional behavior of conditionals,
Grimshaw notes that the moved verb is the head of a dependent clause, and proposes a
constraint (COND) requiring such a head to c-command its extended projection, a
requirement satisfied by movement. Because of the similarity of the Swahili and English
constructions in terms of movement, I propose that the NEG1 ha alternative for the
Swahili conditional is made possible by a similar syntactic imperative, although it’s not
clear why the negative morpheme should be required to c-command the conditional
clause when this requirement is overridden in other non-declarative clauses. I leave this
issue open for now.
This section has discussed conditional forms with NEG1 ha, an exception to the
generalization that NEG1 ha appears only in declarative clauses. Without resolving the
issue fully, I have compared Swahili conditionals to English conditionals, which pose a
similar theoretical problem for Grimshaw’s (1997) OT analysis of inversion in English,
and suggested that a solution similar to Grimshaw’s may be appropriate.
55
3.1.2. The Negative Infinitive
The negation of infinitives falls outside of the system of verbal negation described
in this chapter. The infinitive is negated with a third negative morpheme, to, as follows.
(17) ku-to-fik-a
INF-NEG-arrive-FV
`to not arrive’ (my translation)
(ibid. p. 279)
It is possible for a negated infinitive to appear with two infinitive morphemes, as follows.
(18) ku-to-ku-andik-a
INF-NEG-write-FV
`not writing’
(ibid. p. 279)
According to Ashton (1947, p. 279) and Doke (1950), to originated as the verb toa `put
out’. This proposal is supported by the variant of the negative infinitive illustrated in (18),
which contains two infinitive morphemes. The second ku following to may be interpreted
as the historical residue of an earlier structure with an infinitive complement. To, unlike
NEG1 ha and NEG2 si, does not license FV i, as described in the following section. The
56
fact that the infinitive is not negated with NEG1 ha and NEG2 si suggests that the
infinitive lacks the functional structure dominating the macrostem which I have proposed
for finite verbs, but I will not pursue its structure further.
3.2. Distribution of FVs
The FV in Slot 9 in the template given in (1), Chapter 2, is a morpheme which
immediately follows VS of Bantu origin in all verb forms. Swahili has three FVs, e, i and
a. FV e occurs in all affirmative and negative subjunctive forms, as seen in the examples
in examples (19)-(21).
(19) ni-pik-e
SM1s-cook-FV
`let me cook’
(ibid., p. 31)
(20) ni-ka-nunu-e
SM1s-CONS-buy-FV
`that I may/might buy’
(ibid., p. 133)
57
(21) ni-si-pik-e
SM1s-NEG2-cook-FV
`let me not cook’
(ibid., p. 32)
FV i occurs in the form that Ashton (1947, p. 70) refers to as the General Negative,
example (1) of Table 1, repeated here.
(22) ha-wa-tak-i
NEG1-SM2-want-FV
`they do not want’
(Ashton, 1947, p. 70)
FVs e and i appear only in subjunctive and negative forms. When the form is both
subjunctive and negative, as in example (21), the subjunctive FV takes precedence.
Negative forms other than the General Negative do not take FV i, but instead take
FV a, as illustrated earlier in examples (2)-(6) of Table 1 and (2)-(4) of Table 213. FV a
also appears in affirmative forms. Examples of these forms are listed in Table 3.
Table 3: Affirmative Verb Forms With FV a
58
Affirmative Verb Form Designation
(1) ni-na-tak-a
SM1s-DEF-want-FV
`I am wanting’
(Ashton, 1947, p. 36)
(2) ni-li-tak-a
SM1s-PST-want-FV
`I wanted’
(ibid.)
(3) ni-ta-tak-a
SM1s-FUT-want-FV
`I will want’
(ibid.)
(4) ni-me-tak-a
SM1s-PERF-want-FV
`I have wanted’
(ibid.)
(5) u-nge-ki-tafut-a
SM2s-SUP-OM7-look for-FV
`if you would look for it’
(ibid., p. 187)
(6) u-ngali-ki-tafut-a
SM2s-SUP-OM7-look for-FV
`if you had looked for it’
(ibid.)
(7) n-a-tak-a
SM1s-INDEF-want-FV
`I want’
(ibid., p. 36)
59
The data presented in Tables 1, 2 and 3 indicates that FV a is found in both affirmative
and negative forms. It thus contrasts with FV i, which appears only in the General
Negative (example (1), Table 1, and example (22)).
Note now the differing status of the three FVs as semantic indicators. Subjunctive
FV e is the only indicator of the subjunctive mood (and the other uses to which
subjunctive forms are put) in the forms in which it appears (examples (19)-(21) above).
On the other hand, while negative FV i signals negation, it does so only in combination
with NEG1 ha in the General Negative and does not appear in any other negative form.
The semantically most neutral of the three is FV a, which I refer to as the default FV,
following the usage of some Bantuists. This morpheme appears throughout the Bantu
family (Nurse & Hinnebusch, 1993, p. 371) and, considered comparatively, has no
semantic correlates, as, for example, in Shona (Harford, 1996). In Swahili, it signals
indicative as opposed to subjunctive, but is neutral with respect to the distinction between
affirmative and negative. The comparative distribution of negative FV i and default FV a
forms the basis of the argument in this section. The distribution of subjunctive FV e is not
liked to that of other morphemes and is not a factor in the following discussion.
The difference between the General Negative, with negative FV i, and the
remainder of the negative forms, with default FV a, is that all of the latter forms contain
one of the Slot 4a TAM morphemes intervening between the negative morpheme and the
VS. This generalization holds regardless of whether the negative morpheme is NEG1 ha
or NEG2 si. On the other hand, the General Negative has no TAM morpheme at all. Note
that this set of Slot 4a TAM morphemes include the morphemes discussed in Chapter 2
60
that divide the inflected verb into two conjuncts, as well as others that do not have this
prosodic effect.
How should the distribution of negative FV i and default FV a be accounted for?
The observation that default a is correlated with the presence of Slot 4a TAM morphemes
suggests that the relevant factor is propinquity: the negative morpheme must be close
enough to negative i, in some sense, to permit its appearance. What sense is it? There are
two relevant theoretical concepts in the literature: morphological adjacency and syntactic
locality.
Morphological adjacency is unlikely because the relevant morphemes are not
linearly adjacent to each other. It is this observation which led Stump (1991, 1992, 1996)
to describe Swahili verbal inflectional morphology as containing non-adjacent
dependencies, one of the typical characteristics of template morphology according to
Simpson & Withgott (1986). The only way to make an adjacency analysis work in this
case is by stating it in terms of morphemes organized within subgroups within the
inflected verb; i.e., by positing hierarchical structure. There is therefore no reason not to
pursue an analysis within the PS model developed so far.
I propose, rather, that the distribution of negative FV i and default FV a is
determined by syntactic locality (Chomsky, 1986; Rizzi, 1990). The basic idea is that the
negative FV i appears only when it is licensed by a negative morpheme. This licensing is
blocked by the intervening TAM morphemes, with the result that negative forms
containing these morphemes appear with the default vowel FV a. This accounts for the
observation that FV i appears only in negative forms whereas default FV a appears both
61
in the negative forms, where licensing is blocked, and in affirmative forms, where there is
no licensor at all.
One way to implement this idea is in terms of theories of government, such as
Chomsky’s (1986) Barriers theory and Rizzi’s (1990) theory of Relativized Minimality.
In these theories, syntactic elements, such as the various types of overt and empty NPs,
are licensed by an appropriate head under the relationship of government. Adapting this
idea to the distribution of FVs, I propose that negative FV i is licensed under a
relationship of head government between the negative morpheme and the VS that bears
the features of the negative FV i (see Chapter 2.3.1). An intervening TAM morpheme
interrrupts the minimality requirement that must exist for this relationship to hold.
Rizzi (1990, p. 6) defines head government as follows.
(23) Head Government: X head-governs Y iff
(i) X is a member of {A, N, P, V, Agr, T}
(ii) X m-commands Y
(iii) no barrier intervenes
(iv) Relativized Minimality is respected
Applying this definition to the present case, in which X is the negative morpheme and Y
is negative FV i, I first add NEG to the set of head governors in (23i), in line with Rizzi’s
(ibid.) proposal that some head governors are functional heads. With respect to (23ii), m-
command may be formulated as follows, adapted from Chomsky (1986, p. 8).
62
(24) m-commands iff does not dominate and every that dominates
dominates . (M-command is distinct from c-command in that may only be a
maximal projection.)
The relation of m-command between the negative morpheme and negative FV i is
illustrated in the tree in (25) for hawataki `they do not want’, the General Negative form
in example (1), Table 1, and example (22).
(25) C’’
SPEC C’
C0 SM’’
hai SPEC SM’
SM0 NEG’’
wa SPEC NEG’
NEG0 V’’
ti SPEC V’
V0 V’
V0-FV
tak-i
In the tree in (25), NEG0 does not dominate V0-FV and all maximal projections
dominating NEG0 also dominate V0-FV; hence, NEG0 m-commands V0-FV. With respect
to (23iii) and (23iv), the concepts of barriers and Relativized Minimality concern the
63
blocking of head government by an intervening maximal projection that also m-
commands the governee. Since there is no maximal projection between NEG0 and V0-FV,
as seen in the tree in (25), these criteria are vacuously satisfied in this example. I
conclude that NEG0 head-governs V0-FV.
Barriers and Relativized Minimality become relevant when there is a Slot 4a
TAM morpheme in the form, as in hawataimba `they will not sing’ (example (2) of Table
1), in which the FV is default a. The structure of this form is given in the tree in (26).
(26) C’’
SPEC C’
C0 SM’’
hai SPEC SM’
SM0 NEG’’
wa SPEC NEG’
NEG0 TAM’’
ti SPEC TAM’
TAM0 V’’
ta SPEC V’
V0 V’
V0-FV
imb-a
64
In the tree in (26), NEG0 m-commands V0-FV: it does not dominate V0-FV and all
maximal projections dominating the former also dominate the latter. The difference
between hawataki `they do not want’ and hawataimba `they will not sing’, therefore, is
not a matter of m-command. However, the Slot 4a TAM morpheme is the head of a
maximal projection intervening between NEG0 and the FV which also m-commands the
FV, and is thus a candidate to be a barrier to government (23iii) and/or a closer potential
head governor of the FV (23iv), either of which would suffice to disrupt the relationship
of head-government between NEG0 and V0-FV, and thus block NEG0 from licensing
negative FV i. The Slot 4a TAM projection qualifies as both a barrier and as a closer
potential head governor.
In the first case, Chomsky (1986, p. 14) defines a barrier as follows.
(27) is a barrier for iff (a) or (b):
(a) immediately dominates , a BC for ;
(b) is a BC for , is not IP.
(NB: BC=blocking category). A BC is defined as follows (ibid.).
(28) is a BC for iff is not L-marked and dominates . (L-marking is theta-
marking by a lexical category; i.e., a head assigning a thematic role to its
complement.)
65
TAM0 is a BC for negative FV i, since it is not IP, it is not L-marked according to the
definition in (28), and it dominates negative FV i. It is therefore a barrier to head-
government of negative FV i by NEG0 under the provisions of the definition in (27).
Turning to the second case, Rizzi (1990, p. 7) defines -government as follows.
(29) X -governs Y iff there is no Z such that
(i) Z is a typical potential -governor for Y.
(ii) Z c-commands Y and does not c-command X.
The term “ -govern” refers to either head-government or antecedent government; since
the present case is one of head-government, it is the only possibility that needs to be
considered. Under the definition in (29), NEG0 (=X) -governs negative FV i (=Y) only
if there is no intervening c-commanding Z which also governs it (see (24) above for c-
command). TAM0 is the only candidate to be Z, since it c-commands negative FV i but
not NEG0. Since T (=Tense) belongs to Rizzi’s (23i) list of head governors, it may be
considered both typical and potential. TAM0 is a closer potential head governor to the FV
than NEG0 and, therefore, the relationship between TAM0 and NEG0 fails to respect
Relativized Minimality. TAM0 disrupts the licensing of negative FV i by NEG0 under
both (23iii) and (23iv).
(23iii) and (23iv) may also be considered in light of the proposal in Chapter 2.6
that TAM morphemes originated as lexical verbs taking infinitive complements. Note
now that the C’’ in the C’’-I’’ configuration comprising the infinitive complement to a
lexical verb is one of the examples of a barrier cited by Chomsky (1986). If such a
66
configuration is the historical antecedent of the current inflected verb containing a TAM
morpheme, then the blocking of negative FV i may represent the residue in the current
verbal inflectional system of an earlier barrier, the C’’ of the infinitive complement. In
that case, the account proposed here of the complementary distribution of negative FV i
and default FV a in the Swahili verbal paradigm unifies within a single framework the
characteristics of the current system with its suggested diachronic origins.
In summary, I have argued in this section that the distribution of two of Swahili’s
three FVs is determined by syntactic locality and have proposed an account in terms of
Rizzi’s (1990) theory of Relativized Minimality. The next section compares blocking by
TAM morphemes in Swahili to blocking in other Bantu languages.
3.2.1. Comparisons to Other Bantu Languages
I have argued in the previous section that the use of semantically specific FVs
such as negative FV i may be blocked by TAM morphemes intervening between the
licensing negative morpheme and the FV. This blocking also occurs in other Bantu
languages, although there is variation with respect to both the blocking morphemes and
the blocked morphemes. The purpose of this section is to briefly survey some of this
variation.
67
3.2.1.1. Blocking in Shona
As in Swahili, TAM morphemes in Shona block the negative FV (Harford 1996),
as illustrated in the following examples.
(30) ha-ndí-tór-é14
NEG1-SM1s-fetch-FV
`I do not fetch’
(Fortune, 1984, p. 76)
(31) ha-ndí-cha-tór-á15
NEG1-SM1s-FUT-fetch-FV
`I shall not fetch’
(ibid.)
Example (30) illustrates negative FV e. In example (31), the TAM morpheme cha blocks
the negative FV in favor of default FV a. TAM morphemes also block the subjunctive
FV, as follows.
14 The negative FV is i in the Karanga and Manyika dialects of Shona, according toFortune (1984, p. 76), as in Swahili.15 According to Fortune (1967, p. 76), this form is handíchatórí, with negative FV i, inthe Karanga and Manyika dialects. In terms of the analysis developed here, the futuremorpheme cha does not block in all dialects, the only blocking morpheme which showssuch dialectal variation.
68
(32) ndí-tór-é
SM1s-fetch-FV
`(so that) I fetch’
(Fortune, 1984, p.76)
(33) vá-chí-gar-a
SM2-EXC-sit-FV
`(that) they should now sit’ (my translation)
(Fortune, 1984, p.73)
As in the previous set of examples, example (32) contains the subjunctive FV e, which is
blocked by the exclusive morpheme chi in favor of the default FV a in example (33).
The possibility that TAM morphemes block because they originated as verbs
taking infinitive complements, described in the previous section and Chapter 2.7, receives
support from another category of verbal blocking morphemes in Shona, labeled
“auxiliary verbs” or “auxiliary radicals” by Fortune. Auxiliary verbs immediately precede
the verb stem and take a separate auxiliary FV o. Example (34) illustrates the auxiliary
verb nyats-o `well’ (glossed with the adverbial meaning that it contributes to the clause).
(34) a-ka-nyats-o-berek-a
SM1s/RP-well-FV-carry-FV
`s/he carried carefully’
(Hannan, 1984, p. 484)
69
In example (34), the meaning of the auxiliary verb modifies that of the main verb.
Auxiliary verbs such as nyats-o block the negative and subjunctive FVs, as seen in
examples (35) and (36).
(35) ha-ndí-nyats-ó-taur-a
NEG1-SM1s-well-FV-speak-a
`I do not speak well’
(Fortune, 1984, p. 96)
(36) ndí-nyáts-ó-taur-a
SM1s-well-FV-speak-FV
`(so that) I may speak well’
(ibid.)
The origin of auxiliary verbs as main verbs taking infinitive complements is relatively
transparent. According to Fortune (ibid.), nyats-o also occurs as an unincorporated
auxiliary verb with an infinitive complement in the Manyika dialect of Shona. Examples
(37) and (38) are the Manyika equivalents of (35) and (36).
70
(37) ha-ndí-nyats-í kú-taur-a
NEG1-SM1s-well-FV INF-speak-FV
`I do not speak well’
(ibid.)
(38) ndí-nyáts-é kú-taur-a
SM1s-well-FV INF-speak-FV
`(so that) I may speak well’
(ibid.)
Note that, in examples (37) and (38), the unincorporated auxiliary verb nyats takes the
negative and subjunctive FVs which are blocked in examples (35) and (36). When the
Manyika forms in (37) and (38) are compared to the more standard forms in (35) and
(36), it appears plausible that the latter represent contracted forms of the former and that
the auxiliary FV o represents a fusion of FV a and the infinitive prefix ku, as suggested
by Fortune (1967, p. 67). More generally, this sort of contraction may represent a process
by which verbs evolve into TAM morphemes in Bantu languages. Auxiliary verbs in
Shona, with FVs, then, would represent an intermediate stage leading to TAM
morphemes, at which point every trace of the infinitive complement would have
disappeared, apart from default FV a.
This section has considered examples from Shona in which the negative and
subjunctive FVs are blocked by TAM morphemes. Another example of blocking in
71
Shona comes from a category of verbal auxiliaries in a construction whose derivation
from a biclausal structure with an infinitive complement is more overt. The next section
considers further variation in the pattern of blocking in Zulu.
3.2.1.2. Blocking in the Passive in Zulu
In Zulu, as in Swahili and Shona, the negative FV is correlated with a preceding
negative morpheme, as seen in example (39).
(39) a-ngi-thand-i16
NEG1-SM1s-love-FV
`I do not love’
(Doke, 1992, p. 168)
Unlike in Swahili and Shona, however, the negative FV is blocked by the passive
morpheme, as seen in example (40).
(40) a-si-shay-w-a
NEG1-SM1p-strike-PASS-FV
`we are not struck’
(Doke, 1992, p. 168)
16 Doke’s examples are not tone-marked.
72
Although examples (39) and (40) both contain NEG1 a, the presence of the passive
morpheme forces the use of default FV a rather than negative FV i in (40). These Zulu
data indicate that blocking morphemes need not be TAM morphemes, thus providing
evidence against Contini-Morava’s (1989) theory which correlates selection of FVs in
Swahili negative verb forms with tense and aspect.
How does the passive morpheme block in examples such as this one? According
to the analysis developed here for Swahili, verbal extensions such as the passive
morpheme are attached in the lexicon and form part of V0 in the syntax. Blocking
morphemes such as the TAM morphemes head their own projections in the syntax. One
possible modification of this analysis is to assume that the passive morpheme in Zulu
heads its own maximal projection in the functional projection, perhaps as the final
projection before V’’. This possibility is represented in the tree in (41).
73
(41) C’’
SPEC C’
C0 SM’’
ai SPEC SM’
SM0 NEG’’
si SPEC NEG’
NEG0 PASS’’
ti SPEC PASS’
PASS0 V’’
w SPEC V’
V0-FV
shay-a
According to the scenario represented by the tree in (41), the passive morpheme is
incorporated into V’’ as part of the process of Head Movement to be described below in
Chapter 4.
4. Conclusion
This chapter has expanded the PS analysis of the inflected verb presented in
Chapter 2 to include the complementary distribution of the two negative morphemes
NEG1 ha and NEG2 si and the selection of FVs in negative verb forms. The distribution
74
of the two negative morphemes is accounted for in terms of movement of a single NEG0
morpheme, and the selection of FVs in terms of licensing by this negative morpheme,
formulated in terms of the theories of barriers and Relativized Minimality of Chomsky
(1986) and Rizzi (1990). The blocking of this licensing by the TAM morphemes is
compared to blocking in Shona and Zulu. Properties of conditional forms which run
counter to the predictions of the analysis and the negative infinitive are also examined.
The following chapter expands the domain of the analysis from the inflected verb to the
clause.
75
Chapter 4: The Structure of Clauses
The previous two chapters have developed a PS analysis of the structure of the
inflected verb. This chapter turns to the structure of the clauses which contain these
verbs. The chapter has two purposes. The first is to describe and analyze two general
clause types in Swahili which, I propose, subsume all clausal constructions in this
language. The second is to provide support for the syntactic analysis of the inflected verb
by showing that it has explanatory value at the clause level.
Clauses in Swahili fall into two types, which I label Type A and Type B, the
second fortuitously coinciding with Clements’ (1984) Class B, a category of cognate
forms in Gikuyu. (Clements points out that the two clause types also occur in other Bantu
and Niger-Congo languages.) Type B consists of clitic relatives, both affirmative and
negative, with and without conjuncts (see Chapter 2.2). Type A consists of all other
clauses, both affirmative and negative. These include main clauses, the amba relative (see
Chapter 2.3.1.3) and embedded clauses such as those headed by kwamba `that’ (see
below). Type A and Type B clauses differ with respect to three properties, listed in (1):
(1)i. the position of the N’’ subject (SV or VS constituent order)
ii. the choice of negative morpheme (NEG1 ha or NEG3 si)
iii. the possibility of object topicalization.
76
Variation with respect to these properties may be accounted for in terms of a single
structural contrast: Type A clauses use an extra layer of structure between SM’’, the first
projection of I’’, and the left periphery of the clause, which Type B clauses lack.
The chapter is organized as follows. Sections 4.1 and 4.3 propose structures for
Type B and Type A clauses, respectively, and use these structures to account for variation
in the three properties in (1). Section 4.3 describes how the syntactic analysis of the
inflected verb contributes to the analyses at the clause level. Section 4.4 concludes.
4.1. Type B Structure
Recall from Chapter 2 that there are two types of clitic relative, which vary
according to the placement of the RELPC o. Examples of the two types are repeated here
from Chapter 2, examples (17) and (18).
(2) kazi i-li-y-o-m-fa-a
N9/work SM9-PST-PRO9-RELPC-OM1-suit-FV
(Ashton (1947, p. 111)
`work which suited him/her’ (my translation)
(3) kazi i-tu-fa-a-y-o
N9/work SM9-OM1p-suit-FV-PRO9-RELPC9
(Ashton (1947, p. 111)
`work which suits us’
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In both types, the relative morpheme o is cliticized to the inflected verb. In (2), it is
suffixed to the first conjunct and in (3) it is suffixed to the entire inflected verb, two of
the prosodic domains described in Chapter 2.
According to the analysis of the inflected verb developed in Chapter 2, each
verbal morpheme heads a maximal projection. Maximal projections are ordered within
the functional projection as follows. (See (25) in Chapter 2.)
(4) (RELPC)-(SM)-(NEG)-(TAM)-V''
F4 F3 F2 F1 F0
The RELPC o is the head of the topmost projection in the functional projection,
occupying the position more familiarly known as C0. Recall from Chapter 2 that the
RELPC cliticizes to the first prosodic word on its right to avoid realization as a
monosyllabic word. Following Demuth & Harford (1999) and Harford & Demuth (1999),
I propose that the clitic host in the Type B clitic relative is the phonological word formed
by the syntactic device of Head Movement: the V0 head of the V’’ projection raises
through the head positions of the higher projections, combining with each head in turn
(see also Carstens & Kinyalolo, 1989, and Ngonyani, 1999). A single word results when
the verb is unified with all its inflections under a single node17. The analysis developed in
17 Another example of the use of Head Movement for a similar system is that of Rice(1995) in her PS analysis of verbal template morphology in Slave. Head Movement mayalso be invoked to account for the fact that verbal inflectional morphemes may not beseparated by full constituents, which might otherwise be expected to occupy the specifierpositions of the maximal projections (Roberts, 1994; see also van Riemsdijk, 1998, pp.
78
Chapter 2 and extended here thus provides two ways of mapping the syntactic structure
of the inflected verb onto its prosodic structure: Prosodic Phonology, which delineates
the conjuncts, and Head Movement, which forms a phonological word, providing the host
for the RELPC. Head Movement is illustrated in the following tree for example (2).
(5) N’’
SPEC N’
N0 C’’
kazi SPEC C’
C0 SM’’
yo SPEC SM’
SM0 TAM’’
i SPEC TAM’
TAM0 V’’
li V’
V0
mfaa
In this example, the VS mfaa moves from its base-generated position through the
successively higher X0 positions, picking up the contents of each, until the composite
inflected verb reaches C0, the highest maximal projection within the extended projection.
For example (3), the order of projections and the process of Head Movement are exactly
650-1 for more comments on the possibility of Head Movement in the Swahili inflectedverb).
79
the same; the differing placement of the RELPC yo in (2) and (3) is determined by the
prosodic principles set out in Chapter 2.2.1.3. Note that it makes no difference to the
structure of any of the relative clause types whether subjects or objects are relativized.
As a result of the Head Movement solution to the prosodic problem posed by the
monosyllabicity of the RELPC, the inflected verb in the Type B clitic relative occupies
C0. The next three subsections examine the consequences of this prosodically-driven
structure for the three properties.
4.1.1. Verb-Subject (VS) Order in Type B Clauses
The idea that the inflected verb in the Type B is in C0 receives support from the
positioning of an overt N’’ in this construction. When a Type B clitic relative contains an
overt N’’ subject, this subject follows the inflected verb, as follows (inverted subject is in
bold; see also Tyler, 1985, Demuth & Harford, 1999, Ngonyani, 1999).
(6) ki-tabu a-na-ch-o-ki-som-a Hamisi
N7-book SM1-DEF-PRO7-RELPC-OM7-read-FV H.
`the book which Hamisi is reading’
(Ashton, 1947, p. 112)
In this example, the word order in the relative clause is Verb-Subject (VS) rather than the
more basic Subject-Verb (SV), a phenomenon referred to as subject inversion. Note that
the verbal subject agreement morpheme (SM) agrees in noun class with the inverted
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subject Hamisi. Demuth & Harford (1999) take this agreement to indicate that the subject
occupies the specifier position of SM’’ and agrees with SM0 by virtue of SPEC-Head
agreement, a standard assumption in the Principles and Parameters framework
(Haegeman, 1994). It is also possible for SM0 to agree with a preverbal N’’ which is not
the semantic subject instead of the inverted semantic subject, as in the Locative inversion
construction, illustrated in the following example18.
(7) Nyumba-ni pa-me-fik-a m-geni w-etu.
N9/house-LOC SM16-COMP-arrive-FV N1-guest PRO1-our
`At home has arrived out guest (my translation)’
(Whiteley, 1968, p. 13)
In this example, the N’’ mgeni wetu `our guest’ is the semantic subject of the verb fika
`arrive’, but does not control its subject agreement morpheme. (This type of construction
will be discussed in more detail below in Chapter 5.) For this construction, Demuth &
Harford (1999) propose that the subject occupies SPEC/V’’, its base-generated position
according to the VP-internal subject hypothesis (Kuroda, 1988; Kitagawa, 1986,
Sportiche, 1988, Koopman & Sportiche, 1991), not SPEC/SM’’, hence accounting for its
postverbal position and its failure to control agreement.
Within this set of assumptions, subject inversion in examples such as (6) receives
the following explanation: the inflected verb occupies C0 and the N’’ subject occupies
SPEC/SM’’ immediately to its right, resulting in VS order, as seen in the following tree.
18 The locative suffix ni creates a locative N’’ which may control the agreements of anyof the three locative noun classes 16, 17 or 18. See Appendix 1 for the locative classes.
81
(8) N’’
SPEC N’
N0 C’’
kitabu SPEC C’
C0 SM’’
anachokisomai SPEC SM’
Hamisij SM0 TAM’’
ti SPEC TAM’
TAM0 V’’
ti SPEC V’
tj V0
ti
The tree shows the inflected verb as a single word in C0 following Head Movement, with
the subject N’’ on its right in SPEC/SM’’.
According to Ashton (1947, p. 113), subject inversion is obligatory in the clitic
relative. Barrett-Keach (1980) gives examples of clitic relatives without subject
inversion, which indicates that it is not obligatory for all speakers. The following is one
of Barrett-Keach’s examples (as above, the subject is in bold)19.
19 The verb dai `claim’ in example (8) is an Arabic loanword and does not have theBantu FV. The same is true of the verb dhani in example (22) below.
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(9) wa-tu Asha a-li-o-dai kwamba ki-tabu hi-ki
N2-people A. SM1-PST-PRO2/RELPC-claim that N7-book this-PRO7
wa-li-ki-som-a
SM2-PST-OM7-read-FV
`people who Asha claimed that this book, they read it
(Barrett-Keach, 1980, p. 61)
In this example, the subject of the relative clause Asha precedes the relative verb. It is
also the case that SV order is possible when the RELPC functions as a temporal adverb,
as follows.
(10) Flora a-li-po-fik-a a-li-m-kut-a
F. SM1-PST-PRO16/RELPC-arrive-FV SM1-PST-OM1-meet-FV
Charles ...
C.
`When Flora arrived she met Charles … ‘ (my translation)
(Kezilihabi, 1971, p. 99)
In example (10), the RELPC po, inflected for Class 16, does not have an overt antecedent
but is used as a temporal phrase. The subject of the relative verb, Flora, precedes it.
Demuth & Harford (1999) propose, for an equivalent marginal construction in
Shona, that the subject occupies SPEC/C’’, placing it immediately before the inflected
83
verb in C0. Examples such as (9) and (10) provide support for the analysis of the inflected
verb as occupying C0, not SM0, the head of the highest projection in I’’. Suppose that a
phrase such as example (8) were analyzed with the inflected verb in SM0 and the
preverbal subject in SPEC/SM’’. Under the assumption that subject-verb agreement
arises through SPEC-Head agreement, such an analysis would not generate example (6)
in which the inverted subject controls SM agreement, since SPEC/SM’’ could not be a
postverbal position. Given that a subject N’’ controlling agreement occupies SPEC/SM’’,
then a verb which precedes it cannot occupy SM0.
This section has argued for an analysis of subject positioning in the Type B clitic
relative that relies on the prosodically motivated assumption that the inflected verb
occupies C0. The next section makes the same argument for negation in the clitic relative.
4.1.2. Negation in Type B Clauses
The Type B clitic relative is negated with NEG2 si, as illustrated in the following
example (see also example (4), Table 2, in Chapter 3).
(11) kengele i-si-y-o-li-a
9/bell SM9-NEG2-PRO9-RELPC-ring-FV
`a bell which doesn’t ring’
(Ashton, 1947, p. 112)
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This verb form poses a counterexample to constraint (10) proposed in Chapter 3, which
entails that declarative clauses are negated with NEG1 ha, not NEG3 si. Although I have
characterized relatives as declaratives, the negative clitic relative takes NEG3 si. The
resolution of this counterexample may be linked to the structure of the clitic relative
proposed earlier.
Recall that, in Chapter 3, it was proposed that NEG1 ha and NEG3 si are
manifestations of a single NEG0 head of a maximal projection positioned between the
SM and TAM projections, and that NEG1 ha represents NEG0 when it has moved to C0.
Recall also the assumption that the inflected verb raises to C0 to provide a prosodic host
for the monosyllabic relative morpheme. I propose now that NEG0 cannot move into the
non-empty C0, so NEG1 ha is blocked in this construction, where it is otherwise
motivated20. The contents of NEG0 can end up in C0 as part of the overall instances of
Head Movement that assemble the inflected verb, but it cannot move into a filled C0 on
its own21. The appearance of NEG1 ha is thus blocked in a manner parallel to the
blocking of verb raising in subordinate clauses in Germanic languages (see Vikner, 1995,
for an overview and the references cited there). The structure of example (11) may be
represented as in (12).
20 Since relatives are declaratives, NEG1 ha in the clitic relative is not overridden byconstraint (10) in Chapter 3 dispreferring movement in non-declarative extendedprojections.21 Note that NEG1 ha, like the relative morpheme o, is a monosyllable in C0. Does thismean that Head Movement to C0 also takes place in NEG1 ha clauses? I assume thatmovement of NEG0 to C0 blocks movement of the inflected verb to C0, in the same waythat movement of the inflected verb to C0 blocks the independent movement of NEG0 toC0.
85
(12) N’’
SPEC N’
N0 C’’
kengele SPEC C’
C0 SM’’
yo SPEC SM’
SM0 NEG’’
i SPEC NEG’
NEG0 TAM’’
si SPEC TAM’
TAM0 V’’
lia
In this tree, NEG0 is blocked from moving directly to C0, which is filled by the relative
morpheme o. Otherwise, Head Movement proceeds as expected, illustrated in (13).
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(13) N’’
SPEC N’
N0 C’’
kengele SPEC C’
C0 SM’’
isiyoliai SPEC SM’
SM0 NEG’’
ti SPEC NEG’
NEG0 V’’
ti SPEC V’
V0
ti
This section has proposed an account of exceptional NEG2 si in the negative clitic
relative in terms of blocking movement of NEG0 to C0. As with the analysis of subject
positioning, this account depends on Head Movement of the inflected verb to C0. In this
case, the filled C0 is crucial for blocking, not positioning. The next section takes up object
topicalization in the Type B clitic relative, or the lack thereof.
4.1.3. Object Topicalization in Type B Clauses
A Type B clitic relative clause may not contain a topicalized object, as seen in the
following example from Barrett-Keach (1980).
87
(14) *wa-tu ki-tabu hi-ki, ni-li-o-dai kuwa
N2-people N7-book this-PRO7 SM1-PST-PRO2RELPC-claim that
wa-li-ki-som-a
SM2-PST-OM7-read-FV
`people who, this book, I claim that they read it
In this example, the object of the clause embedded under the verb of the clitic relative,
kitabu hiki `this book’, occupies the position between the verb and the head noun of the
relative, resulting in ungrammaticality. Given the structure proposed for the Type B
construction argued for in the two preceding sections, this position is SPEC/C’’.
The ungrammaticality of object topicalization is not directly relevant to the
argument for Type B structure. Its importance to the discussion comes in the argument
for a different structure for Type A clauses, where it is permitted (see section 4.2.2.3
below). Here I concentrate on the reasons for its impossibility in Type B.
I propose that example (14) is ungrammatical because the fronting of N’’ shifts
the relative morpheme in C0 to second position in the sentence22. This example is one
instance of a more general constraint giving preference to leftmost positioning of a
complementizer in a clause, whether it is relative or not. This constraint may be
formulated as follows.
(15) A complementizer is the leftmost element in its clause.
22 É. Kiss (1995), p. 12, notes a number of languages in which an embedded topic mustfollow the complementizer.
88
Note that the constraint in (15) also disprefers SV order in Type B relative clauses, which
also involves movement to SPEC/C’’. Under this analysis, then, the ungrammaticality of
Object Topicalization and the marginality23 of SV order in Type B relative clauses form
a natural class of phenomena.
This section has proposed an account of the ungrammaticality of Object
Topicalization in the Type B clitic relative in terms of a constraint favoring
complementizers which appear leftmost in their clauses. It also plays a role in the
analysis of Type A clauses, to be taken up in the next section.
4.2. Type A Structure
Unlike Type B, Type A structure occurs in both main and subordinate clauses and
may contain any of the verb forms described in the preceding chapters. With respect to
the three properties in (1), Type A clauses show the opposite of Type B clauses: there is
no quasi-obligatory subject inversion (VS order), the negative morpheme is NEG1 ha,
not NEG2 si, and Object Topicalization is grammatical. As mentioned earlier, I account
for this variation with the assumption that Type A clauses differ from Type B clauses in
exploiting an extra layer of structure between SM’’ and the left periphery of the clause.
The following subsections describe first main clauses (Section 4.2.1) and then
subordinate clauses (Section 4.2.2).
23 Recall from Section 4.1.1 above that Ashton (1947, p. 113) states that (rephrased inmy terms) SV order in Type B clauses is prohibited, whereas Barrett-Keach’s (1980)examples suggest otherwise. See examples (5) and (8).
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4.2.1. Type A Main Clauses
Type A main clauses have the same C’’-SM’’ structure as Type B clauses. They
differ in that the C0 position of Type A main clauses is empty, whereas C0 in Type B
clauses contains the base-generated relative morpheme o. This difference has two
consequences. First, Head Movement to C0 is not motivated in Type A main clauses and
consequently does not proceed farther than SM0. Second, Type A main clauses are free
from the effects of constraint (15), which disfavors filling the SPEC position of a C’’
headed by a complementizer. The following subsections discuss how the variation in
each of the three properties shown by Type A main clauses arises from this essential
difference.
4.2.1.1. Subject-Verb (SV) Order in Type A Main Clauses
SV order is unexceptional in Type A main clauses, unlike in Type B clauses,
where SV order is marginal or restricted to contexts such as temporals24. The following
is an example25.
24 Free inversion is possible in Type A main clauses, as seen in the following example.
(i) Wa-rithi ha-wa jamaa. N2-inherit this/PRO2 N2/family `They inherited, this family.’ (my translation)
I set aside the analysis of free inversion as not directly related to the distinction betweenType A and Type B clauses.25 See Chapter 2 for the use of epenthetic ku with the verb enda `go’.
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(16) Rosa a-li-kw-end-a nyumba-ni.
R. SM1-PST-INF-go-FV N9/house-LOC
`Rosa went home.’ (my translation)
(Kezilahabi, 1971, p. 144)
The structure of example (16) may be represented as follows.
(17) C’’
SPEC C’
N’’ C0 SM’’
N’ SPEC SM’
N0 SM0 TAM’’
Rosa aliikwendaj SPEC TAM’
TAM0 V’’
ti SPEC V’
V0
tj
In this structure, the morphemes of the inflected verb have been raised to SM0, and
nothing motivates further movement to C0. Note that the subject N’’, Rosa, occupies
SPEC/C’’, instead of SPEC/SM’’, the highest SPEC position in I’’ and the canonical
position for subjects in the Principles and Parameters framework. This position is
justified in Chapter 5 and assumed here and in all subsequent Type A examples in
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anticipation of proposals made there. Since the inflected verb appears in SM0, its subject
in SPEC/C’’ is on its left, yielding SV order.
This section has accounted for the positioning of the subject in Type A main
clauses with assumptions that are more or less standard within the Principles and
Parameters framework. The next section takes up negation.
4.2.1.2. Negation in Type A Main Clauses
Type A main clauses are negated with both NEG1 ha and NEG2 si, whereas Type
B clauses are negated only with NEG2 si. Examples (18) and (19) illustrate Type A
declarative and non-declarative clauses, (18) with NEG1 ha and (19) with NEG2 si26.
(18) Zakaria ha-a-ku-sem-a lo lote ...
Z. NEG1-SM1-PST-say-FV PRO5/PC PRO5/each
`Zakaria didn’t say anything ...’ (my translation)
(Kezilahabi, 1971, p. 13)
(19) ni-si-pik-e
SM1s-NEG2-cook-FV
`let me not cook’
(Ashton, 1947, p. 32)
26 See Chapter 3.1 for the correlation of NEG1 ha and NEG2 si withdeclarative and non-declarative clauses.
92
Type A clauses thus allow both negative morphemes, whereas Type B clauses allow only
one.
Although the choice of negative morpheme is generally correlated with the
declarative/non-declarative distinction, the analysis of the negative Type B clitic relative
in Section 4.1.2 indicates that structural limitations can override this preference. The
impossibility of NEG1 ha in Type B is given a structural explanation: since C0 is the
landing site of the inflected verb, it is unavailable to host NEG1 ha. I take the presence of
NEG1 ha in Type A main clauses to indicate that C0 is unfilled in this clause type, and
hence available for the negative morpheme, a result that dovetails with the proposal of
the previous section. The following is a partial tree for example (18).
(20) C’’
SPEC C’
N’’ C0 SM’’
N’ haiajkuksemal SPEC SM’
N0 SM0 NEG’’
Zakaria tj SPEC NEG’
NEG0 TAM’’
ti SPEC TAM’’
TAM0 V’’
tk SPEC V’’
V0
tl
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Note that since the subject N’’, Zakaria, occupies SPEC/C’’, rather than SPEC/SM’’, it
correctly precedes NEG1 ha.
This section has linked the availability of both negative morphemes in Type A
main clauses to SV order in this clause type by means of a structure in which C0 is empty,
which entails both that the inflected verb follows the subject N’’ in SPEC/C’’ and that C0
is available as a landing site for the negative morpheme. The next section turns to Object
Topicalization.
4.2.1.3. Object Topicalization in Type A Main Clauses
Object Topicalization is possible in Type A main clauses, unlike in the Type B
clitic relative, as noted above in Section 4.1.3. The following is an example.
(21) Mw-anamke ma-chozi ya-li-m-tok-a.
N1-woman N6-tears SM6-PST-OM1-come out-FV
`As for the woman, the tears poured out of her.’ (my translation)
(Kezilahabi, 1971, p. 83)
In this example, mwanamke `woman’ is the topic and machozi `tears’ is the subject. The
structure posited so far provides a position for the subject, but not for the topic preceding
it. I propose that the topic occupies the specifier position of a projection dominating C’’,
which may be labelled TOP’’. The tree for example (21) is given in (22).
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(22) TOP’’
SPEC TOP’
N’’ TOP0 C’’
N’ SPEC C’
N0 N’’ C0 SM’’
mwanamke N’ SPEC SM’
N0 SM0 TAM’’
machozi yaliimtokaj SPEC TAM’
TAM0 V’’
ti SPEC V’
V0
tj
In this tree, the topic precedes the subject by virtue of occupying a higher specifier
position. Note the effect of the empty C0 on this structure. Since C0 is empty, constraint
(15) is not in force and it does not have to be the leftmost element in its clause, freeing up
the left periphery for both the subject and the topic.
This section has concluded the analysis of Type A main clauses with an account
of Object Topicalization in terms of the structure already motivated to account for subject
positioning and the choice of negative morpheme. This structure crucially provides an
empty C0 position, with consequences for each property. When it does not contain a
complementizer, it permits the subject and topic to appear to the left of the inflected verb
without violating constraint (15). It also serves as a landing site for the negative
morpheme. The next section takes up the analysis of Type A subordinate clauses.
95
4.2.2. Type A Subordinate Clauses
In this section, I analyze two Type A subordinate clauses, the amba relative and
the kwamba embedded clause, exemplified in (23), repeated from Chapter 2, example
(16), and (24).
(23) ki-su amba-ch-o ki-ta-fa-a
N7-knife which-PRO7-RELPC SM7-FUT-suit FV
`the knife which will be suitable’
(Barrett-Keach (1986, p. 560))
(24) Charles a-li-tambu-a kwamba siku z-a-ke z-a
C. SM1-PST-recognize-FV that N10/days PRO10-AP-his PRO10-AP
ku-ka-a pale zi-li-ku-w-a zi-ki-kat-a kamba, ...
INF-live-FV PRO16-that SM10-PST-INF-be-FV SM10-CONT-cut-FV N9/cord
`Charles recognized that his days of living there were being cut short ... (my
translation)
(Kezilahabi, 1971, p. 13)
Type A subordinate clauses are classified as such because they show the same kind of
variation with respect to the three properties as Type A main clauses: the subject precedes
the inflected verb, the negative morpheme is NEG1 ha, and Object Topicalization is
96
possible. My analysis of Type A subordinate clauses is the same as for main clauses: they
exploit a leftward layer of structure that is not available in the Type B clitic relative.
However, since amba and kwamba are markers of a relative clause and an embedded
clause, respectively, it is reasonable to assign them to the C0 category. How, then, can the
effects which I have earlier attributed to an empty C0 be accounted for when C0 is filled?
My answer to this question draws on Barrett-Keach’s (1980) analysis of the amba
relative and Grimshaw’s (1991) theory of Extended Projection, described earlier in
Chapter 2. Barrett-Keach analyzes amba as a verb, based on a proposal of Andrews
(1975), in order to unify the amba relative with the other two relative constructions as all
involving the attachment of the relative morpheme o to a verb. In support of this idea, she
points out that amba existed historically as a lexical verb meaning `say’, which survives
synchronically with the related meaning `swear’ and in its applicative form ambia `tell,
say to’ (p. 65; see also Ashton, 1947). One consequence of her proposal is, as she states,
that the amba relative has “one more embedding” than the clitic relative (p. 69). Without
assuming that amba in the current relative construction is necessarily V0, I propose that it
is a lexical category which, at the least, may have formerly been a verb. The functional
projection C’’ headed by the relative morpheme o forms an extended projection with the
lexical projection headed by amba. The complement of the amba projection is a second
C’’, a likely complement to a verb. This C’’ is the first maximal projection in the
functional projection containing the verbal inflections of the relative clause, whose final
maximal projection embeds the lexical projection V’’ to form a second extended
projection. The structure of the amba relative thus reflects the familiar pattern of
alternating functional and lexical projections. The structure of example (23) may be
97
represented in the tree in (25), which indicates the relevant functional and lexical
projections, as well as movements.
(25) N’’
SPEC N’
N0 C’’
kisui SPEC C’
C0 amba’’
ambajcho SPEC amba’
amba0 C’’
tj SPEC C’
C0 SM’’
SPEC SM’
ti SM0
ki
(cont.) TAM’’
SPEC TAM’
TAM0 V’’
ta fa-a
In this tree, the maximal projection of amba is labelled simply amba’’, since it does not
belong unambiguously to any of the familiar categories such as C or V, following
98
Grimshaw’s (1991 1997) suggestion for the treatmenet of such ambiguities. In the amba
relative, as in the clitic relative, the relative morpheme o occupies C0 and is cliticized to
the first prosodic word on its right. In the case of the amba relative, the first prosodic
word is amba, which occupies C0, the landing site of the verb plus its inflections in the
clitic relative.
This analysis may be extended to kwamba clauses. Since kwamba is the infinitive
form of amba, I assume that it shares the same structure. A tree representing the structure
of the matrix verb and the first part of the embedded clause of example (24) is given in
(26).
(26) V’’
SPEC V’
V0 C’’
... tambua SPEC C’
C0 amba’’
SPEC amba’
amba0 C’’
kwamba SPEC C’
C0 SM’’
SPEC SM’
siku zake ..
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(cont.) SM0 TAM’’
zi SPEC TAM’
TAM0 V’’
li ku-w-a ...
The only difference between the amba relative structure and the kwamba structure is that,
in the latter, the head of the higher of the two C’’s is empty, unlike in the amba relative,
in which it is occupied by the relative morpheme o (inflected for Class 7). Otherwise, the
structures for the two constructions are the same.
This section has proposed a structure for Type A subordinate clauses, the amba
relative and the kwamba embedded clause. This structure, unlike that of the Type B clitic
relative, contains an extra C’’ projection embedded under a maximal projection headed
by amba. The next three subsections show how Type A variation in the three properties
in the amba relative and the kwamba relative clause arise by utilizing this extra C’’
projection.
4.2.2.1. Subject-Verb (SV) Order in Type A Subordinate Clauses
SV order is obligatory in the Type A amba relative, exemplified in (27) and (28).
100
(27) ki-tabu amba-ch-o m-toto a-me-ki-on-a
N7-book which-PRO7-RELPC N1-child SM1-COMP-OM7-see-FV
jana
yesterday
`the book which the child saw yesterday’
(Tyler, 1985)
(28) *ki-tabu amba-ch-o a-me-ki-on-a m-toto
N7-book which-PRO7-RELPC SM1-COMP-OM7-see-FV N1-child
jana
yesterday
(Tyler, 1985)
In the grammatical example (27), the subject of the amba relative precedes the verb. In
the ungrammatical example (28), the subject follows the verb. Since this construction is
Type A, C0 does not contain the relative morpheme and Head-to-Head movement of the
verbal morpheme is not motivated past SM0. This ensures that the inflected verb remains
to the right of the subject, which occupies SPEC/SM’’, yielding SV order. The same is
true of SV order in a clause embedded under kwamba; see example (24). Note also from
the tree in (26), representing (24), that the subject of the embedded kwamba clause
occupies the lower SPEC/C’’, to the right of kwamba. (VS order in a kwamba clause is
probably ungrammatical, but I have no data bearing on this point.)
101
This section has shown how SV order in the amba relative and the kwamba
embedded clause is predicted from the structures proposed in the previous section. The
next section takes up negation.
4.2.2.2. Negation in Type A Subordinate Clauses
The amba relative and kwamba embedded clause are both negated with NEG1 ha,
as is expected with declarative clauses whose structures do not limit the movement of the
negative morpheme. The following are examples repeated from Chapter 3, examples (2)
and (3).
(29) Daktari a-li-wa-ambi-a wazi kwamba
N1/doctor SM1-PST-OM2-tell-FV clearly that
ha-wa-ta-pat-a m-toto.
NEG1-SM2-FUT-get-FV N1-child
`The doctor told them clearly that they would not have a child.’ (my translation)
(Kezilahabi, 1971, p. 25)
(30) barua amba-z-o ha-wa-ta-zi-andik-a
N10/letters which-PRO10-RELPC NEG1-SM2-FUT-OM10-write-FV
`letters which they won’t write’
(Barrett-Keach, 1980, p. 35)
102
Since there are two C’’ projections in the structures for these clauses, rather than one, as
in the Type B clitic relative, the second C0 is available as a landing site for NEG0, which
moves in accordance with NEG First (Chapter 2). The following is the tree for example
(30).
(31) N’’
SPEC N’
N0 C’’
baruai SPEC C’
C0 amba’’
ambajzo SPEC amba’
amba0 C’’
tj SPEC C’
C0 SM’’
hak SPEC SM’
ti SM0
wa
103
(cont.) NEG’’
SPEC NEG’
NEG0 TAM’’
tk SPEC TAM’
TAM0 V’’
ta zi-andik-a
In this tree, the head noun of the relative clause, barua `letters’, is linked to the relative
clause by the trace in SPEC/SM’’. The relative morpheme o (inflected for Class 10) is
base-generated in the higher C0. The morpheme amba raises from its base-generated
position to C0 to join it. The negative morpheme moves from NEG0 to the lower C0,
where it is realized as NEG1 ha. The analysis thus links NEG1 ha in a relative clause to
the presence of amba, which embeds the second C’’, whose head is the landing site for
NEG1. The same analysis holds for example (29), in which the complementizer kwamba
also embeds C’’. The following is the tree for the matrix verb and embedded clause
(minus the object) of example (29).
104
(32) V’’
SPEC V’
V0 C’’
... ambia SPEC C’
C0 amba’’
SPEC amba’
amba0 C’’
kwamba SPEC C’
C0 SM’’
hai SPEC SM’
(cont.) SM0 NEG’’
SPEC NEG’
NEG0 TAM’’
ti SPEC TAM’
TAM0 V’’
ta pat-a
In the tree in (32), following the same pattern seen in (31), the negative morpheme moves
to the head of the C’’ embedded under the complementizer kwamba.
105
This section has linked NEG1 ha in the amba relative and kwamba embedded
clause to the presence of the second C’’ projection embedded under amba. The next
section discusses Object Topicalization.
4.2.2.3. Object Topicalization in Type A Subordinate Clauses
Object Topicalization is possible in Type A subordinate clauses, unlike in the
Type B clitic relative. The following are examples of Object Topicalization in the amba
relative and the kwamba embedded clause.
(33) ki-tabu ch-a-ngu amba-ch-o yu-le
N7-book PRO7-AP-my which-PRO7-RELPC PRO1-that
m-toto, Asha a-li-dai kwamba ni-li-m-p-a.
N1-child A. SM1-PST-claim that SM1s-PST-OM1-give-FV
`my book which that child, Asha claimed that I gave (it to him)’
(Barrett-Keach, 1980, p. 61)
(34) Asha a-li-dai kwamba ki-tabu hi-ki,
A. SM1-PST-claim that N7-book this-PRO7
ni-li-ki-som-a.
SM1s-PST-OM7-read-FV
`Asha claimed that this book, I read (it).’
(Barrett-Keach, 1980, p. 60)
106
In example (33), the object of the clause embedded within the relative clause, yule mtoto
`that child’, has been topicalized within the relative clause. In example (34), the
topicalized object is kitabu hiki `this book’. The structure of example (33), whose
relevant features are the same for example (34), is given in (35).
(35) N’’
SPEC N’
N0 C’’
kitabu changui
SPEC C’
C0 amba’’
ambajcho
SPEC amba’
amba0 C’’
tj SPEC C’
yule mtoto C0 SM’’
(cont.) SPEC SM’
Asha SM0 TAM’’
a SPEC TAM’
TAM0 V’’
li dai
107
As was the case with negation, the lower of the two C’’s in this tree provides a landing
site for the topicalized object that is to the right of the C0 containing the relative
morpheme, in accordance with constraint (15). The extra projection in Type A
subordinate clauses permits Object Topicalization without violating constraint (15).
There is additional evidence for constraint (15) from the amba relative. Note that
while Object Topicalization is possible in the amba relative, the topicalizaed object may
not precede amba, as seen in the following example.
(36) *ki-tabu ch-a-ngu yu-le m-toto, amba-ch-o
N7-book PRO7-AP-my PRO1-that N1-child which-PRO7-RELPC
Asha a-li-dai kwamba ni-li-m-p-a
A. SM1-PST-claim that SM1s-PST-OM1-give-FV
`my book which this child, Asha claimed that I gave (it to him)
(Barrett-Keach, 1980, p. 61)
As seen in the tree in (35), the higher SPEC/C’’ is available as a landing site for a
topicalized object. Nevertheless, this position is to the left of the C’’ containing the
relative morpheme o, and topicalizing to this position results in a constraint (15)
violation. Hence, example (36) is ungrammatical.
This section has correlated the possibility of Object Topicalization in this
construction with the preverbal subject and NEG1 ha by means of the Type A clause
structure containing two C’’s. It concludes the description and analysis of the Types A
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and B clause structures, the first purpose of this chapter. The next section turns to the
second purpose, motivating the syntactic analysis of the inflected verb in terms of the
interactions of verbal structure with clausal structure.
4.3. Connecting the Inflected Verb to the Clause
The second purpose of this chapter is to argue that the analyses of Type A and B
clauses provide evidence in favor of the syntactic analysis of the inflected verb developed
in Chapters 2 and 3. One of the arguments for a morphological component separate from
syntax comes from the way polymorphemic words behave in sentences, as opaque units
whose internal structure is unconnected to the operations of the sentences containing
them (Bresnan & Mchombo, 1995). On the other hand, elements internal to words acting
on a par with syntactic constituents could be argued to be syntactic themselves.
Recall the distribution of properties between Type A and Type B clauses, listed
below in Table 1.
Table 1: Properties of Type A and B Clauses
Clause Type Type A Type B
Order of Subject and Verb SV order VS order
Object Topicalization Permitted Not permitted
Negative Morphemes NEG1 ha, NEG2 si NEG2 si only
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Two of these correlations are relevant here. First, the use of NEG1 ha in Type A
declarative clauses is correlated with the possibility of Object Topicalization. Second, the
use of NEG2 si is correlated with VS order in Type B clauses. Both of these correlations
involve variations in position: the leftward position of the topic is correlated with the
leftward NEG1 ha in Type A, and the rightward position of the subject is correlated with
the rightward NEG2 si in Type B. The analysis of NEG1 ha and NEG2 si as positional
variants of a single negative morpheme allows a structural analysis of the correlation with
these other positional properties of the two clause types. In Type A, the extra layer of
structure that permits Object Topicalization also provides a landing site for NEG1 ha. In
Type B, movement of the inflected verb to C0, which results in VS order, blocks
movement of the negative morpheme to the same position, and it is therefore realized in
situ as NEG2 si. These analyses would not be possible if the internal structure of the
inflected verb were treated as inaccessible to the syntax. Insofar as they are valid,
therefore, they provide evidence that the inflected verb has a syntactic structure which
interacts with the syntactic structure of the clause.
4.4. Conclusion
This chapter has provided a description and analysis of two clause types in
Swahili, labeled Type A and Type B. Type A and Type B clauses vary with respect to
three properties: position of the subject, choice of negative morpheme, and the possibility
of Object Topicalization. Type A clauses have typically SV order, are negated with
NEG1 ha or NEG2 si, and permit Object Topicalization. Type B clauses, clitic relatives,
110
have typically VS order, are negated with NEG2 si only, and do not permit Object
Topicalization. These differences are accounted for structurally. Type B clauses are
relative clauses with a single C’’ projection. Head-to-Head Movement of the inflected
verb to C0, forced by the prosodic requirements of the relative morpheme o, places the
verb before the subject, resulting in VS order, and blocks the movement of the negative
morpheme to the same position, resulting in its realization as NEG2 si. Topicalization of
the object to SPEC/C’’ is disfavored by constraint (15), which gives preference to a
complementizer which is leftmost in its clause. With respect to Type A, main clauses
have an unfilled C0, with no monosyllabic morphemes; hence, the inflected verb does not
move, resulting in SV order and freeing up C0 for NEG1 ha in declarative clauses. Object
Topicalization is also possible, since there is no complementizer and constraint (15) is not
in force. In Type A subordinate clauses, in which there is a filled complementizer, Type
A effects are achieved with an additional C’’ embedded under C0, motivated as the
complement to the verb from which the complementizer is derived. This lower C’’
provides landing sites for NEG1 ha and the object topic, which, as before, cannot precede
the complementizer. Finally, I have argued that these analyses provide support for the
syntactic analysis of the inflected verb insofar as the word-internal negative morphemes
interact on a par with clausal constituents. The next chapter explores the consequences of
assuming that the verbal subject agreement morpheme (SM) is a pronoun as well as an
agreement marker.
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Appendices
Appendix 1: The Swahili Noun Class System
The table is organized as follows. There are 18 rows displaying the 18 agreement
sets, beginning with the 3rd person classes and ending with the 1st and 2nd person classes.
Each row has 5 columns. The first column shows the Bleek-Meinhof numbers associated
with each agreement set, presented in singles, doubles and triples, separated by slashes.
The first number in each series is the Bleek-Meinhof number of the class that controls the
agreement set. Where there is a second number, it represents the corresponding singular
or plural class. Where there is a third number, it represents an alternative plural form of
the noun. A single number indicates no corresponding singular or plural class. The
second column contains a noun list illustrating variation in prefix-stem morphology and
singular-plural pairings for the nouns belonging to the class. The remaining three
columns illustrate variation in prefix-stem morphology for 3 categories of agreement
morphemes: adjectival, pronominal and the verbal subject and object morphemes. Class
morphemes are capitalized and bolded, and each item within an agreement set is
numbered with a lower-case Roman numeral. Following the table is a set of notes
explaining the reason for the inclusion of each item. Numbers in parentheses are page
numbers in Ashton (1947). Numbers prefixed with P are page numbers in Perrott (1957),
and similarly for J (Johnson, 1939) and HM (Hinnebusch & Mirza, 1979).
112
# Noun Adjective Pronominal Subject/Object
Morphemes
1/2
1/2
1/2
1/2
1/2
1/2
1/2
1/2
1
(i) Mtu ‘person’
(ii) MWana ‘child’
(iii) MWashi ‘mason’
(iv) mtume ‘apostle’
(v) bwana ‘master’
(vi) kipofu ‘blind person’
(vii) ndovu ‘elephant’
(viii) mama ‘mother’
(ix) Rosa `Rosa”
(x) Mzuri ‘beautiful’
(xi) MWanana ‘gentle’
(xii) MWekundu ‘red’
(xiii) MWingine ‘other’
(xiv) MWororo ‘mild’
(xv) Mume ‘male’
(xvi) YUle ‘that’
(xvii) Wa ‘of’
(xviii) Ameanguka
‘s/he has fallen’
(xix) aliMpiga ‘s/he
hit him/her’
(xx) aliMWona ‘s/he
saw him/her’
2/1
2/1
2/1
2/1
2/1
2/1
2/1
2/1
(i) WAtu ‘people’
(ii) WAna ‘children’
(iii) WAshi ‘masons’
(iv) mitume ‘apostles’
(v) mabwana ‘masters’
(vi) vipofu ‘blind people’
(vii) ndovu ‘elephants’
(viii) mama ‘mothers’
(ix) WAzuri ‘beautiful’
(x) WAanana ‘gentle’
(xi) Wekundu ‘red’
(xii) Wengine ‘others’
(xiii) WAororo ‘other’
(xiv) WAume ‘male’
(xv) WAle ‘those’
(xvi) Wa ‘of’
(xvii) WAmeanguka
‘they have fallen’
(xviii) aliWApiga
‘s/he hit them’
3/4
3/4
3/4
3/4
3/4
3/4
11/10
(i) Mti ‘tree’
(ii) MWaka ‘year’
(iii) Moto ‘fire’
(iv) Mundu ‘cutlass’
(v) MUhogo ‘cassava’
(vi) MUwa ‘sugarcane’
(vii) Ukuta ‘wall’
(xix) Mzuri ‘beautiful’
(xx) MWekundu ‘red’
(xxi) MWingine ‘other’
(xxii) MWororo ‘soft’
(xxiii) Ule ‘that’
(xxiv) Wa ‘of’
(xxv) Umeanguka ‘it
has fallen’
(xxvi) Wataka ‘it
wants’
(xxvii) aliUcheka
‘s/he cut it’
113
11/10
11/10
11/10
11/10
11/6
11/6
11
14
14
14
14
(viii) Ulimi ‘tongue’
(ix) Wembe ‘razor’
(x) Uso ‘face’
(xi) Unyasi ‘grass’
(xii) Ugomvi ‘quarrel’
(xiii) Uji ‘porridge’
(xiv) Wali ‘cooked rice’
(xv) Uzuri ‘beauty’
(xvi) Wema ‘goodness’
(xvii) Uombi ‘intercession’
(xviii) UWongo ‘falsehood’
4/3
4/3
4/3
4/3
4/3
4/3
(i) MIti ‘trees’
(ii) MIaka ‘years’
(iii) MIoto ‘fires’
(iv) MIundu ‘cutlasses’
(v) MIhogo ‘cassava’
(vi) MIwa ‘sugarcane’
(vii) MIzuri ‘beautiful’
(viii) MYekundu ‘red’
(ix) Mingine ‘others’
(x) MYororo ‘soft’
(xi) Ile ‘those’
(xii) Ya ‘of’
(xiii) Imeanguka
‘they have fallen’
(xiv) Yataka ‘they
want’
(xv) aliIcheka ‘s/he
has cut them’
5/6
5/6
5/6
5/6
5/6
5/6
5/6
5/6
5/6
(i) tawi ‘branch’
(ii) JIwe ‘stone’
(iii) Jino ‘tooth’
(iv) onyo ‘warning’
(v) JItu ‘giant’
(vi) JIvuli ‘large shadow’
(vii) Joka ‘large snake’
(viii) paka ‘big cat’
(ix) buzi ‘large goat’
(x) refu ‘long’
(xi) JIpya ‘new’
(xii) Jema ‘good’
(xiii) Jingine ‘other’
(xiv) JIke ‘female’
(xv) Dume ‘male’
(xvi) LIle ‘that’
(xvii) La ‘of’
(xviii) LImevunjika
‘it is broken’
(xix) Lataka ‘it
wants’
(xx) nimeLIona ‘I
have seen it’
6/5
6/5
(i) MAtawi ‘branches’
(ii) MAwe ‘stones’
(xv) MArefu ‘long’
(xvi) MApya ‘new’
(xxi) YAle ‘those’
(xxii) Ya ‘of’
(xxiii) YAmeanguka
‘they have fallen’
114
6/5
6/5
6/5
6/5
6/5
6/5
6/5
6
6/9/10
6/11
6/11/1
6/10
(iii) Meno ‘teeth’
(iv) MAonyo ‘warnings’
(v) MAJItu ‘giants’
(vi) MAJIvuli ‘large
shadows’
(vii) MAJoka ‘large
snakes’
(viii) MApaka ‘large cats’
(ix) MAbuzi ‘large goats’
(x) MAji ‘water’
(xi) MApesa ‘small
change’
(xii) MAgomvi ‘quarrels’
(xiii) MAnyasi ‘grasses’
(xiv) MAisha ‘life’
(xvii) Mema ‘good’
(xviii) Mengine ‘other’
(xix) MAJIke ‘female’
(xx) MAume ‘male’
(xxiv) Yataka ‘they
want’
(xxv) nimeYAona ‘I
have seen them’
7/8
7/8
7/8
7/8
7/8
7/8
7/8
7/8
7/8
7/8
7/8
7/8
7/8
(i) KItu ‘thing’
(ii) KIatu ‘shoe’
(iii) CHambo ‘bait’
(iv) KIembe ‘grain’
(v) CHeo ‘measure’
(vi) KIini ‘yolk’
(vii) KIoo ‘mirror’
(viii) CHombo ‘vessel’
(ix) KIuno ‘waist’
(x) CHumba ‘room’
(xi) KItoto ‘baby’
(xii) KIJItu ‘dwarf’
(xiii) KIJoka ‘small snake’
(xv) KIzuri ‘beautiful’
(xvi) CHeupe ‘white’
(xvii) Kingine ‘other’
(xviii) CHororo ‘soft’
(xix) KIume ‘male’
(xx) KIle ‘that’
(xxi) CHa ‘of’
(xxii) KImevunjika
‘it is broken’
(xxiii) CHataka ‘it
wants’
(xxiv) uliKIvunja
‘you broke it’
115
7/8 (xiv) KIJItoto ‘very small
baby’
8/7
8/7
8/7
8/7
8/7
8/7
8/7
8/7
8/7
8/7
8/7
8/7
8/7
8/7
(i) VItu ‘things’
(ii) KIatu ‘shoes’
(iii) VYambo ‘baits’
(iv) VIembe ‘grains’
(v) VYeo ‘measures’
(vi) VIini ‘yolks’
(vii) VIoo ‘mirrors’
(viii) VYombo ‘vessels’
(ix) VIuno ‘waists’
(x) VYumba ‘rooms’
(xi) VItoto ‘infants’
(xii) VIJItu ‘dwarves’
(xiii) VIJoka ‘small
snakes’
(xiv) VIJItoto ‘very small
infants’
(xv) VIzuri ‘beautiful’
(xvi) VYeupe ‘white’
(xvii) Vingine ‘other’
(xviii) VYororo ‘soft’
(xix) VIume ‘male’
(xx) VIle ‘those’
(xxi) VYa ‘of’
(xxii) VImeanguka
‘they have fallen’
(xxiii) VYataka ‘they
want’
(xxiv) aliVIvunja
‘s/he broke them’
9/10
9/10
9/10
9/10
9/10/6
(i) Mbegu ‘seed’
(ii) NYumba ‘house’
(iii) Nchi ‘country’
(iv) kuku ‘chicken’
(v) pesa ‘pice’
(vi) Nzuri ‘beautiful’
(vii) NYeupe ‘white’
(viii) Mpya ‘new’
(ix) fupi ‘short’
(x) Ndefu ‘long’
(xi) Mbivu ‘jealous’
(xii) Dume ‘male’
(xiii) NJema ‘good’
(xiv) Ile ‘that’
(xv) Ya ‘of’
(xvi) Imevunjika ‘it is
broken’
(xvii) Yataka ‘it
wants’
(xviii) nimeIona ‘I
have seen it’
10/9
10/9
(i) Mbegu ‘seeds’
(ii) NYumba ‘houses’
(xii) Nzuri ‘beautiful’
(xiii) NYeupe ‘white’
(xx) ZIle ‘those’
(xxi) Za ‘of’
(xxi) ZImevunjika
‘they are broken’
116
10/9
10/9
10/9/6
10/11
6
10/11
10/11
10/11
10/11
(iii) Nchi ‘countries’
(iv) kuku ‘chickens’
(v) pesa ‘pice’
(vi) NYasi ‘grass’
(vii) maisha ‘lives’
(viii) kuta ‘walls’
(ix) NYembe ‘razors’
(x) Ndimi ‘tongues’
(xi) NYuso ‘faces’
(xiv) Mpya ‘new’
(xv) fupi ‘short’
(xvi) Ndefu ‘long’
(xvii) Mbivu ‘jealous’
(xviii) Dume ‘male’
(xix) NJema ‘good’
(xxii) Zataka ‘they
want’
(xxiii) nimeZIona ‘I
have seen them’
15 (i) KUimba ‘to sing’
(ii) KWenda ‘to go’
(iii) KUzuri ‘beautiful’
(iv) KWema ‘good’
(v) KUle ‘there’
(vi) KWa ‘of’
(vii) KUmekwisha ‘it
is finished’
(viii) KWataka ‘it
needs’
(ix) unaKUsikia ‘you
hear it’
16 (i) mahali ‘place
(ii) mlangoNI ‘at the door’
(iii) juu ya kioo ‘above the
mirror’
(iv) PAzuri ‘beautiful’
(v) Pema ‘good’
(vi) PAle ‘there’
(vii) Pa ‘of’
(viii) PAmekufa
‘there has died’
(ix) Pataka ‘there
needs
(x) siPAoni ‘I do not
see it’
17 (i) mjiNI ‘at the town’
(ii) nje ‘outside’
(iii) KUzuri ‘beautiful’
(iv) KWingine ‘other’
(v) KUle ‘there’
(vi) KWa ‘of’
(vii) KUmekufa
‘there has died’
(viii) KWataka ‘there
needs’
(ix) hutaKUona ‘you
will not see there’
18 (i) mwituNI ‘in the forest’ (iii) MUzuri ‘beautiful’ (v) Mle ‘there’ (vii) Mmelala ‘there
117
(ii) ndani ya shimo ‘in a pit’ (iv) MWingine ‘other’ (vi) MWa ‘of’ has slept’
1s (i) mimi ‘I’ (ii) NImeanguka ‘I
have fallen’
(iii) Nataka ‘I want’
(iv) uliNIona ‘you
saw me’
2s (i) wewe ‘you’ (ii) Umeanguka ‘you
have fallen’
(iii) Wataka ‘you
want’
(iv) niliKUona ‘I saw
you’
1p (i) sisi ‘we’ (ii) WAwili ‘two’ (iii) Sote ‘all of
us’
(iv) TUmeanguka
‘we have fallen’
(v) TWataka ‘we
want’
(vi) mliTUona ‘you
saw us’
2p (i) ninyi ‘you’ (ii) WAwili ‘two’ (iii) NYote ‘you
all’
(iv) Mlianguka ‘you
fell’
(v) MWataka ‘you
want’
(vi) niliWAona ‘I
saw you’
118
Notes on Appendix 1
1/2 (i) Mtu ‘person’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial noun stem (28).
1/2 (ii) MWana `child’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial noun stem (28).
1/2 (iii) MWashi `mason’ is a noun whose pattern is regular in the singular and irregular
in the plural (2/1 (iii)) (29).
1/2 (iv) mtume `apostle’ is a noun with 3/4 noun morphology which controls the 1/2
agreement set because it denotes an animate being. Its 3/4 prefix is not highlighted
because it is not connected to the noun’s control of this agreement set (89).
1/2 (v) bwana `master’ is a noun with 5/6 noun morphology which controls the 1/2
agreement set because it denotes an animate being. Its noun morphology belongs to the
Class 5 (i) category, which lacks a prefix (66). Some members of this category control
Class 9 agreement with possessive stems (bibi yangu `my madam’ (90)).
1/2 (vi) kipofu `blind person’ is a noun with 7/8 noun morphology which controls the 1/2
agreement set because it denotes an animate being. Its 7/8 prefix is not highlighted
because it is not connected to the noun’s control of this agreement set (89).
1/2 (vii) ndovu `elephant’ is a noun with 9/10 noun morphology which controls the 1/2
agreement set because it denotes an animate being. Its 9/10 prefix is not highlighted
because it is not connected to the noun’s control of this agreement set (89).
1/2 (viii) mama `mother’ is a noun without a noun prefix which controls the 1/2
agreement set because it denotes an animate being. Some members of this category
119
control Class 9 agreement with possessive stems (baba yangu `my father’, rafiki yangu
`my friend’ (90)).
1 (ix) Rosa `Rosa’ is a noun without a noun prefix which controls the 1 agreement set
because it refers to an animate being.
1/2 (x) Mzuri `beautiful’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem
(47).
1/2 (xi) MWanana `gentle’ illustrates a unique pattern with an [a]-initial adjective stem
(48).
1/2 (xii) MWekundu `red’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [e]-initial adjective stem.
1/2 (xiii) MWingine `other’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [i]-initial adjective stem
(47).
1/2 (xiv) MWororo `mild’ illustrates the pattern with an [o]-initial adjective stem (48).
1/2 (xv) Mume `male’ illustrates a unique pattern with an [u]-initial adjective stem (48).
1/2 (xvi) YUle `that’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (42).
1/2 (xvii) Wa `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (55).
1/2 (xviii) Ameanguka `s/he has fallen’ illustrates the subject morpheme (28).
1/2 (xix) aliMpiga `s/he hit him/her’ illustrates the regular pattern when the object
morpheme precedes C (28).
1/2 (xx) aliMWona `s/he saw him/her’ illustrates the regular pattern when the object
morpheme precedes V (42).
2/1 (i) WAtu ‘people’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial noun stem (28).
2/1 (ii) Wana `children’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial noun stem (28).
120
2/1 (iii) WAashi `masons’ is a noun whose prefix retains its vowel before a V-initial stem
derived from a verb (29).
2/1 (iv) mitume `apostle’ is a noun with 4/3 noun morphology which controls the 2/1
agreement set because it denotes animate beings. Its 4/3 prefix is not highlighted because
it is not connected to the noun’s control of this agreement set (89).
2/1 (v) MAbwana `masters’ is a noun with 6/5 noun morphology which controls the 2/1
agreement set because it denotes animate beings. Its 6/5 prefix is not highlighted because
it is not connected to the noun’s control of this agreement set (66). Some members of this
category control Class 10 agreement with possessive stems (mabwana zetu `our masters
(90)).
2/1 (vi) vipofu `blind people’ is a noun with 8/7 noun morphology which controls the 2/1
agreement set because it denotes animate beings. Its 8/7 prefix is not highlighted because
it is not connected to the noun’s control of this agreement set (89).
2/1 (vii) ndovu `elephants’ is a noun with 10/9 noun morphology which controls the 2/1
agreement set because it denotes animate beings. Its 10/9 prefix is not highlighted
because it is not connected to the noun’s control of this agreement set (89). Some
members of this category control Class 10 agreement with possessive stems (ng ombe
zangu `my cattle’ (90)).
2/1 (viii) mama `mothers’ is a noun without a noun prefix which controls the 2/1
agreement set because it denotes animate beings. Some members of this category control
Class 10 agreement with possessive stems (baba zetu `our fathers’, rafiki zetu `our
friends’ (89, 90)).
121
2/1 (ix) WAzuri `beautiful’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem
(47).
2/1 (x) WAanana `gentle’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [a]-initial adjective stem
(48).
2/1 (xi) Wekundu `red’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [e]-initial adjective stem.
2/1 (xii) Wengine `other’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [i]-initial adjective stem
(47).
2/1 (xiii) WAororo `mild’ illustrates the pattern with an [o]-initial adjective stem (48).
2/1 (xiv) WAume `male’ illustrates a unique pattern with an [u]-initial adjective stem
(48).
2/1 (xv) WAle `those’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (28).
2/1 (xvi) Wa `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (55).
2/1 (xvii) WAmeanguka `they have fallen’ illustrates the subject morpheme (42).
2/1 (xviii) aliWApiga `s/he has beaten them’ illustrates the object morpheme (42).
3/4 (i) Mti ‘tree’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial noun stem (23).
3/4 (ii) MWaka ‘year’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial noun stem (22).
3/4 (iii) Moto ‘fire’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [o]-initial noun stem (23).
3/4 (iv) Mundu ‘cutlass’ illustrates the regular pattern with a [u]-initial noun stem (P10).
3/4 (v) MUhogo ‘cassava’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [h]-initial noun stem
(P10).
3/4 (vi) MUwa ‘sugarcane’ illustrates the regular pattern with a [w]-initial noun stem
(P10).
122
11/10 (vii) Ukuta `wall’ represents a set of nouns with C-initial stems controlling Class 3
agreements, which originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 11, whose plurals are in
Class 10 (105).
11/10 (viii) Ulimi `tongue’ is a noun with an [l]-initial stem which changes in the Class
10 plural (11/10 (x)) (106).
11/10 (ix) Wembe `razor’ represents a set of nouns with V-initial stems controlling Class
3 agreements, which originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 11, whose plurals are in
Class 10 (106).
11/10 (x) Uso `face’ originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 11 and now controls
Class 3 agreements. Its u prefix is retained in the plural (10/11 (xi)) with its monosyllabic
stem (106).
11/10 (xi) Unyasi `grass’ originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 11 and now
controls Class 3 agreements. It has a plural in Class 6 (6/11 (xiii)) (67, 298).
11/10 (xii) Ugomvi `quarrel’ has the u prefix of Bleek-Meinhof Class 11 and a plural in
Class 6 (6/11 (xii)) (67).
11 (xiii) Uji `porridge’ represents a set of nouns with C-initial stems controlling Class 3
agreements, which originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 11, with no plurals (105).
11 (xiv) Wali `cooked rice’ represents a set of nouns with V-initial stems controlling
Class 3 agreements, which originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 11, with no
plurals (105).
14 (xv) Uzuri `beauty’ represents a set of nouns with C-initial stems controlling Class 3
agreements, which originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 14, with no plurals (104).
123
14 (xvi) Wema `goodness’ represents a set of nouns with V-initial stems controlling Class
3 agreements, which originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 14, with no plurals
(104).
14 (xvii) Uombi `intercession’ originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 14 and now
controls Class 3 agreements. Its u prefix exceptionally does not dissimilate before a V-
initial stem (104).
14 (xviii) UWongo `falsehood’ originally belonged to Bleek-Meinhof Class 14 and now
controls Class 3 agreements. It has an exceptional uw prefix before a V-initial stem (104).
3/10/14/4 (xix) Mzuri `beautiful’ represents the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective
stem (46); the Class 14 remnant uzuri is also possible for former Class 14 nouns (108).
3/10/14/4 (xx) MWekundu `red’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [e]-initial adjective
stem.
3/10/14/4 (xxi) MWingine `other’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [i]-initial
adjective stem (47).
3/10/14/4 (xxii) MWororo `soft’ illustrates the pattern with an [o]-initial adjective stem
(48).
3/10/14/4 (xxiii) Ule `that’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem
(58).
3/10/14/4 (xxiv) Wa `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem
(55).
3/10/14/4 (xxv) Umeanguka `it has fallen’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C
(43).
124
3/10/14/4 (xxvi) Wataka `it wants’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-
initial tense morpheme (36).
3/10/14/4 (xxvi) aliUcheka `s/he cut it’ illustrates the object morpheme (43).
4/3 (i) MIti ‘trees’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial noun stem (23).
4/3 (ii) MIaka ‘years’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial noun stem (22).
4/3 (iii) MIoto ‘fires’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [o]-initial noun stem (23).
4/3 (iv) MIundu ‘cutlasses’ illustrates the regular pattern with a [u]-initial noun stem
(P10).
4/3 (v) MIhogo ‘cassava’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [h]-initial noun stem
(P10).
4/3 (vi) MIwa ‘sugarcane’ illustrates the regular pattern with a [w]-initial noun stem
(P10).
4/3 (vii) MIzuri `beautiful’ represents the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem
(46).
4/3 (viii) MYekundu `red’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem
(47).
4/3 (ix) Mingine `other’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [i]-initial adjective stem
(47).
4/3 (x) MYororo `soft’ illustrates the pattern with an [o]-initial adjective stem (48).
4/3 (xi) Ile `those’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (58).
4/3 (xii) Ya `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (55).
125
4/3 (xiii) Imeanguka `they have fallen’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C
(43).
4/3 (xiv) Yataka `they want’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial
tense morpheme (36).
4/3 (xv) aliIcheka `s/he cut it’ illustrates the object morpheme (43).
5/6 (i) tawi `branch’ illustrates the regular pattern in which no prefix is used with a
polysyllabic C-initial noun stem (64).
5/6 (ii) JIwe `stone’ illustrates the regular pattern with a monosyllabic noun stem (64).
5/6 (iii) Jino `tooth’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial noun stem (64).
5/6 (iv) onyo `warning’ illustrates a pattern in which no prefix is used with a V-initial
noun stem derived from a verb (64).
5/6 (v) JItu `giant’ illustrates the augmentative use of the Class 5 prefix ji with a
monosyllabic noun stem (296).
5/6 (vi) JIvuli `large shadow’ illustrates a rare augmentative use of the Class 5 prefix ji
with a disyllabic noun stem (297).
5/6 (vii) Joka `large snake’ illustrates the augmentative use of the Class 5 prefix ji with a
V-initial noun stem (297).
5/6 (viii) paka `large cat’ illustrates a pattern in which augmentative Class 5 is marked by
non-aspiration of the initial stop, unlike in the Class 9 equivalent of this noun (297).
5/6 (ix) buzi `large goat’ illustrates a pattern in which augmentative Class 5 is marked by
an implosive initial stop, unlike in the Class 9 equivalent of this noun (297).
126
5/6 (x) refu `long’ illustrates the regular pattern in which no prefix is used with a C-initial
adjective stem (68).
5/6 (xi) JIpya `new’ illustrates the regular pattern with a monosyllabic adjective stem
(68).
5/6 (xii) Jema `good’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem (68).
5/6 (xiii) Jingine `other’ has an alternative form Lingine (68).
5/6 (xiv) JIke `female’ is a regular singular with an irregular plural (6/5 (xix)) (68).
5/6 (xv) Dume `male’ has an irregular adjective prefix (68).
5/6 (xvi) LIle `that’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (69).
5/6 (xvii) La `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (69).
5/6 (xviii) LImevunjika `it is broken’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (65).
5/6 (xix) Lataka `it wants’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial tense
morpheme.
5/6 (xx) nimeLIona `I saw it’ illustrates the object morpheme (69).
6/5 (i) MAtawi `branches’ illustrates the regular pattern with a polysyllabic C-initial noun
stem (64).
6/5 (ii) MAwe `stones’ illustrates the regular pattern with a monosyllabic noun stem (64).
6/5 (iii) Meno `teeth’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial noun stem (64).
6/5 (iv) MAonyo `warnings’ illustrates a pattern with a V-initial noun stem derived from
a verb (64).
127
6/5 (v) MAJItu `giants’ illustrates the augmentative use of Class 6 with a monosyllabic
noun stem; note retention of the singular prefix ji in the plural; there is also an alternative
form MIJItu (296).
6/5 (vi) MAJIvuli `large shadows’ illustrates a rare augmentative use of Class in which
the singular prefix ji is retained with a C-initial disyllabic noun stem (297).
6/5 (vii) MAJoka `large snakes’ illustrates the augmentative use of Class 6 with a V-
initial noun stem; note retention of the singular prefix ji in the plural (297).
6/5 (viii) MApaka `large cats’ illustrates an augmentative use of Class 6 (297).
6/5 (ix) MAbuzi `large goats’ illustrates an augmentative use of Class 6 (297).
6/5 (x) MAji `water’ has no singular (67).
6/5 (xi) MApesa `small change’ is a Class 6 plural of pesa `pice’, a 9/10/6 (v) noun (67)
6/14 (xii) MAnyasi `grasses and weeds’ is a Class 6 plural of nyasi `grass’ a 10/11 (vi)
noun (Class 3 agreement set) (67).
6/14 (xiii) MAgomvi `quarrels’ is the Class 6 plural of a 11/6 (xii) noun (67).
6/10 (xiv) MAisha `life’ is pluralized in Class 10 when used as a count noun (67).
6/5 (xv) MArefu `long’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem (68).
6/5 (xvi) MApya `new’ illustrates the regular pattern with a monosyllabic adjective stem
(68).
6/5 (xvii) Mema `good’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem (68).
6/5 (xviii) Mengine `other’ is the plural of jingine and lingine (5/6 (xiii)) (68).
6/5 (xix) MAJIke `female’ irregularly retains the ji prefix in the plural (compare 6/5 (v)
and (vi)) (68).
128
5/6 (xx) MAume `male’ is the plural of dume (5/6 (xv)); there is also an irregular plural
MADume retaining the d prefix (68).
6/5 (xxi) YAle `those’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (69).
6/5 (xxii) Ya `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (69).
6/5 (xxiii) YAmeanguka `they have fallen’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C
(69).
6/5 (xxiv) Yataka `they want’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial
tense morpheme.
6/5 (xxv) nimeYAona `I have seen them’ illustrates the object morpheme (69).
7/8 (i) KItu `thing’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial noun stem (14).
7/8 (ii) KIazi `potato’ illustrates a pattern with an [a]-initial noun stem (14).
7/8 (iii) CHambo `bait’ illustrates another pattern with an [a]-initial noun stem (J48).
7/8 (iv) KIembe `grain’ illustrates a pattern with an [e]-initial noun stem (J189).
7/8 (v) CHeo `measure’ illustrates another pattern with an [e]-initial noun stem (J54).
7/8 (vi) KIini `yolk, kernel’ illustrates the pattern with an [i]-initial noun stem (14).
7/8 (vii) KIoo `mirror’ illustrates a pattern with an [o]-initial noun stem (14).
7/8 (viii) CHombo `vessel’ illustrates another pattern with an [o]-initial noun stem (14).
7/8 (ix) KIuno `waist’ illustrates a pattern with an [u]-initial noun stem (J212).
7/8 (x) CHumba `room’ illustrates another pattern with an [u]-initial noun stem (14).
7/8 (xi) KItoto `baby’ illustrates the diminutive use of Class 7 (295).
7/8 (xii) KIJItu `dwarf’ illustrates the diminutive use of Class 7 ki prefixed to Class 5 ji
used with a monosyllabic stem (295).
129
7/8 (xiii) KIJoka `small snake’ illustrates the diminutive use of Class 7 ki prefixed to
Class 5 ji used with a V-initial stem (295).
7/8 (xiv) KIJItoto `very small baby’ illustrates Class 7 ki and Class 5 ji used used
together as a double diminutive (296).
7/8 (xv) KIzuri `beautiful’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem
(46).
7/8 (xvi) CHeupe `white’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [e]-initial adjective stem
(47).
7/8 (xvii) Kingine `other’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [i]-initial adjective stem
(47).
7/8 (xviii) CHororo `soft’ illustrates the pattern with an [o]-initial adjective stem (48).
7/8 (xix) KIume `male’ illustrates the pattern with an [u]-initial adjective stem (48).
7/8 (xx) KIle `that’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (59).
7/8 (xxi) CHa `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (55).
7/8 (xxii) KImevunjika `it is broken’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (43).
7/8 (xxiii) CHataka `it wants’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial
tense morpheme (36).
7/8 (xxiv) uliKIvunja `you broke it’ illustrates the object morpheme.
8/7 (i) VItu `things’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial noun stem (14).
8/7 (ii) KIatu `shoes’ illustrates a pattern with an [a]-initial noun stem (14).
8/7 (iii) VYambo `baits’ illustrates another pattern with an [a]-initial noun stem (J48).
8/7 (iv) VIembe `grain’ illustrates a pattern with an [e]-initial noun stem (J189).
130
8/7 (v) VYeo `measures’ illustrates another pattern with an [e]-initial noun stem (J54).
8/7 (vi) VIini `yolks, kernels’ illustrates the pattern with an [i]-initial noun stem (14).
8/7 (vii) VIoo `mirror’ illustrates a pattern with an [o]-initial noun stem (14).
8/7 (viii) VYombo `vessel’ illustrates another pattern with an [o]-initial noun stem (14).
8/7 (ix) VIuno `waists’ illustrates a pattern with an [u]-initial noun stem (J212).
8/7 (x) VYumba `rooms’ illustrates another pattern with an [u]-initial noun stem (14).
8/7 (xi) VItoto `baby’ illustrates the diminutive use of Class 8 (295).
8/7 (xii) VIJItu `dwarfs’ illustrates the diminutive use of Class 8 vi prefixed to Class 5 ji
used with a monosyllabic stem (295).
8/7 (xiii) VIJoka `small snakes’ illustrates the diminutive use of Class 8 vi prefixed to
Class 5 ji used with a V-initial stem (295).
8/7 (xiv) VIJItoto `very small babies’ illustrates Class 8 vi and Class 5 ji used used
together as a double diminutive (296).
8/7 (xv) VIzuri `beautiful’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem
(46).
8/7 (xvi) VYeupe `white’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [e]-initial adjective stem
(47).
8/7 (xvii) Vingine `other’ illustrates the regular pattern with an [i]-initial adjective stem
(47).
8/7 (xviii) CHororo `soft’ illustrates the pattern with an [o]-initial adjective stem (48).
8/7 (xix) VIume `male’ illustrates the pattern with an [u]-initial adjective stem (48).
8/7 (xx) VIle `those’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (58).
8/7 (xxi) VYa `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (55).
131
8/7 (xxii) VImevunjika `they are broken’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C
(43).
8/7 (xxiii) VYataka `they want’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial
tense morpheme (36).
8/7 (xxiv) aliVIvunja `s/he broke them’ illustrates the object morpheme (43).
9/10 (i) Mbegu `seed’ illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 9 prefix is realized
as a homorganic nasal prefixed to polysyllabic [b, d, g, j, v, z]-initial noun stems (83).
9/10 (ii) NYumba `house’ illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 9 prefix is
realized as a palatal nasal prefixed to V-initial noun stems (83).
9/10 (iii) Nchi `country’ illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 9 prefix is
realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to all monosyllabic noun stems (83).
9/10 (iv) kuku `chicken’ illustrates the regular pattern in which there is no prefix with [f,
k, m, n, , p, s, t, t ]-initial noun polysyllabic stems; [k, p, t, t ] are aspirated (83).
9/10 (v) pesa `pice’ has plurals in Class 6/9 (xi) and Class 10/9/6 (v) (67, 84).
9/10 (vi) Nzuri `beautiful’ illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 9 prefix is
realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to polysyllabic [b, d, g, j, v, z]-initial adjective
stems (85).
9/10 (vii) NYeupe `white’ illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 9 prefix is
realized as a palatal nasal prefixed to V-initial adjective stems (85).
9/10 (viii) Mpya `new’ illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 9 prefix is
realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to all monosyllabic adjective stems (83).
132
9/10 (ix) fupi `short’ illustrates the regular pattern in which there is no prefix with [f, k,
m, n, , p, s, t, t ]-initial adjective polysyllabic stems; [k, p, t, t ] are aspirated (85).
9/10 (x) Ndefu `long’ illustrates the stem change with the [r]-initial adjective stem (85).
Perrott (1957), p. 16, cites another form mrefu, used only with nyoka `snake’.
9/10 (xi) Mbivu `jealous’ illustrates the pattern with a [w]-initial adjective stem (85).
9/10 (xii) Dume `male’ illustrates the unique pattern with a [u]-initial adjective stem (85).
9/10 (xiii) NJema `good’ illustrates an irregular prefix with this adjective stem (85).
9/10 (xiv) Ile `that’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (85).
9/10 (xv) Ya `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (85).
9/10 (xvi) Imevunjika `it is broken’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (86).
9/10 (xvii) Yataka `it wants’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial
tense morpheme (36).
9/10 (xviii) nimeIona `I have seen it’ illustrates the object morpheme (86).
10/9 (i) Mbegu `seeds’ illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 10 prefix is
realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to polysyllabic [b, d, g, j, v, z]-initial noun stems
(83).
10/9 (ii) NYumba `houses’ illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 10 prefix is
realized as a palatal nasal prefixed to V-initial noun stems (83).
10/9 (iii) Nchi `countries’ illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 10 prefix is
realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to all monosyllabic noun stems (83).
10/9 (iv) kuku `chickens’ illustrates the regular pattern in which there is no prefix with [f,
k, m, n, , p, s, t, t ]-initial noun polysyllabic stems; [k, p, t, t ] are aspirated (83).
133
10/9 (v) pesa `pice’ has plurals in Class 6/9 (xi) and Class 10/9/6 (v) (67, 84).
10/6/11 (vi) NYasi `grass’ also has a plural in Class 6/11/10 (xiii) (67, 298).
10/6 (vii) MAisha `lives’ is pluralized in Class 10 when used as a count noun (67).
10/11 (viii) kuta `walls’ represents a set of nouns with C-initial stems whose singulars
(11/10 (vii)) originally belonged to Class 11 and now control Class 3 agreements; stem-
initial [t] and [k] are aspirated (105).
10/11 (ix) Ndimi `tongues’ is a noun whose [l]-initial stem changes in Class 10 (106).
10/11 (x) NYembe `razors’ represents a set of nouns with V-initial stems whose singulars
(11/10 (ix)) originally belonged to Class 11 and now control Class 3 agreements (106).
10/11 (xi) NYuso `faces’ represents a set of nouns with monosyllabic stems whose
singulars (11/10 (x)) originally belonged to Class 11 and now control Class 3 agreements.
Its u prefix is retained in the plural with its monosyllabic stem (106).
10/9 (xii) Nzuri `beautiful’ illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 10 prefix is
realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to polysyllabic [b, d, g, j, v, z]-initial adjective
stems (85).
10/9 (xiii) NYeupe `white’ illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 10 prefix is
realized as a palatal nasal prefixed to V-initial adjective stems (85).
10/9 (xiv) Mpya `new’ illustrates the regular pattern in which the Class 10 prefix is
realized as a homorganic nasal prefixed to all monosyllabic adjective stems (83).
10/9 (xv) fupi `short’ illustrates the regular pattern in which there is no prefix with [f, k,
m, n, , p, s, t, t ]-initial adjective polysyllabic stems; [k, p, t, t ] are aspirated (85).
10/9 (xvi) Ndefu `long’ illustrates the stem change with the [r]-initial adjective stem (85).
Perrott (1957), p. 16, cites another form mrefu, used only with nyoka `snake’.
134
10/9 (xvii) Mbivu `jealous’ illustrates the pattern with a [w]-initial adjective stem (85).
10/9 (xviii) Dume `male’ illustrates the unique pattern with a [u]-initial adjective stem
(85).
10/9 (xix) NJema `good’ illustrates an irregular prefix with this adjective stem (85).
10/9 (xx) ZIle `those’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (85).
10/9 (xxi) Za `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (85).
10/9 (xxii) ZImevunjika `they are broken’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C
(86).
10/9 (xxiii) Zataka `they want’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-initial
tense morpheme (36).
10/9 (xxiv) nimeZIona `I have seen them’ illustrates the object morpheme (86).
15 (i) KUimba `to sing’ illustrates the regular pattern with C-initial verb stems (123).
15 (ii) KWenda `to go’ illustrates the regular pattern with V-initial verb stems (123).
15 (iii) KUzuri `beautiful’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem
(123).
15 (iv) KWema `good’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem (123).
15 (v) KUle `there’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (124).
15 (vi) KWa `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (124).
15 (vii) KUmekwisha `it is finished’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (123).
15 (viii) KWataka `it needs’ illustrates illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the V-
initial tense morpheme (123).
15 (ix) unaKUsikia `you hear it’ illustrates the object morpheme (124).
135
16 (i) mlangoNI `at the door’ illustrates the pattern in which the locative suffix ni creates
a noun (which functions adverbially) controlling locative class 16, 17, 18 agreements
(160).
16 (ii) juu ya kioo `above the mirror’ represents the category of nouns (which function
adverbially) controlling locative class 16, 17, 18 agreements (128).
16 (iii) mahali `place’ is the only noun in this category (125).
16 (iv) PAzuri `beautiful’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem
(125).
16 (v) Pema `good’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem (125).
16 (vi) PAle `there’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (127,
159).
16 (vii) Pa `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (P24).
16 (viii) PAmekufa `there has died’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (128).
16 (vix) Pataka `there needs’ illustrates illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the
V-initial tense morpheme (125).
16 (x) siPAoni `I do not see it’ illustrates the object morpheme (125).
17 (i) mjiNI `at the town’ illustrates the pattern in which the locative suffix ni creates a
noun (which functions adverbially) controlling locative class 16, 17, 18 agreements
(130).
17 (ii) nje `above the mirror’ represents the category of nouns (which function
adverbially) controlling locative class 16, 17, 18 agreements (128).
136
17 (iii) KUzuri `beautiful’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem
(130).
17 (iv) KWingine `other’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem
(160).
17 (v) KUle `there’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (159).
17 (vi) KWa `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (P24).
17 (vii) KUmekufa `there has died’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C (128).
17 (viii) KWataka `there needs’ illustrates illustrates the subject morpheme preceding the
V-initial tense morpheme (125).
17 (ix) hutaKUona `you will not see there’ illustrates the object morpheme (160).
18 (i) mwituNI `in the forest’ illustrates the pattern in which the locative suffix ni creates
a noun (which functions adverbially) controlling locative class 16, 17, 18 agreements
(127).
18 (ii) ndani ya shimo `in a pit’ represents the category of nouns (which function
adverbially) controlling locative class 16, 17, 18 agreements (163).
18 (iii) MUzuri `beautiful’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial adjective stem
(HM 236).
18 (iv) MWingine `other’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial adjective stem
(159).
18 (v) Mle `there’ illustrates the regular pattern with a C-initial pronominal stem (J 290).
18 (vi) MWa `of’ illustrates the regular pattern with a V-initial pronominal stem (P25).
18 (vii) Mmelala `there has slept’ illustrates the subject morpheme preceding C.
137
1s (i) mimi `I’ is the 1st person singular personal pronoun (42).
1s (ii) NImeanguka `I have fallen’ illustrates the subject morpheme before C (42).
1s (iii) Nataka `I want’ illustrates the subject morpheme before the V-initial tense
morpheme (36).
1s (iv) uliNIona `you saw me’ illustrates the object morpheme (42).
2s (i) wewe `you’ is the 2nd person singular personal pronoun (42).
2s (ii) Umeanguka `you have fallen’ illustrates the subject morpheme before C (42).
2s (iii) Wataka `you want’ illustrates the subject morpheme before the V-initial tense
morpheme (42).
2s (iv) niliKUona `I saw you’ illustrates the object morpheme (42).
1p (i) sisi `we’ is the 1st person plural personal pronoun (42).
1p (ii) WAwili `two’ represents the Class 2 forms used when the personal pronoun is
construed with an adjective (62).
1p (iii) Sote `all of us’ is the unique inflecting of this pronominal stem for a personal
class (62).
1p (iv) TUmeanguka `we have fallen’ illustrates the subject morpheme before C (42).
1p (v) TWataka `we want’ illustrates the subject morpheme before the V-initial tense
morpheme (36).
1p (vi) mliTUona `you saw us’ illustrates the object morpheme (42).
138
2p (i) ninyi `you’ is the 2nd person plural personal pronoun (42).
2p (ii) WAwili `two’ represents the Class 2 forms used when the personal pronoun is
construed with an adjective (62).
2p (iii) NYote `you all’ is the unique inflecting of this pronominal stem for a personal
class (62).
2p (iv) Mlianguka `you fell’ illustrates the subject morpheme before C (42).
2p (v) MWataka `you want’ illustrates the subject morpheme before the V-initial tense
morpheme (36).
2p (vi) niliWAona `I saw you’ illustrates the object morpheme (42).
139
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