Utopia Reborn

Click here to load reader

  • date post

  • Category


  • view

  • download


Embed Size (px)



Transcript of Utopia Reborn

  • 1 UTOPIA REBORN?Introduction to the Study of the New Latin American LeftCsar Rodrguez-Garavito, Patrick Barrettand Daniel Chavez

    At the beginning of the 1990s, the Mexican political scientist JorgeCastaeda (1993:3) opened his well-known book on the Latin Americanleft with this unequivocal judgement:

    The Cold War is over and Communism and the socialist blochave collapsed. The United States and capitalism have won, andin few areas of the globe is that victory so clear-cut, sweet, andspectacular as in Latin America. Democracy, free-marketeconomics, and pro-American outpourings of sentiment andpolicy dot the landscape of a region where until recentlyleftright confrontation and the potential for social revolutionand progressive reform were widespread. Today conservative,pro-business, often democratically elected and pro-US tech-nocrats hold office around the hemisphere. The United Statesspent nearly 30 years combating nationalist Marxist revolution-aries where the left was active, influential, and sometimes incontrol, and where it is now on the run or on the ropes.

    Viewed a decade and a half later, it is striking that Castaedas declarationof the end of a historical cycle for the left was as correct as his diagnosisand future predictions were mistaken. We now know that, in effect, the endof really existing socialism marked the end of an era for the Latin Ameri-can left, one which was defined by the milestones of the Cuban revolutionin January 1959, the Popular Unity government of Salvador Allende inChile (197073), the victory of the Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua in

    [ 1 ]

    Barrett 01 Chap01.qxd 31/07/2008 10:55 Page 1

  • 1979 and Daniel Ortegas electoral defeat in 1990 (Sader, 2001). Despitethe survival of the Cuban revolution and the Colombian guerrilla move-ment into the new millennium, since the fall of the Sandinistas and thedemobilisation of the Guatemalan and Salvadorian guerrillas, the domi-nant tendency on the Latin American left turned from armed revolution toreform through elections and popular protest.

    In this way, beginning with the Zapatista uprising of January 1994,events quickly invalidated the premature diagnosis of the triumph of neo-liberalism, liberal democracy and the close alignment of Latin Americawith the United States, as well as the prognosis of a left on the defensive,limited to exploring familiar variations on the market economy and repre-sentative democracy. As the chapters in this book abundantly illustrate, theregion is witnessing the multiplication and consolidation of leftist move-ments, parties, and local and national governments that question every oneof the elements of this diagnosis. Today, parties and political figures repre-senting self-styled leftist or progressive tendencies govern in Argentina,Bolivia, Brazil, Cuba, Chile, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Uruguay and Venezuela,as well as many of the most important cities in the region, from Bogotand Mexico City to Montevideo, Caracas, Rosario, San Salvador and BeloHorizonte. At the same time, diverse social movements of the left havebecome fundamental political forces in different countries, as demon-strated, among other examples, by the decisive influence of indigenousmovements in Bolivia, Ecuador and Mexico, the mobilisation of Brazilianlandless rural workers, and the activism of unemployed workers andpiqueteros in Argentina.

    Similarly, the new forms of social mobilisation and the proposals andexperiments offered by contemporary progressive governments go beyondthe narrow confines of classic modifications of the market economy andrepresentative democracy. An example is the system of participatorybudgeting introduced by the Partido de los Trabajadores (Workers Party,PT) government in Porto Alegre in 1990, which combines an innovativeredistribution policy with a radicalisation of democracy through directcitizen participation. This has been reproduced, to varying degrees andwith various nuances, by many other leftist municipal administrations (seeGoldfrank, 2006).

    In this way, the programmes offered by the new left go beyond thespecific issues of economic equality and democracy. As numerousanalysts have shown, a good part of what is original about the new LatinAmerican left can be found in the way these traditional concerns havebeen expanded to include many different agendas related to ethnicity,


    [ 2 ]

    Barrett 01 Chap01.qxd 31/07/2008 10:55 Page 2

  • gender, race and other sources of inequality (see Lechner, 1988; Dagnino,1998; Sader, 2001 and 2002; Wallerstein, 2003; Santos, 2005). To citeonly the most obvious example, the demand for the rights to culturaldifference and self-determination has become a central part of the leftsagenda as a result of the mobilisation of indigenous peoples in Ecuador,Bolivia and Mexico over the past two decades.

    This book offers a systematic and explicitly comparative analysis ofthe origins, characteristics, dilemmas and possible future trajectories ofthe various manifestations of the new Latin American left. Towards thatend, and in accordance with the methodology and the process of discus-sions and meetings described in the preface, each of the seven case studiesrefers to a common set of themes, based on a detailed analysis of the mostrelevant leftist or progressive parties, movements or governments inthe country in question. The central objective of this introductory chapteris therefore to present the general themes that structure the empiricalanalysis contained in the case studies, emphasising the connections, simi-larities and differences between them. In this way, in the pages that follow,we seek to offer an overall view of the forest of the Latin American leftthat complements the detailed examination of the trees (the movements,parties and governments) presented in the empirical chapters. Thiscomparative and general overview makes it possible not only to offer amore precise definition of what is new and what is left, but also toemphasise the central issues, actors and dilemmas involved.

    Although this book is the first attempt at a comprehensive analysis ofthis phenomenon, in recent years an extremely interesting and copiousbody of literature has emerged that includes incisive debates aimed atrenovating the theory and political strategy of the Latin American andinternational left.1 In view of this, an additional aim of this introductorychapter is to situate the central themes and case studies presented in thebook within that growing body of literature and those burgeoning regionaland international debates. In Chapters 9 and 10, Atilio Boron and Boaven-tura de Sousa Santos present general commentaries that point towards thatsame objective.

    In order to gain a full understanding of the nature of this book, it isworth clarifying what it is not. First, the book does not aim to be a conclu-sive and definitive evaluation of new left formations. As several of theauthors emphasise, it might be too early to know with any certainty thecontours, limitations or likely future outcomes of left forces whose risedates barely to the last few years, or in some cases months. Nevertheless,this does not imply that it is not possible to trace their antecedents and


    [ 3 ]

    Barrett 01 Chap01.qxd 31/07/2008 10:55 Page 3

  • historical roots; examine their composition, possibilities, limitations anddilemmas; establish the connections among different segments of the leftwithin each country, and between them and others in the region and theworld; and identify the factors that may determine their future. These arethe central tasks of this volume, to contribute to the emerging academicand political discussion about the new left. In this sense, the text leaves thequestion regarding the future trajectory of the new left unanswered hence the question mark following the possibility of a utopia reborn inthe title of this introductory chapter.

    Second, the book does not present a unified and comprehensivetheoretical synthesis or proposal regarding the new left. This is notonly because of the nature of the project of open and pluralisticdialogue that gave rise to the book, but also because of the very natureof the new left itself. As political theorists who have examined thetopic in the region have emphasised (Dagnino, 1998; Holloway, 2001,2004), and as Bartra, Schuster, Santos and Boron argue convincinglyin this volume, the variety of actors and issues that comprise thecontemporary Latin American left does not fit easily within the domi-nant unitary leftist theories of previous decades, based on an orthodoxreading of Marxism, or more precisely, of Marxism-Leninism. Thisdoes not mean that, in addition to conducting careful empirical casestudies, the authors do not engage in theoretical analysis based on whatthey observe in their countries and the region as a whole. Several ofthe case studies are, in fact, original and incisive contributions to thetheoretical debates about the left, and the final chapters by Boron andSantos were written with this specific end in mind. Nevertheless,neither this introduction, nor any of the contributions, is searching fora definitive theoretical synthesis.

    Finally, in keeping with the above, the book is not a prescriptiveor strategic manual on the left, of the sort that proliferated in pastdecades in the academic literature on the topic, and to which someanalysts continue to dedicate their efforts even today (see for examplePetras, 1999; Petras and Veltmeyer, 2006). This does not mean that itdoes not draw general conclusions about the political actors and strate-gies of the new left forces in the region. The methodology used toreach these conclusions, however, is more inductive than deductive;that is, it is based on a meticulous empirical examination and a rigor-ous analysis of the experiences of eac