US Strategic Nuclear Forces_Background,Developments and Issues

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    Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress

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    During the Cold War, the U.S. nuclear arsenal contained many types of delivery vehicles fornuclear weapons. The longer range systems, which included long-range missiles based on U.S.

    territory, long-range missiles based on submarines, and heavy bombers that could threaten Soviettargets from their bases in the United States, are known as strategic nuclear delivery vehicles. Atthe end of the Cold War, in 1991, the United States deployed more than 10,000 warheads on thesedelivery vehicles. That number has declined to less than 6,000 warheads today, and is slated,under the 2002 Moscow Treaty, to decline to 2,200 warheads by the year 2012.

    At the present time, the U.S. land-based ballistic missile force (ICBMs) consists of 450Minuteman III ICBMs, each deployed with between one and three warheads, for a total of 1,200warheads. The Air Force recently deactivated all 50 of the 10-warhead Peacekeeper ICBMs; itplans to eventually deploy Peacekeeper warheads on some of the Minuteman ICBMs. It has alsodeactivated 50 Minuteman III missiles. The Air Force is also modernizing the Minutemanmissiles, replacing and upgrading their rocket motors, guidance systems, and other components.

    The Air Force had expected to begin replacing the Minuteman missiles around 2018, but hasdecided, instead, to continue to modernize and maintain the existing missiles.

    The U.S. ballistic missile submarine fleet currently consists of 14 Trident submarines; eachcarries 24 Trident II (D-5) missiles. The Navy has converted 4 of the original 18 Tridentsubmarines to carry non-nuclear cruise missiles. The remaining submarines currently carryaround 2,000 warheads in total, a number that will likely decline as the United States implementsthe Moscow Treaty. The Navy has shifted the basing of the submarines, so that nine are deployedin the Pacific Ocean and five are in the Atlantic, to better cover targets in and around Asia. It alsohas undertaken efforts to extend the life of the missiles and warheads so that they and thesubmarines can remain in the fleet past 2020.

    The U.S. fleet of heavy bombers currently includes 20 B-2 bombers and 94 B-52 bombers. TheB-1 bomber no longer is equipped for nuclear missions. The 2006 QDR recommended that theAir Force reduce the B-52 fleet to 56 aircraft; Congress rejected that recommendation, but willallow the fleet to decline to 76 aircraft. The Air Force has also begun to retire the nuclear-armedcruise missiles carried by B-52 bombers, leaving only about half the B-52 fleet equipped to carrynuclear weapons.

    Congress has reviewed the Bush Administrations plans for U.S. strategic nuclear forces duringthe annual authorization and appropriations process. It has reviewed a number of questions aboutthe future size of that force. For example, some have questioned why the United States mustretain 2,200 strategic nuclear warheads. Congress may also question the Administrations plansfor reductions in the Minuteman force and B-52 fleet. This report will be updated as needed.

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    Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1

    Background: The Strategic Triad..................................................................................................... 2

    Force Structure and Size During the Cold War ......................................................................... 2Force Structure and Size After the Cold War ............................................................................ 4Future Force Structure and Size ................................................................................................ 6

    Strategic Nuclear Delivery Vehicles: Ongoing Plans and Programs ............................................... 8

    Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs) ............................................................................. 8Peacekeeper (MX) .............................................................................................................. 8Minuteman III ..................................................................................................................... 9Minuteman Modernization Programs ................................................................................11Future Programs................................................................................................................ 13

    Submarine Launched Ballistic Missiles .................................................................................. 13The SSGN Program .......................................................................................................... 14The Backfit Program......................................................................................................... 15Basing Changes................................................................................................................. 15Warhead Issues.................................................................................................................. 16Modernization Plans and Programs .................................................................................. 16Future Programs................................................................................................................ 18

    Bombers .................................................................................................................................. 19B-1 Bomber....................................................................................................................... 19B-2 Bomber....................................................................................................................... 19B-52 Bomber..................................................................................................................... 19Future Bomber Plans......................................................................................................... 22

    Issues for Congress........................................................................................................................ 23

    Force Size................................................................................................................................ 23

    Force Structure........................................................................................................................ 25Safety, Security, and Management Issues ............................................................................... 26

    Figure 1. U.S. Strategic Nuclear Weapons: 1960-1990................................................................... 3

    Figure 2. U.S. Strategic Nuclear Forces: 1990-2008....................................................................... 5

    Table 1. U.S. Strategic Nuclear Forces Under START I and START II .......................................... 6

    Table 2. U.S. Strategic Nuclear Forces 2006 and Illustrative Strategic Nuclear ForcesUnder the Moscow Treaty............................................................................................................ 8

    Author Contact Information .......................................................................................................... 27

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    During the Cold War, the U.S. nuclear arsenal contained many types of delivery vehicles fornuclear weapons, including short-range missiles and artillery for use on the battlefield, medium-

    range missiles and aircraft that could strike targets beyond the theater of battle, short- andmedium-range systems based on surface ships, long-range missiles based on U.S. territory andsubmarines, and heavy bombers that could threaten Soviet targets from their bases in the UnitedStates. The short- and medium-range systems are considered non-strategic nuclear weapons andhave been referred to as battlefield, tactical, and theater nuclear weapons.1The long-rangemissiles and heavy bombers are known as strategic nuclear delivery vehicles.

    In 1990, as the Cold War was drawing to a close and the Soviet Union was entering its final year,the United States had more than 12,000 nuclear warheads deployed on 1,875 strategic nucleardelivery vehicles.2As of July 1, 2008, according to the counting rules in the Strategic ArmsReduction Treaty (START), the United States had reduced to 5,951 nuclear warheads on 1,214strategic nuclear delivery vehicles.3According to the State Department, the United States had

    reduced its number of operationally deployed warheads, a number that excludes many warheadsthat count under START, to 2,871 by the end of December 2007. 4Under the terms of the 2002Strategic Offensive Reduction Treaty (known as the Moscow Treaty) between the United Statesand Russia, this number is to decline to no more than 2,200 operationally deployed strategicnuclear warheads by the end of 2012.5

    Although these numbers do not count the same categories of nuclear weapons, they indicate thatthe number of deployed warheads on U.S. strategic nuclear forces will decline significantly in thetwo decades following the end of the Cold War. Yet, nuclear weapons continue to play a key rolein U.S. national security strategy, and the United States does not, at this time, plan to eithereliminate its nuclear weapons or abandon the strategy of nuclear deterrence that has served as acore concept in U.S. national security strategy for more than 50 years.6During the 2008 electioncampaign, then candidate Obama stated that he supported the goal of working to eliminate all

    1For a detailed review of U.S. nonstrategic nuclear weapons see, CRS Report RL32572,Nonstrategic NuclearWeapons, by Amy F. Woolf.2Natural Resources Defense Council. Table of U.S. Strategic Offensive Force Loadings. Archive of Nuclear Data.http://www.nrdc.org/nuclear/nudb/datab1.asp The same source indicates that the Soviet Union, in 1990, had just over11,000 warheads on 2,332 strategic nuclear delivery vehicles.3Russia, by the same accounting, had 4,138 warheads on 839 delivery vehicles. See U.S. Department of State, Bureauof Verification, Compliance and Inspection. Fact Sheet. START Aggregate Numbers of Strategic Offensive Weapons.April 1, 2007. Washington, DC.4The State Department did not provide an unclassified estimate for Russias current force of operationally deployed

    warheads. See, U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Inspection. 2008 Annual Report onImplementation of the Moscow Treaty. May 13, 2008. p. 2.5The START Treaty counts more than just operationally deployed warheads, as its data base includes warheads thatwould count on retired missiles until the launchers for those missiles are destroyed. The United States has maintainedsome ICBM and SLBM launchers after retiring the missiles, so the warheads attributed to these launchers still count.6The Bush Administration emphasized this point in early 2002, when presenting the results of the 2001 NuclearPosture Review (NPR). Douglas Feith, the Undersecretary of Defense for Policy, stated that nuclear weapons continueto be essential to our security, and that of our friends and allies. See U.S. Senate. Committee on Armed Services.Statement of the Honorable Douglas J. Feith, Undersecretary of Defense For Policy. February 14, 2002.

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    nuclear weapons, but he also stated that America will not disarm unilaterally, and that as longas nuclear weapons exist, I will retain a strong, safe, secure, and reliable nuclear deterrent.... 7

    The Bush Administration, after completing the 2002 Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) indicatedthat the United States would reduce its forces to 2,200 operationally deployed warheads, the

    number and concept codified in the Moscow Treaty, but it did not identify the specificcombination of delivery vehicles or warhead loadings that the United States would maintain toreach the specified number. Subsequent Pentagon studies, including the Strategic CapabilitiesAssessment in 2005 and the 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR), offered further guidanceon strategic nuclear force structure. As the United States reduces its deployed forces to meet themandates of the Moscow Treaty, it is likely also to pursue programs that will allow it tomodernize and adjust its strategic forces so that they remain capable in the years that follow. Anumber of factors could influence decisions about these programs, including budget, political,and strategic considerations, along with standard capabilities assessments.

    This report reviews the ongoing programs that will affect the expected size and shape of the U.S.strategic nuclear force structure. It begins with an overview of this force structure during the Cold

    War, and summarizes the reductions and changes that have occurred since 1991. It then offersdetails about each category of delivery vehicleland-based intercontinental ballistic missiles(ICBMs), submarine launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) and heavy bombersfocusing on theircurrent deployments and ongoing and planned modernization programs. The report concludeswith a discussion of issues related to decisions about the future size and shape of the U.S.strategic nuclear force.

    Since the early 1960s the United States has maintained a triad of strategic nuclear deliveryvehicles,8The United States first developed these three types of nuclear delivery vehicles, in largepart, because each of the military services wanted to play a role in the U.S. nuclear arsenal.However, during the 1960s and 1970s, analysts developed a more reasoned rationale for thenuclear triad. They argued that these different basing modes had complementary strengths andweaknesses. They would enhance deterrence and discourage a Soviet first strike because theycomplicated Soviet attack planning and ensured the survivability of a significant portion of theU.S. force in the event of a Soviet first strike.9The different characteristics might also strengthen

    7Arms Control Today 2008 Presidential Q&A: Democratic Candidate Barack Obama,Arms Control Today,September 24, 20008.

    8When announcing the results of the Nuclear Posture Review in 2002, the Bush Administration identified a newtriad of weapons systems and capabilities. This conceptual framework differs from the old triad in that it outlineshow a broad set of capabilities that contribute to U.S. security, as opposed to the old triad, which described a mix ofspecific weapons systems. In the new triad, nuclear weapons and precision-guided conventional weapons combine asoffensive strike forces. Missile defenses represent the second leg of the triad, and a responsive infrastructure servesthe third leg. For more details see CRS Report RL31623, U.S. Nuclear Weapons: Changes in Policy and ForceStructure, by Amy F. Woolf.9U.S. Department of Defense.Annual Report to Congress, Fiscal Year 1989, by Frank Carlucci, Secretary of Defense.February 18, 1988. Washington, 1988. p. 54.

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    the credibility of U.S. targeting strategy. For example, ICBMs eventually had the accuracy andprompt responsiveness needed to attack hardened targets such as Soviet command posts andICBM silos, SLBMs had the survivability needed to complicate Soviet efforts to launch adisarming first strike and to retaliate if such an attack were attempted,10and heavy bombers couldbe dispersed quickly and launched to enhance their survivability, and they could be recalled to

    their bases if a crisis did not escalate into conflict.

    According to unclassified estimates, the number of delivery vehicles (ICBMs, SLBMs, andnuclear-capable bombers) in the U.S. force structure grew steadily through the mid-1960s, withthe greatest number of delivery vehicles, 2,268, deployed in 1967.11The number then heldrelatively steady through 1990, at between 1,875 and 2,200 ICBMs, SLBMs, and heavy bombers.The number of warheads carried on these delivery vehicles increased sharply through 1975, then,after a brief pause, again rose sharply in the early 1980s, peaking at around 13,600 warheads in1987. Figure 1displays the increases in delivery vehicles and warheads between 1960, when theUnited States first began to deploy ICBMs, and 1990, the year before the United States andSoviet Union signed the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START).

    F i g u r e 1 . U . S . S t r a t e g i c N u c l e a r W e a p o n s : 1 9 6 0 - 1 9 9 0

    0

    2000

    4000

    6000

    8000

    10000

    12000

    14000

    16000

    60 62 64 66 68 70 72 74 76 78 80 82 84 86 88 90

    Year

    Number

    Launchers Warheads

    S o u r c e :

    N a t u r a l R e s o u r c e s D e f e n s e C o u n c i l , A r c h i v e o f N u c l e a r D a t a .

    The sharp increase in warheads in the early 1970s reflects the deployment of ICBMs and SLBMswith multiple warheads, known as MIRVs (multiple independent reentry vehicles). In particular,the United States began to deploy the Minuteman III ICBM, with 3 warheads on each missile, in

    1970, and the Poseidon SLBM, which could carry 10 warheads on each missile, in 1971.12The

    10In the early 1990s, SLBMs also acquired the accuracy needed to attack many hardened sites in the former SovietUnion.11Natural Resources Defense Council. Table of U.S. Strategic Offensive Force Loadings. Archive of Nuclear Data.http://www.nrdc.org/nuclear/nudb/datab1.asp12GlobalSecurity.org LGM Minuteman III History and Poseidon C-3 History. http://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/systems/lgm-30_3-hist.htm and [http://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/systems/c-3.htm]

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    increase in warheads in the mid-1980s reflects the deployment of the Peacekeeper (MX) ICBM,which carried 10 warheads on each missile.

    In 1990, before it concluded the START Treaty, the United States deployed a total of around12,304 warheads on its ICBMs, SLBMs, and heavy bombers. The ICBM force consisted of

    single-warhead Minuteman II missiles, 3-warhead Minuteman III missiles, and 10-warheadPeacekeeper (MX) missiles, for a total force of 2,450 warheads on 1,000 missiles. The submarineforce included Poseidon submarines with Poseidon C-3 and Trident I (C-4) missiles, and thenewer Trident submarines with Trident I, and some Trident II (D-5) missiles. The total forceconsisted of 5,216 warheads on around 600 missiles.13The bomber force centered on 94 B-52Hbombers and 96 B-1 bombers, along with many of the older B-52G bombers and 2 of the brandnew (at the time) B-2 bombers. This force of 260 bombers could carry over 4,648 weapons.

    During the 1990s, the United States reduced the numbers and types of weapons in its strategicnuclear arsenal, both as a part of its modernization process and in response to the limits in the1991 START Treaty. The United States continued to maintain a triad of strategic nuclear forces,however, with warheads deployed on ICBMs, SLBMs, and bombers. According to theDepartment of Defense, this mix of forces not only offered the United States a range ofcapabilities and flexibility in nuclear planning and complicated an adversarys attack planning,but also hedged against unexpected problems in any single delivery system. This latter issuebecame more of a concern in this time period, as the United States retired many of the differenttypes of warheads and missiles that it had deployed over the years, reducing the redundancy in itsforce.

    The 1991 START Treaty limited the United States to a maximum of 6,000 total warheads, and4,900 warheads on ballistic missiles, deployed on up to 1,600 strategic offensive deliveryvehicles. However, the Treaty did not count the actual number of warheads deployed on each type

    of ballistic missile or bomber. Instead, it used counting rules to determine how many warheadswould count against the Treatys limits. For ICBMs and SLBMs, this number usually equaled theactual number of warheads deployed on the missile. Bombers, however, used a different system.Bombers that were not equipped to carry air-launched cruise missiles (the B-1 and B-2 bombers)counted as one warhead; bombers equipped to carry air-launched cruise missiles (B-52 bombers)could carry 20 missiles, but would only count as 10 warheads against the Treaty limits. Theserules have led to differing estimates of then numbers of warheads on U.S. strategic nuclear forcesduring the 1990s; some estimates count only those warheads that count against the Treaty whileothers count all the warheads that could be carried by the deployed delivery systems.

    13The older Poseidon submarines were in the process of being retired, and the number of missiles and warheads in thesubmarine fleet dropped quickly in the early 1990s, to around 2,688 warheads on 336 missiles by 1993. See NaturalResources Defense Council. Table of U.S. Strategic Offensive Force Loadings. Archive of Nuclear Data.http://www.nrdc.org/nuclear/nudb/datab1.asp

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    F i g u r e 2 . U . S . S t r a t e g i c N u c l e a r F o r c e s : 1 9 9 0 - 2 0 0 8

    0

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    90 92 94 96 98

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    2002

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    Year

    Number

    Launchers W arheads

    S o u r c e :

    N a t u r a l R e s o u r c e s D e f e n s e C o u n c i l , A r c h i v e o f N u c l e a r D a t a .

    According to the data from the Natural Resources Defense Council, the United States reduced itsnuclear weapons from 9,300 warheads on 1,239 delivery vehicles in 1991 to 6,196 warheads on1,064 delivery vehicles when it completed the implementation of START in 2001. By 2008, theUnited States had reduced its forces to approximately 3,500 warheads on around 900 deliveryvehicles. These numbers appear in Figure 2.During the 1990s, the United States continued to add toits Trident fleet, reaching a total of 18 submarines. It retired all of its remaining Poseidon submarinesand all of the single-warhead Minuteman II missiles. It continued to deploy B-2 bombers, reaching atotal of 21, and removed some of the older B-52G bombers from the nuclear fleet. Consequently, in

    2001, its warheads were deployed on 18 Trident submarines with 24 missiles on each submarine and6 or 8 warheads on each missile; 500 Minuteman III ICBMs, with one or 3 warheads on eachmissile; 50 Peacekeeper (MX) missiles, with 10 warheads on each missile; 94 B-52H bombers, withup to 20 cruise missiles on each bomber; and 21 B-2 bombers with up to 16 bombs on each aircraft.

    The United States and Russia signed a second START Treaty in early 1993. Under this Treaty, theUnited States would have had to reduce its strategic offensive nuclear weapons to between 3,000and 3,500 accountable warheads. In 1994, the Department of Defense decided that, to meet thislimit, it would deploy a force of 500 Minuteman III ICBMs with one warhead on each missile, 14Trident submarines with 24 missiles on each submarine and 5 warheads on each missile, 76 B-52bombers, and 21 B-2 bombers. The Air Force would eliminate 50 Peacekeeper ICBMs andreorient the B-1 bombers to non-nuclear missions; the Navy would retire 4 Trident submarines (it

    later decided to convert these submarines to carry conventional weapons). This Treaty neverentered into force and Congress prevented the Clinton Administration from reducing U.S. forcesunilaterally to START II limits. Nevertheless, the Navy and Air Force continued to plan for theforces described above, and eventually implemented those changes. Table 1displays the forcesthe United States had deployed in 2001, after completing the START I reductions. It also includesthose that it would have deployed under START II, in accordance the with 1994 decisions.

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    T a b l e 1

    . U . S . S t r a t e g i c N u c l e a r F o r c e s U n d e r S T A R T I a n d S T A R T I I

    D e p l o y e d u n d e r S T A R T I ( 2 0 0 1 ) P l a n n e d f o r S T A R T I I

    S y s t e m L a u n c h e r s

    A c c o u n t a b l e

    W a r h e a d s

    a

    L a u n c h e r s

    A c c o u n t a b l e

    W a r h e a d s

    M i n u t e m a n I I I I C B M s 5 0 0 1 , 2 0 0 5 0 0 5 0 0

    P e a c e k e e p e r I C B M s 5 0 5 0 0 0 0

    T r i d e n t I M i s s i l e s 1 6 8 1 , 0 0 8 0 0

    T r i d e n t I I M i s s i l e s 2 6 4 2 , 1 1 2 3 3 6 1 , 6 8 0

    B - 5 2 H B o m b e r s ( A L C M ) 9 7 9 7 0 7 6 9 4 0

    B - 5 2 H B o m b e r s ( n o n -

    A L C M )

    4 7 4 7 0 0

    B - 1 B o m b e r s

    b

    9 0 9 0 0 0

    B - 2 B o m b e r s 2 0 2 0 2 1 3 3 6

    T o t a l 1 , 2 3 7 5 , 9 4 8 9 3 3 3 , 4 5 6

    a .

    U n d e r S T A R T I , b o m b e r s t h a t a r e n o t e q u i p p e d t o c a r r y A L C M s c o u n t a s o n e w a r h e a d , e v e n i f t h e y c a n

    c a r r y u p 1 6 n u c l e a r b o m b s ; b o m b e r s t h a t a r e e q u i p p e d t o c a r r y A L C M s c o u n t a s 1 0 w a r h e a d s , e v e n i f t h e y

    c a n c a r r y u p t o 2 0 A L C M s .

    b .

    A l t h o u g h t h e y s t i l l c o u n t u n d e r S T A R T I , B - 1 b o m b e r s a r e n o l o n g e r e q u i p p e d f o r n u c l e a r m i s s i o n s .

    The Bush Administration stated in late 2001 that the United States would reduce its strategicnuclear forces to 1,700-2,200 operationally deployed warheads over the next decade.14Thisgoal was codified in the 2002 Moscow Treaty. According to the Administration, operationallydeployed warheads are those deployed on missiles and stored near bombers on a day-to-day basis.

    They are the warheads that would be available immediately, or in a matter of days, to meetimmediate and unexpected contingencies.15The Administration also indicated that the UnitedStates would retain a triad of ICBMs, SLBMs, and heavy bombers for the foreseeable future. Itdid not, however, offer a rationale for this traditional triad, although the points raised in the pastabout the differing and complementary capabilities of the systems probably still pertain. AdmiralJames Ellis, the former Commander of the U.S. Strategic Command (STRATCOM) highlightedthis when he noted in a 2005 interview, that the ICBM force provides responsiveness, the SLBMforce provides survivability, and bombers provide flexibility and recall capability.16

    The Bush Administration did not specify how it would reduce the U.S. arsenal from around 6,000warheads to the lower level of 2,200 operationally deployed warheads, although it did identifysome force structure changes that would account for part of the reductions. Specifically, after

    14President Bush announced the U.S. intention to reduce its forces on November 13, 2001, during a summit withRussias President Vladimir Putin. The United States and Russia codified these reductions in a Treaty signed in May2002. See CRS Report RL31448,Nuclear Arms Control: The Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty, by Amy F. Woolf.15U.S. Senate. Committee on Armed Services. Statement of the Honorable Douglas J. Feith, Undersecretary of DefenseFor Policy. February 14, 2002.16Hebert, Adam. The Future Missile Force.Air Force Magazine. October 2005.

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    Congress removed its restrictions,17the United States would eliminate the 50 PeacekeeperICBMs, reducing by 500 the total number of operationally deployed ICBM warheads. It wouldalso continue with plans to remove 4 Trident submarines from service, and convert those ships tocarry non-nuclear guided missiles. These submarines would have counted as 476 warheads underthe START Treatys rules. These changes reduced U.S. forces to around 5,000 warheads on 950

    delivery vehicles in 2006; this reduction appears in Figure 2. The Bush Administration also notedthat two of the Trident submarines remaining in the fleet would be in overhaul at any given time.The warheads that could be carried on those submarines would not count against the MoscowTreaty limits because they would not be operationally deployed. This would further reduce theU.S. deployed force by 200-400 warheads.

    The Bush Administration, through the 2005 Strategic Capabilities Assessment and 2006Quadrennial Defense Review, announced additional changes in U.S. ICBMs, SLBMs, andbomber forces; these include the elimination of 50 Minuteman III missiles and several hundredair-launched cruise missiles. (These are discussed in more detail below.) It is not clear whetherthese changes would reduce the number of operationally deployed warheads enough to meet theTreaty limit of 2,200 warheads. The outcome depends on how many warheads are carried by each

    of the remaining Trident and Minuteman missiles and how many bomber weapons remain in theU.S. arsenal. The United States could reach the Treaty limits by reducing the number of deliveryvehicles, by reducing the number of warheads carried on each delivery vehicle, or by altering theway it counts the warheads on its delivery vehicles.

    Unlike START, the Moscow Treaty does not contain definitions or counting rules that helpdetermine the number of treaty-accountable warheads. It also does not contain any monitoringprovisions that would assist the nations in verifying compliance with the Treaty. Further, neitherside has to declare how many warheads are deployed on any particular type of delivery vehicle.Theoretically, each missile could carry a different number of warheads without either side havingto reveal the individual loadings, or even the loadings attributed to any given portion of the force.Each simply has to declare the total number of warheads that it has designated as operationally

    deployed and that it, therefore, counts under the Treaty limits.

    Table 2identifies an illustrative force structure that the United States might deploy under theMoscow Treaty, and compares it with U.S. operational strategic nuclear forces in 2008. Thisstructure is consistent with the statements and adjustments the Administration has made, to date,but does not postulate any further reductions in the number of delivery vehicles. The table alsodisplays a range for the number of warheads that could be carried by each leg of the triad, eventhough, as was just noted, this estimate remains highly speculative.

    17Beginning in FY1996, and continuing through the end of the Clinton Administration, Congress had prohibited theuse of any DOD funds for the elimination of strategic nuclear delivery vehicles, below START I levels, until START IIentered into force. See, for example, the FY1998 Defense Authorization Act (P.L. 105-85, Sec. 1302). Congress liftedthis restriction in the FY2002 Defense Authorization Act (P.L. 107-107, Sec. 1031).

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    T a b l e 2 . U . S . S t r

    a t e g i c N u c l e a r F o r c e s 2 0 0 6 a n d I l l u s t r a t i v e S t r a t e g i c N u c l e a r F o r c e s

    U n d e r t h e M o s c o w T r e a t y

    F o r c e s i n 2 0 0 8 P o s s i b l e f o r c e s i n 2 0 1 2

    S y s t e m

    L a u n c h e r s A c c o u n t a b l e

    W a r h e a d s

    L a u n c h e r s O p e r a t i o n a l W a r h e a d s

    a

    M i n u t e m a n I I I I C B M s 4 5 0 1 , 2 0 0 4 5 0 4 5 0 - 6 0 0

    T r i d e n t I I M i s s i l e s 3 3 6 2 , 6 8 8 2 6 4

    b

    1 , 0 5 6 - 1 , 1 5 2

    B - 5 2 H B o m b e r s 9 5 9 5 0 5 6

    c

    3 0 0 - 5 5 0

    B - 2 B o m b e r s 2 1 3 3 6 2 0

    d

    2 0 0 - 3 5 0

    T o t a l 9 5 2 5 , 1 7 4 9 3 2 2 , 2 0 0

    S o u r c e :

    U . S . D e p a r t m e n t o f S t a t e , F a c t S h e e t ; C R S E s t i m a t e s

    a .

    T h e s e e s t i m a t e s a r e h i g h l y s p e c u l a t i v e , b u t r e f l e c t r e p o r t s o f p o s s i b l e c h a n g e s i n d e p l o y e d f o r c e s .

    b .

    T h e l a u n c h e r t o t a l f o r T r i d e n t s u b m a r i n e s c o u n t s o n l y 1 2 v e s s e l s , e x c l u d i n g t h e 2 s u b m a r i n e s i n o v e r h a u l .

    c .

    C o n g r e s s r e j e c t e d t h e A i r F o r c e p l a n f o r t h e B - 5 2 f l e e t , a n d , i n t h e F Y 2 0 0 7 D e f e n s e A u t h o r i z a t i o n A c t ,

    m a n d a t e d t h a t t h e A i r F o r c e r e t a i n 7 5 B - 5 2 b o m b e r s t h r o u g h 2 0 1 8 ; h o w e v e r , t h e n u m b e r o f w e a p o n s t h a t

    w o u l d c o u n t u n d e r t h e M o s c o w T r e a t y i s n o t a f f e c t e d b y t h e n u m b e r o f d e p l o y e d b o m b e r s .

    d .

    T h e n u m b e r o f B - 2 b o m b e r s h a s d e c l i n e d b y o n e , a f t e r a B - 2 c r a s h e d o n t a k e - o f f f r o m G u a m o n l a t e

    F e b r u a r y 2 0 0 8 .

    In the late 1980s, the United States deployed 50 Peacekeeper ICBMs, each with 10 warheads, atF.E. Warren Air Force Base in Wyoming. The 1993 START II Treaty would have banned multiplewarhead ICBMs, so the United States would have had to eliminate these missiles whileimplementing the Treaty. Therefore, the Pentagon began planning for their elimination, and theAir Force added funds to its budget for this purpose in 1994. However, beginning in FY1998,Congress prohibited the Clinton Administration from spending any money on the deactivation orretirement of these missiles until START II entered into force. The Bush Administration requested$14 million in FY2002 to begin the missiles retirement; Congress lifted the restriction andauthorized the funding. The Air Force began to deactivate the missiles in October 2002, andcompleted the process, having removed all the missiles from their silos, in September 2005. TheMK21 reentry vehicles and W87 warheads from these missiles have been placed in storage. As isnoted below, the Air Force plans to redeploy some of these warheads and reentry vehicles onMinuteman III missiles, under the Safety Enhanced Reentry Vehicle (SERV) program.

    Under the terms of START, the United States would have had to eliminate the Peacekeepermissile silos to remove the warheads on the missiles from accountability under the Treaty limits.However, the Air Force has chosen to retain the silos. Therefore, the warheads that were deployed

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    on the Peacekeeper missiles still count under START, even though the missiles are no longeroperational. The United States will not, however, count these warheads under the limits in theMoscow Treaty.

    The U.S. force of Minuteman III ICBMs has declined recently from 500 to 450 missiles. Thesemissile are located at three Air Force basesF.E. Warren AFB in Wyoming, Malmstrom AFB inMontana, and Minot AFB in North Dakota. Each base houses 150 missiles.

    In the 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR), the Pentagon indicated that it planned toreduce the number of deployed Minuteman III ballistic missiles from 500 to 450, beginning inFiscal Year 2007.18The QDR did not indicate which base was likely to lose a squadron ofmissiles, although, in testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee, General James E.

    Cartwright, the Commander of U.S. Strategic Command (STRATCOM), indicated that themissiles would likely come from Malmstrom because that would leave each base with an equalnumber of 150 ICBMs.19The Air Force deactivated the missiles in Malmstroms 564thMissileSquadron, which is known as the odd squad.20This designation reflects that these missiles werebuilt and installed by General Electric, while all other Minuteman missiles were built by Boeing,and that these missiles use a different communications and launch control system than all theother Minuteman missiles. According to Air Force Space Command, the drawdown began on July1, 2007. All of the reentry vehicles were removed from the missiles in early 2008; reports indicatethat the missiles were all removed from their silos by the end of July 2008 and the squadron wasdeactivated by the end of August.21

    In testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee, General Cartwright stated that the AirForce had decided to retire these missiles so that they could serve as test assets for the remainingforce. He noted that the Air Force had to keep a robust test program all the way through the lifeof the program.22With the current available assets, the test program would begin to run shortaround 2017 or 2018. The added test assets would support the program through 2025 or longer.This time line, however, raises questions about why the Air Force has pressed to begin retiring themissiles in FY2007, 10 years before it runs out of test assets. Some have speculated that theelimination of the 50 missiles is intended to reduce the long term operations and maintenancecosts for the fleet, particularly since the 564thSquadron uses different ground control technologiesand training systems than the remainder of the fleet. This option is not likely, however, to producebudgetary savings in the near-term as the added cost of deactivating the missiles could exceed thereductions in operations and maintenance expenses.23In addition, to use these missiles as test

    18U.S. Department of Defense. Report of the 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review. Washington, February 2006. p. 50.19U.S. Senate, Committee on Armed Services, Hearing on Global Strike Plans and Programs. Testimony of James E.Cartwright, Commander U.S. Strategic Command. March 29, 2006.20Johnson, Peter. Growth Worries Base Boosters. Great Falls Tribune. January 19, 2006.21Global Security Newswire. U.S. Deactivates 50 Strategic Missiles. August 4, 2008.22U.S. Senate, Committee on Armed Services, Hearing on Global Strike Plans and Programs. Testimony of James E.Cartwright, Commander U.S. Strategic Command. March 29, 2006.23Private communication.

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    assets, the Air Force will include them in the modernization programs described below. Thiswould further limit the budgetary savings. At the same time, after removing the missiles, the AirForce will retain the silos at Malmstrom, and will not destroy or eliminate them.

    Retiring these missiles might also allow the Air Force to reduce the number of officers needed to

    operate the Minuteman fleet and to transfer these officers to different positions, although, again,the numbers are likely to be small. Nevertheless, by retiring these missiles, both STRATCOM andthe Air Force can participate in the ongoing effort to transform the Pentagon in response to post-Cold War threats. These missiles may still have a role to play in U.S. national security strategy,but they may not be needed in the numbers that were required when the United States faced theSoviet threat.

    Congress questioned the Administrations rationale for this plan to retire 50 Minuteman missiles.In the FY2007 Defense Authorization Act (H.R. 5122, Sec. 139), Congress stated that DOD couldnot spend any money to begin the withdrawal of these missiles from the active force until theSecretary of Defense submitted a report that addressed a number of issues, including (1) adetailed justification for the proposal to reduce the force from 500 to 450 missiles; (2) a detailed

    analysis of the strategic ramifications of continuing to equip a portion of the force with multipleindependent warheads rather than single warheads; (3) an assessment of the test assets and sparesrequired to maintain a force of 500 missiles and a force of 450 missiles through 2030; (4) anassessment of whether halting upgrades to the missiles withdrawn from the deployed force wouldcompromise their ability to serve as test assets; and (5) a description of the plan for extending thelife of the Minuteman III missile force beyond FY2030. The Secretary of Defense submitted thisreport to Congress in late March 2007. In testimony before the Senate Armed ServicesCommittee, Subcommittee on Strategic Forces, on March 28, 2007, General Cartwright noted thatthe Air Force was prepared to begin reducing the number of deployed Minuteman III missiles inApril 2007.24

    Each Minuteman III was initially deployed with 3 warheads, for a total of 1,500 warheads acrossthe force. In 2001, to meet the START limit of 6,000 warheads, the United States removed 2warheads from each of the 150 Minuteman missiles at F.E. Warren AFB,25reducing theMinuteman III force to 1,200 total warheads. In the process, the Air Force also removed anddestroyed the bulkhead, the platform on the reentry vehicle, so that, in accordance with STARTrules, these missiles can no longer carry 3 warheads.

    Under START II, the United States would have had to download all the Minuteman III missiles toone warhead each. Although the Bush Administration initially endorsed the plan to download allMinuteman ICBMs, this plan has apparently changed. In an interview withAir Force Magazinein October 2003, General Robert Smolen indicated that the Air Force would maintain the ability

    to deploy these 500 missiles with up to 800 warheads.26

    Although some analysts interpreted thisstatement to mean that the Minuteman ICBMs would carry 800 warheads on a day-to-day basis, it

    24U.S. Congress. Senate. Armed Services Committee, Subcommittee on Strategic Forces. Fiscal Year 2008 StrategicForces Program Budget. Hearing. March 28, 2007.25See Robert S. Norris and Hans M. Kristensen. U.S. Nuclear Forces, 2006. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.January/February 2006.26Hebert, Adam. The Future Missile Force.Air Force Magazine. October 2005.

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    seems more likely that this was a reference to the Air Force intent to maintain the ability to reloadwarheads, and reconstitute the force, if circumstances changed.27The NPR had indicated that theUnited States would maintain the flexibility to do this. However, in testimony before the SenateArmed Services Committee, General Cartwright also indicated that some Minuteman missilesmight carry more than one warhead. Specifically, when discussing the reduction from 500 to 450

    missiles, he said, this is not a reduction in the number of warheads deployed. They will justmerely be re-distributed on the missiles.28Major General Deppe confirmed that the Air Forcewould retain some Minuteman III missiles with more than one warhead when he noted, in aspeech in mid-April 2007, that the remaining 450 Minuteman III missiles could be deployed withone, two, or three warheads.29

    In addition, as is noted below, the Navy may remove nearly 100 nuclear warheads from itsTrident missiles if it deploys some of these missiles with conventional warheads. These warheadscould be distributed to other Trident missiles, or the Air Force might add an equivalent number ofwarheads to its Minuteman missiles. Consequently, it seems possible that, as the United Statesadjusts its forces in the coming years, it could reduce its Minuteman force to 450 missiles, deploy500-600 warheads on those missiles, and retain the ability to deploy up to 800 warheads on

    Minuteman missiles under certain circumstances.

    Several factors are likely to affect the decision on the final number of warheads carried onMinuteman missiles. First, as was noted above, 150 Minuteman missiles have beendownloaded to a single warhead under START rules, and, therefore can no longer carryadditional warheads. That leaves, at most, 300 missiles that could carry 2 or 3 warheads. Second,the Air Force is planning to deploy its Minuteman missiles with the MK21 reentry vehiclesremoved from Peacekeeper ICBMs under the SERV program. Some of the modified missiles willcarry a single W-87 warhead, but the Air Force has not indicated how many missiles will belimited to this single warhead configuration.30As a result, only a portion of the Minuteman fleetwill still be able to carry more than one warhead. Finally, the United States has committed toretain no more than 2,200 operationally deployed warheads on its strategic forces. Increases in the

    number of Minuteman warheads, above the 500-600 expected on the downloaded force, wouldnecessitate reductions in either bomber weapons or Trident warheads.

    The Air Force is currently pursuing several programs to improve the accuracy and reliability ofthe Minuteman fleet and to extend the missiles service lives. According to some estimates, thiseffort could eventually cost $6-7 billion.31This section describes several of the key programs inthis effort.

    27See, for example, Jeffrey Lewis. STRATCOM Hearts MIRV. ArmsControlWonk.com, January 30, 2006.28See, U.S. Senate, Committee on Armed Services, Hearing on Global Strike Plans and Programs. Testimony of JamesE. Cartwright, Commander U.S. Strategic Command. March 29, 2006.29Sirak, Michael. Air Force Prepared To Draaw Down Minuteman III Fleet by 50 Missiles. Defense Daily. April 17,2007.30Sirak, Michael. Minuteman Fleet has Life Beyond 2020, Says Senior Air Force Space Official. Defense Daily. June14, 2006.31Robert S. Norris and Hans M. Kristensen. U.S. Nuclear Forces, 2006. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.January/February 2006.

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    The program began in 1998 and seeks to replace the propellant, the solid rocket fuel, in theMinuteman motors to extend the life of the rocket motors. A consortium led by NorthrupGrumman is pouring the new fuel into the first and second stages and remanufacturing the third

    stages of the missiles. According to the Air Force, as of early August, 2007, 325 missiles, or 72%of the fleet, had completed the PRP program; this number increased to around 80% by mid-2008.The Air Force purchased the final 56 booster sets, for a total of 601, with its funding in FY2008.The Air Force expects to complete the PRP program by 2013.32In the FY2007 DefenseAuthorization Act (P.L. 109-364) and the FY2007 Defense Appropriations Act (P.L. 109-289), the109thCongress indicated that it would not support efforts to end this program early.

    The Guidance Replacement Program has extended the service life of the Minuteman missilesguidance set, and improved the maintainability and reliability of guidance sets. It replaced agingparts with more modern and reliable technologies, while maintaining the accuracy of the

    missiles.33Flight testing for the new system began in 1998, and, at the time, it exceeded itsoperational requirements. Production began in 2000, and the Air Force purchased 652 of the newguidance units. Press reports indicate that the system had some problems with accuracy during itstesting program.34The Air Force eventually identified and corrected the problems in 2002 and2003. According to the Air Force, 425 Minuteman III missiles were upgraded with the newguidance packages as of early August, 2007. The Air Force had been taking delivery of 5-7 newguidance units each month, for a total of 652 units, and expects the final delivery to occur inFebruary 2009. Installation is likely to be completed between 2010 and 2012.35

    The REACT targeting system was first installed in Minuteman launch control centers in the mid-1990s. This technology allowed for a significant reduction in the amount of time it would take tore-target the missiles, automated routine functions to reduce the workload for the crews, andreplaced obsolete equipment.36In 2006, the Air Force began to deploy a modernized version ofthis system to extend its service life and to update the command and control capability of thelaunch control centers. This program will allow for more rapid retargeting of ICBMs, a capabilityidentified in the Nuclear Posture Review as essential to the future nuclear force The Air Forcecompleted this effort in late 2006.

    32Sirak, Michael. Minuteman Fleet has Life Beyond 2020, Says Senior Air Force Space Official. Defense Daily. June14, 2006.33LGM Minuteman III Modernization. Globalsecurity.org34Donnelly, John M. Air Force Defends Spending Half A Billion on Iffy ICBMs.Defense Week. September 10, 2001.p. 1.35Hebert, Adam. The Future Missile Force.Air Force Magazine. October 2005.36LGM Minuteman III Modernization. Globalsecurity.org

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    As was noted above, under the SERV program, the Air Force plans to deploy MK21/W-87 reentryvehicles removed from Peacekeeper ICBMs on the Minuteman missiles, replacing the olderMK12/W62 and MK12A/W78 reentry vehicles. To do this, the Air Force must modify the

    software, change the mounting on the missile, and change the support equipment. According toAir Force Space Command, the SERV program conducted three flight tests in 2005 and cancelleda fourth test because the first three were so successful.37The Air Force installed 20 of the kits forthe new reentry vehicles on the Minuteman missiles at F.E. Warren Air Force Base in 2006. Theprocess began at Malmstrom in July 2007 and at Minot in July 2008. As of early August 2007, 47missiles had been modified. The Air Force plans to continue to purchase additional modificationkits through 2009, and to complete the installation process by 2012.

    The Air Force began to explore its options for a new missile to replace the Minuteman III in2002, with the intent to begin deploying a new missile in 2018. It reportedly produced a mission

    needs statement at that time, and then began an Analysis of Alternatives (AOA) in 2004.38InJune 2006, Lt. General Frank Klotz indicated that, after completing the AOA, Space Commandhad decided to recommend an evolutionary approach to the replacement of the Minuteman IIIcapability,39which would continue to modernize the components of the existing missiles ratherthan begin from scratch to develop and produce new missiles. He indicated that thisrecommendation had not yet been approved, and was still working its way through the Pentagon.However, he indicated that Space Command supported this approach because it would be lesscostly than designing a new system from scratch. With this plan in place, the Air Force nowplans to maintain the Minuteman fleet through 2025 or beyond.

    This approach could ensure the long-term future of the ICBM fleet. A more expensive newprogram could face cost-cutting pressures in both the Pentagon and Congress. In addition, budget

    limits could lead to pressures to reduce the number of missiles, leading to a further contraction ofthe ICBM fleet. On the other hand, some might argue that a new ICBM program woulddemonstrate a stronger long-term commitment by the Air Force to its ICBM fleet. It might appeareasier to withdraw funding and support from the ICBM fleet if the Air Force decides tomodernize, maintain, and extend the existing missiles, rather than to pursue new, and possiblymore capable, technologies.

    The U.S. fleet of ballistic missile submarines consists of 14 Trident submarines, each equipped tocarry 24 Trident missiles. The fleet currently carries a total of around 1,725 warheads.

    37Lt. Gen. Frank G. Klotz, Vice Commander, Air Force Space Command. Transcript of Speech to the NationalDefense University Breakfast. June 13, 2006.38Selinger, Mark. Minuteman Replacement Study Expected to Begin Soon. Aerospace Daily and Defense Report. June25, 2004.39Lt. Gen. Frank G. Klotz, Vice Commander, Air Force Space Command. Transcript of Speech to the NationalDefense University Breakfast. June 13, 2006.

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    By the early 1990s, the United States had completed the deployment of 18 Trident ballisticmissile submarines (SSBNs). Each of these submarines was equipped to carry 24 Tridentmissiles, and each missile could carry up to 8 warheads (either W-76 warheads or the larger W-88warheads on the Trident II missile). The Navy initially deployed 8 of these submarines at Bangor,Washington, and all 8 were equipped with the older Trident I missile. It then deployed 10

    submarines, all equipped with the Trident II missile, at Kings Bay, Georgia. During the 1994Nuclear Posture Review, the Clinton Administration decided that the United States would reducethe size of its Trident fleet to 14 submarines, and that four of the older submarines would bebackfit to carry the Trident II missile.

    The Bush Administrations 2001 Nuclear Posture Review endorsed the plan to backfit 4 of theTrident submarines so that all would carry Trident II missiles. It also indicated that, instead ofretiring the remaining 4 submarines, the Navy would convert them to carry conventionalweapons, and designated them guided missile submarines (SSGNs). Consequently, the U.S.ballistic missile submarine (SSBN) force currently consists of 14 Trident submarines, with 7based at Bangor, Washington, 5 based at Kings Bay, Georgia, and 2 in overhaul as they areequipped to carry Trident II missiles. This section describes many of the plans and programs that

    are changing this force.

    The Navy has nearly completed the process of converting 4 Trident submarines (the USS Ohio,USS Michigan, USS Florida, and USS Georgia) to carry conventional cruise missiles and otherconventional weapons. Reports indicate that the conversion process took approximately $1 billionand two years for each of the 4 submarines. The SSGNs will be able to carry 154 Tomahawkcruise missiles, along with up to 100 special forces troops and their mini-submarines.40

    The first two submarines scheduled for this conversion were removed from the nuclear fleet inearly 2003. They were slated to receive their engineering overhaul, then to begin the conversion

    process in 2004.41

    The first to complete the process, the USS Ohio returned to service as anSSGN in January 200642and achieved operational status on November 1, 2007. According to theNavy, the Georgia is scheduled for deployment in March 2008, and the other submarines werescheduled to reach that status later in the year.43According to Admiral Stephen Johnson, theDirector of the Navys Strategic Submarine Program (SSP), all four of the submarines hadreturned to service by mid-2008, and two were forward-deployed on routine patrols.

    40

    Connolly, Allison. For Four Subs, Its Good-bye Ballistic Missiles, Hello SEALs. Norfolk Virginia Pilot. December18, 2004.41Ohio Class SSGN Tactical Trident. GlobalSecurity.org http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/systems/ship/ssgn-726.htm42First Trident Submarine Converted. Associated Press. January 10, 2006.43U.S. Congress. Senate. Armed Services Committee, Subcommittee on Strategic Forces. Fiscal Year 2008 StrategicForces Program Budget. Hearing. Prepared statement of Mr. Brian R. Green, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense,Strategic Capabilities, p. 6. March 28, 2007. See also, Guided Missile Submarine Ohio Ready for Deployment. Insidethe Navy, November 5, 2007.

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    As was noted above, both the 1994 and 2001 Nuclear Posture Reviews confirmed that the Navywould backfit four Trident submarines so that they could carry the newer Trident II (D-5)missile. This process would not only allow the Navy to replace the aging C-4 missiles, it would

    also equip the fleet with a missile that has improved accuracy and a larger payload. With itsgreater range, it would allow the submarines to operate in a larger area and cover a greater rangeof targets. These characteristics were valued when the system was designed and the United Statessought to enhance its ability to deter the Soviet Union. The Bush Administration believes that therange, payload, and flexibility of the Trident submarines and D-5 missiles remain relevant in anera when the United States may seek to deter or defeat a wider range of adversaries.

    Four of the eight Trident submarines based in Bangor, Washington (USS Alaska, USS Nevada,USS Henry M. Jackson and USS Alabama) are a part of the backfit program. The Alaska andNevada both began the process in 2001; the Alaska completed its backfit and rejoined the fleet inMarch 2002 and the Nevada did the same in August 2002. During the process, the submarinesunderwent a pre-planned engineered refueling overhaul, which accomplishes a number of

    maintenance objectives, including refueling of the reactor; repairing and upgrading someequipment, replacing obsolete equipments, repairing or upgrading the ballistic missile systems,and other minor alterations.44The submarines also are fit with the Trident II missiles and theoperating systems that are unique to these missiles. According to the Navy, both of these effortscame in ahead of schedule and under budget. The Henry M. Jackson and Alabama are scheduledto compete their engineering overhaul and backfit in FY2006 and to reenter the fleet in 2007 and2008.

    The last of the Trident I (C-4) missiles was removed from the fleet in October 2004, when theUSS Alabama off-loaded its missiles and began the overhaul and backfit process. All the Tridentsubmarines currently in the U.S. fleet now carry the Trident II missile.45

    When the Navy first decided, in the mid-1990s, to maintain a Trident fleet with 14 submarines, itplanned to balance the fleet by deploying 7 Trident submarines at each of the two Trident bases.The Navy would have transferred 3 submarines from Kings Bay to Bangor, after 4 of thesubmarines from Bangor were removed from the ballistic missile fleet, for a balance of 7submarines at each base. However, these plans changed after the Bush Administrations NuclearPosture Review. The Navy has transferred 5 submarines to Bangor, balancing the fleet bybasing 9 submarines at Bangor and 5 submarines at Kings Bay. Because two submarines wouldbe in overhaul at any given time, this basing plan means that 7 submarines would be operationalat Bangor and 5 would be operational at Kings Bay.

    According to unclassified reports, the Navy began moving Trident submarines from Kings Bay toBangor in 2002, and transferred the fifth submarine in September 2005.46This change in basing

    44SSBN-726 Ohio-Class FBM Submarines, GlobalSecurity.org, http://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/systems/ssbn-726-recent.htm45Morris, Jefferson. Older Trident Missiles to be Phased out by Fall, Admiral Says. Aerospace Daily and DefenseReport. June 17, 2005.46Robert S. Norris and Hans M. Kristensen. U.S. Nuclear Forces, 2006. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.(continued...)

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    pattern apparently reflects changes in the international security environment, with fewer targetswithin range of submarines operating in the Atlantic, and a greater number of targets within rangeof submarines operating in the Pacific. In particular, the shift allows the United States to improveits coverage of targets in China and North Korea.47Further, as the United States modifies itsnuclear targeting objectives, and, particularly, if it deploys conventional warheads on Trident

    submarines, it could alter the patrol routes for the submarines operating in both oceans, so that agreater number of emerging targets would be within range of the submarines in a short amount oftime.

    The Trident I (C-4) and Trident II (D-5) missiles can be equipped to carry up to 8 warheads each.Under the terms of the START Treaty, the United States can remove warheads from Tridentmissiles, and reduce the number listed in the data base, a process known as downloading, tocomply with the Treatys limit of 6,000 warheads. The United States took advantage of thisprovision as it reduced its forces under START, reducing to 6 warheads per missile on the 8Trident submarines based at Bangor, Washington.48

    The Navy may also have begun to reduce the number of warheads on the other Tridentsubmarines, as this will be necessary to allow the United States to reduce its forces to the 2,200deployed warheads permitted under the Moscow Treaty. The United States does not have to reachthis limit until 2012, but, according to some reports, would rather reduce its forces gradually thanadjust them suddenly in the last few years before the Treatys deadline.49As it reduces to the levelin the Moscow Treaty, however, the United States will not have to indicate how many warheadsare deployed on each missile; it will simply have to declare a total number of operationallydeployed warheads on all of its strategic nuclear delivery vehicles. To meet the limit however, itis likely to deploy an average of 4 warheads on each Trident II missile.

    The Navy initially planned to keep Trident submarines in service for 30 years, but has nowextended that time period to 42 years. This extension reflects the judgment that ballistic missilessubmarines would have operated with less demanding missions than attack submarines, andcould, therefore, be expected to have a much longer operating life than the expected 30 year lifeof attack submarines. Therefore, since 1998, the Navy has assumed that each Trident submarinewould have an expected operating lifetime of at least 42 years, with two 20-year operating cyclesseparated by a two-year refueling overhaul.50The Navy has also pursued a number of programs toensure that it has enough missiles to support this extended life for the submarines.

    (...continued)

    January/February 2006.47Ibid.48Even though 4 of these submarines are being converted to SSGNs, they still count under the START Treaty becausethey still have SLBM launch tubes. Each of those tubes count as 6 warheads. See U.S. Department of State. Bureau ofVerification, Compliance, and Implementation. START Aggregate Number of Strategic Offensive Arms. April 1, 2006.49Robert S. Norris and Hans M. Kristensen. U.S. Nuclear Forces, 2006. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.January/February 2006.50SSBN Ohio-Class FBM Submarines. GlobalSecurity.org,

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    The Navy purchased 425 Trident II (D-5) missiles through FY2005. After finalizing the plan todeploy all 14 Trident submarines with D-5 missiles, the Navy extended Trident productionthrough 2013, and now expects to purchase 561 Trident missiles, at a rate of 12-24 missiles per

    year.51

    The Navy expects to maintain a fleet of 12 operational Trident submarines, with 24missiles on each submarine, but it would need more than the 288 missiles that would fill thesesubmarines. Around 50 of the missiles would be available for use by Great Britain in its Tridentsubmarines. The remainder would support the missiles test program throughout the life of theTrident system. The Navy requested $220 million towards the purchase of Trident missiles inFY2007, $211.5 million in FY2008, and $186.3 million in FY2009.

    The Navy has also begun a life extension program for the Trident II missiles, so that they willremain capable and reliable throughout the 45-year life of the Trident submarines. The Navyrequested nearly $700 million to support this program in FY2007, $457.7 million in FY2008 and

    $487.4 million in FY2009. According to the Navy, this funding will sustain efforts to redesign theguidance system and missile electronics to extend the life of the missiles.52The Navy expects therefurbished missiles to reach their IOC in 2013.

    The overwhelming majority of Trident missiles are deployed with the MK4/W76 warhead, which,according to unclassified estimates, has a yield of 100 kilotons.53It is nearing the end of itsservice life and is currently undergoing a life extension program that is designed to enhance itscapabilities. According to some reports, the Navy had initially planned to apply this program toaround 25% of the W76 warheads, but has increased that plan to cover more than 60% of thestockpile.

    Several questions have come up during the life extension program. For example, some weaponsexperts have questioned whether the warheads design is reliable enough to ensure that thewarheads will explode at its intended yield.54In addition, in June 2006, an inspector generalsreport from the Department of Energy questioned the management practices at the NationalNuclear Security Administration (NNSA), which is responsible for the life extension program,arguing that management problems had led to delays and created cost overruns in the program.This has raised questions about whether NNSA will be able to meet the September 2007 deliverydate for the warhead.55Further, NNSA has noted that it plans to eventually phase out the lifeextension program, and use the new Reliable Replacement Warhead program to develop a

    51Robert S. Norris and Hans M. Kristensen. U.S. Nuclear Forces, 2006. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.

    January/February 2006.52U.S. Department of Defense. Department of the Navy. Fiscal Year 2007Budget Estimate Submission. Justification ofEstimates. February 2006. p. 13.53Robert S. Norris and Hans M. Kristensen. U.S. Nuclear Forces, 2006. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.January/February 2006.54Fleck, John. Flaws Seen in Sub-Launched Nuclear Warhead. Albuquerque Journal. July 8, 2004.55Costa, Keith J. IG: Project Weaknesses put W-76 Warhead Refurbishment Plan at Risk. InsideDefense.Com June 8,2006.

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    replacement for the W-76 warhead,56but Congress has not funded the studies supporting thedevelopment of the RRW.

    In the report of the 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review, the Pentagon called for the deployment ofconventional warheads on a portion of its Trident SLBMs.57According to DODs plan, the Navywould deploy two Trident missiles on each submarine with conventional warheads and deploy 4warheads deployed on each of these missiles, for a total force of 96 conventional warheads. Thiswould provide the United States with the capability to launch conventional warheads againsttargets around the world in less than an hour, a capability that does not now exist unless U.S.forces are forward-based in the region where the targets might be. This is a part of STRATCOMsplan for the Prompt Global Strike mission. The Navy requested $127 million for FY2007 to beginthis program, but Congress did not authorize or appropriate the funding in the FY2007 DefenseAuthorization or Defense Appropriations bills, instead questioning the need for and intentions ofthe program, while raising concerns about the possibility that other nations might misinterpret thelaunch of a conventional Trident missile.

    The Navy requested $175 million for this program in FY2008. The House Armed ServicesCommittee, in its version of the FY2008 Defense Authorization Bill (H.R. 1585, H.Rept. 110-146), approved the request for $126.4 million for continued research and development on thereentry vehicle, and authorized $16 million for procurement, but reduced the budget request by$33 million, withholding all funds for long-lead procurement. The Senate Armed ServicesCommittee, in its version of the FY2008 Defense Authorization Bill (S. 1547, S.Rept. 110-77),recommended that no funding be provided specifically for the CTM program, and that all thefunding for the CTM and other prompt global strike programs, a total of $208 million bepooled to support a coordinated look at a variety of kinetic non-nuclear concepts is necessary toaddress the feasibility of a prompt global strike. In the final version of the Defense AuthorizationBill for FY2008 (H.Rept. 110-477), the Conference Committee adopted that Senates approach,

    combining the funding in a single account. But, as the Defense Appropriations Bill had done, theConference Report on the Defense Authorization Bill limited this funding to $100 million. InFY2009, the funding remains in a single account, and Congress continued to reject separatefunding for the CTM program.

    The Navy has initiated studies into options for a replacement for the Tridentone would be anew, dedicated ballistic missile submarine and another would be a variant of the Virginia classattack submarine. According to Admiral Stephen Johnson, the Navy would have to beginconstruction of its new submarine by 2019 so that it could begin to enter the fleet as the Tridentsbegin to retire.

    56U.S. Congress. Senate. Armed Services Committee, Subcommittee on Strategic Forces. Fiscal Year 2008 StrategicForces Program Budget. Hearing. March 28, 2007.57For details, see, CRS Report RL33067, Conventional Warheads for Long-Range Ballistic Missiles: Background and

    Issues for Congress, by Amy F. Woolf.

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    The Air Force began to deploy the B-1 bomber in the mid-1980s and eventually deployed a fleetof 96 aircraft. After several crashes, the Air Force was left with 92 bombers in 2001. It has soughtto retire 30 of the aircraft, leaving a force of 62 bombers, but has met resistance from Congress.The B-1 served exclusively as a nuclear delivery vehicle through 1991, carrying short-rangeattack missiles and gravity bombs. Because these bombers were not equipped to carry nuclear-armed air-launched cruise missiles, each counts as a single delivery vehicle and a single warheadunder START. In 1993, the Air Force began to convert the B-1 bombers to carry conventionalweapons. This process was completed in 1997 and the B-1 bomber is no longer equipped to carrynuclear weapons, although it still counts against the START limits. Neither the bomber nor itsweapons count against the limits in the Moscow Treaty. The bomber has contributed to U.S.conventional operations in Afghanistan and Iraq.

    The Air Force has 20 B-2 bombers, based at Whiteman AFB in Missouri.58The B-2 bomber cancarry both B-61 and B-83 nuclear bombs, but is not equipped to carry cruise missiles. It can alsocarry conventional weapons, and has participated in U.S. military campaigns from Bosnia to Iraq.It is designed as a low observable aircraft, and was intended to improve the U.S. ability topenetrate Soviet air defenses.

    According to unclassified estimates, the United States has around 550 B-61 and B-83 bombs.59The B61-11, a modification developed in the 1990s, has a hardened, modified case so that it can

    penetrate some hardened targets, although probably not those encased in steel and concrete. TheB-83 bomb is a high yield weapon, that is also designed to destroy hardened targets, such asICBM silos.

    The Air Force maintains 93 B-52H aircraft at two bases, Barksdale, Louisiana and Minot, NorthDakota.60According to recent reports, the Air Force began to retire the first of 18 B-52 bombersscheduled for retirement at the end of July 2008.61The B-52 bomber, which first entered servicein 1961, is equipped to carry nuclear or conventional air-launched cruise missiles and nuclear-armed advanced cruise missiles. The B-52 bombers can also deliver a wide range of conventionalarms.

    58A B-2 bomber crashed on take-off from Anderson Air Force Base on Guam in late February 2008, reducing thenumber of deployed bombers from 21 to 20.59Robert S. Norris and Hans M. Kristensen. U.S. Nuclear Forces, 2006. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.January/February 2006.60A B-52 bomber crashed off the coast of Guam in July 2008.61U.S. Air Force, Minot Air Force Base, Office of Public Affairs. B-52H Reaches Retirement. July 30, 2008.

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    The Air Force has proposed cutting the B-52 fleet on many occasions in the last 10-15 years. Forexample, when the United States identified the force structure that it would deploy under theSTART Treaty, it indicated that it would only seek to retain 76 B-52 bombers. Congress, however,rejected the Clinton Administrations proposal, and the United States retained the full fleet of 94aircraft.

    The 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review called for a significant change to the B-52 fleet, reducingit from 94 to 56 aircraft. The budget request for FY2007 indicated that the Air Force planned toretire 18 bombers in FY2007 and 20 in FY2008. At the same time, the QDR called for continuingimprovements to the B-1, B-2, and B-52 bombers conventional capabilities using the funds thatwere saved by the retirement of the 38 aircraft. The Air Force has argued that it can reduce thenumber of deployed bombers, without reducing the overall capabilities of the bomber fleet,because these new weapons have raised the efficiency of the bomber platform. At hearingsbefore the Senate Armed Services Committee, General James E. Cartwright, the Commander ofSTRATCOM, noted that the next generation weapons that were fielding, these air-launchedcruise missiles, the joint direct attack munitions, et cetera, are much more efficient than they werein the past.62General Cartwright also indicated that, in spite of the reduced size of the fleet, the

    Air Force would continue to deploy B-52 bombers at two bases.

    During the FY2007 budget cycle, Congress rejected the Pentagons proposals for at least part ofthe B-52 fleet. The House, in its version of the FY2007 Defense Authorization Bill, prohibited theAir Force from retiring any of the B-52 aircraft, and mandated that it maintain at least 44 combatcoded aircraft until the Air Force began to replace the B-52 with a new bomber of equal orgreater capability. It stated, as a part of its rationale for this rejection, that it appeared thereduction was based on the reduced need for nuclear-capable bombers and did not take intoconsideration a growing need for long-range conventional strike capabilities.63The Senate agreedto permit the Air Force to retire 18 B-52 aircraft, but stated that it expected no further reduction inthe size of the force, noting that a further reductions might prevent our ability to strike therequired conventional target set during times of war.64The Conference Committee (H.R. 5122,

    Sec. 131) combined these two provisions, allowing the retirement of no more than 18 aircraftafter the submission of a report, and mandating that the Air Force retain at least 44 combatcoded aircraft. These restrictions are to remain in place until 2018, or until a new long-rangestrike aircraft with equal or greater capability than the B-52H model aircraft attained initialoperational capability, if that occurred first. Congress also stated that no funds could be spent toretire any B-52 aircraft until the Secretary of the Air Force submitted a report to Congress thatdescribed the Air Force plan for the modernization of the B-52, B-1, and B-2 bomber fleets; howmany bombers would be assigned two nuclear and conventional missions if the United States hadto execute two overlapping swift defeat campaigns; a justification of the cost and projectedsavings of any reductions to the B-52H bomber aircraft fleet; the life expectancy of each bomberaircraft to remain in the bomber force structure and the capabilities of the bomber force structurethat would be replaced by a new bomber aircraft.

    62U.S. Senate, Committee on Armed Services, Hearing on Global Strike Plans and Programs. Testimony of James E.Cartwright, Commander U.S. Strategic Command. March 29, 2006.63U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Armed Services. National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2007.H.Rept. 109-452. May 5, 2006. p. 103.64U.S. Congress Senate. National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2007. S.Rept. 109-254. May 9, 2006. p.94.

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    The Air Force indicated that the report on the bomber fleet would be ready in the fall of 2007.Further, in testimony before the Armed Services Committee, the Air Force indicated that it stillplans to reduce the B-52 fleet to 56 aircraft, with 32 combat coded aircraft included in the fleet.But, in recognition of the congressional mandate, it is seeking a way to maintain 44 combat codedaircraft, the minimum set by Congress, within the smaller fleet of 56 aircraft. It has also stated

    that it plans to store the 20 aircraft it wanted to retire in FY2008 on ramps at Barksdale Air ForceBase; the aircraft will be kept in serviceable condition, but will not receive any capabilitiesupgrades.65Congress once again rejected this proposal. In the FY2008 Defense Authorization Bill(H.R. 1585, Sec. 137), Congress mandated that the Air Force maintain a fleet of 74 B-52bombers, with no less than 63 in the Primary Aircraft inventory and 11 backup aircraft. Twoadditional aircraft would be designated as attrition reserve. The Conference Committeeindicated that the Members agreed that a fleet of fewer than 76 aircraft would be insufficient tomeet long-range strike requirements.

    In early May 2007, the Air Force indicated that it had decided that the next generation bomberwould be manned and subsonic, although it would incorporate some stealth characteristics.66Ithas decided that it will not pursue supersonic capabilities, or an unmanned option, to contain

    costs and maintain the capabilities of the future aircraft.

    The growing interest in long-range strike capabilities, and the continuing addition of precisionconventional weapons to these aircraft, demonstrates that the Pentagon and STRATCOM viewthe U.S. bomber fleet as essential to U.S. conventional weapons capabilities. Further, the need forlong-range strike capabilities, rather than an interest in maintaining the nuclear role for bombers,appears to be driving decisions about the size and structure of the bomber fleet. There are someindications that, during the discussions on the QDR, some in the Pentagon argued that the all theB-52 bombers should be removed from the nuclear mission. Both the House and the Senate, intheir response to the Administrations request, also focused on the ability of the Air Force to meetits conventional weapons needs with a smaller bomber fleet.

    On the other hand, several recent studies have noted that a lack of attention paid in the Air Forceand, more broadly, in DOD, to the bombers nuclear mission seems to be one of the factors thatled to the episode in August 2007, when a B-52 bombers flew from Minot to Barksdale with sixcruise missiles that carried live nuclear warheads.67The Air Force is considering a number oforganizational and procedural changes to increase its focus on the nuclear mission andreinvigorate its nuclear enterprise. For example, it plans to stand-up a B-52 bomber squadronthat will focus specifically on the nuclear mission.68While all the B-52 bomber crews and aircraftwill retain their nuclear roles, a single squadron located at Minot will participate in a greaternumber of nuclear exercises and training missions. The aircraft in the squadron will rotate fromother missions, but will remain designated as the nuclear squadron for full year. The Air Forcehopes this construct will improve not only the operational proficiency of the crews, but also theirmorale and their confidence in the value of the nuclear mission.

    65U.S. Congress. Senate. Armed Services Committee, Subcommittee on Strategic Forces. Hearing on the Fiscal Year2008 Strategic Forces Program Budget. Statement of Major General Roger Burg. March 28, 2007. p. 8.66Sirak, Michael. Air Force Identifies Manned, Subsonic Bomber as Most Promising 2018 Option. Defense Today.May 2, 2007.67For a detailed review of this incident see, Warrick, Joby and Walter Pincus. The Saga of a Bent Spear. WashingtonPost. September 23, 2007.68Marcus Weisgerber, USAF To Activate Rotational Nuclear Bomber Squadron Next Month,Inside Defense,September 26, 2008.

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    The B-52 bomber is equipped to carry both the Air-Launched cruise missile (ALCM) andAdvanced Cruise Missile (ACM). The ACM reportedly has a modified design with a lower radarcross-section, making it more stealthy than the ALCM. According to Air Force figures, the

    United States has 1,142 ALCMs and 460 ACMs.69

    Although these weapons represent a majorityof the weapons that U.S. bombers could carry on nuclear missions, the Department of Defenserecently decided to retire these missiles. In his statement to the Senate Armed ServicesCommittees Subcommittee on Strategic Forces, Major General Roger Burg indicated that thisstudy had concluded, and the Secretary of Defense had directed, that the Air Force retire all theAdvanced Cruise Missiles, although some could be converted to carry conventional warheads,and reduce the ALCM fleet to 528 cruise missiles. The excess ALCMs will also be eliminated,and the remaining missiles would be consolidated at Minot Air Force Base. With all the ALCMsconsolidated at Minot Air Force Base, the bombers at Barksdale may no longer be included in thenuclear mission.

    Both the ALCM and ACM were set to undergo life-extension programs so that they could remain

    in service through 2030.

    70

    Both cruise missiles also carry the W-80 warhead, which wasscheduled to for a life-extension program. However, the Department of Defense has no longerplans to support the W-80 refurbishment program.71These program changes, taken together, raiseserious questions about the future of nuclear-armed cruise missiles and nuclear-capable bombersin the U.S. strategic force.

    This reduction in the ALCM fleet and elimination of the ACM fleet will help the United Statesmeet its obligation under the Moscow Treaty to reduce to 2,200 operationally deployed nuclearwarheads by the end of 2012. Under the START II Treaty, the United States would have had tocount the total number of nuclear weapons the B-2 and B-52 bombers were equipped to carryunder its allocation of permitted warheads. These warheads would have counted even if thebombers were equipped to perform conventional missions, unless the bombers were altered so

    that they could no longer carry nuclear weapons. Under the Moscow Treaty, however, the UnitedStates will only count as operationally deployed those nuclear weapons stored at bomber bases,excluding a small number of spare warheads. It does not intend to alter any bombers so that theycannot carry nuclear weapons. Consequently, the number of bomber weapons could decrease inthe future, even without changes to the numbers of deployed bombers, as the United States retiresweapons or removes them from storage areas at Barksdale Air Force Base.

    The Air Force has begun to plan for the development of a new strategic bomber, with its possibleintroduction into the fleet in around 2018. According to Air Force Secretary Michael Wynne, theservice is seeking a bomber with not only stealth capabilities and long range, but also one with

    69The Air Force also has 289 ALCMs that have been converted to carry conventional warheads (CALCMs). SeeMichael Sirak. DOD Studies Future Role of Nuclear-Armed Cruise Missiles. Defense Daily, March 30, 2006.70Robert S. Norris and Hans M. Kristensen. U.S. Nuclear Forces, 2006. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.January/February 2006.71According to S.Rept. 109-274, Energy and Water Appropriations Bill 2007, the Nuclear Weapons Council andDepartment of Defense no longer support the W80 Life Extension activities. As a result, both the House (H.R. 5427)and Senate Appropriations Bills eliminate funding for this effort.

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    persistence, one that can stay airborne and on call for very long periods.72The start of thestudy on a new bomber, known as an Analysis of Alternatives (AOA) had been delayed by adispute over whether the study should stand alone or be merged with another AOA on promptglobal strike (PGS). While a future bomber could be a part of the PGS mission, other systems,such as hypersonic technologies and missiles, would also be a part of the effort to strike anywhere

    around the world at long range. General Cartwright, the former head of STRATCOM, reportedlysupported a plan to merge the two efforts, so that the considerations of capabilities for a newbomber would be measured along side other systems, both to balance the force and avoidredundancy across the force.73On the other hand, the former Air Force Chief of Staff, General T.Michael Moseley, reportedly preferred to keep the two studies separate. He argued that a bomberwith long-range strike capabilities must have persistent, survivable, and penetrating capabilitieswhile a platform with PGS capabilities could be standoff weapon that is very, very fast.74Thisposition reportedly prevailed, with the Air Force deciding, in May 2006, to keep the two studiesseparate.75

    This dispute reveals wide-ranging differences, within the Air Force and Pentagon, about the goalsfor and capabilities that should be sought in a new bomber program.76The dispute focuses,

    however, on conventional capabilities; it seems to be almost a foregone conclusion that nuclearcapabilities, or the need for a bomber leg of the nuclear triad, will not drive the discussion oranalysis.

    This report focuses on the numbers and types of weapons in the U.S. strategic nuclear forcestructure. It does not address the broader question of why the United States chooses to deploythese numbers and types of weapons, or more generally, the role that U.S. nuclear weapons playin U.S. national security strategy. This question is addressed in other CRS reports.77However, asCongress reviews the Bush Administrations plans for U.S. nuclear forces, and assesses how the

    United States might alter its force structure, it could address broader questions about therelationship between these forces and the role of nuclear weapons.

    The Bush Administration has argued that, because the United States and Russia are no longerenemies, the United States will not size or structure its nuclear forces simply to deter the Russianthreat. Instead, nuclear weapons will play a broader role in U.S. national security strategy.

    72Christie, Rebecca. Air Force To Step Up New Bomber Search in Next Budget. Wall Street Journal. June 29, 2006.73Grossman, Elaine M. Cartwright Wants to See Strike Studies Await Discovery Process. InsideDefense.Com. April6, 2006.74Bennet, John T. Internal Squabbles Holding Up Bomber Study, USAF Official Says. InsideDefense.com. April 21,2006.75Matishak, Martin. Long-Range, Prompt Global Strike Studies Will Remain Separate. InsideDefense.com. June 16,2006.76For more details on the proposed bomber, see CRS Report RL34406, The Next Generation Bomber: Background,Oversight Issues, and Options for Congress, by Anthony Murch.77See, for example, CRS Report RL31623, U.S. Nuclear Weapons: Changes in Policy and Force Structure , by Amy F.Woolf.

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    Specifically, the United States will maintain nuclear weapons to assureallies and friends of theU.S. commitment to their security, to dissuadepotential adversaries from challenging the UnitedStates with nuclear weapons or other asymmetrical threats, to deteradversaries by promising anunacceptable amount of damage in response to an adversarys attack, and to defeatenemies byholding at risk those targets that could not be destroyed with other types of weapons.78Further,

    says DOD, the United States will develop and maintain the capabilities it needs to counter thecapabilities of a wider range of adversaries under a wider range of circumstances. It hasdesignated these circumstances as immediate contingencies, potential contingencies, andunexpected contingencies.79

    The 2001 Nuclear Posture review determined that the United States would need to maintainbetween 1,700 and 2,200 operationally deployed nuclear warheads to achieve the goals outlinedabove. The Bush Administration also indicated that the United States would maintain in storagemany of the warheads removed from deployed forces, and would maintain the capability torestore some of these warheads to the deployed