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    3PERCEPIONS, Winter 2012, Volume XVII, Number 4, pp. 3-26.

    Key Words

    Japanese-Amercan relatons, Japanese-

    Amercan allance, Korean-Amercan

    relatons, North Korea, Sno-Amercan

    relatons, awan Strat ssue.

    Introduction

    Te date 7 December 2011 was the

    70thannversary of the surprse Japanesear attack on Pearl Harbor, Hawa.

    Tat day of nfamy long ago not only

    brought Amerca nto a global war, but

    propelled the US towards becomng the

    domnant mltary and poltcal power n

    East Asa. US foregn polcy n Asa was

    shaped by four wars, three hot and one

    cold. Te outcome of the Second WorldWar created a permanent Amercan

    mltary presence n the regon and

    transformed Japan nto a key ally. Te

    Korean War, Amercas frst war fought

    entrely on the Asan manland, saved

    South Korea, whch became another US

    ally. It also created a defensve permeter

    for the Cold War, n whch the US faceddown both the Sovet Unon and the

    Abstract

    Snce the md-19th century, the US hasbeen a Pacfc power. Trough three warsand the Cold War, Amerca became a majorregonal player. Modern Japanese-Amercanrelatons were shaped by the Cold War, anda strong poltcal-mltary allance served thegeopoltcal needs of both countres. As Japanseconomy matured and ts poltcs transformedn the 1990s, okyo sought greater poltcalndependence, and used an upgradng of the

    allance as part of ts effort to acheve the morenormal status as a great power. US relatonswth South Korea have been drven by a sharedpercepton of threat from North Korea. Sncethe Cold War, the nature of ths threat hasshfted from mmedate concern about conflctto danger from an essentally faled state. Sno-Amercan relatons centre on the nteracton oftwo great powers. Chnas quas-allance wththe US and market-orented reforms meant

    that the relatonshp n the 1980s centred onrentegraton of Chna nto the global poltcaleconomy. Snce the md-1990s, Chnas rsehas led to ncreased tensons, especally nstrategc and economc ssue areas. Amercasclose but unoffcal relatonshp wth awanremans an rrtant to overall Chnese-Amercan tes.

    Joel R. CAMPBELL*

    US Foreign Policy towards Northeast Asia

    * Associate Professor in the Masters of Scienceof International Relations program of royUniversity, teaching on the Pacific Region(Japan and Korea).

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    newly communst Chna. Te Vetnam

    War, whch has been perceved as a US

    loss, nserted Amerca nto SoutheastAsan poltcs, wth Japan as a key

    stagng area. wo more recent wars, n

    Afghanstan and Iraq, reled on Japanese

    bases for supply and tranng.

    Post-Vetnam US foregn polcy

    downplayed East Asa. Amerca

    wthdrew from manland Southeast Asa

    n the 1970s, and lost ts Phlppne

    bases by 1991. Chna algned tself wth

    Amerca n the latter days of the Cold

    War, whle t ntroduced economc

    reforms and opened up to foregn

    trade and nvestment. Te end of the

    Cold War eased regonal tensons, wth

    only the Korean pennsula remanng

    a flashpont. Japan contnued to rely

    on Amercan defence guarantees as a

    foundaton of ts own foregn polcy, but

    ts outszed economc presence n the

    1980s seemed on the wane by the md-

    1990s.

    Amerca has long seen tself as a Pacfc

    power, and a key goal of US foregnpolcy has been to prevent any major

    power or combnaton of powers ganng

    control of Eurasa.1Much was made of

    the Obama admnstratons pvot fromSouth Asa and the Mddle East to the

    Asa-Pacfc n 2011. Te Presdent spent

    most of last November bolsterng US

    trade, poltcal, and mltary tes n the

    regon. Te US hosted the Asa-Pacfc

    Economc Cooperaton forum (APEC)

    summt n Hawa. Obamas openng

    address noted that the Asa Pacfcregon s absolutely crtcal to Amercas

    economc growth we consder t a

    top prorty.2He promoted the rans-

    Pacfc Partnershp (PP), a free trade

    area that would span the Pacfc, whch s

    n prelmnary negotatons and has been

    sgned up to by Australa, Malaysa, New

    Zealand, Sngapore, and Vetnam (Japan,Canada, and Mexco have expressed

    nterest n jonng the talks). Vstng

    Australa, Obama joned wth Prme

    Mnster Jula Gllard to reaffrm ther

    allance, and both agreed that 2,500 US

    Marnes would begn rotatng through an

    Australan base near Darwn. Hs speech

    to the Australan parlament focused onfreedom, some observers vewng ths

    as an obvous contrast wth Chna. He

    then attended the East Asa Summt n

    Indonesa, where he announced that

    the US was consderng normalsng

    relatons wth Burma/Myanmar, based

    on the mltary governments recent

    prelmnary reforms. Secretary of StateHllary Clnton quckly vsted Yangon,

    Te outcome of the SecondWorld War created a permanent

    American military presencein the region and transformedJapan into a key ally.

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    US Foreign Policy towards Northeast Asia

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    US-Japanese Relations

    A History of Mutual Dependence

    Te Unted States and Japan frst

    encountered each other as md-19th

    century rsng Pacfc powers. Te US

    sought to open Japan ostensbly to

    establsh ports of call for Amercan

    whalng shps, and to promote Asan

    trade. It was also a way to nsert tself nto

    the mperalstc poltcs of Asa. Japan

    was perhaps fortunate that a relatvely

    small power lke the US came to call

    n 1853, rather than the hegemonc

    Great Brtan, whch was preoccuped

    wth ts efforts to domnate Inda and

    Chna. It took the Japanese 15 years to

    fully decde how to respond to Western

    encroachment, but the Mej Restoraton

    n 1868 thrust Japan nto the modern

    world along a path of economc and

    poltcal modernsaton. At frst, Amerca

    vewed Japans transformaton postvely,

    as a naton replcatng the Anglo-Saxon

    model, and as a counter to Russa and a

    collapsng Chna.4

    Amercas postve vew gradually

    changed as Japan aggressvely entered the

    Asa mperalsm game. Unlke European

    powers, Japans colonal efforts were

    mostly contguous, creatng mmedate

    tenson wth other Asan countres.

    Amerca protested Japans moves nto

    Chna n the 1930s, and rsng blateraltenson culmnated n the attack on Pearl

    and met wth both the leaders of the

    rulng junta and opposton leader Aung

    San Suu Ky.3

    Te frst week of 2012, accompaned by

    Defence Secretary Leon Panetta, Obama

    announced a new mltary strategy to

    support ths Asa pvot. Amerca would

    draw down forces statoned n Europe

    and reduce ts overall mltary strength,

    whle mantanng force levels n East

    Asa and deployng US Marnes to the

    Phlppnes and Taland.

    Ts artcle surveys Amercan foregn

    polcy n Northeast Asa snce the Cold

    War, focusng on shared hstory and

    current ssues. It dscusses relatons

    wth four key states or enttes: Japan,the Republc of Korea (hereafter called

    Korea), Chna, and awan. It suggests

    that Asa s once agan becomng

    central to US polcy. Te Obama

    admnstratons recent pvot to Asa s

    only the latest manfestaton of Amercan

    preoccupaton wth the regon, and

    heralds an enhanced role for Asa nAmercan thnkng over the next decade.

    America has long seen itself asa Pacific power, and a key goalof US foreign policy has beento prevent any major power or

    combination of powers gainingcontrol of Eurasia.

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    Harbor. Japan greatly mscalculated

    Amercan wllngness to fght, and pad

    dearly for t. Te subsequent PacfcWar (1941-1945) was marked by

    ntense brutalty, and ended n Japans

    overwhelmng defeat. Te crushng

    nature of the vctory, followed by the

    benevolence of the occupaton, helped

    make Japans poltcal and economc

    transformaton relatvely smooth.5

    Japan emerged as Amercas key Asanally n the 1950s. Te frst key event

    that shaped the relatonshp was the

    San Francsco reaty of 1951 whch

    restored Japans soveregnty after the

    Amercan occupaton; along wth the

    later Mutual Securty reaty, t made

    Japan Amercas junor partner n East

    Asa.6 Te allance was based on threemplct understandngs: Japan would

    accept an nferor poston n return for

    an Amercan guarantee of ts securty,

    Japan would concentrate on economc

    development and gan access to the US

    market, and Japan could have a degree

    of ndependence n ts foregn polcy but

    would do nothng that would challengethe new regonal order n Asa or US

    hegemonc leadershp.7 Ts trade-off

    became known as the Yoshda Doctrne

    after Prme Mnster Yoshda Shgeru,and whch stated that the US would

    lead n the securty area, and Japan

    would concentrate on developng ts

    economy. A second key event was the

    1960 renewal of the Mutual Securty

    reaty whch, despte ant-treaty rots,

    put securty tes on a more permanent

    bass.8

    Te relatonshp held througha number of challenges, notably the

    drawn out reverson of Oknawa,

    popular opposton to the Vetnam War,

    and the Nxon Shocks of the early

    1970s (Nxon slapped puntve tarffs on

    Japanese exports, and decded to forge

    a quas-allance wth Chna wthout

    nformng Japanese leaders).As Japan became one of the worlds

    largest economes n the 1970s, the

    bfurcated nature of the relatonshp

    became panfully clear. Whle Japan

    contnued to defer to the US on regonal

    and global securty, and remaned a

    steadfast Cold War ally, Japanese neo-

    mercantlst exports and predatorybusness behavour created huge trade

    surpluses wth the US, helped destroy

    several key Amercan ndustres, and led

    to a number of hgh-profle takeovers of

    Amercan companes. rade frcton

    reached a peak n the md-1980s, as

    Amercan calls for apprecaton of the

    undervalued yen led to the Plaza Accordn 1985. Japanese banks and ndustral

    Unlike European powers,Japans colonial efforts weremostly contiguous, creatingimmediate tension with otherAsian countries.

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    waters of Japan, and would only work

    wth Amercan forces n functonal

    areas such as operatons, logstcs, andntellgence. After a three-year process,

    okyo and Washngton specfed

    condtons under whch the two natons

    would jontly operate n future conflcts.

    Te two mltares would now cooperate

    n peacetme condtons, would work

    together to thwart attacks on the

    Japanese homeland, and would react toregonal threats that could affect Japans

    securty. Tey also lsted new areas of

    cooperaton, such as relef operatons

    of US forces, support n rear areas, and

    jont work on operatons.10

    Begnnng n the 1960s, varous leaders

    n the Japanese Lberal Democratc Party

    (LDP), the governng party at the tme,sought ways to acheve two goals: greater

    ndependence for Japanese foregn polcy

    and more equalty n Japanese-Amercan

    relatons. Comprehensve securty was

    an effort n the 1970s to gve Japan more

    breathng room n an era of ol shortages.

    Meanwhle, okyo became a more actve

    partner wth Amerca. By the 1970s,Japan funded 75 % of the costs of the US

    frms began to recycle export earnngs

    to the US economy, and Japan became

    Amercas leadng credtor.Te allance faced ts greatest post-

    Cold War test (and thrd key event)

    not n East Asa but n the Mddle

    East. Durng the 1991 Gulf War, Japan

    was roundly crtcsed by Amercan

    lawmakers and pundts for ts falure

    to robustly support the Amercan-led

    allance. okyo belatedly pledged US$4 bllon (wth an addtonal US $9

    bllon later) to help defray the US $500

    mllon daly war costs, and dspatched

    a mne sweeper to the Persan Gulf

    after the war had ended. Respondng

    to nternatonal crtcsm, Japan wthn

    two years undertook two major changes:

    t markedly ncreased fnancal supportfor US forces n Japan, and commtted

    to jonng UN peacekeepng operatons.

    After ts frst successful postwar overseas

    troop deployment n Camboda (1992-

    1993), t partcpated n UN operatons

    n several other countres.9

    Upgrading the Partnership

    A fourth key epsode was the draftng

    of blateral defence gudelnes n 1997.

    Earler agreements from the 1970s stated

    that Japan would buld up suffcent

    forces to provde ts own self-defence,

    though the Japanese Self-Defence Force

    (SDF) would carry out most of tsoperatons wthn the land and terrtoral

    As Japan became one of theworlds largest economies in the1970s, the bifurcated natureof the relationship becamepainfully clear.

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    bases n Japan, and had enacted a range

    of legal measures to support US forces.

    Japans fadng economc pre-emnenceand Chnas rsng economc power

    meant that Japan receved less attenton

    from Amercan poltcal leaders, and

    Japan bashng gave way to Japan

    passng n recent years. Domestc

    poltcal changes n Japan n the 1990s,

    ncludng the meltdown of the pacfst

    Socalst Party, allowed conservatveleaders to promote the noton of Japan

    as a normal naton, n other words

    one that could project ts own mltary

    mght as a great power. Te ascent of

    Kozum Junchro to the premershp

    was a game-changer n that t brought a

    full upgradng of the Japanese-Amercan

    relatonshp. Kozum beleved thatthe 9/11 attacks created a new global

    securty realty, and that partcpaton

    n the US-led coalton n Afghanstan

    would provde an opportunty for Japan

    to attan both greater ndependence and

    equalty wth Amerca. Kozum was one

    of the frst alles to pledge support for

    the US campagn. He pushed the Ant-errorsm Specal Measures Law through

    the Det, the Japanese parlament, n

    October 2001, and then sent Martme

    Self-Defence shps to the Indan Ocean

    n support of the war.11

    Te Iraq War two years later provded

    an even more potent opportunty for

    Kozum to boost tes wth Washngton.One of the few Amercan alles to

    pledge support n ths war, Kozum

    agreed to send an SDF force to do

    humantaran and reconstructon workn Iraq. Kozum was lucky that there

    were no casualtes, and the two-year

    deployment took place wth only mld

    protests n Japan.12 Kozum and US

    Presdent George W. Bush also generally

    agreed about the need to put pressure on

    North Korea about ts nuclear weapons

    programme, and both were equallyalarmed about the Chnese mltary

    buld up. As long as Bush, Kozum, and

    Kozums LDP successors were n offce,

    the relatonshp remaned farly close,

    though dsagreements over North Korea

    surfaced when the USs hard-lne stance

    dd not produce tangble results (Japanese

    leaders were encouraged when Bushsteam made some temporary progress

    wth Pyongyang durng hs last 18

    months n offce). Te two governments

    made headway on realgnment of US

    bases to lmt ther mpact on Oknawa,

    the creaton of a ballstc mssle defence

    system for Japan, and on allowng

    Japanese SDF a stronger role n natonaldefence.13 Te two governments also

    worked together on a range of securty

    ssues, such as ballstc mssle defence,

    martme securty, and nter-operablty

    of defence systems.14

    Perhaps the bggest recent challenge

    to the blateral relatonshp was the

    landslde vctory of the Japaneseopposton party, the Democratc Party

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    personnel n manland Japan, okyo

    prefers basng n the southern sland

    prefecture of Oknawa. Over 70 % of USforces statoned n Japan are based there,

    and bases take up around 30 % of land

    on the tny sland. Due n part to a strng

    of crmes and varous accdents nvolvng

    US servce personnel, there s sgnfcant

    opposton to the bases on the sland.

    Whle many Oknawans work on the

    bases, large numbers of people would lketo reduce the mpact of US operatons,

    and eventually move Amercan bases

    off the sland. After a 1995 rape of a 12

    year-old grl by three US servcemen,

    whch sparked mass protests throughout

    the country, Presdent Bll Clnton and

    Prme Mnster Hashmoto Ryutaro

    promsed to reduce the Amercanfootprnt on the sland. okyo and

    Washngton later agreed to move 8,000

    US Marnes to Guam, and to relocate

    the Futenma Marne Ar Staton from ts

    urban locaton to Henoko n northern

    Oknawa.17

    Te Oknawan prefectural government,

    along wth local envronmental actvsts,has long pressed for the closng of

    Futenma wthout relocaton to Henoko.

    LDP leaders were commtted to the

    agreement, but n 2009 the DPJ came to

    power promsng to reopen the ssue. Te

    Obama admnstraton dug n ts heels,

    and Secretary of Defence Robert Gates

    nssted that the agreement would not berenegotated. Prme Mnster Hatoyama

    of Japan (DPJ), n September 2009.

    Te DPJ platform called for major

    changes n the allance, such as ganngmore equalty n the relatonshp,

    promotng stronger regonal tes, and

    lessenng the mpact of Amercan bases

    on Oknawa. Once Hatoyama Yuko

    took offce as prme mnster, blateral

    tensons mounted.15 However, Japanese

    people gave the LDP a landslde vctory,

    ejectng the DPJ from power after threeyears durng the general electon on 16

    December 2012. Japans recently elected

    Prme Mnster Shnzo Abe met wth

    Presdent Barack Obama on 22 February

    2013 n Washngton, seekng to renforce

    US-Japanese relatons n a tme of hgh

    tensons for Japan, caused by a terrtoral

    dspute between Japan and Chna overthe Senkaku/Daoyu Islands n the East

    Chna sea, and a North Korean nuclear

    test. At the summt wth Abe, Obama

    called the allance wth Japan the central

    foundaton of U.S. polcy on Asa.16

    Futenma

    Te Futenma ssue encapsulates

    those unresolved tensons n Japanese-

    Amercan relatons. Sxty years after

    the postwar occupaton of Japan ended,

    Japan stll depends on Amercan securty

    guarantees, and a large Amercan

    mltary presence remans, but t does

    not st easly there. Unwllng to acceptlarge numbers of Amercan mltary

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    was unable to convnce the prefectural

    leaders to accept the agreement, hs

    poston became poltcally untenable,and he resgned after only nne months

    n offce. Te fasco ndcated a clear

    poltcal falure by the DPJ to transform

    the ncdent: attemptng to follow publc

    opnon on the ssue, t poltcsed

    securty polcymakng, but was not

    able to come up wth coherent polcy

    alternatves, and blateral securty polcyoutcomes remaned largely unchanged.18

    Curts, for one, suggests that the

    Obama admnstraton deserves much

    of the blame for the crss, especally

    for Secretary of Defence Robert

    Gates puttng pressure on Hatoyamas

    government mmedately after the

    electon, and then Obamas reluctanceto help the prme mnster as he began

    to flounder.19 Te Futenma agreement

    remans n place but, 16 years after the

    rape ncdent, t s uncertan when the

    base wll be moved.

    Recent Issues

    Te 11 March 2011 earthquake,

    tsunam and nuclear dsaster precptated

    the worst humantaran and poltcal

    crss n Japan of the postwar era. Te

    mpact on an already strugglng Japanese

    economy was ncalculable, and the

    sluggsh handlng of the crss led to

    the downfall of Kan Naoto, Hatoyamassuccessor as prme mnster. Ironcally, the

    dsasters aftermath marked an upswng

    n US-Japanese relatons as Amercan

    mltary unts statoned n Japan assstedn relef operatons n the ohoku

    regon (called Operaton omodach, or

    frend), and US government agences

    advsed ther Japanese counterparts on

    dealng wth the crppled Fukushma

    Dach nuclear plant. Overall relatons

    had been mprovng snce md-2010,

    when a Chnese fshng trawler rammeda Japan Coast Guard vessel n the East

    Chna Sea. A mn-crss over Japans

    holdng of the boats captan was averted

    when Kan agreed to return hm to

    Chna, but ths hurt the prme mnsters

    publc approval. Suddenly, okyos old

    fear of a rsng Chna trumped any desre

    to equalse relatons wth Amerca, andthe DPJ government began to realse the

    value of the allance.20

    Japanese and Amercan polcymakershave worked to reduce economc

    okyo and Washington havediscussed new frameworksfor cooperation, including

    agreement to take bilateralissues to the World radeOrganisation (WO), draftingnew sector-specific agreements,and creating a bilateral freetrade agreement (FA).

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    trade tes wth the US. Te need to

    keep dversfed trade relatons became

    manfest n late 2011 and early 2012, asncreased energy mports due to a post-

    tsunam nuclear shutdown combned

    wth softness n the Chnese market

    caused Japan to run ts frst general trade

    defcts n a generaton.

    US-South Korean Relations

    A Shared Treat Relationship

    Amercas relatons wth South Korea

    are a bond forged n blood, and are

    domnated by one ssue: the threat

    to the South from North Korea. US

    troops occuped the southern half of the

    pennsula at the end of the Second World

    War, whle the Sovet army took thenorthern half. Te wartme alles agreed

    that the two halves would be reunted

    nto a democratc Korea, but they could

    never agree on the terms under whch an

    electon would take place. In 1948, the

    Democratc Peoples Republc of Korea

    (DPRK) under the Sovet-nstalled

    leader Km Il Sung, and the Republc ofKorea (ROK) under the authortaran

    Syngman Rhee (Lee Sung Man) began

    as separate states. Sovet and Amercan

    forces wthdrew from the pennsula, and

    the Amercans unntentonally sgnalled

    that they would not defend the South

    f t was attacked. North Korea nvaded

    the ROK n June 1950 and the rumanadmnstraton quckly ntervened n

    frcton over the past decade, and have

    cooperated on economc recovery snce

    the 2008-2009 global recesson. Gonewere the hgh-profle trade dsputes of

    the 1980s and 1990s, despte contnued

    Japanese trade surpluses, and okyo dd

    not protest the Obama admnstratons

    efforts to revve the Amercan automoble

    ndustry. Japan has attempted no

    major devaluaton of ts currency to

    take advantage of the recesson, andcontnued ts conservatve monetary

    and fscal polcy. okyo and Washngton

    have dscussed new frameworks for

    cooperaton, ncludng agreement to

    take blateral ssues to the World rade

    Organsaton (WO), draftng new

    sector-specfc agreements, and creatng

    a blateral free trade agreement (FA).

    21

    Obamas polcy pvot to Asa was taken

    n part to reassure Japanese leaders,

    especally DPJ leaders who felt that the

    US had sabotaged Hatoyama over the

    Futenma ssue. Obama sees the Japan

    allance as bedrock for hs Asa polcy,

    snce Amercan forces wll contnue to

    be based n Japan for the long term. Forther part, Japans DPJ leadershp by 2011

    seemed much more wllng to cooperate

    wth the US on Asa-Pacfc regonal

    and securty ssues. Japans January 2012

    announcement that t wshed to jon

    multlateral negotatons on the PP

    ndcated that the DPJ had embraced

    the LDP polcy to lnk efforts towardsregonal ntegraton to contnued strong

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    the conflct. Te ensung Korean War

    lasted over three years, takng the lves

    of over one mllon Koreans, perhaps300,000 Chnese, and more than 33,000

    Amercans.

    When the war ended n the stalemate of

    an armstce, Amercan troops remaned

    n the mpovershed South, whch was

    ncorporated nto the US-East Asan

    allance. Lke Japan, the ROK sgned a

    mutual securty treaty wth Washngton,and Amerca provded heavy mltary and

    economc ad to the strugglng country.

    Snce the 1950s, the prmary motvaton

    of the Korean-Amercan allance has

    been to prevent another North Korean

    attack on the South. Unlke Japan,

    South Korea faced an antagonstc

    state bound on ts destructon across aheavly fortfed border, the roncally

    named Demltarsed Zone (DMZ).

    Outsde threats to the country were

    more mmedate, and the Amercan

    role n the defence of the country more

    heavy handed and drect. Amercan

    forces were ntended as a trp-wre,

    .e., suffcently large that Pyongyangwould always know that, n the event of

    another Korean war, they would agan

    face overwhelmng Amercan frepower.

    Ts deterrence has apparently worked.Despte varous attempts to destablse

    the South wth nfltraton, assassnaton

    attempts and terrorst acts, North Korea

    has never mounted a sustaned breach of

    the armstce, at least untl two serous

    ncdents n 2010.

    Also unlke Japan, Korean poltcs

    remaned authortaran under Rhees

    tradtonal strong-man government

    untl 1960, and then under the mltary

    governments of Park Chung Hee and

    Chun Doo Hwan from 1961 untl 1987.

    However, Korea followed a Japanese-

    style state-led, export-orented growth

    path, and ts economy took off n the

    1960s, achevng very hgh growth rates

    n the 1970s and 1980s and becomng

    one of the prosperous East Asan ger

    economes (or newly ndustralsng

    economes). As wth Japan before t,

    blateral trade ssues emerged as sources

    of frcton from the 1980s onward. rade

    dsputes have been generally more mutedthan those wth Japan, and the two alles

    concluded a free trade agreement n

    2007 (see below).

    Wth the collapse of the Sovet Unon

    n 1991, North Korea lost ts most

    mportant source of foregn ad and trade,

    and ts economy cratered. Te nature of

    the northern threat now shfted, as theDPRK was now trapped n ts own self-

    With the collapse of the SovietUnion in 1991, North Korealost its most important sourceof foreign aid and trade, and itseconomy cratered.

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    nuclear development as a precondton

    for blateral talks accomplshed lttle,

    and so Amercan negotators trednformal blateral talks, leadng to the

    Norths agreeng to dsmantle ts nuclear

    facltes. Te Obama admnstraton

    refused to follow what t vewed as largely

    reactve approaches of Clnton and

    Bush. North Korea reacted to perceved

    US ndfference by gong back on the

    nuclear deal, and a seres of provocatons,ncludng another nuclear test n

    2009, the snkng of the ROK corvette

    Cheonan n early 2010, and shellng of

    ROK-controlled Yeongpyeong Island off

    the west coast at the end of the year.23

    Current US-Korean Issues

    Te Bush admnstraton concluded

    a free trade agreement (FA) wth

    Korea n June 2007. Despte sgnfcant

    opposton n both countres, the

    agreement was ratfed by the US

    Congress n October 2011 and by the

    Korean Natonal Assembly the next

    month. Te FA s the largest for the USoutsde North Amerca, and sgnfcantly

    lowers tarffs and encourages lessened

    regulaton of key sectors such as

    automobles and beef. Wthn fve years,

    the agreement wll elmnate tarffs on

    95 % of traded goods, and both sdes

    commtted to openng up trade n

    servces.24 Implementng the agreementn ways that avod protectonsm on

    relance (Juche) deology and seemed

    lke a dangerous wounded anmal. It

    was at ths pont that the North beganto develop nuclear weapons, leadng to

    the frst nuclear crss n 1994. Ts was

    defused wth the Agreed Framework,

    by whch Pyongyang would gve up

    ts weapons programme n return for

    a non-weapons grade reactor and a

    supply of fuel ol. In the mdst of the

    crss, Km Il Sung ded, leavng thecountry n the hands of hs son, Km

    Jong Il. A subsequent crss over mssle

    development led to another deal n

    1998. Due to poor agrcultural practces,

    the country descended nto a prolonged

    famne, but the Clnton admnstraton

    made progress towards normalsaton

    of relatons n ts last year. Te SouthKorean governments of Km Dae Jung

    and Roh Moo Hyun tred to engage the

    North through ther Sunshne Polcy,

    but t produced lmted results.22

    Te George W. Bush admnstraton

    was unnterested n accommodaton

    wth Pyongyang, and saw North Korea

    as regonal threat equal to that of Iraqor Iran n the Mddle East. Te Norths

    admsson that t was refnng uranum

    sparked a long-runnng second nuclear

    dspute. Te DPRK clamed that t

    tested ts frst nuclear devce n 2006,

    and experts debated over whether the

    country mght already possess several

    weapons. Bushs nsstence that thecommunst regme agree to gve up

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    ether sde wll test the agreement gong

    forward.

    North Korea remans the mostmportant concern between the two

    alles. Whle lberals Km Dae Jung and

    Roh Moo Hyun publcly opposed Bushs

    hard-lne approach, Lee Myung Bak has

    been eager to work wth both Republcan

    and Democratc admnstratons, and

    hs approach to Pyongyang parallels

    that of the Obama admnstraton. Both

    leaders have nssted that they wll not

    reward the North for provocatons, and

    wll nsst on good-fath negotatons

    through establshed north-south and

    sx-party talks mechansms. Snce the

    Youngpyoung Island ncdent, Lee has

    mantaned a hard-lne stance towards

    North Korea, but support for hs rulng

    Grand Natonal Party (renamed the

    Saenur, or New Fronter, Party n

    February 2012) has fallen.25

    Accordng to a Councl on Foregn

    Relatons (CFR) task force, the Norths

    nuclear stockple represents the gravest

    threat n the regon, and ths ncludesmultple problems: the nuclear devces

    themselves, ther relatonshp wth

    advanced mssle technology, and

    chances that nuclear technology or

    materals mght be gven to other natons

    or groups, especally n the Mddle East.

    Te task force noted that these ssues

    have become more dffcult due to anunpredctable and reclusve regme

    whose future s uncertan, and progress

    n persuadng that regme to gve up ts

    nuclear programme has been elusve,as the sx-party talks have remaned

    stalled snce 2008. Te CFR called

    on the Obama admnstraton to use a

    combnaton of sanctons, ncentves,

    sustaned poltcal pressure, and

    cooperaton wth Chna to acheve the

    goal of denuclearsaton.26

    North Koreas medum and long-

    range mssles also reman a concern to

    both alles. Pyongyang has substantally

    upgraded ts mssle arsenal snce an

    earler agreement wth the Clnton

    admnstraton n 1998 to curb

    development. Te DPRK may have 800-

    1,000 medum-range mssles, ncludng600-plus Scud-types and 200 Nodongs,

    whch were developed by the North on

    ts own. It has made progress wth ts

    long-range aepodong-2 mssle, tests

    for whch were only partally successful

    n 2006 and 2008. Most worryng for

    the US, the North tested the very long-

    range Unha-2 mssle, whch could reachthe western half of the contnental US

    Both leaders have insisted thatthey will not reward the Northfor provocations, and will insiston good-faith negotiationsthrough established north-southand six-party talks mechanisms.

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    1911-1912 revoluton easly swept asde

    the Qng dynasty, but the successor

    republcan government was unable toconsoldate poltcal power untl the

    1930s. Just as that was happenng, Japan

    conquered much of the ndustral and

    agrcultural heartland of the country,

    eventually plungng Chna nto the

    Second World War.

    By contrast, the young and dynamc

    Unted States expanded across the

    North Amercan contnent, enjoyed

    heady economc growth averagng

    roughly 4 % per year, bult the worlds

    largest ndustral structure, became the

    worlds leadng economc and mltary

    power by 1945, and led the Western

    alles to vctory n the Second World

    War. Unlke the other Western powers,Amerca never made any terrtoral

    clams n Chna. Beneftng from the

    Chna trade, t pushed for an even-

    handed Open Door polcy n Chna.

    Durng the Second World War, US ar

    and ground forces fought alongsde the

    Chnese army, Amercan ad propped up

    the Chnese economy, and US advsorsasssted Communst forces n the north.

    n 2009. Te North has also exported

    ts Nodong technology, and Pakstan

    Ghaur and Iranan Shahab rockets arebased on t.27

    Ultmately, many observers note,

    comprehensve negotatons wth

    Pyongyang may be needed. Perhaps

    the most effectve approach would be

    a package deal n whch the DPRK

    would trade ts nuclear weapons (and

    maybe mssle development and abasket of market-orented reforms) for

    recognton, ad, and non-aggresson

    pledges from South Korea, Japan, and

    the US. Te Norths desre for regme

    survval may be key to ts embrace of such

    an approach, and Chnas nvolvement

    n such negotatons could help reassure

    Pyongyang of contnued poltcal

    support durng mplementaton.28

    US-Chinese Relations

    Love and Loathing Between wo

    Great Powers

    For 2,000 years of ts long hstory,Chna was the predomnant East Asan

    power, and most countres on Chnas

    borders acknowledged the Mddle

    Kngdom and ts emperor as ther

    suzeran. Due to populaton pressures,

    economc stagnaton, and gradual

    encroachment of Western powers, that

    domnance waned durng the centuryof shame from 1839 to 1949. Te

    Most worrying for the US, theNorth tested the very long-range Unha-2 missile, whichcould reach the western half ofthe continental US in 2009.

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    Te sudden trumph of Mao Zedongs

    Communsts n the cvl war (1947-

    1949) shocked the Amercans and, nthe tense clmate of the early Cold War,

    conservatves questoned who lost

    Chna? Te massve corrupton and

    nepttude of the rulng Guomndang

    party (the Natonalst party) vrtually

    guaranteed ther oustng, but the fall of

    Chna seemed lke a major defeat n the

    developng global struggle. Tere were

    then two Chnas: the Peoples Republc

    of Chna (PRC) on the manland and

    ruled by the Communst Party, and

    the Republc of Chna on awan ruled

    by the Guomndang. Amercan and

    Chnese forces battled each other n the

    Korean War and, as a result, the two

    countres had no formal relatons for

    over 20 years and the US fully embracedGuomndang-ruled awan. A low pont

    n Sno-Amercan tes came at the 1954

    Geneva Conference on Indochna, when

    US Secretary of State John Foster Dulles

    reportedly refused to shake hands wth

    Chnese Premer Zhou En-la. Te two

    countres also faced off n two crses

    n the 1950s over the awan Strat.Amercan eltes and publc vewed Chna

    as part of a Communst monolth,

    and were slow to grasp a growng rft

    between the Sovets and Chnese. Te

    John F. Kennedy admnstraton even

    contemplated bombng Chnas nuclear

    weapons facltes.29

    Te electon of Rchard Nxon as USpresdent changed everythng. Nxon

    had been one of the most ardent Cold

    Warrors, often lambastng Red Chna,

    durng the 1950s. By 1968, the realstNxon saw an opportunty to explot

    a growng Sno-Sovet rft and create a

    trangular dplomacy that would allow

    the US to manage great power relatons,

    nudge the Sovets towards negotaton n

    the superpower arms race, and allow a

    poltcal settlement of the Vetnam War,

    whch had become a US quagmre. ForChnas leaders, re-establshng relatons

    wth Washngton could gan valuable

    manoeuvrng room and releve Sovet

    pressure (the two Communst gants

    fought a bref border war n 1969, and

    Nxon nssted that the Sovets back off

    from a full-blown attack on Chna).

    Bejng and Washngton cautously edged

    towards rapprochement, culmnatng

    n Nxons vst to Chna n 1972. On

    the trps fnal day, the two sdes ssued

    the Shangha Communqu, whch

    became the bass for all subsequent

    Sno-Amercan relatons. It called for the

    two sdes to work towards normalsedrelatons, for the US to accept Bejngs

    One Chna concept (.e., that the PRC

    allows for only one Chna, ether n

    Bejng or ape, to have dplomatc

    recognton), and for awans status to

    be resolved peacefully. Amercans now

    vewed Chna qute favourably, busness

    tes began to grow, and blateral goodfeelngs lasted well nto the 1980s.

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    weakened poston n Asa, and to step

    up contanment of the Sovet Unon n

    the wake of the perceved loss n VetnamWar. Chna got to be taken serously as

    Amercas partner n the Cold War, and

    the Chnese pressure on the Sovets may

    have hastened the end of the global

    conflct.30

    Te 1989 bloody crackdown on pro-

    democracy protesters n Bejng was

    a major turnng pont, as t forced areassessment on both sdes of the Pacfc.

    George H.W. Bush, another realst, tred

    to contnue the relatonshp, but hgh-

    level contacts remaned largely frozen.

    Hs successor, Bll Clnton, came to

    offce wth promses to get tough on

    human rghts but, n hs second term,

    moved to create a strategc partnershpon trade and securty and pushed for

    Chnese membershp n the WO.

    George W. Bush faced a mn-crss only

    three months nto hs term when a US

    spy plane was forced to land on Hanan

    Island. Te ssue was hastly defused,

    and blateral relatons quckly warmed

    up after the 9/11 attacks. Chna wasone of the frst countres to support

    the Bush admnstratons Global War

    on errorsm. In return for support of

    Amercan efforts n South Asa and the

    Mddle East, the US took no acton

    aganst Chna for ts suppresson of

    Ughur natonalsts n the western

    Xnjang provnce, and ssued relatvelymld condemnatons of a 2008 Chnese

    Jmmy Carter took the next step

    by formally recognsng the Peoples

    Republc of Chna n 1979, andendng formal tes wth awan. Chna

    quckly became a quas-ally of the US,

    and the two natons mltares shared

    ntellgence. Ronald Reagan, who

    had been one of awans staunchest

    defenders, as presdent accepted the

    allance wth Chna n the nterest

    of defeatng the Sovets n the ColdWar. rade and other blateral tensons

    emerged, and the Communst Party

    remaned determned to hold onto ts

    poltcal power monopoly.

    Both powers ganed sgnfcantly from

    rapprochement. Te US got Chna

    to abandon the path of revolutonary

    change abroad, and to focus on trade-frendly, market-frendly economc

    development. Bejng also obtaned

    US assstance to re-enter the global

    economy. Deng Xaopngs reform

    and openng polces created a hybrd

    socalst-captalst economy that became

    a major tradng naton and one of the

    worlds largest economes. Te quas-allance also helped bolster Amercas

    Nixon had been one of the

    most ardent Cold Warriors,often lambasting Red China,during the 1950s.

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    crackdown n bet. Durng the Bush

    years, there was a good deal of dscusson

    of the mplcatons of the rse of Chna.Much of the Amercan elte reacted

    negatvely to Chnas sem-offcal noton

    of a peaceful rse, whch Hu Jntao

    then reformulated as a harmonous

    nternatonal socety. A number of

    blateral strans began to surface n 2004-

    2005, ncludng Amercan concern over

    Chnas overtures to the Assocaton ofSouth East Asan Natons (ASEAN)

    member countres and Latn Amerca.31

    Current and Emerging Bilateral

    Issues

    Te Obama admnstraton has taken a

    harder lne wth Chna snce early 2011.

    Chna has done a range of thngs,

    asserted Obama n hs press conference

    after the APEC meetng, that

    dsadvantage not just the Unted States

    but a whole host of ther tradng partners

    n the regon enough s enough.32

    Te US has been partcularly concernedby Chnas asserton of terrtoral clams

    n the East and South Chna Seas, and ts

    refusal to condemn ts North Korean ally

    after Pyongyangs 2010 provocatons.

    Amercan offcals also have expressed

    alarm over Chnas mltary buld-up and

    double-dgt spendng ncreases snce

    the early 1990s,33 whle concern aboutChnese suppresson of human rghts

    and relgous freedom s never far from

    the surface.

    Despte these recent strans, Chna hasgenerally adopted a conclatory foregn

    polcy lne over the past 20 years, focused

    on mprovng relatons wth both regonal

    neghbours and the US, and robust

    multlateralsm. Chna now cooperates

    more completely wth nternatonal

    non-prolferaton ntatves.34It has also

    resorted to use of postve natonalsm,

    whch s much more pragmatcally and

    s economcally orented, yet s more

    harshly reactve and defensve than ts

    deologcal Maost counterpart.35 Ts

    natonalsm has often mpacted relatons

    wth other major powers, most notably

    n the ant-Amercan protests after thebombng of the Chnese embassy n

    Serba durng the Kosovo War (1999).

    Chnas peaceful rse has enhanced ts

    ablty to use soft power and economc

    power to reassure neghbours and make

    frends n both developng and developed

    countres.36 Te unrestrcted natureof Chnas economc ad and loans, .e.,

    China has generally adopted aconciliatory foreign policy lineover the past 20 years, focused onimproving relations with bothregional neighbours and theUS, and robust multilateralism.

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    countres would shape the management

    of the globalsed economy through a

    G-2 arrangement. Gven obvouslydvergng nterests on such matters as

    clmate change and global governance,

    that s probably fancful, but the noton

    underlnes the mportance of blateral

    economc tes.

    A recent Bejng foregn polcy whtepaper noted that the external envronment

    s becomng more challengng and, lke

    Amerca, sees the Korean pennsula as

    one of the most troublesome. o be sure,

    21stcentury great power competton n

    East Asa wll be largely shaped by Sno-

    Amercan competton. Te queston s

    whether ths wll result n a second ColdWar, or even mltary conflct. Chna

    clearly seeks a return to ts tradtonal

    domnance of East Asa, and ths could

    undoubtedly create tensons wth three

    other regonal powers, namely the

    US, Japan, and Inda. Bejng hopes

    gradually to push the US out of what t

    calls the frst sland chan (the Ryukyus),to the second chan (the Maranas), and

    wth no poltcal condtons attached,

    has ganed t many potental alles n

    Afrca and Latn Amerca. Chnas hugestate-owned enterprses and soveregn

    wealth funds, wth vast funds and no

    shareholder accountablty, can sustan

    losses for extended perods. Even so,

    Chna may not yet be completely

    compettve wth the US and ts Western

    alles, snce t has a narrower base and

    lmted experence abroad. Te latter hasled to varous soco-cultural conflcts and

    msunderstandngs, especally n Afrca.37

    Amercas Chna polcy s

    contnually constraned by economc

    nterdependence. US offcals upbrad

    Chna on a range of ssues beyond

    Chnas growng trade surplus, such

    as ts undervalued currency, the yuan,lmted ntellectual property protecton,

    curbs on rare earth exports, and varous

    forms of protectonsm. For ts part,

    Chna accuses the US of heghtened

    protectonsm snce the fnancal crss.

    However, Amerca cannot afford to

    alenate the Mddle Kngdom, due to

    contnued relance on Chna to fundts budget defcts and to fuel ts stock

    markets. Amercan companes depend

    on Chna as a manufacturng platform

    and market. Te 2008 fnancal crss

    was a chance to get Chna to partally

    coordnate ts economc polces wth

    the US.38 Te centralty of the Sno-

    Amercan economc relatonshp has ledvarous pundts to suggest that the two

    Te centrality of the Sino-

    American economic relationshiphas led various pundits tosuggest that the two countrieswould shape the managementof the globalised economythrough a G-2 arrangement.

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    eventually the thrd chan (Hawa). As a

    Pacfc power, Amerca has no ntenton

    of pullng back from the Ryukyus for theforeseeable future, and t would never

    leave US terrtores n the Maranas.

    Obama announced at the 2009 ASEAN

    Regonal Forum a return to Southeast

    Asa, and has opposed Chnese moves

    n the South Chna Sea.39Te challenge

    for Chna s to mprove ts constraned

    geostrategc poston whle not openlythreatenng ether neghbours or

    Amerca, and the challenge for Amerca

    s to mantan ts forward poston n

    East Asa and robust economc tes

    wth Chna whle avodng great power

    conflct n the regon or globally.

    America and aiwan: A SpecialRelationship

    Te thornest ssue between the US

    and the PRC has always been awan.

    Tough t has had no dplomatc

    relatons wth the US snce 1979,

    the sland enjoys a partcularly close

    nformal relatonshp wth the USthat shares smlartes wth the even

    closer but formal Israel-Amercan

    relatonshp. Both awan and Israel

    are small, poltcally solated, embattled

    states facng larger hostle powers wthn

    ther respectve regons. Both countres

    have been, to varyng degrees, shunned

    by some of the nternatonal communty,n awans case mantanng dplomatc

    recognton wth only 23 natons, mostly

    ad-seekng states n Central Amerca,

    the Carbbean, and West Afrca. Bothcountres have depended on US mltary

    ad and economc assstance (access to

    US markets and nvestment, along wth

    sales of mltary equpment for awan).

    Both have long been protected by

    powerful poltcal lobbes and bpartsan

    poltcal coaltons n Washngton,

    the longstandng Chna lobby andconservatve Republcans n awans

    case.

    Te awan relatonshp traces ts roots

    to Amercans sentmental attachment

    to Free Chna before 1949. Amercan

    traders, mssonares, and wrters

    presented the Chnese as a noble people

    that needed to be saved from war and

    poverty. Durng the Second World War,

    the Guomndang regme of Chang Ka-

    shek appeared n Amercan propaganda

    as a stalwart ally, and the ruman

    admnstraton outraged conservatves

    by cuttng off mltary ad durng

    the subsequent cvl war, but qucklyembraced the Guomndang durng the

    Korean War.

    Wth US support, awan retaned

    Chnas seat on the UN Securty

    Councl for a generaton. US forces were

    statoned n awan, and the Seventh

    Fleet patrolled the awan Strat. All

    ths suddenly changed n 1971, whenAmerca dd not oppose a resoluton to

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    admnstraton permtted awans

    Presdent Lee eng Hu to vst hs

    alma mater, Cornell Unversty. Bejngwas outraged, snce t seemed lke an

    Amercan acknowledgement of awan

    offcaldom, and ths led drectly to the

    thrd awan Strat crss the next year:

    Chna tested mssles and conducted

    war games, as two US arcraft carrer

    groups patrolled north and south of

    the sland. Both countres backed awayfrom the brnk, but Chnese leadershp

    was determned to erase ts mltary

    dsadvantage n the Strat, and so

    accelerated ts mltary buld up.

    Te US-awanese relatonshp was

    straned wth the electon of Chen

    Shu Ban, leader of the opposton

    Democratc Progressve Party, n 2000.A awanese natonalst, Chen wanted

    to push towards eventual ndependence

    from Chna by creatng a Republc

    of awan that would replace the

    awanese Republc of Chna. Chna

    became ncreasngly angered by Chens

    moves, whch they vewed as volatons

    of the One Chna prncple. Te Bushadmnstraton found Chen rrtatng, as

    hs actons dstracted from Washngtons

    efforts to cultvate Chna as a partner n

    the Global War on error. Under US

    pressure and sufferng from personal

    scandals, Chen moderated hs rhetorc n

    hs last years n offce. Guomndang leader

    Ma Yng-jeou, who won the presdencyback n 2008, and was subsequently re-

    gve Chnas seat to the PRC (awan

    walked out of the General Assembly

    before the vote). As the prce for USrecognton of the PRC n 1979, Congress

    passed the awan Relatons Act. Ts

    legslaton specfed that Amerca would

    contnue nformal relatons wth awan,

    and guaranteed that the sland would

    contnue to be suppled wth the latest

    mltary hardware so that t could keep

    up wth the manland. Mltary sales tothe awan have been a constant source

    of stran wth Bejng. Approvng a

    moderate US $5.85 bllon sales package

    n September 2011, Obama attempted

    to satsfy awan whle not antagonsng

    Chna.40

    As Sno-Amercan relatons warmed,

    Amercan nterest n awan cooledonly slghtly. Lke Korea, awan

    became a dynamo ndustral and hgh

    tech economy, and ts I ndustry was

    heavly ted to Amercas Slcon Valley.

    Te sland ganed much legtmacy

    wth Amercans by becomng (also lke

    Korea) a full-fledged democracy n the

    1990s. Te awanese ssue came to thefore agan n 1995, when the Clnton

    Like Korea, aiwan became adynamo industrial and high techeconomy, and its I industrywas heavily tied to AmericasSilicon Valley.

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    elected n 2012, has begun to buld a

    more cooperatve relatonshp wth the

    manland. Hs efforts have been vewedmore postvely by US offcals. awans

    government seeks to upgrade relatons

    wth Washngton by concludng a

    free trade agreement, a vsa waver

    programme, and an extradton treaty,

    whle resumng cabnet-level vsts to

    the US. So far, none of these has been

    concluded.41

    Conclusion

    Chnas recent assertveness has

    encouraged varous Asan countres to

    upgrade relatons wth the US. Openngs

    to Vetnam and Burma have been

    applauded by both realsts and lberalsas a new paradgm n nternatonal

    relatons: a judcous applcaton of

    balance of power poltcs that can

    advance human rghts and democracy.42

    However, ntractable conflcts reman,

    and the pvot s unlkely to have any

    mmedate effects on regonal hot-spots,

    such as the Korean pennsula. Amercamay only be able to make gans there to

    the extent that t s able to work wth

    other partes, especally Chna.43

    Is Amercas pvot to Asa lkely to

    reman a long-lastng development?

    So far, Obama has had more room to

    manoeuvre than hs two predecessors,

    who also sought to shft to Asa butwere dverted by events elsewhere.44

    Hllary Clnton nssts that the future

    of global poltcs wll be decded n

    Asa. Asa, she declares, s the keydrver of global poltcs, and that s

    msguded to merely come home

    as the Iraq and Afghanstan wars wnd

    down. Harnessng Asas growth and

    dynamsm s central to Amercan

    economc and strategc nterests.45From

    a realst perspectve, Amerca naturally

    wll stay n Asa as t tres to check therse of Chna as a strategc compettor.46

    Assessments of Obamas foregn polcy

    have been mxed n poltcal crcles, but

    many meda and academc assessments

    have been farly postve, one notng thaton balance, Obama has proved tough,

    dscplned and, overall, reasonably

    successful.47 For the short term,

    much wll be determned by, among

    other thngs, the state of the Amercan

    economy. Observers have questoned the

    sustanablty of an Asa-centred strategy,

    and the pvot could be more lke anIndan summer of Amercan power n

    Te importance of tradeand economic developmentnaturally suppresses age-oldnatural strategic rivalries in

    the region, and assists EastAsias multilayered regionalintegration centred on ASEAN.

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    centred on ASEAN. Trd, Japan has

    played generally constructve regonal

    economc and poltcal roles, and Asansuspcons about ts hstory and possble

    re-mltarsaton make t a qute cautous

    power. Fourth, Chna has proved a farly

    cooperatve nternatonal player snce

    the md-1990s, and has commtted

    tself to workng wth other East Asan

    countres, the US, and the wder

    nternatonal communty.50 Amercahas clearly sgnalled that t ntends to

    perform ts tradtonal role as a major

    power n East Asa, and that t ntends

    to upgrade ts regonal presence for the

    foreseeable future. And that consttutes a

    ffth reason: Amerca wll contnue to act

    as East Asan stablser.

    the regon.48However, gven East Asas

    centralty n the global economy, any

    Republcan successors are unlkely tocompletely abandon ths Pacfc shft.49

    Despte perodc crses over

    North Korean mssles and nuclear

    weapons, and concerns about Chnese

    assertveness n the East and South

    Chna Seas, there are many reasons to

    be optmstc about Asas future. Frst,

    as the most economcally dynamcregon n the world, Asa generates

    perhaps a thrd of global producton and

    trade. Second, the mportance of trade

    and economc development naturally

    suppresses age-old natural strategc

    rvalres n the regon, and asssts East

    Asas multlayered regonal ntegraton

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    Endnotes

    1 Stephen M. Walt, Explaining Obamas Asia Policy, Foreign Policy, at http://walt.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/11/18/explaining_obamas_asia_policy [last visited 14December 2012].

    2 Te White House Office of the Press Secretary, Opening Remarks by President Obama atAPEC Session One, at http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/11/13/opening-remarks-president-obama-apec-session-one [last visited 20 March 2013].

    3 Steve Jones, Obamas November 2011 Asia-Pacific rip: President Unveils Policy Shifttoward Pacific Region, About.com Guide, at http://usforeignpolicy.about.com/od/alliesenemies/a/Obamas-November-2011-Asia-Pacific-rip.htm [last visited 14 November

    2012].4 Michael Cox and Doug Stokes, US Foreign Policy, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2008,

    p. 277.

    5 Ibid.

    6 Arpita Mathur, Japans Changing Role in the U.S.-Japan Security Alliance, StrategicAnalysis, Vol. 28, No. 4 (October 2004), pp. 504-506.

    7 Cox and Stokes, US Foreign Policy,p. 278.

    8 Mathur, Japans Changing Role in the U.S.-Japan Security Alliance, pp. 504-506.

    9 Yoshihide Soeya, Redefining Japans Security Profile: International Security, HumanSecurity, and an East Asian Community, Institute for International Policy Studies, at http://www.iips.org/04sec/04asiasec_soeya.pdf [last visited 18 February 2013].

    10 Mathur, Japans Changing Role in the U.S.-Japan Security Alliance, pp. 506-507.

    11 Heigo Sato, Japan-U.S. Security Relations under the Koizumi Administration: Implicationsfor Bushs Second erm, at http://www.nids.go.jp/english/event/symposium/pdf/2004/e2004_09.pdf [last visited 12 February 2013].

    12 Mathur, Japans Changing Role in the U.S.-Japan Security Alliance, p. 509.

    13 Ibid., pp. 513-514.

    14 Emma Chanlett-Avery, Te U.S.-Japan Alliance, Congressional Research Service Report, 18January 2011, pp. 11-13.

    15 Ibid., pp. 14-15.

    16 Colette Beukman, Te Abe-Obama Presidential Meeting, Te Journal of urkish Weekly,23 February 2013.

    17 William L. Brooks, Te Politics of the Futenma Base Issue in Okinawa: RelocationNegotiations in 1995-1994, 2005-2006, Edwin O. Reischauer Center for East Asian

    Studies, Johns Hopkins University, Washington, 2010, pp. 4-10.

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    18 Vivian Wong, Te DPJ Effect: Implications of Leadership Changes in Japan on theManagement of the U.S.-Japan Alliance, Te United States and Japan in Global Context:2010, Te Edwn O. Reschauer Center for East Asan Studes, Johns Hopkns Unversty,

    Washngton, 2010, pp. 10-13.

    19 Gerald Curts, Future Drectons n US-Japan Relatons,JCIE New Shmoda Conference,okyo, February 2011, pp. 2-5.

    20 Justn Logan, Asas Free-Rders, Foregn Polcy, at http://www.foregnpolcy.com/artcles/2011/11/09/asas_free_rders?page=0,1 [last vsted 14 December 2012].

    21 Wllam H. Cooper, U.S.-Japan Economc Relatons: Sgnfcance, Prospects, and PolcyOptons, Congressonal Research Servce Report, 14 February 2012, pp. 6-15.

    22 Andreas Henneka, Reflectons on Korean Hstory and ts Impact on the U.S.-North Korean

    Conflct,Journal of Scence and World Affars, Vol. 2, No. 1 (2006), pp. 19-27.23 Albert Chang, Te North Korean Nuclear Crss: Addressng the Problem wth Carrots

    and Stcks, Polcy Background and Optons Paper 1.04, Nathan Hale Insttute Asa Program,March 2004, p. 2.

    24 Jeffrey Schott, Prospects for Implementng the Korea-US Free rade Agreement, PolcyBref, Peterson Insttute for Internatonal Economcs, October, 2010, pp. 1-4; US radeRepresentatve Offce, U.S.-Korea Free rade Agreement, at www.ustr.gov/trade-agreements/free-trade-agreements/korus-fta [last vsted 21 February 2013].

    25 Internatonal Crss Group, South Korea: Te Shftng Sands of Securty Polcy, Asa

    Brefng No. 130, Seoul/Brussels, 1 December 2011, pp. 6-8.

    26 Scott Snyder, Charles L. Prtchard and John H. lell Jr., U.S. Polcy oward the KoreanPennsula, Councl on Foregn Relatons, Independent ask Force Report No. 64, 2010, pp.x-x, 3-4.

    27 Joel S. Wt, Andrew Hood, Jeffrey Lews, Scott Pace and Leon Sgal, Mssle Negotatonswth North Korea: A Strategy for the Future, US-Korea Insttute at SAIS- Report, JohnsHopkns Unversty, October 2011, pp. 3-5.

    28 Chang, Te North Korean Nuclear Crss, p. 16.

    29 Cox and Stokes,US Foregn Polcy,p. 280.30 Ibd., pp. 280-281.

    31 Aaron L. Fredberg, Te Future of U.S.-Chna Relatons: Is Conflct Inevtable?,Internatonal Securty, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Fall 2005), pp. 7-8.

    32 U.S. Foregn Polcy urns oward Asa, Te Washngton Post, 16 November 2011.

    33 Jn Canrong, Reason for Optmsm n Sno-Amercan Relatons, East Asa Forum, at http://www.eastasaforum.org/2010/02/14/reason-for-optmsm-n-sno-amercan-relatons/ [lastvsted 13 March 2012].

    34 Bates Gll, Rsng Star: Chnas New Securty Dplomacy, Washngton, Brookngs Insttuton,2007, pp. 1-21.

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    35 Chen Zhmn, Natonalsm, Internatonalsm and Chnese Foregn Polcy, Journal ofContemporary Chna, Vol. 14, No. 42 (February 2005), pp. 46-48.

    36 Zheng Bjan, Chnas Peaceful Rse to Great-Power Status, Foregn Affars, Vol. 84, No. 5(September/October 2005), pp. 22-24.

    37 Kerry Dumbaugh, Chnas Foregn Polcy: What Does It Mean for U.S. Global Interests?,Congressonal Research Servce Report, 18 July 2008, pp. 12-16.

    38 anjn Sh and Meredth Wen, Avodng Mutual Msunderstandng: Sno-U.S. Relatonsand the New Admnstraton,Carnege Endowment Polcy Bref,January 2009, pp. 2-3.

    39 Jn, Reason for Optmsm n Sno-Amercan Relatons, p. 3.

    40 Carlyle A. Tayer, US Arms Sales to awan: Impact on Sno-Amercan Relatons, Chna-US Focus, at http://chnausfocus.com/slder/us-arms-sales-to-tawan-mpact-on-sno-

    amercan-relatons/ [last vsted 13 March 2012].

    41 Shrley A. Kan and Wayne M. Morrson, U.S.-awan Relatonshp: Overvew of PolcyIssues, Congressonal Research Servce Report, 4 August 2011, pp. 9-14.

    42 Dan wnng, Burmas Openng and the Balance of Values n Asa, Foregn Polcy, athttp://shadow.foregnpolcy.com/posts/2011/12/02/burmas_openng_and_the_balance_of_values_n_asa [last vsted 14 December 2012].

    43 U.S. Pvot oward Asa Unlkely to Have Quck Impact on Korea, Te Korea Herald, 12December 2011.

    44 U.S. Foregn Polcy urns toward Asa, p. 1.45 Hllary Clnton, Amercas Pacfc Century, Foregn Polcy, at http://www.foregnpolcy.

    com/artcles/2011/10/11/amercas_pacfc_century?page=0,6 [Last vsted 14 December2012].

    46 Stephen M. Walt, Explanng Obamas Asa Polcy.

    47 Martn S. Indyk, Kenneth G. Leberthal and Mchael E. OHanlon, Obamas ForegnPolcy: Progressve Pragmatst, at http://www.brookngs.edu/opnons/2012/0309_obama_foregn_polcy.aspx [last vsted 11 March 2012].

    48 Logan, Asas Free-Rders, pp. 1-2.49 John . Bennett, US Foregn Polcy to Refocus on Asa, Te Hll, at http://thehll.com/

    news-by-subject/defense-homeland-securty/185341-us-foregn-polcy-to-refocus-on-asa[last vsted 14 February 2013].

    50 Cox and Stokes, US Foregn Polcy,p. 287.