Urban activation through food1388385/FULLTEXT02.pdf · While using Slatkthusområdet as a case...

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IN DEGREE PROJECT TECHNOLOGY, FIRST CYCLE, 15 CREDITS , STOCKHOLM SWEDEN 2019 Urban activation through food Stockholm’s new food destination MAYRA REIS KTH ROYAL INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT

Transcript of Urban activation through food1388385/FULLTEXT02.pdf · While using Slatkthusområdet as a case...

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IN DEGREE PROJECT TECHNOLOGY,FIRST CYCLE, 15 CREDITS

, STOCKHOLM SWEDEN 2019

Urban activation through foodStockholm’s new food destination

MAYRA REIS

KTH ROYAL INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGYSCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT

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Urban activation through food Stockholm’s new food destination

Mayra ReisMaster Thesis in Urbanism StudiesKTH Royal Institute of TechnologySchool of Architecture and Built EnvironmentDecember 2019

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Responding to the needs of a rapidly growing urban population, Stockholm is investing in multiple urban development projects, one of which being Slatkthusområdet, the so-called meatpacking district located in the southern area of the city.

Atrium Ljungberg, the Swedish developer responsible for a big parcel of the land in the area, envisions making the slaughterhouse district into an attractive destination for business, society and people in search of cultural life.

The developer aims to transform the location from an industrial site to a lively neighbourhood for the society, with a diversity of activities that will work together with a food market in one of the main buildings of the area. Their plan is to establish a food destination that will have a leading role in Slakthusområdet. In the long run, the food destination will become the hub and the unifying link between the various actors and residents of the area, but also a destination that will lift Stockholm as a reference city for gastronomic experiences.

It is a crucial issue to look at the identity and experience of a place, especially when proposing the urban renewal for an area that has long been known to have a significant representation in a city. By utilizing placemaking tools and lessons from the feminist urban planning movement, I ask how can we - urban planners, designers, and architects - contribute to placemaking by encouraging certain behaviours, such

as collective cooking? Furthermore, from a commercial point of view: how to brand a place? Is it possible to make a win-win, where the developer, the inhabitant, the city, all gain from a place establishing an identity through food?

While using Slatkthusområdet as a case study, this thesis project aims to undergo a review of the actions happening in the area, and the actors involved, in order to propose a strategic plan for the urban renewal of the neighbourhood. This plan could be used by the authorities responsible for making decisions regarding urban planning in the city of Stockholm.

The celebratory nature of food is universalIn search of the universal element that could inspire the creation of public spaces in Slakthusormrådet and extend the domestic life from indoors to outdoors, food as a social tool was continuously appearing as a recommendation during my search. Every single culture and religion uses food as part of their celebrations. Sometimes food means survival, sometimes a status, and in many cases, it is a synonym for pleasure. Regardless of the reason, everyone needs to eat, and the process of cooking and preparing each meal is part of many domestic lives around the world.

Slakthusområdet is the ideal scenario to experiment with this concept: their history is connected to food production, and the leading developer of the area has the intention to establish the site as a food destination in the city. Thus, I aim to use eating habits to bringing different groups to the public spaces attracted by one common interest: food.

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“In a profession where masculinity is collapsed into the neutral figure of the ’architect’ and sites of current architectural education and discourse – the office, the media, the institution and the profession – are also considered to be gender neutral, the importance of recognizing gender as a social construction in order to critique the heterosexual, patriarchal bastion of archi-tectural practice is emphasized.”

(Rendell, J, 2000, s. 233)

Content

01. Introduction

Slaughterhouses and urban renewal The aim of this research Research question

02. Theories and Fundaments

Methodology Urban Planning in its traditional form a) Traditional Urban Planning and Gentrification

b) The Meatpacking District of Copenhagen

Feminist Urban Planning: Gender Neutrality a) Collectivism and the act of care in public spaces

b) La Playa in Gothenburg: Collective and Democratic

03. Case Study: Slatkhusområdet

Gather Festival The Masterplan Analytical Maps

04. Design Proposal

Conclusions // Findings Strategies for Place Identity Strategies for Public Spaces Strategies for the Neighbourhood

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01Introduction

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I have started this thesis project to explore ways to introduce food as an urban activator for cities and designed public spaces. This idea has come about due to my particular interest in food and from the belief that food can bring people together. The act of cooking and eating have long been part of western and eastern societies but have been little integrated into public spaces. From this insight, I evolved to focus in one specific area in Sweden that could serve as a case study of urban renovation and that could accommodate design proposals having food as the central element. The purpose is that these proposals would behave as urban activators, bringing vitality, meeting places and offering a more inclusive neighbourhood.

My research has led me to encounter the slaughterhouse districts throughout the world as a potential type of place to accommodate the solutions proposed. Since the thesis is focused on proposing solutions for Stockholm, I will then direct my research to the slaughterhouse district of Stockholm: Slakthusområdet. This neighbourhood is one of the most significant urban renewals of the Swedish capital, underway at this very moment and expected to be completed by 2030.

Stockholm, as a city, has been proliferating in the last decades. During a lecture in the Master Program of Urbanism Studies at KTH in November 2018, a representative from the Stockholm Municipality told his audience that the Stockholm grows one bus

INTRODUCTION

1931 - Aerial view of the Slaughterhouse area in Johanneshov from the southeast perspective. (Stockcholms-stad 2018)

1909 - Slakthusområdet during its construction period. (Brundin, Johnsson & Kroon 2012, p. 36)

a day. Therefore, it means that about 42 new people arrive in the city daily, resulting in about 1260 new people per month and more than 15100 per year. Due to this fast-growing pace, Sweden’s capital is swelling more rapidly than any other city in Europe, putting the construction market to work on its full capacity and guiding the decision making policies towards urban planning.

Different urban centres around the world have experienced Stockholm’s current scenario in regards to construction and urban development processes after the industrial revolution. Hence, one can extract lessons from many urban renewal processes that happened in cities like New York, San Francisco, Paris and London, where gentrification and urban segregation were consequences of the neoliberal forces making decisions or strongly influencing the planning actions of these urban centres.

More progressive urban planning practices have been growing and developing ever since the industrial revolution. Nowadays, we consider more the social aspect of cities: people. We cannot disregard gender, religion, disabilities, age, to provide all individuals with the same opportunities to take advantage of the cities’ infrastructure. Urban Planners and Urban Designers throughout the world became important actors in deciding where the focus of cities will lie, as well as making policies to integrate the diversified population that exists in the most significant cities around the globe.

Slaughterhouses and urban renewalOn 25th of January 2019, the Swedish Construction company Atrium Ljungberg signed an agreement with the Stockholm Municipality regarding the acquisition

of the existing properties and land parcels corresponding to 200,000 m2 at Slakthusområdet, about 30% of the total area, the meatpacking district located on the southern area of Stockholm. The old industrial area is one of the city’s major development projects in the coming years, and by 2030 the site will completely change and turned into a classic, dense inner-city neighbourhood with spaces for businesses, shops, restaurants, and housing for approximately 2,500-3,000 people. The area will also receive a subway line, which by 2025 is expected to be ready for use.

Slakthusområdet hosts northern Europe’s most significant wholesale trade of meat, pork, and processed meat. The site, established in 1912, has an impressive more than century-long experience and tradition of food handling. The post-industrialization period has played an essential role in the food industry since it led to a fast-growing period for the food processing technologies in the second half of the 1800s. (Brundin, Johnsson & Kroon 2012)

Other Slaughterhouse sites around the world have experienced the same process proposed to Slakthusområdet. Transforming a site from meat processing to create a neighbourhood for living and entertainment was the strategy applied in Copenhagen’s and New York’s Meatpacking Districts.

The aim of this researchThe first impressions are likely to give a neighbourhood the reputation it will have for decades. We name it “place identity” and it is linked directly with the experience of a place, especially when proposing the urban renewal of an area that has long been known to have a significant representation

2017 - Aerial view of the Slaughterhouse area in Johanneshov with Tele2 Arena. (Stockcholms-stad 2018)

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in a city.

What makes a place what it is? What makes it valuable, and what are its qualities? In Slakthusområdet there is an identity in the materiality of the buildings, in the pattern of the paving, in the lack of sidewalks, in the aesthetic of the constructions. Could these elements be incorporated in the new units that will be built? Is it essential to preserve these aesthetic components in order to provide an identity for the place?

Those are all questions that could be relevant to merging the interests of stakeholders and society in a single case. It is relevant, however, to acknowledge that

the participatory practices are crucial to guarantee a more inclusive and democratic planning process such as the one proposed by a feminist urban planning approach.

The primary purpose of his thesis project is to understand how the urban renewal of Slakthusområdet could result in a more democratic and inclusive neighbourhood for the city of Stockholm.

I believe that by tackling the public spaces and understanding the distinctiveness of the area to define a strategic plan for the urban renewal of the site combined with a modular solution that promotes communal spaces with the purpose of cooking and eating,

Stockholm could provide the city with a more diverse and vibrant neighbourhood, distinguishing itself from other meatpacking districts around the world and lifting Stockholm as the capital that explores the celebratory act of eating.

Research questionHow can cooking in public spaces be applied as an urban activator in a developing neighbourhood in Stockholm?

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Theories and Fundaments

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METHODOLOGY

Since this thesis project consists mostly of an investigation, participation and the for-mulation of a design proposal, my meth-od followed a mix of research and design process: definition of a problem, collection of information, observation and annotation guided by a case study, brainstorm and anal-ysis, development of solutions, and presen-tation. Below is presented how I broke the research into chapters which helped me to structure the presentation of my thesis in a logical way.

In the first section of the chapter Theories and Fundaments, I discuss the traditional urban planning methods and their relation with gentrification. In the second section, I explore how urban planning can adjust to goals about gender equality by assessing new methodologies and more participatory practices. Through the investigation of two case studies, I discuss how the relations of power and social segregation can manifest in the territory of cities and how to address these issues and promote better and more inclusive neighbourhoods. The first case study is located in Copenhagen, and it was developed under the traditional neoliberal urban practices and the second one in Go-thenburg, developed under the umbrella of more participatory practices promoted by a feminist urban planning perspective,

In the following chapter, I focus on Slak-thusområdet as a case study and how to explore the emerging conflicts between the ‘world-class city’ aspirations upheld by the Stockholm municipality in the ongoing ur-

ban renewal in Slakthusområdet. Further-more, I address the assessment of gender equality in the process as a means of avoid-ing the area becoming a dense inner-city neighbourhood guided by the neoliberal vi-sions of urbanism. I will contextualize the actions planned for the neighbourhood and the main actors involved, summed up with a presentation of the Masterplan, which is already being implemented.

I was responsible for producing the maps displayed in this section with data and in-formation collected directly with Stockholm Municipality or with Atrium Ljungberg, with whom I was working closely during the period of my thesis and during the organi-zation of Gather Festival, with which I was part of the production team.

The last chapter, Design Solutions, is a conclusion with an integration of a strategic plan and design proposals portrayed in a series of possible combinations, as an at-tempt to merge the research findings and theories mentioned in this study.

The strategic plan presented was devel-oped together with Jakob Grandin, Atrium Ljungberg and the creatives from Nobelber-get, during a workshop that took place in Slakthusområdet in May 2019.

I hope to display the importance to tackle gender aspects in the planning process and to incorporate universal elements in the public spaces.

Step 01

Definethe problem

Step 02

Collectinformation

Brainstormideas

Develop solutions

Presentsolutions

Step 03

Step 04

Step 05

Question: How might the celebratory nature of food be explored as an urban activator in a neighbourhood that is being developed in Stockholm?

Solution: strategic plan for the urban renewal combined with a modular solution that promotes communal spaces with the purpose of cooking and eating.

Traditional Urban Planningx

Feminist Urban Planning

Define a Case Study

Site Visits

Reference Research

Ideation Workshop

Design Drawings

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When talking about urbanisation and the concept of cities, it is essential to go back in history and understand when and how cities started to play such an important role in dictating the life of its citizens. The migration process from rural environments to urban areas was intense during the post-industrial revolution period. As a consequence, a few aspects regarding the urban environment started to be identified by sociologists. A few essential authors on the theories of urban planning are essential to understand the first consequences after the urbanisation process was initiated in the world. Richard Sennet (1969) underpins that cities grew due to the migration of men from the countryside to towns as a result of agricultural changes, while Louis Wirth (1938) makes an analysis comparing the rural and the urban social behaviour. The author argues that the urban environment with its heterogeneity of personality types and profiles creates a reflection on the behavioural of those living in such atmosphere, differing from the rural behaviour in aspects like dependency and social life.

These urban theorists state that cities are a place to exchange and are guided by the dynamics of money flow. Therefore, in an urban environment, the individuals have to adapt to a collective behaviour but still seeking for particular goals. According to Wirth (1938), the fight for space on the urban environment creates a natural competitive lifestyle, where the social life of someone living in an urban atmosphere

is based on interests, and there is the dissociation of work and residence as two categories of social relations. Additionally, Georg Simmel (1969), in his understanding of cities, states that money becomes the common denominator of all values.

The statement made by Simmel is very relevant to understand the main forces that act in our contemporary cities, where the territory of these places is used to reproduce somewhat the economic control of certain social groups, supported by the institutions of power that aim to perpetuate the neoliberal control over the development processes. In the globalised world, the neoliberal practices reproduce the relations of power within the collective and domestic spaces, and this is most apparent in the gender inequality and the social disparities of the individuals inhabiting the public spaces. The minority groups (here defined by those that don’t follow the norms of masculine, heterosexual, white middle class gaze) are continuously struggling to survive in cities and establishing roots in a place, mainly due to top-down political policies that neglect these more vulnerable groups and refuse to switch to a more diverse and inclusive approach towards urban planning actions.

Traditional Urban Planning and GentrificationGentrification is a practice, or a tool, known by professionals around the world as a double-edged sword. It is sold as a feature that if applied, will bring progress

URBAN PLANNING IN ITS TRADITIONAL FORM

and increase the value of a particular place, benefiting everyone impacted by the action. However, the implications of this practice are far from just positive, and it could negatively impact those that will no longer be able to afford to live in this specific area due to the increase of the value of land and the unfold of this outcome in many different ways. A few of the consequences that push residents to leave areas that are being gentrified is a rise in the price of rent, a rise in prices at the supermarket and the cost of essential services.

According to Lees (2008), gentrification is part of an aggressive, revanchist ideology designed to retake the inner city for the middle classes. The author points out how political actors play a role in this process:

“The UK’s New Labour government (under Tony Blair and now Gordon Brown) was as committed

to social diversity and mixing as were Barnsbury’s pioneer gentrifiers. Their pro-urban and pro-

social-mixing ideologies are those of classic gentrification texts. In recent policy statements,

they sell gentrification, which they prefer to call ‘urban renaissance’, to us through the

neutralizing vein of social mixing”. (Lees 2008,

p. 2452)

Gentrification in the planning process of cities can shape its territory boundaries and impacts its social-spatial definitions. Thus it needs to be better contextualized so we can fully understand how this process happens and how to control damages that should no longer be accepted. Following Lee’s statement about London, we can foresee these ideologies being reproduced all over the world under different and more acceptable names: urban renewal, urban renaissance, and urban renovation, among some other terms. These names tend to hide underneath the beautiful terms a dark and aggressive approach towards the vulnerable

groups of a city (low-income citizens, religious minorities, racial minorities and gender minorities), forcing them out of certain places by introducing concepts and features that will make it impossible for them to keep living in the same place due to rise on cost of living.

As stated by Lees (2008, p. 2454), the neoliberal formula of social mixing promotes gentrification. It should not be repeatedly utilized by cities that want to move towards a more progressive, inclusive and democratic scenario with less urban segregation problems. In a Swedish context, the impact of the discourse on ‘planning for urban equality’ has been particularly noticeable in the City of Stockholm (Metzger & Wiberg 2018). Thus, one can argue that more inclusive approaches are expected in the new urban renewal processes of the Swedish city.

The proposal to transform Slakthusområdet into a neighbourhood combining living and entertainment linked with food culture is far from unique. Slaughterhouse areas around the world, with Copenhagen’s and New York’s Meatpacking District as examples, have been transformed from places of meat processing to places for art, culture and upscale lifestyles. Leading Swedish politicians expressed their desire to emulate such role models within Stockholm’s new development for its meatpacking district. We can argue that this goes against the discourse of ‘planning for urban equality’ and ‘gender equality planning actions’ stated on the City’s Budget 2019:

“The individual’s statutory freedoms and rights should apply to everyone. The work for gender

equality should be active in all parts of the city’s activities”. (Stockholms-stads 2019, p. 8)

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The Meatpacking District of CopenhagenBeing an attractive city has become increasingly important in the contemporary discourse of economic growth, as place promotion has become a political strategy for municipalities. (Sandberg & Rõnnblom 2015)

“The Meatpacking District of Copenhagen is a mecca for young hipsters, with good restaurants

and a vibrant nightlife alongside the city’s

slaughterhouses.” (Visit-Copenhagen 2017)

The quote above is the first description that one comes across while accessing the official Visit Copenhagen website. The established neighbourhood has a single purpose of communicating with the middle-class young hipster audience that can afford to eat and consuming in the region. It is a city branding strategy that fails in being inclusive and democratic within its urban renewal processes.

Following the website’s list of where to go in the area, the first listed restaurant is the WarPigs, which happens to be one of the most iconic examples of gender unequal spaces according to Lapina & Leer (2016) “meat consumption and masculinity are also tied together, and feed off one another, in these eateries”. The authors argue that environments such as the restaurant

mentioned above reproduce and promote gender inequality.

“This leads to interesting ambivalences and frictions as ideas and practices linked to working-

class food and ‘traditional’ masculinity are combined with middle-class hipsterness and ‘modern’ gender performances informed by

gender equality discourses in stylish, gentrified spaces.” (Lapina & Leer 2016, p. 93)

It is not hard to acknowledge the meatpacking district of Copenhagen as a gentrified area. With a single visit to the site, it is possible to feel the little diversity perceived in its visitors and audience, composed mostly by the group of young hipsters the city’s marketing discourse intends to tackle. It is imperative, however, to also acknowledge how places like this play an essential role in perpetuating the relations of power and gender inequalities in the cities. The masculinity present in these ‘meatscapes’ challenges contemporary ideas for sustainable, moderate and wholesome food consumption and gender performances (Lapina & Leer 2016). Consequently, these sites represent

“ (…) middle class masculine counter-spaces, carnivorous heterotopias where archaic, working-

class modes of doing masculinity (such as the commodification of female bodies and excessive meat consumption) are appropriated, legitimized

and sought transformed through irony, hipness and nostalgia.” (Lapina & Leer 2016, p. 93)

The meatpacking district in Copenhagen. (Visit-Copenhagen 2017)

Copenhagen’s Meatpacking district since its conclusion has been a reason for many discussions between politicians and citizens that seek for a solution to fight the gentrification and mass tourism that the neighbourhood attracts.

Differently than the one in Stockholm, the meatpacking district of Copenhagen was developed disclosed from the existing surrounding neighbourhoods and housing areas. The bars and cultural venues were placed in the existing buildings, that once were slaughterhouse warehouses. Stockholm, on the other hand, is developing the area in a more integrated proposal, where culture and housing can cohabit and coexist.

Copenhagen’s Meatpacking district (scandinaviantraveller 2018)

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In Sweden, the concept of gender was in-troduced by Yvonne Hirdman, professor of history and gender researcher. Accord-ing to Hirdman, every society creates and maintains an order system in which women and men are assigned different tasks, roles and positions. The gender system is based on two principles, the gender separation and the male superior. (Jämställ 2013)

The national encyclopaedia defines fem-inism as a social movement for equality between women and men (NE 2019). Per-haps the most accurate is to describe it as a collection of movements - with the aim that everyone regardless of gender, should have the same rights, opportunities and ob-ligations.

From a feminist perspective, there is no ob-jective position to analyse history: it is nev-er neutral, it is somewhat influenced by the point of view and interpretation of those telling it and by those viewing it. What the traditional architectural history defines as architecture is often buildings designed by prestigious architects for rich and powerful clients, who throughout history have often been men. It is their gaze, selection and criteria that have formed the basis for the historical writing we are used to viewing as neutral.

When first created or tackled, feminist ar-chitecture theory was about women’s exclu-sion from architecture and the urban envi-ronments, or about trying to highlight the work of female architects and their struggle

FEMINIST URBAN PLANNING: GENDER NEUTRALITY

for access to education and the profession (Rendell, 2000, p. 232). However, a fem-inist perspective is not just about adding women to an already written history based on existing concepts. Instead, one must analyse the importance of gender in shaping such concepts. It is rather about including a more sensitive perception of all the possible different uses a place can have, taking into consideration physiological aspects, race, gender, age. As a result, we could have a public space with more toilets, and more diversity in its program, to accommodate the playfulness of different ages.

There is a common thought among archi-tects and city planners that if you plan to aim for a gender-neutral solution, planning will be good for both women and men, however, in many cases that is not true. Often, gender neutrality is synonymous of gender blindness, thus an inability to see that women and men are still living under different conditions and therefore may have different experiences and interests. For example, one often talks about the gen-der-neutral citizen (or, for that matter, the gender-neutral cyclist, and so on), though the problem is because we live in a society where the man is the norm, the norm for the citizen is also often a man. This means that women, to a greater extent than men, live in a physical environment that rather hinders than facilitates them to fulfil their daily tasks. What one should instead strive for is gender awareness, to see both wom-en’s and men’s experiences.

Focusing on imaginaries of the ideal city is a crucial method to illustrate the power of ideas. On the search for more inclusive and progressive approaches towards dem-ocratic planning practices, an essential urban imaginary in the Swedish context is the gender-equal city, which becomes a symbol for the open, tolerant, bustling, safe city, a city aiming to attract the middle and creative classes (Sandberg & Rõnnblom 2015). The awareness that the lack of girls and women present in the central public spaces despite boys and men cause a more unsafe central environment, is what pushes progressive administrations such as the one in Stockholm to move towards a feminist perspective in the planning process.

Since gender still shapes women’s expe-rience of public spaces, Feminist Urban Planning is a theory in the urbanism sphere that acknowledges gender as an element to be addressed in professional practice. In accounts of urban life, women are often characterised as part of the “background” rather than as part of the “action” . My aim with the proposal to be presented in the last chapter is to stimulate a re-evaluation of the domestic space that harmfully nurtures the normalised gender hierarchies, stereotypes of gendered divisions of labour, and tradi-tional family patterns.

Collectivism and the act of care in public spacesRecognised as an advocate for shared kitchens, Anna Puigjaner (2014) states that the kitchen is the most provocative part of the house. She underpins that this domestic space has been used as a political tool for a long time, and nowadays. As a result, we can’t accept living without a kitchen. This is the beginning of her contentious proposi-tion of the “kitchenless city”, which stands

for collective kitchens rather than private ones. Centralising food preparation within residential buildings is a sensible way, she thinks, to begin to address problems such as food waste and time spent in taking care of our private spaces. Puigjaner has been researching the topic since 2011 in enu-merating the virtues of kitchenless homes.

The foundation of her work goes back to publications and researches by the feminist thinkers Dolores Hayden (1982) and Do-reen Massey (1994). Hayden (1982) talks about the domestic revolution. She refers to authors such as Marx, Fourier and En-gels as names that were already identifying industrial capitalism as an economic system that would be supportive of a “complete-ly industrialised, socialist society”. In this economic system, we could consider be-ing able to “utilise collective technology to socialise housework and childcare at some future time”. Massey (1994) underpins that to structure space and place is crucial to understand not only class relations but also gender relations. By both Hayden and Massey, the kitchen is seen as a domestic workplace; therefore, they defend the pri-vate kitchen to be abolished.

The collectivisation of services, such as public child care centres, has given wom-en of the 20th-century freedom to become a workforce in the market, rewarded with wages the same way men do. However, in their domestic life, little has been done to create some positive impact on the search for gender equality. Thus, until today, many women that have a successful career out-side of their homes are still the key respon-sible for the domestic work.

In a more contemporary analysis, Puig-janer (2017) underpins the different man-

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ifestations of collective kitchens in some locations around the world and their con-tribution to encourage community partici-pation and promote citizen appropriation, at the same time empowering communities with limited economic resources.

Comedor Comunitarios, a collective lunch program supported by the city and used daily by thousands of citizens in Mexico City, brought to their community a collec-tive space where it used to be in the past a private kitchen. A place where ‘the public and the private, the domestic and the ur-ban, coexist’ (Puigjaner 2017).

‘What does change, more than anything, are the dynamics of the neighbourhood. The commu-nity dining room becomes an extension of the

adjacent houses; the collective kitchen replaces or complements private kitchens that have otherwise

ceased to be regularly used.’(Puigjaner 2017)

Community kitchens are not new to Cen-tral and South America, dating back from the 1970s in Lima, Peru, when the mili-tary regime was brought down by an in-crement of significant social mobilisation and politicisation. Comedores Populares, as it’s called today, is an initiative by the women from the communities that started to prepare collective pots of food to bring to the national teachers that were occupy-ing schools as they pressed for better wag-es. They would, together with the teachers, take place in political meetings, which en-couraged them to start their own women’s organisation focused on providing food for their families and communities more wide-ly.

Spaces like Comedores Populares and Comedor Comunitario allow these women to be politically active in countries rather taken by man as the most politically active

social group. These projects allow empow-erment and create economic revenue by providing a place for knowledge exchange, encounters, neighbourhood meetings and social gathering.

Puigjaner (2017) refers to Silvia Federici’s affirmation that ‘the kitchen is where do-mestic work has progressively lost its eco-nomic value and become instead, a labour of love’. Federici (1975) explains when the housework, the domestic labour imposed on women and transformed into a natural attribute, has left to be a job as any other job, to become a rather act of love, without being recognised with a wage.

The collectivisation of housework comes as a solution for this unfair treatment women were getting for decades, not to say centu-ries, if compared to men in terms of paid jobs, after all, the wage gives the impres-sion of a fair deal. Since they (women) were gifted with the unmeasurable ability of love, the communal kitchens slowly became a way for them to become a little more inde-pendent while putting in practice what they were taught how to do during their entire lives. By cooking food to sell, these wom-en might be regaining control over their lives with a process of re-appropriation and re-collectivisation of reproduction.

Nevertheless, beyond the idea of the kitchen as a place where these patriarchal ideas are perpetuated, those examples have proved that kitchens are domesticity that can be-come a tool of change of the default gender roles and domestic labour structures.

Elin Strand Ruin (2017) describes her work as an architect in a suburb in Stock-holm, where the focus was on how wom-en, through their presence, could affect

an impact on public space. The study and art installation also resulted in a collec-tive kitchen placed in the centrality of the neighbourhood and became a landmark and a place of empowerment for a majorly Muslim community.

La Playa in Gothenburg: Collective and Democratic“Frihamnen is an urban environment, just by the

river Göta Älv, connecting the two riversides in the very heart of the city. The area, where the

raw, industrial look and feel is still very palpable, is under development. One step at a time a new

environment is formed with residential buildings, workplaces, greenery and innovation, where the old and the new intertwine.” (Gothenburg 2015)

The disciplinary practices and the prod-ucts of architecture reproduce material and spatial relations of power in designed en-vironments. In this example in the city of Gothenburg in Sweden, the municipality decided to experiment a new and more in-clusive planning practice, and the activities in Jubileumsparken are a result of the lo-cals’ wishes and is an example of the citi-zens’ participation in the city development. The example illuminates an unconventional way to choose and enables to more com-prehensive and inclusive urban practices.

In the first phase of the project, the Art & Architecture collective MYCKET have been investigating bathing possibilities in Fri-hamnen. There resources and needs were mapped together with a few select groups that resulted in the project called Playa, which consists of sand and wooden decks, picnic tables and benches, as well as public grills.

To start with the more inclusive practice, the collective MYCKET initiated the process by questioning if all the free activities in the

area were indeed available for all. The only possible way to find out was to include the conventionally excluded groups to a partic-ipatory introduction with the ideas for the area. Young women, female immigrants, LGBTQ people and low-income groups were the source of information for the first stages of the process, and they became the sample group to be analysed throughout the planning actions.

Regular bathers were examined together with part of the sample group that was in-vited to workshops, which took place on different occasions while the participants bathed together at Frinhamnen. During these activities, they talked about how dif-ferent rooms affected bathers and what different needs each of the bathers had. A variety of needs emerged, touching base in what was necessary to exist so the different groups could comfortably bathe together. During the workshop, the sample group pointed out some necessary elements that were essential to be inserted in the area. They mentioned the need for more appro-priate spaces to get changed before getting in the water and the specific kind of rooms that are necessary for it to happen; as-pects regarding light, colours and textures, and which social activities they would like to experience. These needs all together if solved, would allow them to take place in the bathing activities all at once.

As a result of this study, MYCKET pro-posed the built of a place that is not adapt-ed to one specific group, but rather a place where different groups of people with very diverse needs could meet and bathe togeth-er without the uncomforting feeling of not belonging.

It is essential to highlight the relevance of

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Playa at Frinhamnen Gothenburg. (MYCKET 2017)

the participatory method utilised in this urban renewal process in Gothenburg. As wrote by López (2019), the social move-ments and the society organised groups are essential to trying limiting and control the actions of the gentrifying actors, such as investors, developers and the municipal-ity themselves. The participants of more socially engaged groups intend to bring awareness to these places that are strug-gling or under pressure to cease to gentri-fication and accept the direction of a more socially mix are, for example. Thus, an in-clusive, participatory process caters for a more democratic result.

As underpinned by Miazzo & Kee (2011, p. 282), “we can no longer accept urban development processes that do not involve, or consider the needs, ambitions, potential and problems of local people living, work-ing or recreating in a given area”.

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Case Study: Slakthusområdet

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Slakthusområdet is an industrial site that will be transformed into a classic city neighbourhood by 2030. It is essential to acknowledge the impact that the construction sites will cause in the first residents and assess how to receive best and accommodate those that will move into a wholly new and recently built neighbourhood.

The proposal to transform Slakthusområdet into a neighbourhood combining living and entertainment linked with food culture follows other examples such as New York and Copenhagen. These two districts strive for creative cities, vibrant culture and embrace gentrification as their goal.

“After more than a decade of prosperity, driven by escalating Wall Street bonuses, but

also matched by dramatic drops in crime, neighbourhoods across the city have gentrified

and improved”. (Wright & Ronderos, 2005)

Through site visits, it is possible to identify elements that create a distinction in the area. With the here presented, it is possible to highlight the following architectural aspects that give an identity to Slakthusområdet:

• Materiality of the buildings: red bricks combined with metallic green roofs

• Pattern of the paving: asphalt and concrete are the sole materials applied on the few existing paths

• Lack of sidewalks: the streets are flat with no pedestrian paths

• Aesthetic of the buildings: industrial warehouses

Ericsson Globe Arena is seen from differ-ent parts of the neighbourhood

The signage seen from the subway station is an important landmark for the

neighbourhood

The materiality: red bricks buildings are a strong architecture element

The metallic green roofs

Construction sites create noise and pollution. Temporarily have an empti-

ness effect

No sidewalks and plenty of parking lots

SLAKTHUSOMRÅDET

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The meatpacking district of Stockholm is located in the southern area of the city. The site is undergoing a massive renovation, and a new masterplan is being proposed. To understand the impact and the changes that will happen in the area according to Stockholm’s municipality, I will present a set of aerial images and maps that illustrate what has been released in terms of demolitions and reconstruction plans.

Today there are 257 businesses in the area, of which one third belongs to the food industry. The undergoing process of urban renewal at Slakthusområdet aims to preserve the area’s tradition and history, and it constitutes a vital starting point in the development and, among other things, shall be utilized through a unique investment in public activities linked to food and culture. (Stockcholms-stad 2018)

Furthermore, the site offers numerous challenges and potentials that need to be considered:

Potentials• By 2030, the area will completely change

and turn into a classic dense inner-city neighbourhood with spaces for business, shops, restaurants, and housing for approximately 2500-3000 people.

• There is a keen interest of different companies to use Slakthusområdet as a testbed for different technologies and city services

• Municipality and investors have the intention to transform the area in a 24h neighbourhood

• Municipality and investors aim to transform Slakthus in the new food destination in the city

• The new neighbourhood might contribute to including Stockholm in the list of Creative Cities around the globe

Challenges• The area has 0 residents, and it needs a

strategic plan to start accommodating new residents at the same time that demolitions and constructions area happening.

• Constructions will lead to heavy traffic, accidents, noise, sharp objects, dust.

• To brand the new neighbourhood and make it attractive

• Integrate culture and housing in one single neighbourhood and overcome their conflicts

Atrium Ljungberg, as the biggest investor and developer in the area, is partnering with other important cultural actors to work closely together in Slakthusområdet. The developer has the Stockholm Municipality as one of their main allies, and together they want to use the area as a testbed for many experimentations in urban planning and urban design. Atrium Ljungberg has published and spoke publicly about their idea to implement a 24 hours neighbourhood. The developer has partnered with Jakob Grandin, one of the most recognized cultural entrepreneurs of Stockholm and eager to be part of more urban activations while exploring culture life.

Jakob Grandin owns Trädgården, Stockholm’s most celebratory nightlife club that is open all year round and challenging for over ten years the conflicts that a nightlife scene could have with neighbours and alcohol control. He brings to the table his knowledge of the nightlife in Stockholm and the collision with many actors, creating a multidisciplinary workspace that can be innovative and inclusive.

Aerial view of Stockholm

0 100 300 500 meter

Aerial view of Slakthusområdet

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Gather Festival is an innovative conference that had its first edition in Stockholm in 2017. With an audience of about 1500 people in its first and second edition spread in 2 days of meetings, however, impacting more than 2000 people directly. The conference merges topics that would never be together in the same space otherwise. Gather thrives on diversity and the exchange of different perspectives and experiences. In 2019, the conference approached a broad range of themes that contributed to discuss the cities and technologies.

Gather Festival was planned to happen in Slakthusområdet already in 2019, but due to construction delays in the venue, the conference was hosted in Sickla in 2019 and is scheduled to happen in Slatkhusområdet in May 2020. The conference has the purpose of setting a mood and building up the energy of the place, as a strategy for creating the identity of the neighbourhood.

Jakob Grandin, the main person behind the concept of the event, believes that nightlife brings another dimension for people, and contributes to creating a space for someone to feel free, and to be themselves in an upgraded version. The leading role Gather Festival has in Slakthusområdet is to drive the attention to the area, and to gather forces, actors and ideas to this future cultural hub.

I was able to integrate the team producing Gather 2019 from beginning to end and could extract by observing and experiencing

the power it has for place attachment and place activation.

Gather Festival 2018 & 2019 (Gather Festival 2019)

GATHER FESTIVAL

THE THEMES OF

GATHER 2019

URBAN PLANNING

& SOCIETY

DEMOCRACY

& POWER

HUMANS & MACHINES

MED

IA, D

ESIG

N &

C

REA

TIV

ITY

MO

NEY, B

USIN

ESS &

TRA

NSA

CTIO

NS

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The ‘Program for Slakthusområdet’ corresponds to a document that has been developed by the Urban Planning and City Planning Office Department in collaboration with the Development Office Department, Traffic Office Department and Real Estate Office Department.

The scope of the program should enable the development of Slakthusområdet area following the Vision Söderstaden 2030.

In this document, it’s stated that the neighbourhood should be dense with the right mix of scales, volumes and material. A built environment mixed with public parks, green sidewalks and individual trees composes the area’s green infrastructure together with larger parks. Public spaces should be designed to be able to create functional contemplation pockets with sunbeds in the parks and squares. Housing, offices, businesses, restaurants and commerce should be combined side by side and enhance the different atmosphere. The presence of the Tele2 Arena offers an opportunity for more significant events and behaves as an invitation to the inner part of the neighbourhood, that will offer small-scale food options, vibrant culture and urban environment experiences.

At an early stage of the investigation for the development of the program, back in 2010-2011, risk, environmental and trafficking issues were reviewed, among other things. An extensive inventory and analysis of the cultural environment and the development

of an existing structure at an early stage laid the foundation for the entire program work and remained a crucial planning basis. A business study identified and described the entrepreneurial cluster around food production and formed part of the basis for the city’s decision to investigate a new food centre in Larsboda.

At the end of 2015, a program proposal was ready for consultation. During the elaboration of the program, a consultation meeting was organized in the form of an open house, which was supplemented by a historic walk and a walk emphasizing how things will look in the future. During two evenings with dialogues and workshops, it was offered the opportunity to discuss the Slakthusområdet in-depth within smaller groups. The consultation and dialogue activities provided broad support for the proposed focus. However, there were also several views and ideas, which were compiled in a consultation report and proper documentation from the dialogue. More than 500 people participated in the various activities in connection with consultations and in-depth dialogue.

A comprehensive study composed by analytical maps and concluded with a masterplan was presented in the Program for Slakthusområdet. I used the data provided in the document to create analytical maps of the area. My focus is on the area around the building listed as the landmark, and that will accommodate the future food hall.

THE MASTERPLAN

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Masterplan StrategyParks, squares and streets define the street blocks of Slakthusområdet, creating a network of public spaces. It follows Stockholm’s inner city concept with high density and public spaces that are separated from the buildings.

“Norra entrétorget” Public place among old constructions and new

buildings

Slakthusplan Historic sign in the area

FållanThe historic construction becomes a venue for

cultural activities

“Centrala parken”A gathering place for the entire

Slakthusområdet

“Evenemangstorget”Square with flexibility and space for various

events and a green park section in the southern part

Naturparken vid LindevägenNative land and existing forest area that will be

preserved with its forest character

“Diagonalen”Parking and maintenance area for bikes

FickparkerAvailable in many places in Slakthusområdet

it’s part of the green infrastructure of the area

“Södra parken”Green oasis with a pavilion in

south of the neighbourhood

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Masterplan 2030According to the document released in May 2018 by the Stockholm Municipality (Stockholms stad 2018) the project will be implemented in 5 stages:

Stage 1: West of Hallvägen towards Lindevägen north.The stage contains approximately 800 dwellings/ apartments, one elementary school, one upper secondary school, three preschools and two parks. The construction is planned to start in early 2021.

Stage 2: East of Hallvägen towards Arenavägen.The stage contains commerce, services, apartments, office buildings, preschool, the Central Park and the Event square. It will be the commercial node alongside Rökerigatan, and the original buildings from 1912 Construction start earliest 2025.

Stage 3: Southwest, towards Lindevägen south.The stage contains apartments, preschools and office buildings. Construction starts earliest 2024.

Stage 4: Southeast, towards Enskedvägen and Sofielundsplan.The stage contains apartments, preschools, office buildings and commerce at the Event Square.Construction start earliest 2028

Stage 5: North, towards Palmfeltsvägen.The stage contains apartments, preschools and premises, and is connected to the new subway station in the area and the removal of the old tracks at Globen Station.Construction start earliest 2029

1

2

3

4

5

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Stockholm MunicipalityArea: 214.6 km²

Population: 962,154

The next maps intend to narrate the process the neighbourhood will face, resulting in demolitions, and the construction of new buildings, all guided by the masterplan previously presented.

ANALYTICAL MAPS

Existing buildings

Demolished buildings

Slakthusområdet Area Slakthusområdet: 0.46 km²Area Johanneshov: 1.30 km²Population Johanneshov: 5,778

Existing buildings

Slakthusområdet limits

Demolished buildings in the last 3 years

Slakthusområdet 2019Stockholm limits

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Listed and protected buildings

Buildings with cultural and historic value

Buildings with no value - to be demolished

Listed buildings

Buildings with cultural and historic value

Buildings with no value - to be demolished

Buildings that will be transformed into cultural hubs

Buildings that will be repurposed

To be demolished

Buildings that will be transformed into cultural hubs

Buildings that will be transformed into cultural hubs

Buildings that will be repurposed

Buildings that will be repurposed

Masterplan: new building blocks

Masterplan: new street blocks

To be demolished

Slakthusområdet 2019

Slakthusområdet 2019 Slakthusområdet 2019

Slakthusområdet 2019 to 2030

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Fállan 2019 Fállan 2030

Food HallFood Market The Lab House

Cultural activities

Cultural activitiesFállan

accommodate Fållan with its outdoor extension in front of the building. Fållan will be demolished by 2023, so the cultural activations will take place until this date and will serve to occupy and bring vitality to the neighbourhood temporarily.

From now until 2030, the demolitions and constructions will continuously change the neighbourhood, thus requiring a transition plan deal with the negative impacts and to also establish place identity since the beginning and throughout the whole process.

If we compare the aerial view of Fållan in 2019 to how it will be in 2030, we can see that the existing building where Fållan is will give place to a green park with the same name. This park will connect, by a greenery infrastructure, the Food Hall and the future residences that will be built in the coming years.

The proposal to be presented in this thesis aims to explore the potential of this neighbourhood block and to offer solutions to establish the identity of the area by exploring outdoor public spaces integrated with cultural activities.

FållanFållan is the area chosen to be the focus and a key location of my proposal. In its proximity, we can locate the red-roofed warehouse that will be repurposed as the new Food Hall.

Fållan will be a cultural hub, with numerous companies that will actively promote and organize events and cultural activations in Stockholm.

Gather Festival is scheduled to happen in May 2020 in a building that will

key map 2030

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Slakthusområdet 2030

Buildings that will be transformed into cultural hubs

Masterplan: new building blocks

Masterplan: new street blocks Fállan 2030

Fållan

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04Design Strategy

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CONCLUSIONS// FINDINGS

The findings from the Feminist Urban Planning research confirm that collective kitchens can be an asset to the city of Stockholm and could serve as means to provide the city with more inclusive public spaces and more diverse and exciting options for the citizens.

These kitchens might be used by any ordinary citizen, but also by professional chefs or from the industry in search of an affordable place to start and implement a project or ideas, or by restaurants that would like to host a mobile dinner. Those are a few examples of the potential of these kitchens, that could play a role in the economic empowerment of small business and of citizens.

After the theories and examples presented, the findings showed that Slakthusområdet is a neighbourhood already strongly connected to culture and innovation. Therefore, it offers the potential to host the first public and collective kitchen in the city of Stockholm.

The construction period that the neighbourhood is about to enter shows that a transition plan is necessary to remediate the nuisance and the disruptions that will affect the first residents and first visitors of the neighbourhood.

Through this research, workshop, map analysis and production of Gather Festival, it became more evident the presence of shipping containers in the neighbourhood

and their importance to the demolitions and constructions in the site. I have done further research to find examples of public spaces and foodcourts created with containers throughout the world. These references have led me to choose the containers as the main element in my design proposal. It serves as a measure and scale reference and as the element to define boundaries in the area around Fållan and the Food Hall.

The illustrations that will be presented aim to depict the transition of the neighbourhood throughout the next ten years. The containers are being introduced to mimic the constructions with the built environment and allow the cultural activations to happen as immersive experiences that will change from time to time. At the same time, it creates an opportunity for a street food incubator. The success of the cultural activations and events will dictate the perception of the neighbourhood as a cultural hub and food destination.

The containers are versatile and could accommodate programs beyond the kitchens and offer an opportunity to create mobile entertainment and leisure for the citizens.

MOODBOARDLimousine Yatai - Tokamachi

Reffen - Copenhagen

Public barbecues - Sydney

Architecture Biennale in Botkyrka

Design your Free Local Menu - São Paulo

Design your Free Local Menu - São Paulo

Pop Brixton - London

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FeministUrbanPlanning

participatory | domestic | inclusive

place attachment | cultural actors

neighbourhood branding | innovations

CulturalActivities

Institutionsof Power

STRATEGY FOR PLACE IDENTITY

Outcomes for Slakthusrområdet

eventfulnew food destinationmodular solutionstemporal | adaptive

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Introduction to the food destination concept during the autumn by promoting events in the area and establishing a popup

food market during these temporary activities. Establish a physical connection with the

future Food Hall

Ex. Gather Festival, House 63,

Julmarknad

Establishments focusing on cultural activities open up during the Spring,

taking up temporarily buildings around the market that will be

demolished in the future and also the Food Hall starts to be populated

and opens to the public.

Start Occupying the food hall,

together with the outdoor and popup

markets. Several restaurants have

moved to the area.Art, food, drink and music are now the new words related to Slakthusområdet

The subway line

is working, and Slakthusrområdet

is the new gastronomic address of Sweden.

The Food Hall is fully occupied and becomes a

reference for local production and quality goods.

New residents have moved in.

Integrate more units of the collective food modules to accommodate

cooperatives and individuals starting

new businesses.The new destination

is established and outdoors

and indoors work together, lifting the area as a

destination.

2019 2020 2022 2025 2030

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2019

Pop-up market

Established Farmers Market Established Food Hall

Temporary venue: Fållan

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2020

Pop-up market

Established Farmers Market Established Food Hall

Temporary venue: Fållan

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2023

Pop-up market

Established Farmers Market Established Food Hall

Temporary venue: Fållan

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2030

Pop-up market

Established Farmers Market Established Food Hall

Temporary venue: Fållan

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The containers are the main element for public space activation. They will accommodate the mobile kitchens, which could serve for public use or private business in search of a kitchen infrastructure to experiment with their business model: a kitchen incubator. Furthermore, the containers can serve for signage, to create boundaries and to interrupt traffic in order to provide better connections and experiences.

The transitional, mobile and temporary aspect of the containers offer a significant potential to be explored in Slakthusområdet and adds value to the existing construction where the Food Hall is going to be implemented.

STRATEGY FOR PUBLIC SPACES

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60.0

260.

0

250.0

300.0

62.5

ModulesThe modules will follow the measurements of the containers. The modules will fit in containers of 10ft (3,00x2,60 mt) and 20ft (6,00 x 2,60 mt), making it easy to transport and move it to different locations.

The modules can offer different programs: kitchens, playground, tables. All of them

focusing on collective activities that if placed together, will impact the area, bringing vitality and diversity of entertainment to give support to events and business around.

10ft measurements

20ft

10ft

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10ft

20ftHot plate

Collective tables

sink

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shelter

collective table

fire

swings

hot plates

collective table

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STRATEGY FOR THE NEIGHBOUR-HOOD

The transition plan will impact the neighbourhood as a whole. The use of containers aims to create a smoother transition and to serve as a barrier to connect streets and create temporary thresholds, as an attempt to reinforce perceptions and improve the experiences.

Taking into consideration the demolitions that are already planned in the coming years, the following diagrams will illustrate the transition strategy, highlighting the buildings that will be used temporarily and that will accommodate venues and the creative industry that will slowly take more space in Slakthusområdet.

Buildings that will be transformed into cultural hubs

Buildings that will be demolished by 2030

Fållan 2019

Food Hall

The Lab HouseFållan

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Heavy traffic

Potential flow

Fållan 2019

Some challenges to be addressed:• Heavy traffic• Lack of greenery• Lack of sidewalks

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Fållan 2019

In 2019 Slakthusområdet starts to brand its cultural value and potential for innovation. The neighbourhood hots its first events, and the public starts to appropriate the construction sites and the outdoor spaces.

Containers for signage

Containers mixed with modules

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Fållan 2020

Traffic interruption

The Food Hall starts to open for the public

Farmers market and kitchen modules

In 2020 the Food Hall opens partially to the public. In order to create a connection with events hosted in Fållan and the Food Hall, the interruption of traffic is necessary.A food market during the Spring is planned to happen to strengthen the potential of the Food Hall.

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Fållan 2020

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Fållan 2020

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Fållan 2023

In 2023 constructions of the new buildings will be happening and new residents will be already established. Therefore the containers will mimic constructions while farmers markets happen, and the Food Hall attracts many visitors.Fållan building will be demolished, and the name will refer to a park.

Traffic interruption

The Food Hall is established and open to the public

Farmers market and kitchen modules to block constructions

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Fållan 2030

In 2030 the Food Hall is a Market specialized in selling local goods. The neighbourhood is the food destination in Stockholm.Ther parks entertain residents and visitors with its collective kitchens.

Market offers outdoor farm-ers market

The Food Hall is established and open to the public

Fållan is now a park with col-lective kitchens

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References

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