Unknown, Unloved - Topvrouwen · Master Thesis - Msc Culture, Organization & Management Vrije...

Running head: EXECUTIVE SEARCH EXPERIENCE, A FEMALE PERSPECTIVE

Unknown, Unloved:

An insight into the executive search experiences of female board-ready candidates in public

and private sectors in The Netherlands.

Master Thesis - Msc Culture, Organization & Management

Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam

C. Backus (2577990)

Supervisor: Drs. T.A. Onderdenwijngaard

Second reader: Dr. I. Sabelis

Amsterdam, 9th of August 2018

EXECUTIVE SEARCH EXPERIENCE, A FEMALE PERSPECTIVES 2

Summary

The goal of this study was to provide insight into the executive search experience of female-

board ready women. Women in the Netherlands are underrepresented in both public and

corporate boardrooms. Most of contemporary literature reflecting the executive search process

and practice is based on reconstructions of either searchers, the demanding side or candidates

which have been placed successfully; most of the times male candidates. Therefore in this

study the female perspective is introduced. Asking female board-ready candidates to reflect

upon their executive search experiences. In this study twelve female board-ready candidates

have been in interviewed through semi-structured interviews. The results show a clear

difference in the experiences of women active in the public compared to women active in the

corporate sector. The sectors seems to reflect its executive process. Meaning the masculine

values still normalized in the corporate sector seem to emerge in the executive search process,

making it hard for women to be identified as suitable candidates. The results partly confirm

but also deepens existing literature discussing gender diversity on boardroom level. The

experiences of the female candidates, provide new insights into the gender discussion and role

of the executive search process and practice in this.

Keywords: executive search, homosocial reproduction, gender diversity


Table of Contents

1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 4

2. Literature Chapter .................................................................................................................. 7

3. Methodological Chapter. ...................................................................................................... 18

4. Results Chapter .................................................................................................................... 23

5. Conclusion and discussion ................................................................................................... 49

5.1. Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 49

5.2. Discussion ......................................................................................................................... 52


1. Introduction

Until today, female participation in higher and executive functions remains low in the

Netherlands. Especially in the business world, men outnumber women in top management.

Despite multiple governmental efforts to increase the percentage of women in corporate

positions, the number has again decreased with respect to the year before (Financieel

Dagblad, 2017). In the corporate sector, in 2017, 24.6% of the non-executive positions (RvC)

and only 6,2% of the executive positions (RvB)1 were filled by women. An interesting detail

is that 46% of these female executives are not Dutch, compared to 24% of the male executives

(Lückerath-Rovers, 2017).

In the public sector women are underrepresented to a lesser extent. Here they take in

30.8% of the executives roles (RvB) and 36.4% of the non-executives roles (RvT) (Pouwels

& Henderikse, 2017, p.94). The Netherlands ranks 82nd worldwide when it comes to equal

economic participation opportunities for both genders. The equal economic participation

index is based on three different aspects. The female participation in the labor market, the

remuneration gap and the advancement gap including the ratio of women to men amongst

senior officials and managers and the ratio of men to women active in technical and

professional workers (World Economic Forum, 2017). The ranking is regrettable , as ‘we’

ranked 51th place in 2006 (World Economic Forum, 2006). Statistics do not lie, the

Netherlands falls greatly behind on other European and non-European countries (World

Economic Forum, 2017).

Often, the underrepresentation of women in executive positions is explained by the

glass ceiling metaphor. This metaphor, introduced in the 80’s, describes invisible and

informal barriers women encounter when climbing the hierarchical ladder. The glass ceiling

has been an important topic of research within management studies for years, and still

resonates within most organizations in numerous societies (Barreto, Ryan, & Schmitt, 2009,

pp. 3-18).

Recent studies shine light on a previously unnoticed barrier that occurs when female

candidates try to enter the highest levels of the organizations. New insights identified the role

of executive search bureaus as gatekeepers for women in top positions, keeping the glass

ceiling in place (Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson, & Bendl, 2013; Dreher, Lee, & Clerkin,

2011). Executive search is the professional service in which executive searchers, on behalf of

1 In the Netherlands Executives are referred to as members of the Raad van Bestuur in short Rvb. Non-

executives are in the public sector referred to as members of the Raad van Toezicht in short RvC and in the

corporate sector as members of the Raad van Commissarissen. Hereafter the English appellation will be used.


their clients search, assess and select suitable candidates to fulfill a specific job vacancy

(Beaverstock, Faulconbridge, & Hall, 2009, p.6).

According to Dreher, Lee and Clerkin (2011) executive searchers tend to, whether

consciously or not, bend the pipeline away from female candidates to meet the demanding

side’s expectations of the ideal candidate. Drawing on quantitative data enhanced by the

interviews of executive searchers, Fernandez-Mateo and Fernandez (2016) describe the role

of executive searchers as limited. Although the authors recognize the withdrawal of female

candidates, according to the authors this is the result of demand side discrimination and

supply side factors; segregated social network processes and gendered socialization processes

which influences female career choices. Leading women to steer themselves away from the

executive search process (pp. 3636 – 3655).

On the contrary, Faulconbridge, Beaverstock, Hall and Hewitson (2009, pp. 801 –

806) who analyzed the executive practice by drawing on interviews with executive searchers,

describe the role of executive searchers as leading in the continuation of the gendered status

quo. The authors refer to the powerful position executive searchers take, exerting a great

amount of influence in deciding who meets the classifications and who doesn't. They also

refer to the danger of a new boys network gatekeeping the boardroom gates, highly

resembling the old boys network. The reasons for this is that executive searchers seem to

highly rely on selective network circles for suggestions, making it harder for female

candidates and other minorities to be identified as suitable candidates.

Doldor, Sealy and Vinnicombe (2016) refer to the institutionalized logic of executive

search as a cause that leads to risk averse recruitment strategies. The placement of female

candidates is perceived as a greater risk than the placement of male candidates, which

increases the chance of continuing the current status quo.

Van den Brink, Blommaert, Leest and Elfering (2016, p.37) are the first to describe

how gender is intertwined with the executive search process in the Netherlands. In their study

the scholars provide a comprehensive analysis based on the reconstruction of search

placements in the corporate sector. The authors identified two gender practices both hindering

the placement of female candidates in executive positions: the reliance on selective network

circles and the reconstruction of the executive body based on traditional qualities.


1.1 Research relevance

1.1.1.Societal relevance

An Economic argument for the inclusion of more female board members is the

organizations with diverse boards are related with better financial performances (Erhardt,

Werbel & Shrader, 2003). Moreover, positive correlation is found between the number of

women in a boardroom and the corporate, social responsibility of its organization (Bear,

Rahman, Post, 2010).

1.1.2.Scientific relevance

Although literature questioning the gender neutrality of the search process and practice

is growing, case studies analyzing the executive process and practice are most often

reconstructions due to the privacy sensitive nature of the search process. Search processes are

mostly surrounded by secretiveness and all parties involved are asked for discretion. The

demanding side does not want their competitors to know, their looking for a new actor to steer

in the top of their organization (Khurana, 2002, p. 245).

Moreover most literature discussing the search process and practice is built on

reconstructions and experiences of executive searchers and the demanding side. When

candidates include the research sample these candidates are most often placed candidates and

in most cases male. Leaving the candidate perspective and more precisely the female

candidate perspective underexposed. In the footsteps of Van den Brink, Blommaert, Leest and

Elfering (2016) this study will make an attempt to reflect on the emergence of gender in the

executive search processes in the Netherlands.

However, contrary to the study of Van den Brink, Blommaert, Leest and Elfering who

interviewed all actors involved in the executive search process, this study will focus on the

experiences of women only. Thereby this study differs from earlier inquiry, placing the

female reconstructions of the executive search process and practice central. Moreover, unlike

most research reflecting the executive search process, practice and logic, this research will

take a symbolical step back by focusing on the experiences of the women involved as separate

from a successful/single case or placement. Reflecting not only the executive search processes

which ended in a successful placement, but reflecting also the processes not leading to a direct

placement.

The goal of the research is to provide more insight into how executive search

processes are re-constructed and experienced by female candidates. The reconstructions can


provide an insight into the executive process and practices. Moreover, the reconstructions

provide interesting insight in how female candidates interpreted these experiences. The

research question is formulated as followed ‘How do board-ready women experience and re-

construct executive search processes and practices?’ The literature question of this thesis is

‘How is gender, discussed in the executive search process and practice?’ Empirical question

of this research is ‘How do board-ready women experience and reconstruct executive search

processes and practices?’

1.2. Thesis outline

In the following chapter, the literature chapter, an overview of contemporary literature

is given which will function as a framework for the research data. In the Method chapter, the

methodology of the research is discussed. After the method chapter the research data and

analysis will be presented in the Results Chapter. In the final chapter, the Conclusion and

discussion chapter, the main findings of this research are discussed and specified in order to

form and answer to the research question.

2. Literature Chapter

As mentioned before, Executive search is the process in which executive searchers

help organizations to identify, recruit, assess and select suitable candidates to take in top

positions. In their cross cultural, qualitative research Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson and

Bend (2013) provide an impression of the executive search process and practice as

constructed by interviewed executive searchers. The authors identified the executive process

as including three different practices ‘profiling, short-listing and involving the client’.

Moreover the authors showed how gender emerges in each of the search practice (Tienari,

Meriläinen, Holgersson and Bendl, 2013, p.49).

The three practices presented by Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson and Bendl will form

the framework of this literature chapter and will be discussed in chronological order. Other

literature discussing the executive search process, practice and gender biased evaluations will

be discussed and connected to the different executive practices. Noted should be that in most

contemporary research the executive search process of the corporate sector is central.

Therefore this literature chapter might reflect this sector more than executive search

reconstructions of candidates active in the public sector.


2.1. Profiling

The first practice is the profiling practice. This practice includes the creation of the

candidate profile and thereafter the creation of the longlist. The characteristics of suitable

candidates come into being through a discussion between the client and the executive

searcher. For the executive searchers, profiling is characterized as an ongoing juxtaposition

between the client’s expectations on the one hand, and candidates who may meet these

expectations and are in reach of contact on the other hand (Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson

and Bendl, 2013, pp. 50 - 53).

2.1.1. The stereotyped executive body.

Fawcett and Pringle (2000) were the first scholars who questioned the gender

neutrality of the executive search process. The authors conducted eight case studies in which

eight executive placements were reconstructed by all actors involved; the demanding side, the

executive searcher and the placed candidates. Through the collection of qualitative data, the

authors identified how subtle and unsubtle forms of sexism are still deeply embedded into

organizational logic, inherently influencing the executive practice which operates in this logic,

making unbiased selection difficult. One of the manifestations of the sexism is the masculine

executive body.

In the profiling phase, executive searchers are in search of what often is called the

ideal executive body or the ‘ideal fit’; a representation of the characteristics and capabilities a

candidate should have. However, this executive body seems to be far from gender neutral but

conceptualized as having characteristics commonly assigned to men (Fawcett and Pringle,

2000, p. 254). According to the authors this normalized, masculine conceptualization of the

executive body leading to gendered judgements is reinforced by the masculine culture of

senior management, permeated with masculine values and norms (2000, p.255).

Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson and Bendl also describe the masculine

conceptualization of the executive body (2013). By reflecting on the executive search practice

and process, through the experiences of executive searchers, the authors showed how gender

is woven into executive search processes. According to the authors the gendered executive

body is the result of ‘doing gender’; the routinized, active categorization of men and women.

Doing gender is embedded in social interaction by enacting the gender binary in such a way

female competence is often dismissed as less than male competence. Moreover, by enacting

the gender binary females candidates’ characteristics concerning their family lives, their age


and their work experience are often interpreted differently by both the executive searchers as

the demanding side (pp. 52-52).

According to Heilman (2001; 2012) the gendered executive body is the result of

generalizations of stereotypes. Gender stereotypes consist of normalized gender- descriptions

and prescriptions, the latter will be discussed later. Gender descriptions include the

stereotyped division of characteristics assigned to men and women being oppositional to each

other. Characteristics assigned to men are of a more agentic nature, including attributes as an

achievement orientation, inclination to take charge, importance for autonomy and rationality.

Whereas characteristics assigned to women are stereotyped as communal focused, including a

high concern for others having affiliative tendencies, being deferential and emotionally

sensitive (Heilman, 2012, pp.114 – 116).

Doldor, Sealy and Vinnicombe (2016) identified how the gendered conceptualization

of the executive body is embedded deeply into the executive search logic. The authors

interviewed executive searchers to unravel the embedded logic on which the executive search

practice is founded. According to the authors the need to find the ideal candidate who also

makes the social fit, leads executive searchers towards risk-averse recruitment strategies.

These strategies support elite social matching and include search and competence criteria

which fit the male candidate more easily, as males are overrepresented in the elite groups and

therefore provide reassurance.

The persistence of the logic became clear when numerous executive search bureaus in

the United Kingdome voluntarily signed a Code of conduct promising to commit themselves

to more gender-inclusive board appointments. One of the changes included in the Code was

the rethinking of selection criteria. However, attempts to redefine the selection criteria

(defining competence) in a more inclusive way - shifting away from the elite membership

logic including to a more talent-base logic - failed. The new competence criteria were

formulated vaguely which allowed the old logic continued to exist (Doldor, Sealy and

Vinnicombe, 2016 pp. ).

2.1.2. The role of informality in the profiling phase

Fawcett and Pringle (2000) were also the first authors to identify the recruitment of

senior managers as lack lacking formality and structure; using limited selection test, including

unclear job specifications and little structured interviews. According to the authors this is

contrary to the selection procedures in lower levels of organizations, which are most often


built more on merit-based performance criteria. This unstructured nature of the executive

search process has consequences already emerging in the first phase of the executive search

process. When creating the long list of suitable candidates the unstructured and informal

nature of the process leads both the demanding side and the executive searchers, to fall back

on social relations and politics active in their predominantly male networks (Fawcett &

Pringle, p.257).

2.1.3. The influence of the network

As mentioned above, the lack of formality and structure in the search process and

practices creates an important and transcending role for the network. Both the demanding side

as well as executive searchers have a major reliance on their network for suitable candidates

or candidates suggestions (Fawcett & Pringle, 2000; Holgersson, 2013).

Faulconbridge,Beaverstock, Hall, & Hewitson (2009) question the meritocratic promise of the

executive search process to find the ‘best candidate for the job’. According to the authors

executive searchers tend to rely on the selective networks circles when creating their first

candidate selection. Thereby giving only a selective group access to the elite executive

positions (Faulconbridge, Beaverstock, Hall, & Hewitson, 2009, pp. 801).

Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson and Bendl (2013) explain how the network influence

is intertwined with the executive search process. The authors describe how executive

searchers create a long list of suitable candidates most often drawn from their own network,

or network related contacts. When the search process is carried out under time pressure -

which often is the case - this limits the searchers ability and willingness to search beyond their

established networks. The authors point out how this strong network reliance can have

different negative outcome on the selection of female candidates if women either do not move

in the right network circles, or when the male network members have the tendency to suggest

other male candidates (pp. 51 - 53).

2.1.4. Doing hierarchy

As mentioned before both executive searchers as well as the demanding side heavily

rely on network circles when identifying suitable candidates. When the demanding side

demanding side relies on their own network circles, identifying candidates thereby taking on

the role of searcher, anther gendered consequence emerges identified by Holgersson as

‘Doing hierarchy’. Doing hierarchy is explained as senior men having the privilege to define


competence but also to groom and select younger prospects.

Holgersson describes how the demanding side tends to identify and appoint

candidates out of their own network. By doing hierarchy, younger prospects gain a mentor

figure, and are given the possibility and the platform to learn and show their competence.

These prospects are often chosen from the senior managers’ own network groups.

These networks are created and maintained in formal but also in informal settings through

practices and activities sometimes characterized as masculine, making it hard for women to

take part (Holgersson, p.462). Candidates are not expected to actively submit an application

but are expected to make themselves and their aspirations visible. Visibility arises through

alliances, contacts and by conforming to norms and values active in the management culture

(Holgersson, p. 461). Thereby doing hierarchy does not only show how candidates are

depending on their networks to be identified, but more specifically it explains how candidates

are expected to take on a more passive role.

2.2. Shortlisting

The second phase includes the second practice of the search process which is

‘shortlisting’. The evaluation of the candidates competences and alleged chances to suit the

right fit are central in this phase. The first activity of shortlisting includes the first (telephone)

interviews with all the candidates selected for the longlist. The searchers check on availability

and first impression. Thereafter a smaller selection will be assessed in different interview

rounds. In these interview rounds the selection process gets more personal and the candidates

suitability is weight. This weighing of suitability and competence eventually results in the

creation of a short list, including the selected candidates, which will be presented to the

demanding side (Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson and Bendl, pp. 54 - 55).

2.2.1. Negative performance expectations

Although the conceptual division of characteristics into gender as described in the

earlier paragraph might seem innocent, its cultural and institutional embeddedness is far from

it. The normalized characteristics assigned to traditional male occupations such as executives

are stereotypical conceptions of men (Heilman, 2012). This leaves a ‘lack of fit’ between the

conceptualized masculine job requirements and female characteristics. This lack of fit

discourse has a complimentary consequence creating negative expectations about women’s


competence. Creating little trust in a woman’s ability to be successful in a masculine top

position (Heilman, 2012, pp. 116 – 117).

According to Heilman, negative performance expectations are found to have

significant influence on the evaluation of women, providing a foundation for the justification

of biased decisions. Negative evaluations in selection decisions of women have found to

prevail more in selection processes for male-gendered jobs than other jobs. Moreover in fields

in which men dominate in numbers intensively, negative performance expectations prevail the

most. Interesting is that negative expectations especially prevail when the evaluation process

is surrounded by ambiguity; this will be elaborated on later (2012, p.118).

The persistence of the negative performance expectations seems to be influenced by

Cognitive distortion; human tendency to search for cases supporting one's expectations rather

than cases deviating from those expectations. Leading to negative performance expectations

being maintained rather than challenged (Heilman, 2012, pp. 116 – 118). The gendered

evaluation not only influence the assessors, but also effect female’s self-evaluation, since

women’s view of their own characteristics seems to be highly parallel to the general view.

Leaving women to identify themselves as having the same perceived lack of fit when entering

male jobs (Heilman, 2012, p. 124).

2.2.2. The backlash effect

However, the occurrence of negative performance expectations is not the only

gendered hurdle women might face when their competence is weight. As mentioned earlier,

gender descriptions are include the stereotyped division of characteristics assigned to men and

women often being oppositional to each other. Gender prescriptions, describe how these

descriptions come into being, by describing how the different genders are ought to behave and

ought not to behave. Violating gender prescriptions can result in backlash such as social

disapproval often leading to penalties. Penalties include being more negatively evaluated, or

being associated with negative characteristics like having a cold and hostile personality

(Heilman, 2012, p.123).

In work context penalties are of a more financial nature including the risk of a lower

payment an fewer promotion recommendations. Both self-promotion and lone negotiation are

conceptualized as traits of masculine behavior and are therefore violations. For men the

promotion of their own capabilities and the negotiation of their financial rewards are

interpreted as a positive trait, reflecting a men’s competence. Whereas for women, self-


promotion and lone negotiations are experienced negatively leading to women being interpret

as less socially appealing. Leaving again the same behavior resulting in different outcomes

(2012, p.124).

The backlash effect only occurs when women take on a male-typed gender role which

is perceived to include agentic (male typed) qualities. The perceived level of violation is thus

not only correlated with the female misbehavior, but also with the degree of male

characteristics aligned with the specific job performance. Domains / positions in which the

masculine ethos prevails the most increase the perceived need for masculine characteristics.

Thereby increasing the chances for women, active in these domains/ positions, to experience

backlash (Heilman, 2012, p. 123-128).

2.2.3. A Double bind

Women trying the access positions described as specifically masculine in male

dominated sectors are in danger to be hindered by yet another barrier which seems to be

insurable. According to Rudmann, Moss-Racusin, Phelan & Nauts (2012) the backlash affect

and lack of fit lead to a what is called a double bind: a paradoxical situation in which a

negative outcome seems inevitable. Confirming to prescribed descriptions and prescriptions

reinforces stereotypes and stimulates lack of fit perceptions. Thus, women who want to

succeed in entering these specific positions need to break with the female stereotyped

positions in order to be identified as suitable. However, as mentioned before, when women act

in ways stereotypical assigned to males, showing they got what it takes to enter the

boardroom arena, this often leads to backlash (Rudmann, Moss-Racusin, Phelan & Nauts,

2012, p. 165). According to the authors the main motive for backlash is the protection of the

gender hierarchy. The study showed that gender bias, hiring discrimination and penalties

prevailed most when the gender system is threatened (Rudmann et al.,p.175)

2.2.4. The unstructured evaluation

Informality plays not only a great part in the selection of suitable candidates, it also

plays a significant role in the assessment of candidates. Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson and

Bendl (2013) describe how during the short-list phase, the phase in which recruiters come to a

shorter selection of candidates based on (telephone) interviews, most of the searchers base the

selection decision on a ‘gut’ feeling rather than a structured method. According to the


executive searchers this gut feeling comes into being when making up a balance between the

candidate’s profile and their feelings and ideas after talking with the candidate (pp. 55-56).

Some of the executive searchers do use an instruments - like a personality or psychological

test - to complement their interviews. However, according to the authors most of these

instruments are actual gendered since the instruments are based on research merely reflecting

the male perspective (p.55).

Heilman also points out how a lack of specification within the evaluation process

creates room for gender bias and subjectivity. Moreover, unclear evaluation criteria allow

people to redefine the standards and evaluation in such a way it aligns with the negative

performance expectations discussed earlier. Leaving gender biased decisions to be justified.

In the words of Heilman “Ambiguity permits expectations to flourish” in the positive but also

in the negative sense (Heilman, 2012, p.118).

2.2.5. The gendered search strategy

The traditional search strategy is characterized by its transactional and short-term

thinking. In which both the demanding side and the searchers aim for opportunities for direct

placement of easily marketable candidates. One of the consequences of this strategy is that it

leaves little room for the searchers to coach and prepare the candidates for their meeting with

the demanding side.

Some of the executive searchers interviewed by Doldor, Sealy and Vinnicombe (2016)

referred to this traditional strategy as not being as suitable for women as it is for men. To be

more precise, the gendered difference in self-promotion leading women to come across as less

suitable, was referred to as a consequence of the traditional strategy. This is because women

need more time and guidance to position themselves to the clients. A different logic and

strategy including a longer-term approach and a more diverse role for the searcher taking in a

mentor role, was urged by mostly female searchers (Doldor, Sealy & Vinnicombe, 2016,

296).

2.3. Involving the client

The last phase of the executive search process includes the last practice ‘involving the

client’. In this last phase the executive searcher presents the short-list including the selected

candidates to the demanding side. Hereafter the demanding side will, often accompanied by

the executive searcher, meet the selected candidates in a so called ‘hearing’. In this last step of


the process the candidates will be interviewed by the demanding to once again assess the fit

(Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson and Bendl, pp. 55 - 57).

2.3.1. Informal structure of the hearing.

Holgersson (2013) identified a lack of structure in the decision making process of the

demanding side. Doldor, Sealy and Vinnicombe (2016) also identified informality being

intertwined with the search practice. Especially the interview practices of the demanding side,

in the last phase of the search process - meeting the client - were described as lacking

strictness and structure. Some of the searchers described the interviewing skills of the

demanding side to be characterized with informality, a lack of structure and non-inclusive.

Moreover the searchers described how often biased views and conservative thoughts emerged

in the selection interviews (2016, p.296).

However most searchers felt highly uncomfortable confronting their clients (the

demanding side) with this. According to the authors the unwillingness of the searchers to

confront the demanding side with engaging in unstructured and biased decision-making

processes is intertwined with the current executive logic. Most searchers experience an

internal conflicting having to choose between pleasing the demanding side; allowing

processes of bias occur, and challenging the at times non-inclusive practices (2016, p.296).

2.3.2 Redefining female competence

Holgersson describes another homosocial practice on the hand of the demanding side

‘(Re) defining competence’. Holgersson identified how candidates are to be assessed

according to two different criteria sets: suitability criteria and acceptability criteria. The first

criteria which apply are the suitability criteria. The suitability criteria need to be met to

qualify for the position. These criteria include the verification of previous function in which

the candidates show to deliver results. When the suitability criteria are met the focus shifts to

the acceptability criteria. These acceptability criteria, being less defined and more implicit,

include appearance, attitude and personality.

Holgersson identified how both suitability and acceptability criteria appeared to be

flexible and open for adjustments. Female candidates were often rejected, and male

candidates were identified as suitable. The criteria seemed to be defined and redefined in

multiple ways leaving competence associated with men, and masculinity valued as important.

Women on the other hand, seemed to be identified as flawed in relation to both criteria groups


based on stereotypical gendered ideas (Holgersson, 2013, pp. 458 - 461).

Also Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson and Bendl (2013) describe how the redefinition

of competence done by the demanding side, causes female candidates to be rejected just

before crossing the boardroom threshold. Within the last phase of the search process

‘involving the client’ executive searchers present the list of remaining candidates to the client

after which they take up an active role within the assessment of the candidates. In this stage

most of the female candidates are rejected. According to one of the searchers this happens

when the female candidate meets the demanding side. This social interaction is characterized

by a lack of defined criteria and someone to moderate the conversation. The demanding side

introduces vague competences legitimizing subjective evaluations negatively affecting the

females competence (2013, pp. 55 -56). According to the searchers, their influence is limited

in this phase of the search process, leaving them with little power to alter the situation.

One of the searchers explains the rejecting of female candidates as a result of the

demanding side ‘playing it safe’. Female candidates are thereby categorized as involving

more risk than their male counterparts (2013, p.56). Another interviewed executive searcher

refers to the conservative discourse surrounding some executive search positions, being male

dominated (p.56). Vaguely defined competence and evaluation criteria seems to open the way

for a redefinition of competence, often at the expense of female suitability. Again, ambiguity

surrounding competence criteria and definitions seem to allow gender biases take in shape.

2.4. Underlying structures

2.4.1. The senior management culture

As mentioned previously, a masculine culture within senior management often

promotes gendered judgements regarding the ideal executive body (Fawcett and Pringle,

2000, p. 255).The senior management culture, mostly emerging in the corporate sector, is

believed to be permeated with masculine norms and values, being embedded deeply into the

organizational logic; its procedures and structures

Senior management cultures as described above seem to hold several biased views

concerning women, hindering their entrance and integration into senior management cultures.

Biases are founded on subtle manifestations of benevolent sexism the idea that women should

not move to far outside their traditional, stereotyped roles for their own safety.

Related to these biased views is the idea that women might not feel comfortable integrating


into these executive cultures, or would not fit into the masculine culture in terms of accepting

and joining. Explanations for this relate to the specific masculine habits and customs of this

culture, as well as its bonding activities. These bonding activities are most often sport related,

thereby leading women to miss important network activities (Fawcett and Pringle, 2000, p.

255).

2.5. Conclusion

The executive search process roughly consists of three phases. In all of these phases,

overarching as well as specific processes disadvantage women in the search process, keeping

the glass ceiling in place.

In the profiling phase of the executive search process the ‘ideal fit’ for the company is

determined. Characteristics that are attributed to this ‘ideal candidate’ are often masculine in

nature, skewing the search towards a male candidate from the outset on. The reason these

‘male’ characteristics are preferred, is often a result of a masculine senior management culture

as well as traditionally ‘gendered’ roles. Lack of formality and structure in the search process

enables these gendered views to enter the process, by empowering the role of networks, which

are often very selective.

In the shortlisting phase a smaller group of candidates is selected from the initial list of

potentials, based on competence and fit. This selection is made and afterwards assessed by

means of interviews. Especially in male dominated sectors the previously established ‘male’

competences are not perceived positively when enacted by women, as they are not expected to

take on an agentic role, leaving women to be perceived as less competent at the start of the

shortlisting phase. This ‘backlash effect’ worsens through the unstructured shortlisting

process that is often based on ‘gut feeling’ rather than objective instruments. The interviews

conducted to create the shortlist are often short, transactional and based on self-promotion; a

conversation style that is more fitted for males, leaving women disadvantaged.

In the last phase of the search process, referred to as the ‘involving the client’ phase, the

candidates are presented to the client. The client will meet the candidates in a so called

‘hearing’. Once again, a lack of structure in these hearings allows clients to loosely define

their own suitability and acceptability criteria, often skewing these to be more favorable for

male candidates, keeping the last remaining females out of the boardroom.


3. Methodological Chapter.

3.1. Research goal and design

The leading question in this research is “How do female executive candidates

experience executive search processes, within the Netherlands?”.

In order to answer this main question both an empirical question as a theoretical question was

created. Empirical question “How do female executive candidates talk, scope, experience and

make sense of executive processes?”. The theoretical question includes “How do the

experiences relate to current theories about gender inequality?”

The goal of this research is to make sense of the meaning female executive candidates

give to executive processes. This by uncovering the executive search experiences

(interpretations, beliefs and thoughts) of board ready women. The nature of this study is

therefore exploratory. To uncover ideas, beliefs, thoughts and experiences a qualitative

research method is used. The source of data includes semi-structured interviews.

3.1.1. Philosophical paradigm.

Following the qualitative method an inductive approach is used in which concepts and

themes have derived from raw data (Thomas, 2006). The ontology position within the

research is constructivism. According to the constructivist view there is not one reality.

Reality is constructed and influenced by the situation (Ponterotto, 2005). The epistemological

point of view is interpretivism which means that social realities are seen as constructed within

the interplay between individual agency and social structure (Ybema, Yanow, Wels &

Kamsteeg, 2009, p. 20).

3.1.2. Position of the researcher.

My own ideas and value biases about feminism. I do believe in the existence of

patricharical structures being still present in today’s society. Although its influence maybe

subtle, unconscious and not (necessarily) intended to maintain gender inequality. I also think

that when people build on binary constructions they build on constructions which framed our

society for hundreds of years, therefore are embedded deeply in our institutions and

worldviews. Taking this in mind, I strongly believe that most gendered practices are indeed

un-reflexive practices (Martin, 2006). Meaning, indirect and direct consequences are not fully

foreseen, but rather logical outcomes of the rootedness of these binary (social) constructions.


Still, I acknowledge it takes some courage to doubt the added value of binary constructions,

especially for those who find security in them. Moreover, building on the words of Ella

Roininen, I agree with her idea describing binary constructions do not grasp fully what people

are about. On the contrary, binary constructions can constrain people rather than let them

evolve their own experiences, interpretations and social constructions (Roininen, 2008, p.22).

3.2. Population context, Participants and sampling technique

3.2.1. Participants

For this study twelve women were recruited and interviewed. The women were

recruited using the snowball sampling method. All of the women are currently working in or

just below boardroom level, ore are qualified for boardroom positions; often referred to as

top-positions. I have decided to include both groups into the inquiry because the different

context can influence their executive search experiences. All the women have been part of at

least one executive search process within the Netherlands. The participants were, during the

interviews, aged between 39 and 60, with an average of 53 year. Five of the women have

only been in the (semi-) public sector. Three of the women active in the private sector and

four women are or were active in both sectors.

3.2.2. Sampling technique

The sampling technique used to recruit interview participants was Stratified

purposeful sample (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007, p.113). This sample technique was used to

create a diverse sample, including both women active in public as private sector. Moreover

another criteria was that the sample included both women working in sectors were females are

presented strongly (The health-care sector and civil services), sectors where women are less

represented and the sectors in-between. During the recruitment phase, the recruit criteria

became sharper to include women working in the sectors in which female board

representation is lowest (trade market, transportation market, hospitality industry and

financial services).

The first couple of respondents were recruited, using my own network. After that the

snowball sampling technique was used to unroll a new network, keeping the divers criteria in

mind. Also one executive search bureau invited their network members to take part in the

research, increasing the population. Women could on their own initiative contact me directly

when they were willing to cooperate. Near the end of the research I was allowed to introduce


my research on the website of topvrouwen.nl, an independent platform increasing the

visibility of board ready women.

In total twelve women participated in the research. Several empirical studies point out

that most high-level interview themes and issues are raised within 6 and 12 interviews (Guest,

2014, p. 242). The heterogeneity of the sample resulted in a saturation of data, showing a

clear difference between women active in the private and public sector. A homogenous

sample is known to increase chances to reach saturation (Guest, Bunce & Johnson, 2006,

p.76). However, the data showed a clear difference in the experiences of women working in

male-dominated sectors compared to women working sectors which are more gender

balanced. The group of women active in the segment in which the least women are

represented, was the smallest. It would therefore have been interesting to involve more

women active in that specific segment. Unfortunately due to the non-availability of time and

resources I was not in the position to extent the recruitment and interview period. Still, the

collected data has enough potential to answer the research question and to meet the research

goal.

3.3 Procedure

Because of limited time in combination with a very busy agenda, inherent to a

boardroom position, 1 of the 12 interviews inevitable had to take place by telephone. The

telephone interview was significantly shorter than the face-to-face interviews. Moreover, the

data resulting from the telephone interview was less thick and descriptive. Not seeing the

respondent’s non-verbal communication and facial expressions made it harder to react on

social cues. Therefore accurate probing was harder (Opdenakker, 2006).

From the interviews which were conducted face-to-face, 8 of them took place in

Amsterdam. 1 of the interviews took place in Eindhoven, 1 in Breda and 1 of the interviews

took place in Utrecht. 2 of the 12 interviews took place at the current working place of the

participants. The other interviews took place in an public café or restaurant suggested by

either the participant or by myself. The longest interview took about almost 2,5 hours and the

shortest took about 40 minutes. On average the interviews took about 1,10 minutes.

Except for one of the interviews all the interviews were recorded on voice-tape and

transcribed into text. During the interview which is not recorded, everything is written down.

After transcribing this interview, the respondent is called by telephone to discuss whether the

transcribed notes were confirming her spoken words. All names of the respondents are


pseudonyms. Moreover all detailed information about the precise sector or organizations the

respondents are active in has been avoided to protect the secure anonymity of the individuals

and organizations involved. During the interview I used methods as probing and pauses of

silence encouraging the respondents to elaborate or on- or specify their stories, experiences

and thoughts. Probing is explained as explained as a strategy used when participants provide

answers which are unclear or not relevant (Gorden, in Boeije, 2009, p. 63). For ethical

reasons, before the research is handed in officially, the findings were brought back to the

respondents to make sure the findings and interpretations assigned to the findings is accurate.

3.4 Data Analysis

This research has been a iterative process, moving back and forth between theory and

data. Therefore I transcribed almost every interview before the next interview took place.

While the data collection process was still continuing I started to mark interesting sayings,

experiences and quotes. I used the data analysis of software Atlas.ti to start the coding

process. By means of open coding a first selection was made, labeling quotes and phrases

with a first code. In the second round of coding, the axial coding phase, I revisited all the

codes created in the first coding phase. In this phase I merged codes together which were

highly identical and created new overarching codes. Moreover, using Atlas.ti I linked codes

together which were (causal) related or contradicting each other. In the last phase, the

selective coding phases, I created 10 code groups under which the other codes could be

placed. The 10 code themes are: 1. Assessment, 2. Different executive search bureaus, 3.

Gender inclusion public sector, 4. Important in the search process, 5. Masculine norm, 6. One-

sided dependency of the candidate, 7. Searchers ‘gender, 8. Self-promotion, 9. The demand

side, 10. The Network. As Robbert Gibbs explains in his book (2008), the creation of codes

can be both data driven as concept driven. Data driven codes are codes which are created after

thoroughly analyzing raw data. Concept driven codes or theory driven codes, are codes which

are distracted from theoretical ideas (Gibbs, 2008, pp. 44 – 46). Most codes were found to be

deriving after thoroughly analyzing the raw data thus data driven codes. Although most of the

codes were data driven, some codes were translations of important topics in the theoretical

chapter. Concept driven codes are ‘Masculine norm’ and ‘Self-promotion’.


3.4.1. Reliability.

Reliability is concerned with the degree to which a research instrument is produces

consistent results. Reliability of qualitative research can be substantiated by providing clear

information about the research process and by checking the quality of the data and its

interpretation (Lewis & Ritchie, 2003,p.272). One of the aspects increasing the reliability of a

qualitative research is the symbolic representation of the sample; representing the

homogeneity of the group. As explained before, the stratified purposeful sample technique

was used to create a diverse sample. Moreover, the interviews allowed different perspectives

to come into being. In several occasions shared meanings were contrasted by a deviant case.

3.4.2. Internal reliability

Internal reliability is based on the level of shared judgements between researchers.

Since there was only one researcher conducting the interviews and creating the codes the

possibility to reassure internal reliability is limited (Lewis & Richie, 2003).

3.4.3. External reliability

External reliability is based on the possibility of replication in other, similar studies.

To ensure the external reliability of this research the process of research has been elaborate

on. The fieldwork was conducted consistently. All interviews were conducted following the

same topic list, only follow-up questions varied when emerged spontaneously. The analyzing

process of the interviews was also done consistently and substantiated by theory.

The data interpretation is well supported, meaning it was distracted from several quotes and

personal stories, most often from different sources.

3.4.4. Validity

The ability to measure exactly what the research intended to research. To assure the

validity, the first strategy which is used to diminish research bias is negative – case sampling.

Deviant cases which emerged during the interviews are identified and integrated into the

analysis. Instead of being merged into sub-codes (Lewis & Ritchie, pp.275-276).

Moreover the other strategy used to diminish research bias is reflexivity. As explained earlier

when elaborating on the position of the researcher, as a researcher I am aware of my own


perspective and background. During the research I used this self-reflection to beware of

possible biases.

3.4.5. Interpretive validity

To ensure the accurateness of the research findings the findings were presented to the

participants of this study before writing the final conclusion. This both for ethical reasons as

to reassure that the respondents feel the findings are accurately.

4. Results Chapter

In the next chapter the results of the interview data will be presented in the same

structure as the literature chapter. The data will be presented as emerging in the different

executive search practices. Moreover, data which could not be directly connected to a specific

practice will be discussed in an additional chapter.


“This comment may not be traceable in any way, it needs to be anonymous”

Eva


4.1 Profiling phase.

4.1.1 The passive candidate

Holgersson describes in her research how candidates are not expected to actively submit an

application. However, they have to make their aspirations visible to the demanding side

(Holgersson, p. 461). Within the interviews the same logic is identified, although here

practiced by the executive searchers. Executive search processes are most often experienced

as more fruitful when the women are contacted by the executive searcher instead of taking on

own initiative.

The best search processes are the processes in which the executive searchers

reach out to you, not the ones in which you took the initiative to react to an

advertisement (Eva, active in the corporate sector).

Most women who do take on initiative themselves without the interference of their

network face more difficulties, or express more difficulties, in maintaining contact with

a searcher or a search bureau.

You first need to be sure you reach your contact person. Often, they are very

busy so you need to call them four, five times. I find this very annoying.

With (names an executive search bureau) I had a contact person. When I call

him I need to leave a message on the messenger around four times. It annoys

me. The guy is not calling back then either. It is annoying (Sophia, currently

not taking in a boardroom position in the Netherlands).

Like the quote above clearly shows, although counterintuitive, actively profiling oneself does

not necessarily result in greater visibility. Being a passive candidate can even be more

beneficial. At least when the candidate is introduced to the executive search bureau, through

his or her network.

The network seems to function as a diaphragm in a camera lens, focusing the light to

create visibility there were wished. Almost all women, active in both the public and private

sector, mentioned the influence of a personal network. “I think, a lot goes through

networking, you need to be in the picture first” (Vera, active within the public sector).

Being visible to an executive searcher seems to be influenced by someone’s network. An

introduction to a searcher via network alliances results in a more comfortable way as Anna


(currently active within the semi-public sector) explains it “It makes you enter in a different

way”.

A mentor figure can play an important role, gently pushing a candidate into the right

network. Christianne, currently taking in boardroom position in the public sector, points out

how she takes on a mentor role herself. Christianne actively mentors females and males who

have boardroom ambition and potential. According to Christianne, having a mentor can be

essential for boardroom candidates. A mentor introduces you not only as a suitable substitute,

moreover, a mentor introduces you to the boardroom world; explaining the boardroom

culture, boardroom etiquettes, and all the other skills a boardroom member needs to make

his/her own.

4.1.2 The influence of the network

The important role of networks in keeping the glass ceiling place is reiterated by several

women who experienced the clear influence of their network on their career and the career of

others. Edith, emphasizes the importance of being visible in and to (the) networks. To be

precise, in the experience of the respondent, being added on an executive searchers list

depends on your visibility to the networks. “Unknown, unloved. The networks don’t know the

women” (Edith).

As Edith explains, especially women’s visibility to and presence in important

networks is still rare. Edith explains the concept of what she calls – the inner circle – as

reason for this lack of visibility. The inner circle is experienced as a closed network highly

dominated by men, which is found nearly impossible to enter as a women. Eva describes that

most important networks tend to be highly masculine and the entrance of women is therefore

rare. According to Eva, the masculine norm can be experienced during network events where

men tend to group up with other men and women are unconsciously excluded.

The male groups, seem to be not directly caused by exclusion, but rather an indirect

consequence of the conformation to the homogeneity of the group. Edith experienced the

same masculine normativity at an international conference host by the Netherlands. Although

the visitors of the conference were of mixed gender, the host of the conference was a man as

well as the whole discussion panel and all the orators and the only women working at the

conference were working behind the bar and the wardrobe.

At the end of the conference debate the host allowed us to ask 15

questions. Both men and women raised their hands. However, only men


were allowed to ask their question. Oh yes and almost all men were

white. The last person who could ask a question was a man of color, he

could no longer be ignored because he was almost jumping in the air

raising his question. It was so disgraceful. (Edith).

Edith describes the exclusion of women out of powerful networks, and therefore the doorway

to the executive search networks, as caused by institutionalized discrimination2.

Institutionalized discrimination is, according to Edith, woven into the Dutch corporate sector.

4.1.3.The Gatekeepers role

As explained earlier, the network has an important role in making candidates (aspirations)

visible to executive searchers. However the network’s significant role becomes more visible

when talking to some of the women, currently taking in a boardroom position. According to

the women, once you are appointed as a board member yourself, both executive searchers and

the demanding side frequently contact you to come up with names of suitable candidates for

other board roles.

As referred to by Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson and Bendl (2013), executive

searchers rely on their own network, mostly consisting of sitting board members, for the

candidate suggestions (pp. 51 - 53). Some of the women currently active within boardroom

positions are a significant role in the identification and assessment of candidates. As the

sitting (non-)executives are given the opportunity to suggest suitable candidates they,

consciously or not, have the opportunity to take on a gatekeepers-role; opening the doorway

for specific candidates.

Christianne, active as an executive within the semi-public sector, underlines the

potency of the gatekeepers’ role. According to Christianne gatekeepers are in the position to

influence the selection of the next generation of board members. Christianne, recommended

by someone herself, makes subtle suggestions about the possibility to contribute and thereby

challenging the gendered status quo of the boardroom. Christianne, aware of her gatekeeper’

role, uses it to support suitable female candidates who otherwise might be missed.

Moreover, Christianne points out how she is not only contacted by executive searchers

2 Institutionalized discrimination is described as specific societal level circumstances constraining opportunities

and resources of a specific social group (Hatzenbuehler, McLaughlin, Keyes & Hasin, 2010).


for candidate suggestions but other sitting board members, looking for a new board member,

also call her for candidate suggestions.

Other organizations also call me for candidate suggestions. When a senior

manager calls me directly for suggestions, the person I refer to will end up on

the searchers list. So there is another circuit outside the executive searchers… I

mean…what the search bureau did for me is very important and it cannot be

underestimated. But there is another world as well” (Christianne, active within

semi-public sector).

Once again the powerful role of the gatekeepers becomes clear, as Christianne points

out clearly, that when the demanding side takes on the searchers role themselves and

rely on their network for candidate suggestions, these candidates most definitely will

end up at the searchers list.

4.1.4.Doing homosociality

Christianne, among others, places a critical side note by the self-directing power and

gatekeepers’ role of the network. Pointing out that the gatekeepers influence can result

in homosocial reproduction since some men only suggest other men as suitable

candidates.

Headhunters get their names by consequently and consistently calling board

members. That’s why it can be so hard to get in… to manage to get through as a

woman, there are men who only suggest and name other men(Christianne).

According to research of Fawcett & Pringle the reliance on predominantly male networks

when identifying and assessing suitable candidates, actually disadvantages female candidates

(Fawcett & Pringle, 2000, p. 259). Also in the research of Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson

and Bendl (2013) the tendency of men to mainly suggest other men as suitable candidates was

identified ( pp. 51 - 53). However, despite her critical note Christianne explains that she

herself was suggested by male boardroom member with whom she had worked before. This

shows that the gatekeepers also open doors for women, by suggesting suitable female


candidates. However, this seems to be an exception to the rule.

4.1.5. Doing hierarchy

Like mentioned by Christianne before, Sitting board members in search of new colleagues to

take in the empty boardroom chair, tend to take on the searcher role themselves. Thereby the

board members are not only setting the candidate criteria, they also search and make the final

selection. Eva, active in the corporate sector, explains how the searchers role taken in by the

demanding side results decreases the chances for female candidates, while pointing out signs

of doing hierarchy (Holgersson, 2013, p. 462). “Men look for identical male candidates”

(Eva). According to Eva, male clients frequently look for identical male candidates, often

within their own network, in order to create a majority to secure their place within the

organization. “The general director I just explained about is again placed by a male

construction, someone else got bypassed because of this” (Eva, active in private sector,

history in listed companies).

With a male construction Eva refers to the ability and power to create a new network

surrounding ones position, consisting of a homogenous group; only men. Moreover, in Eva’s

experience this preference for a candidate with whom the client can identify with, often leads

to a gendered executive preference. Since most of the current boardroom members, therefore

clients, are men.

4. 1.6. Conclusion Profile phase

These experiences of the interviewed women provide clear real life examples of the

role of networks within the search process. As previously described, the role of networks is

strengthened by the lack of structure in the profiling phase, allowing all boys networks to

keep themselves in place. Several women described how contact with an executive search

bureau is often more successful when being introduced by someone else, rather than taking

initiative themselves. Sitting members are therefore important gatekeepers as they can

introduce new candidates, and have the ability to introduce more women into the boardroom.

Some women note they themselves as well as some other women and men try to be

gatekeepers for other women. The reality however is that most men still recommend

candidates that are similar themselves, often in order to secure their own place in the

boardroom. As a result of this, a vast majority of men is introduced as suitable candidate, and

women remain in most cases invisible.


4.2. Short listing

Once the women gained a place on the long-list multiple conversations follow, taking

place in various rounds. In these conversations, the searcher assesses the women’s suitability

and competences to find out whether the candidate fits the desired candidate profile. Every

executive search bureau has its own method to assess the suitability of the candidates.

For the women, these conversations are significant as well. On these conversations, the

executive searchers built their judgements. It is in their best interest that the picture which is

created by the searcher is complete and accurate. Moreover, the conversations provide them

with the opportunity to find out specific details about the position and organization, which is

important when meeting the client. Lastly, these conversations can create growth potential

when the searcher is competent and willing to take the effort to provide the candidate with

useful feedback.

4.2.1. Assessment and testing

Although using assessment forms to evaluate someone’s knowledge or character is not

the norm, several women explain that they experienced executive search processes in which

executive searchers used different assessment forms. Making the executive search processes

less unstructured as the literature suggests.

During the interviews different types of assessments, taking place within the search process,

came forward: A psychological assessment, an assessment testing specific knowledge, a role-

play assessment. Assessments testing specific, professional, knowledge is seen as something

usual, required and important for specific vacancies.

When it comes to psychological assessment all the women react positively. The

respondents provided several reasons for this. According to most of the respondents a

psychological assessment, testing one’s character or driving forces, provides an insight into

someone’s personality. Knowledge concerning a candidate’s character enables the searcher to

make a better fit. Moreover, the respondents experienced the psychological assessments as a

form of feedback which was helpful to them. As Sophia explains “it provides the searcher a

tool to get hold on someone and someone’s characteristics”.

According to Stella (former active in several executive and non-executive functions in

the corporate sector) a psychological assessment provides another advantage. A psychological

assessment enhances the neutrality of the search process and thereby decreases the chance of

cultural cloning. “Searching is done by humans. Testing is therefore positive since an


assessment creates the opportunity to move away from the searchers first impression, from the

mirror neurons every human is influenced by (Stella).

Some of the women underwent a role-play assessment during a search process. In all

of the cases the role play and the psychological report based on this, ought to describe the

respondent skills or development, was facilitated by an external organization. In all of the

cases the women describe the assessment as very unpleasant.

So, they had to test my management skills. I had to perform a role play with a

couple of failed actors. There was no psychologist, no one, just those actors. At the

end of the role play they came up with this report. Which did not make any sense,

it was so strange… when I read the rapport I refused to let them send it over to

the client. Therefore, the search process ended. In the end, it came out to be all

rigged, at least it looked that way (Vera).

Assessments testing specific, professional, knowledge is seen as something required and

necessary for specific vacancies. It is remarkable that psychological assessments testing

women’s motivation or character are experienced as highly positive. Providing the searcher

with in-depth information, creating distance from the searcher’s first impression and therefore

enhancing the neutrality of the search process. Role play assessments, on the other hand, are

experienced as enhancing the subjectivity of the search process. Since the outcome of a

roleplay is seen as not doing justice to real capabilities.

4.2.2. (Honest), Critical feedback

The interaction between the executive searcher and the candidate has a huge influence

on the executive search process. The searchers base most of the candidate evaluation on the

conversation. The candidates on their turn, extract information concerning organization and

the demanding sides wishes.

When the women are asked what they think is important in the interaction with an executive

searcher they provide a clear message. All of them prefer honest and critical feedback, also

when this means the feedback is confrontational and may result in a misfit. The information

and explanations which are given to candidates, weigh heavily. Critical feedback is

experienced as creating opportunities for reflection and growth. As Eva explains, when a

searcher takes on the role as a critical soundboard this can be confrontational but it is most

fruitful. “He acted like a critical soundboard, exactly pointing out my strengths and


weaknesses. It was confrontational, I did not like it in the beginning but I knew he was right.

That’s something I can work with” (Eva).

Pleasant contact is by most of the women referred to as contact in which the executive

searcher invests in the contact by being “honest” and “providing substantive feedback”. Most

of the women specifically refer to the small and middle big executive bureaus investing time

in their candidates, providing feedback. “My experiences with (names smaller executive

bureau) are very positive. They invest in the candidate and in the feedback the candidate

receives” (Suzanne).

4.2.3. Ambiguity

Despite this clear message almost half of the women explain that, at times, they find

searchers provide ambiguous answers in their communication towards them. According to the

women, some executive bureaus tend to be vague when it comes to providing information

concerning their decision making process. Eva describes how during an executive search

process she passed several interview rounds but at each interview round the executive

searchers provided the same feedback.

Eva describes how ambiguity during a search process can be damaging for the candidate.

Moreover she explains how some searchers seem to experience the privilege to provide

ambiguous information. Also Vera also describes the urgency for more transparency and

honesty about the search process outcome.

There can be more honesty about why you did not make it. More

transparency about that (name of a search bureau) is surrounded by thick

mist. You can speak of luck when you can drive past this mist (Vera).

As the search process is a dual one, honesty and openness works in two directions.

Stella explains how she feels female executive searchers find it easier than their

male components to receive and process transparency and openness about the

candidates qualities; good and less developed.

I think it is best for everyone to be clear about what you, as a candidate, can offer

and what you can contribute to the organization. This goes both ways… I’m quite

open and transparent about my input and I have noticed women can handle it better


than men can…. Men are less inclined to talk about the things they cannot do.

Women feel more comfortable and find it enlightening (Stella).

4.2.4.The position of the candidate

Most of the women experience being dependent on the executive search bureaus. This

dependency is experienced as uncomfortable and at the same time crucial for your chances as

a candidate. The unequal relation gives the searcher room to provide ambiguous and

sometimes even untrustworthy information.

According to Suzanne the unequal relation between the searcher and the candidate,

creates a playing field in which the searchers feel room to provide ambiguous and at times

dishonest information. “You could say that it is not right to lie. But a search process always

will be an unequal situation. The search bureau is there to help its paying customer, the

organization. Less for the candidate” (Suzanne). Suzanne explains that it occurred a searcher

lied about the specific details of an organizational setting, even though she explicitly asked

about those exact details.

Also Marjolein refers to the candidates position as being dependent on the searcher “I

do experience it as a haggling, you are left to the executive searchers. When you don’t get

along with a searcher you will get nowhere, that is clear” (Marjolein). Also Suzanne

experiences the executive search contact as rather instrumental.

What I learned from that is that you are, I nowadays refer to it like this, you are

commodity to someone like that (searcher). If he thinks he can place you he will,

otherwise they won’t. They will not do anything else for you. Except for –

names a smaller executive search bureau – and some other bureaus (Suzanne).

As shown above, some bureaus do to put effort into the diminishing (the experienced)

objectification by investing time and effort into the candidate.

The preparation was terrible. Very chaotic. When I met the client they asked

especially closed questions and openly doubted my competence. When I

turned red, because I felt really uncomfortable, they saw this as a

confirmation of my incompetence. When I looked at the executive searcher

for support, he was leaning backwards, looking at other candidates on his

tablet. I found it almost damaging (Vera).


The experience of Vera shows a rather unstructured interview when meeting the

demanding side, in which the demanding side shows clear signs of bias. Remarkable

is that the searcher does not make any attempt to interfere with the situation.

Doldor, Sealy and Vinnicome (2016) identified how most searchers found the

demanding sides ability to interview the candidates in a rigorous and structured was

often lacking. Leaving them facing the dilemma between challenging the search

practices and pleasing their clients (Doldor, Sealy & Vinnicombe, 2016, 296).

4.2.5.(Re)searching the deeper layers of the search process.

As explained before, candidates rely on the information provided by the searchers to

get a comprehensive picture of the organization. Ten out of twelve women explain they find it

important that the executive searcher is able to ‘touch upon deeper layers’ within the search

process. Those deeper layers include that the searcher knows the candidate, the executive

profile and the organization and its culture. Moreover, they describe it is important that the

searcher knows and understands what might happen when a specific person, with a specific

character enters a culture. According to the respondents the interaction between the culture

and the candidate is important for a good fit.

A good headhunter does not only look at what you are capable of but also looks at

your personality, whether there is a fit with the organization or not. Whether or not

you might fit into the organizational setting (Christianne, active in semi-public sector).

According to Stella it is not only important that the searcher understands the organizational

culture and its possible interaction with the candidates, but is also competent to make a

translation of this for the candidate. Also Saskia stresses the need to reposition the leading

role of the curriculum in the search process. According to Saskia it is important to look at a

person’s behavior instead of merely ones curriculum vitae representing a candidates

experience. A person's behavior effects an organizational culture, it defines the fit. According

to Nora, especially male executive searchers focus on the past, putting a candidate's

experience as central. This, contrary to female searchers who in general terms focus more on

the candidate profile and vacancy.


The weight executive searchers put on past experiences as representing a candidates fit

is described in literature. One of the criteria included into executive search Code described

how the executive search bureaus should find a balance in between weighing past experiences

and relevant skills, and intrinsic characteristics (Doldor, Sealy & Vinnicombe, 2016, 295).

There seems to be a positive correlation between the depth of the search process and the

experienced quality of the search process. Remarkable is that half of the respondents

(occasionally) miss this specific depth of the search process when in interaction with some

search bureaus. Moreover,

I think it is very important a search bureau knows the organization, secondly they

know the desired profile. I do see they fail in this at times. Searchers act too

hastily, sometimes nonchalant ‘it will be ok...’. You need to be aware of what or

whom is needed. (Saskia, active within the private market).

In the eyes of Saskia not all searchers are competent or willing to deepen the search process.

According to both Sophia and Vera (active in the public sector) most of the executive

searchers fail to understand the structure of an organization and the candidates profile.

Some of the women point out the importance of the depth and quality of the search, explain

that they feel female searchers tend to be more in line with this than their male colleagues.

Moreover according to Nora, male searchers act less patient in the search conversations.

“In general terms, male searchers concentrate less on depth than female searchers.

There is less room for depth and they are less patient, they want an answer right away

(Nora)”.

4.2.6. “Moving hot meat”

The transactional strategy Doldor, Sealy and Vinnicombe (2016) identified as being

embedded in the executive logic can be identified in some of the executive processes. The

strategy is characterized by its focus on possibilities for immediate placement of ‘easily

marketable candidates’(Doldor, Sealy and Vinnicombe, 2016, p. 295). Some of the women

explain how the executive search process of mainly bigger, leading executive search bureaus

is characterized by this strategy. “A friend of mine who just started working for a bigger

executive search bureau, told me the other day ‘it is actually, just moving hot meat’” (Edith).

The ‘Hot meat’ metaphor resembles the position of board members currently taking in

boardroom positions. Sitting board members seem to be moved between positions of different


boardrooms, thereby securing immediate placement.

Saskia, currently taking in several non-executive roles, also uses a metaphor

describing exactly the same phenomena as ‘CV sliding’. “Those I call resume sliders, you can

see them just passing people from one position to the other” (Saskia). According to Saskia

mostly the bigger executive search bureaus, tend to simply slide sitting board members from

one position to the other, and in the process do not make full use of their search capabilities.

According to Saskia (active within the private sector) most of the bigger search bureaus do

not meet up to their reputation.

I see myself having a good connection with the sole proprietor. Because A. they

have to work harder. They listen much better. B. They notice it is about

behavior. The bigger executive search bureaus like (names a couple of bigger

executive search bureaus) they almost have a sort of arrogance, they have

enough money, they don’t need to work for it anymore (Saskia).

As Saskia explains, in her opinion the smaller executive search bureaus tend to invest

more time and effort into the search contact. Despite her critical view on bigger

executive search bureaus, Saskia explains she does see a growing professionalization of

the bigger search bureaus.

4.2.7. The gendered search strategy

The logic of the transactional, short-term strategy used in the search practice can have

another gendered consequence. Doldor, Sealy and Vinnicombe show in their qualitative

research how executive searchers identified a gender difference in self-promotion, which in

their eyes possibly leads women to come across as less suitable. According to some of the

female searchers the transactional, short-term strategy most searchers use, emphasized on

quick placement of candidates who are easily sellable results in investing little time in the

mentoring and coaching. According to the searchers female candidates tend to need more time

and coaching to sell their Cv’s (Doldor, Sealy & Vinnicombe, 2016, p. 295).

During the interviews more than half of the women (private and public sector) indeed

referred to a gender difference when it comes to self-promotion. According to the women,

men tend to ‘bluff’ when they profile themselves even when they are not certain about their

capabilities. As the women explain, men bridge the gap of uncertainty by the act of bluffing.

Women are less inclined to bluff when they are not fully certain about their capabilities.


Therefore they tend to need more time to overthink the situation or set specific terms before

fully agreeing.

Where men say ‘I can do it’ even if they cannot, and even ask for a 10% or

20% promotion. Women are more inclined to say ‘I have to overthink this. Or

‘yes, under these terms (Saskia).

Interesting is the interpretation of and associations the women have using the word

bluff. Almost all women seem to have pejorative associations with the act of bluffing.

Bluffing is associated with negative behavior rather than a form of self-promotion

enhancing your suitability.

Eva describes bluffing as “making yourself look bigger and thereby making the

other look smaller”. Thereby the act of doing is experienced as not only beneficial for

oneself but having negative consequences for the other. Anne refers to do act of bluffing

as ‘Yes bluff. Having the raw nerve to just bluff (Anna). The negative association the

women have with the act of bluffing might influence their willingness to do so.

However, not all women seem to find it difficult to use an amount of bluff when

promoting oneself.

I can really sell myself. That one of my qualities. I don’t know where I got if

from but I can sell myself really well. Just say you can do it.

You need to bluff a little, however you need to be sure you can manage to live

up to your bluff” (Sofia).

The gendered interpretation and act of bluffing most women have is explained by

institutionalized processes which emerge in the difference in upbringing. According to

Eva and Nora girls are, more than boys, preached to act humble. The institutionalization

of girls in this way can increase their feelings of uncertainty on a later age.

They call it the ‘imposter syndrome’. Each women has it. The idea that she is not

good enough, that her competences are not good enough. When you are climbing

the organizational latter, or competing in an interview you will signal this

feeling. For me it felt like an enormous relief when I read this is something

which is just institutionalized (Nora).


According to Nora it is important that the searcher is aware of the gender difference

when it comes to the act of profiling oneself. As Eva explains, it takes openness and

transparency to recognize and acknowledge the internal struggle most women

experience during an executive search process. “Women are, by definition, fighting a

rearguard action whilst being at the vanguard. It is different and it takes the executive

search bureau to be open and transparent” (Eva).

Both quotes show the urgency for executive searchers to take the gender

difference in self-promotion in mind. According to Stella a certain level of self-

promotion is normalized into the executive process. Whereas being open about your

capabilities, letting your fences down, can be detrimental. As Stella explains “I think I

have once been rejected because I was to honest about what I could and what I could not

do”.

Self-promotion seems to be rather gendered. Where men are more inclined to

bridge the gap of uncertainty with self- confidence, women are more inclined to express

their uncertainty or doubts. Almost all women have negative associations with the act

of bluffing, which according to some of the women, is a result of socialization processes

in the upbringing. It takes effort, openness and transparency from the executive searcher

to separate feelings of uncertainty from incompetence. However the ability to separate

these two contrasting matters is important since a certain level of self-promotion seems

beneficial in the search process.

4.2.8.Negative performance expectations

Stereotyped views are, besides being identified in corporate sectors, also visible in

some of the executive search processes. During the search conversations it becomes clear how

female competence seems to be set against a masculine norm. In the example of Vera, her

suitability was not only measured by her management competence. Her suitability was also

set against the competence of the male directors currently working in the organization.

I really thought ‘this is a fit’. It was a part time job, totally great. In the first

conversation they said “Most directors here are male and 50 years, how do you

intend to do this? (Vera).


Vera is explicitly framed as a deviation from stereotyped masculine competence. Moreover,

by being deviating the age norm, she is implicitly asked to explain how she will overcome the

negative performance expectations.

4.2.9. Lack of fit

For male executives sitting across me, especially from older generations it is

really difficult to imagine that I am equally competent as-, let alone more

competent than a male candidate” (Edith).

Also Edith, experiences how the characteristics of competence are highly connected to

masculinity. By being a woman her competence is not only set against a masculine norm but

also judged as being inferior. The female gender descriptions and prescriptions leads to a lack

of fit in the eyes of the executive searcher (Heilman, 2012, pp. 116 – 117). Fawcet & Pringle

(2000) showed how women meeting up to male competence is seen as an exception rather

than a plausible possibility.

Eva explains that changing traditional descriptions and associated prescriptions of how

women are to be and behave is not enough. To overcome the lack of fit, seeing female

candidates as less suitable than their male counterparts, the candidate profile need to be

changed.

There needs to come another story. Each person takes in a position in a different way.

This is not connected to being a male or a female. Sure, men and women can be

different in their leading style, or in their do’s and don’ts. But this does not mean they

cannot fill in a specific position. There needs to come an environment for both

searchers and clients, in which they are willing to look further, more broad than their

solid pattern (Eva).

Eva explains that to overcome the embedded lack of fit, a gender neutral candidate profile

needs to be assured. The executive searchers need to be aware of their role in maintaining the

single story of hegemonic femininity. Also the organizations need to be aware about the

gender dichotomy which is woven into the candidate profile. When leading an organization as

a whole the requirements for a leaders need a more holistic structure.


4.2.10. Backlash effect

According a couple of women working in the private sector they frequently

face situations in which some of their actions are labeled negatively while the same

actions manifested by male colleagues are identified as neutral or even positive.

Sometimes they say I am seeing things black and white. But that is not fair,

when he does it, it is ok, it is fine. However, when I do it I am framed as a

bitch, unfriendly or I’m seeing things in black and white. There is always a

negative association (Eva).

Eva experiences that her behavior is assessed according to a different standard than the

standard used to assess the behavior of her male colleagues. According to Eva the

differentiating standard not only leads to a gendered assessment but its negative character

often sticks to her reputation. What Eva faces here is an example of a - backlash effect -.The

backlash effect can occur when a woman behaves according to standards traditionally

assigned to men. Backlash comes often with a form of reprisal (Heilman, 2012, p.123).

Edith experienced the backlash effect more than once during an executive search

process. “It happened multiple times, that in an executive search process I explained what I

want to do and they answered ‘this does all seem awfully ambitious”(Edith). Taking on

characteristics which are normatively associated with femininity like being less visible, is

associated with incompetence and results in an actual invisibility. Whereas taking on

characteristics associated with masculinity ‘showing ambition’ is not accepted.

In one of the search experiences, earlier presented, the backlash effect became very

visible. “He said ‘Firstly: do not talk so much, men don’t like that. Secondly: don’t get so

high and mighty on yourself’.” (Edith). Edith explains that her ambition and self-confidence

about her own capabilities more than once led to disbelief.

You simply cannot do it right, never. When you stand for your capabilities

and elaborate on what you have been doing, they don’t believe you or tell you

to stop bluffing. But when you don’t you are not convincing enough…

(Edith).


What Edith refers to here is a double bind, a paradoxical situation in which a negative

outcome seems inevitable (Rudmann et al.,p.175) The censure, caused by the backlash effect,

does not only leave a mark on the women’s reputation but has other effects. Showing

ambition is a characteristic that is normatively associated with stereotyped masculinity,

therefore this is not (as) accepted when done by women. Taking on characteristics which are

normatively associated with femininity, results in an actual invisibility. The backlash effect

which occurs here, inevitable leads to her being less visible and therefore less suitable.

4.2.11. Offering security

According to Eva there is another complex dynamic contributing to the gendered

executive preference. Namely the sensitivity surrounding a boardroom position and the need

to find the right executive candidate; someone who can bear the heavy tasks being responsible

for the organization’s (financial) health. With the need to find the right candidate comes the

inevitable fear of choosing the wrong candidate. Resulting in a search for security, avoiding

any possible risks. Since most of the senior roles are traditionally taken in by men, the

masculine executive is normalized. Therefore, male candidates conforming the norm, are

perceived as offering the needed security. As an indirect consequence of this normalized

discourse, women deviating from this unconscious standard seem to be perceived as involving

more risk as they are identified by negative performance expectations (Doldor, Sealy &

Vinnicombe, 2016; Fawcett & Pringle,2000; Tienari et al., 2013 ).

Look at the top executive bureaus…. If you need to fill in an executive or non-

executive function, who provides most security? That is someone who already

took in a boardroom role. Whom took in the majority of the boardroom roles….?

Men (Eva).

Eva explains that this complex dynamic is not only maintained by the demanding side. Even

more it is the result of an interplay between the (insecure) demanding side and some of the

executive search bureaus trying to diminish this insecurity and risk.

What makes the situation even more complex Eva explains, is that especially bigger executive

search bureaus, taking in a big share in the executive market, neglect making an attempt to

counteract the social construction in which female candidates are still depicted as risks.


Board members are also insecure, they want to be assured they hire the right

person. They try to diminish possible risks. They think hiring a big well known

executive bureau leads to the right person. Since they are ought to be the ones with

the most experience. However those searchers are again, alpha males… So as you

can see, it is all intertwined with each other, they do not look at other aspects.

(Eva).

According to Eva, big executive bureaus seem to carry a positive reputation based on the size

of their portfolio. The high number of placements seems to represent professionality which, in

the eyes of the client, further reduces the risks for a misfit. However, according to Eva, most

of the especially bigger executive search bureaus do not use the leeway of the search practice

to create a counter narrative. Moreover, most of the searchers active in those bigger bureaus

are themselves men who, consciously or not, tend search for candidates who are identical to

them. Thereby reinforcing homosociality. Also Stella explains that in her experience male

candidates tend to relate more to other male candidates than to female candidates. According

to Stella, this difference can be traced back to our mirror system.

I find executive search conversations with female searchers smoother

than conversations with male executive searchers. I think this is because

of our mirror system. Men identify themselves more easily with male

candidates. This leads to mirror hiring (Stella).

Stella explains the preference of male executive searchers for male candidates as

caused by our mirror system, thereby referring to the unreflective character of

the practice.

4.2.12. Conclusion Shortlisting

In the shortlisting phase the interviewed women report experiencing unstructured

interviews which aligns with the previously discussed literature that noted this as a contributor

to the gender divide. Moreover, women experience getting unclear and ambiguous feedback.

The unequal power position between search bureau and candidate allows search bureaus to

get away with this. Some exceptions are noted where women participated in skill based and

psychological assessments, which were perceived positively by women and can be a means of

creating fairness in the shortlisting process and help searchers to look beyond their ‘gut

feeling’.


The superficial and transactional interview style also shines through the experiences of

the women. The women express a clear desire to touch upon deeper layers of fit within the

company, and express frustration with the lack thereof within their contacts, harming the

experienced quality of the search process. Some women note that this transactional strategy

is a result of the need of companies for immediate replacement of candidates, which leads

search bureaus to adopt a short term focus and process CV’s superficially rather than

exploring candidates on a deeper level. The role of self-promotion within the search process

and the gender difference within this practice is recognized by several women. They note

there’s a need to ‘bluff’ within the search process, but report feeling uncomfortable doing this,

whereas men often have less difficulties doing this. These women note the need of search

bureaus to be sensitive for the gender difference within profiling oneself.

Furthermore, women experience that standing for you capabilities is often not

perceived positively. The describe how showing what you’re capable of is traditionally a male

characteristic, and women are often punished when taking on this role; whereas if they don’t

they remain invisible. These are real life examples of the double blind that is caused by the

backlash effect.

4.3 Involving the client

4.3.1 Informal structure of the hearing

When involving the client, informality seems to play a role in the interviews done by

the demanding side. The interview practices of the demanding side are described as lacking

structure and strictness and letting biased views emerge (Holgersson, 2013; Doldor, Sealy and

Vinnicombe, 2016). Only one of the women explicitly refers to the hearing as unstructured.

Vera explains that very often when meeting the client they tend to ask irrelevant questions.

According to Vera executive searchers can make a difference in this by guiding and preparing

their clients (the demanding side) to formulate relevant and biased free questions.

The questions were terrible as well as the preparation. Very chaotic… I found it

almost damaging. I mean if you do not think I’m suitable based on my CV why

inviting me then? (Vera)


4.3.2. The redefinition of competence

On the threshold of the executive search boardroom, some of the females seem to face

a gender barrier they are not even (consciously) aware of. Edith explains that one executive

search bureau, committed to creating a long list in which gender is balanced, referred to a

gender barrier they (as searchers) often face in the last part of the search process when

involving the client. The gender barrier occurs through a redefinition of suitability criteria,

often hindering women candidates.

This executive search bureau explained to me that female candidates are not

assessed by their competences. But, when introduced to the demanding side,

they are rejected for the oddest reasons like ‘She is too beautiful’ (Edith).

Holgersson showed in her research how the demanding side, at times redefines suitability and

acceptability criteria. This redefinition of competence, changing the weight of the criteria,

most often happens in favor of male candidates (Holgersson,p.460). The quote above not only

demonstrates a redefinition of the acceptability criteria disadvantaging the female candidate.

Moreover, the suitability criteria seem to weigh less than the (redefined) acceptability criteria.

4.3.3. Conclusion Meeting the client

One of the women frequently experienced the hearing phase as characterized by

unstructured interviews. The executive searchers are in the ability to influence the level of

structure of the hearing, while they are in the position to prepare the demanding side for the

hearing and can train the demanding side in asking relevant and open questions. Although the

redefinition of competence was hard to identify during this research, since this research only

analyzed executive search experiences of women, its emergence was identified by an

executive search bureau. According to the executive search bureau the demanding side tends

to redefine competence in such a women it disadvantages women.

4.4. Underlying structures

4.4.1 Corporate senior management cultures

As mentioned before, the masculine conceptualization of the executive body leading

to gendered judgements is reinforced by a masculine senior management culture which


mostly emerges in the corporate sectors (Fawcett and Pringle, 2000, p. 255). Several

interviews with women active in and just below corporate boardrooms experience the

dominant masculine norms and values intertwined with the boardroom culture. These

experiences seem to be in sharp contrast with the boardroom culture of the public sector.

Edith, being active in corporate sectors in which men and masculinity dominates,

presents multiple examples in which her presence to or in boardroom networks is hindered by

unconscious forms of exclusion in which the masculine norm is confirmed. She refers to the

incident in which she gave an important boardroom presentation, presenting a report written

by her. However, even though her name was written on the PowerPoint presentation, she was

the only one who was not introduced to the boardroom members. Edith explains that this

situation is not an isolated case and most of the women she encounters in boardroom circles

experience the same situation. As Edith explains, within most of these situations the specific

men are unaware of their actions. Often they really feel ashamed afterwards. What can be

grasped her is as sense of none belonging. The men in the specific situation are,

unconsciously, not used yet to the women.

Edith explains how she until today experiences how her capabilities as a female

professional are seen as inferior to the capabilities of her male colleagues. “Until today, when

I have an important meeting in the Netherlands I need to ask a male colleague to come along,

otherwise I will not be taken seriously” (Edith). Edith being stereotyped as a women results

in negative performance expectations (Heilman, 2012, pp. 116 – 117).

Moreover, Edith explained that more than once she felt she was judged by her gender instead

of her professional competence. She describes that within corporates in the Netherlands,

conversations about a promotion often ended in the same answer: “we know it is not fair but

you won’t get promoted, if you have a problem with this: you can leave”. Even though she

was allocated with tasks and responsibilities not within her job description, a promotion was

non- negotiable. Remarkably enough Edith explains that often male colleagues who enter the

organization after she did, with less experience, started with a higher pay grade than she had.

By asking for a promotion Edith takes on traits of masculine behavior thereby

violating the female prescriptions. The violation of the prescription results in her being

backlashed. The masculine dominance of the sector and the position Edith is active in can

explain the manifestation and the intensity of the backlash as well as the negative

performance expectations(Heilman, 2012, pp. 123-128 ; Heilman, 2012, p.118).

Edith, summarizes the underrepresentation of female board members as an ongoing

process in which room for disruption is stopped before it can fully emerge. As a woman in the


Dutch corporate world you face tree things: Denigration, objectification and when you try to

challenge these two you often face a silence treatment (Edith).

4.4.2 Crossing the boardroom threshold

Once the women have entered the boardroom, a clear difference between the women

active in the public sector and women in the private sector can be identified. In the corporate

boardroom masculinity seems to be the norm. Whereas in the (semi-) public sector inclusion

is identified as the norm.

No, in the (semi-) public sector you cannot get away any longer not having women in

the boardroom. However if you look at the corporate world it is again, more difficult.

If you look for example at the gender rapport it is simply tragic (Christianne, semi-

public sector).

According to the women active in the public sector, the 30% gender norm set by the Dutch

government resulted in several opportunities due to positive discrimination. “It happened

more often that I was asked because they needed a woman. I do not have troubles with that,

for me it is another chance” (Iris, semi-public sector). Not all women experience the positive

discrimination as beneficial.

Why do women belong to a categorization which needs to be positively

discriminated? I does irritate me when they say with equal suitability we prefer a

female candidate. You just look for the best candidate right? And I assume a

searcher knows what he does and choses the right person (Sophia).

Although positive gender discrimination is not supported by everyone, there seems a growing

urge for a more balanced gender representation. This growing urge seems to also influence the

experienced boardroom culture since none of the women express being treated differently

because of their gender, after entering the boardroom.

As described above, the more inclusive culture experienced in the public boardroom

seems in sharp contrast to the experience of most women active in the corporate boardroom.

The culture of the corporate boardroom is experienced as dominated by masculine norms and

values creating subtle and unsubtle forms of female exclusion and power abuse.


Eva describes how, the traditional descriptions and associated prescriptions of how

women are to be and behave are still very visible in the corporate sector. Traditional

descriptions and prescription creating a dominant discourse of women taking in more

facilitating roles still resonates within today’s society and especially left a strong footprint on

the organizational logic of the corporate sector. “I feel certain males are not used to females

within the same- or a higher position”. Eva refers to ‘the law of numbers’ and the need for

more female board members to break with the this traditional idea. The traditional

stereotypical roles did leave a footprint on the organizational logic. Stella currently taking a

position within a listed company and explains how she continually faces difficulties moving

within a specific boardroom network.

– name of the company – is a real stronghold of male dominance.. and

they find it really cozy that you’re there, but you are not supposed to

make an attempt to introduce changes (Stella).

The situation above clearly shows that the respondent, within this male dominated network, is

seen as a guest rather than a full member of the group. Although her presence is tolerated,

challenging the set norms is far from tolerated. The quote is in line with earlier research

inquiring the corporate senior management culture as permeated with masculine values and

norms. A world in which women are tolerated but not accepted as a full member (Fawcett &

Pringle, 2000). The normativity experienced by Stella is noticed by subtle confirmations

expressed in gendered language.

This is simply the way we do it’ almost being followed by ‘girl’. But you do

feel it, when they meet for a consultation and you’re the only one they forgot

to send an invitation. That is a pity. But you feel it, you feel the tension and if

you then try to make things transparent… nahhh…. (Stella).

The exclusion of important meetings can be identified as a form of sabotage since her

participation in a decision-making process is hindered. “That’s just the way they agreed with

another, it is a sort of male code” Stella continues. According to Stella the presence of female

members is experienced as a threat to the maintenance of the current norm. “Helping each

other, unspoken rules and backroom politics. It is a one horse town. Women tend to broach

the subject faster and in a way they subvert that what is known to them” (Stella). According to

Stella the resistance she experienced became stronger climbing up the hierarchical ladder. The


more responsibility and power she got, the more resistance she experienced. In another

corporate organization Stella also faced a more subtle form of exclusion.

Beers after work or, meetings in the male toilet, as a woman you are simply not

part of this. When they then came back from the toilet you knew they discussed

something since you could not follow the story anymore. Yeah... I had to make

them aware of the fact it needed to be more inclusive, to let me be part of it”

Within this situation her male colleagues seem to be, at least to a certain level, unaware of

their actions inevitably leading to exclusion. In this case the genderedness of the assumed

neutral activities is not foreseen or simply ignored and can be understood in light of the often

unreflexive- character of homosocial practices (Martin, 2003).

Although Stella points out several personal experiences, she explains these experiences did

not hinder her personally. By reacting on the existing norm, pressing for openness, she

challenged the taken -for -grantedness of the norm.

I think I have the ability to make it negotiable. Apparently I have a way to

make it discussable with them still feeling comfortable. With a little bit of

humor bringing the message in such a way they accept it. And I think that my

energy presses for openness when it is not funny anymore. They feel they

simply cannot get around me… but yes other women around me found it really

difficult and perished (Stella)

Although Stella did manage to get in the boardroom network and found her way, her

experiences do show how difficult it can be as a woman to move within specific boardroom

networks.

4.4.3. Conclusion Underlying structures

There seems to be a clear difference between the public and the private boardroom

culture in which the latter reflects the masculine senior management culture as described in

the discussed literature. Women standing on the threshold of the corporate boardroom are

identified as being less competent than their male counterparts. Moreover they face backlash

when acting according to male stereotyped prescriptions. After women do manage to get

into the corporate boardroom, the gender divide does not disappear. Sitting women report

experiencing, resistance and exclusion.


The experienced divide in the corporate culture seems to be the result of unreflective

practices which consciously and unconsciously preserve the homogeneity of the corporate

boardroom. The experiences of women active in the public boardroom seem to contrast

sharply from the experiences of women active in the corporate sectors. The public

boardroom seems to reflect a more inclusive culture in which gender neutrality is more and

more the norm.

5. Conclusion and discussion

5.1. Conclusion

The aim of this research was to provide insight into how board-ready women in the

Netherlands experience and reconstruct executive search processes and practices.

The research question was formulated as follows: ‘How do board-ready women experience

and re-construct executive search processes and practices?

Both the literature chapter and the forthcoming results chapter were structured in the different

executive search phases and corresponding practices. Therefore the conclusion will also be

presented through this same framework.

5.1.1. Profiling

The important role the network takes within the executive search process seems to be

universal and recognized by women in the public sector as well as women active in the

private sector. Being introduced to an executive search bureau is beneficial for an executive

search process as it enhances the candidates trustworthiness and thereby suitability. Moreover

the network functions as a gatekeeper suggesting candidates and thereby allowing specific

candidates to become visible which enhances their chances to be appointed as a suitable

candidate.

Female board members in both the public as the corporate sector also recognize that

they are privileged with the gatekeepers role. However, the reality is that most male board

members tend to recommend candidates that are similar to themselves. In the public sector

this homosocial reproduction is most often experienced as the result of uncurious practices.

Whereas in the corporate sector homosocial reproduction is also identified as a way for male


board members to secure their own place in the boardroom. Leaving most women invisible.

5.1.2. Short-listing

In the short list phase most of the women in both the corporate and the public sector

experienced the interviews with the executive searchers as rather unstructured. According to

most women the explanations, motives and feedback the searchers provide when rejecting

candidates is often unclear and ambiguous. They mention a variety of different assessment

methods. Executive search processes in which role play assessment are used are perceived

negatively.

Whereas instruments assessing a candidate’s skills and psychological assessment aimend at

predicting a cultural fit, are both experienced positively. According to the women, these

assessment forms can create more fairness in the shortlisting process as it might help

searchers to look beyond their ‘gut feeling’.

Moreover, according to most women in the public and corporate sector, the interview

style of most searchers is characterized by a level of superficiality and a focus on immediate

placement. The women express a desire to touch upon deeper layers of fit within the

company, and express frustration with the lack thereof within their contacts, harming the

experienced quality of the search process.

Women active in the corporate sector experience executive bureaus to process CV’s

superficiality and focus on risk free placements. According to the women, these risk free

placements, reassuring the insecure demanding side, leads to the movement of sitting board

members from one position to the other. Risk averse placement seems to be higher within

sectors where men dominate in numbers and in search processes leaded by male executive

searchers. Since male executive searchers in these sectors tend to fall back on homosocial

reproduction.

Another important aspect mentioned by the women is the role of self-promotion

within the search process and the gender difference within this practice. According to the

women a candidate must promote oneself using a level of bluff within the executive search

process. However most of the women, active in both sectors, report feeling highly

uncomfortable using bluff, while referring to men having less difficulties doing this.

In the corporate sector the need to promote oneself in an attractive way has another

consequence. Showing what you’re capable of is prescribed as a male characteristics.


Therefore women in male dominated sectors face being punished when behaving according to

these male prescriptions. In this way the backlash effects leads to a double bind.

5.1.3. Involving the client

When meeting the client during the hearing, the interviews are also at times

characterized as unstructured. The executive searcher can make a difference here, by preparing

the demanding side to leave out vague and irrelevant questions, however in practice this often does

not happen. Another interesting finding is identification of ‘re-defining competence’. Which shows

executive search bureaus who make an effort to place female candidates face difficulties actually

placing women. Since in the last phase of the executive search process the demanding side tends to

redefine the competence criteria in such a way it disadvantages women.

5.1.4. Underlying structures

The different cultures in the corporate and the public boardrooms seem to be visible

both when women try to enter the boardroom as well as after they’ve crossed the boardroom

threshold. Although at times the competence of women active in the public sector is set

against a masculine norm, when she enters the public boardroom as a boardroom member

she enters a culture characterized by inclusivity.

This is different from the culture of the corporate sector which reflects a masculine

homogeneity which is felt on the threshold of the corporate boardroom as well as after

entering the corporate boardroom. Women standing on the threshold of the corporate

boardroom are identified as being less competent than their male counterparts. Moreover,

when they behave according to male stereotyped prescriptions they face being backlashed.

When the women in the corporate sector entered the boardroom the gender

divide does not disappear completely. Women who are part of the corporate boardroom

experience resistance and are excluded although being actually part of the boardroom. The

exclusion and experienced gender divide in the corporate sector is assigned to unreflective

practices which consciously or unconsciously preserve the homogeneity of the corporate

boardroom.


5.2. Discussion

To provide a more textual interpretation of the findings, in the discussion the different

findings presented earlier in the conclusion, will be put into context of the current literature.

Also statements will be presented to declare the findings of the study. As a final remark

practical implications and recommendations for future research will be presented.

In the current research the reliance of both the executive searchers as well as the

demanding side, on selective network circles when recruiting and selecting boardroom

candidates in the profiling phase became visible. This is in line with Holgersson (2013) who

determined the demanding side using selective networks to identify boardroom candidates.

The results of the current study are also in line with previous findings of Tienari, Meriläinen,

Holgersson and Bendl (2013), and Faulconbridge, Beaverstock, Hall and Hewitson (2009)

who identified how executive searchers assign the same importance to the networks by using

these to create their first candidate list.

The reliance of the demanding side on the networks can be explained by several

factors identified in the current study. A first explanation which is identified in especially the

corporate sector is the tendency of sitting board members to bring forward candidates out of

their own network, thereby reassuring their own board room positions. Referred to as ‘male

constructions’. A second explanation is the vulnerability and caution surrounding boardroom

positions. Recommended candidates are experienced as more trustworthy thereby limiting the

chance of a misplacement. The reliance of executive searchers on their network and network

alliances can be explained by the use of a risk-averse strategy. The risk-averse strategy is

identified earlier by Doldor, Sealy and Vinnicombe (2016). A risk-averse strategy is the

tendency of executive searchers to avoid unnecessary risk. Thereby choosing candidates who

are similar to the sitting board members. This strategy is identified as a reaction to the

cautioned boardroom.

The risk-averse strategy in combination with the transactional search strategy (fast

placing), both embedded in the executive logic, can clarify the ‘hot meat’ metaphor identified

in the current research. This metaphor describes how women especially in the corporate sector

experience that mostly male sitting board members are moved from one boardroom position

to the other. In the current study moving hot meat, is referred to as done by the bigger

executive search bureaus. Who, in the eyes of the demanding side, reassure a successful

placement based on their placement portfolio.


The findings of the current study also showed how in the short-listing phase of the

executive search processes female competence was often set to a masculine norm. In

executive search processes of the corporate sector female competence was at times even

dismissed as less than male competence. This seems to be consistent with the findings of

Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson and Bendl (2013), who showed how the masculine executive

body emerged in the short-listing phase. By continuing the gender binary and thereby

devaluing female competence.

Another aspect which emerged in the short listing phase, was the masculine executive

body. The masculine executive body became clear through negative performance expectations

women especially in the corporate sector, encountered frequently. Heilman (2012) identified

how women might encounter negative performance expectations as a consequence of the

gender descriptions and prescriptions. The negative performance expectations might also

clarify why especially in the corporate sector male executive searchers, unconsciously,

identify candidates alike themselves as more suitable.

A new insight which emerged through this research is the occurrence of the backlash-

effect in the short-listing phase of the search process. This is in line with findings of Heilman

(2001;2012), who studied the emergence of gender roles in organizations. Heilman

identified how violation of gender prescriptions can result in backlash and thereby hinder

women to climb the organizational ladder. Moreover, Heilman identified how the risk of

backlash is especially present in the masculine sectors. In the current research the backlash

effect is ‘‘for the first time’’ identified in the executive search process of the corporate sector.

A clarification for the occurrence of the backlash effect could be that this is the first research

which focusses specifically on the perspective of female candidates. Thereby shining light on

the reconstructions of the search processes and practices, as experienced by women.

The above insight also align with Rudmann, Moss-Racusin, Phelan and Nauts (2012)

who explain how balancing between negative performance expectations (when behaving

according to gender prescriptions) and the risk of backlash (when violating the same

prescriptions ) eventually can lead to a double bind. Again, women in the corporate sector

experience being forced to show what they are capable of doing and at the same time

experience being punished when behaving according to male characterized prescriptions.

If we look at the executive practice and the search strategy in the short-listings phase,

the current research showed that women have averse feelings concerning self-promotion.

Wherefore they might need more time and coaching to do so. This is in line with the findings

of Doldor, Sealy and Vinnicombe (2016). The authors debate that this can be explained by the


transactional search strategy embedded in the search logic, who is aimed at fast placing. The

transactional search strategy leaves little room for coaching and reflection, which might

influence the self-promotion of female candidates.

The transactional search strategy, can also explain the superficial and transactional

interview style, as experienced by some of the women. The women express a clear desire to

touch upon deeper layers of fit within the company, and express frustration with the lack

thereof within their contacts, harming the experienced quality of the search process. The lack

of the searchers to touch upon deeper layers of the search process can be a result of the need

for fast placement.

At last, the current study identified how in the last phase of the search process, the

demanding side redefines competence in such a way it most of the times disadvantages female

candidates. Which is in line with the findings of Holgersson (2013). There are two possible

clarifications for the redefinition of competence as described above. One clarification can be

found in the corporate boardroom culture. The findings of the current study showed how the

culture of the corporate boardroom is embodied with masculine values. In line with these

findings, Fawcett and Pringle (2000) showed how the masculine senior management culture is

permeated with masculine norms and values. According to the authors, senior management

cultures as described above seem to hold several biased views concerning women, hindering

their entrance and integration into senior management cultures. A second explanation is that

the placement of women is still identified as involving more risk. This clarification is in line

with Tienari, Meriläinen, Holgersson and Bendl (2013) who relate the redefinition of

competence and thereby rejection of female candidates, to the demanding side ‘playing it

safe’.

Strength and limitations

Despite the growing attention for the under representation of women in the

boardroom, still little research reflects the executive search processes. This is one of the first

studies in the Netherlands who reflects the executive search process and practice. Thereby this

study provides a first insight into the executive search reconstructions of female candidates.

Strengths of this study are that it reflects the female perspective, which has not been done

before. In addition, the current study allows the candidates to reconstruct executive search

processes which ended both positively and negatively. Thereby reflecting not only the search

processes which ended in a successful placing. Some limitations to this study should also be

mentioned. First, after peer-member checking, due to the sensitivity of the topics, an amount


of quotes could not be used in this thesis. Thereby leaving out important quotes who reflects

the executive search process. Second, although the sample included twelve respondents,

which is the minimum amount to let saturation come into being, it would have been beneficial

for the robustness of the results if more women had been interviewed.

Directions for future research and practice

The current research provided some practical implications. First, the occurrence of

backlash in the short-listing phase and moreover how backlash might lead to a double bind.

Another implication is the identification of the transactional strategy which seems to be

embedded in a specific masculine logic. At last the redefinition of competence which

occurred in the last phase of the executive search process. It would be interesting for future

research to investigate the phenomenon of redefining competence, to find out how this

phenomenon comes into being in especially the corporate sector.

Although the current study contributes to the existent knowledge of women in the

executive search process, in-depth research with sufficiently large samples are needed to

provide more knowledge and practical implications. Finally, in future research it would be

interesting to involve not only female candidates, but moreover include also the executive

searchers as well the demanding side into the research sample.


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Appendix

Appendix I - Final topic guide

INTRODUCTION

• introduction of the study, confidentiality; time, recording,

1) PRESENT CIRCUMSTANCES

• Full name

• Age

• Living-/family situation

• Current work position and job title

2) LIFE HISTORY

- School life / education

- Studies

- Side/ further education

• Working history

- How did your entered your first position

- Career path – Changes - why?

~ Experiences, memories and feelings at different workplaces

3.) SOCIAL AND PROFESSIONAL IDENTITY


- How would you describe your own professional identity?

- Experiences, thoughts, feelings.

- How does a balance between private life and your professional life looks to you?

~ Experiences, memories and feelings

Underlying thoughts - Conflicting identities

4.) WOMEN IN THE BOARDROOM

- STATEMENT:

- Women have equal chances taking in a boardroom position.

- Why do you think women are still underrepresented in the boardroom?

5.) EXECUTIVE SEARCH EXPERIENCES

○ concrete executive search experiences

⁓ Setting and circumstances (current job)

⁓ approach of the searcher

⁓ candidate profile

- How is the process experienced

- Recommendations improving the executive search process


Appendix II - Codes and code definitions

Code group: NETWORK

Code Code description

Being visible The importance of being visible to important networks to be

selected by- or put forward as suitable candidate to executive

searchers

Closed network Important networks experienced as closed

Demanding side as gatekeepers Demanding side (searchers client) takes on searchers role

themselves; selecting candidates.

Homosocial reproduction When male gatekeepers only suggested male candidates

Males know how to network Males are experienced as being used to and being trained in

networking

Mentor for female board candidates Taking on a mentor role for female candidates introducing

them into the boardroom world

Network as gatekeeper Searchers and sitting board members lean on their networks for

suitable candidates suggestions

Suggested by network Being suggested or push forward as suitable candidate by ones

network

Women are unknown Important networks do not know the women, making it

difficult to be recognized as suitable candidates

Women need to help each other Women need to help each other by means of coaching,

networking and providing feedback

Code group: SELF- PROMOTION


Awareness of gendered self-confidence Need for searchers to be awre of female's self-confidence

Bluff Negatively associated with (over)confidence

Live up to your bluff Need to live up to your bluff

Men vs female confidence Difference of male confidence and female confidence

Socialization of bluff Socialization of bluffing through upbringing

Too open about capabilities Rejection due to openness about capabilities

code group: BOUND BY GENDER



Bound by gender roles Females acting according to non-traditional gender roles

experience backlash effect

Double standard Female behavior is measured by a different standard than male

behavior

Stepping outside gender roles Males are not used to female stepping outside traditional

gender roles (Wife, mother)

Traditional gender roles Embeddedness of traditional gender roles wife, mother

Code group: DIFFERENCE IN EXECUTIVE SEARCH BUREAU


CV sliders Especially big executive bureaus who slide sitting board

members from on position to another

Different quality Executive bureaus differ in quality

Monopoly position Due to their reputation and international lines big executive

search bureaus take in a monopoly position in some segments

Placement focussed Bureaus who are merely focused on the placement of

candidates thereby forgetting the interest of the candidate

Positive: smaller executive bureaus and

sole proprietor

Positive search experiences with mostly smaller bureaus and

sole proprietor

Preference for sole proprietor Sole proprietor are preferred

Professionality of bigger bureaus

increases

The professionality of some of the bigger executive bureaus is

increasing

Providers of security Big executive bureaus are seen as providing security,

decreasing the chance of a miss placement

Self-interest vs. interest in candidate Bureaus who are more interested in themselves than in the

candidate

Arrogance of big bureaus Some big executive search bureaus are perceived as arrogant,

doing little effort

Code group: GENDER INCLUSION PUBLIC VS. PRIVATE SECTOR



Gender inclusion public sector gender inclusion experienced in the public sector

Positive gender discrimination Experiences with positive gender discrimination in the public

sector

Public sector culture vs. corporate

cultures

Differences in boardroom culture of the private and the public

boardroom

Code group: MASCULINE NORM


Exclusive corporate boardroom circles Masculine normativity of corporate boardroom circles in which

females are excluded

Difficulties entering a male dominated

culture

Difficulties women experience when entering a organizational

culture dominated by men

Female presence danger for masculine

norm

Female presence is experienced as a threat to the masculine

norm

Female suitability set to masculine norm Suitability of female candidates is set to a masculine norm

Females inferior to males Female competence is experienced as being inferior to men's

competence

Law of numbers The underrepresentation of females in numbers leads to an

exception position

Homosocial reproduction When (in this case) males select and place only other males

and thereby (unconscious) exclude women

Institutionalized discrimination The masculine normativity deeply embedded

Male candidates as providers of security Male candidates represent security since they take in most of

the current boardroom places

Male code Unspoken rules and agreements between males

Masculine norm Masculine norm experienced as leading

Mirror hiring Hiring candidates who are similar to themselves

Negative experience leads to favor male

candidate

Negative female case experiences leads to favor of male

candidates

Preference for sitting board member The preference for candidates who are highly similar to sitting

board members, representing security.

Reformulation of candidate profile Need to reformulate the candidate profile to include those who

diverge from the masculine norm

Risk presentation of female candidate The representation of female candidates as carrying more risks

by diverging from the masculine norm


Unreflexive-practice The unreflexively character of gendered practices

Male construction A construction in which current board members introduce or

select other males to secure their position

Code group: MEETING THE CLIENT


Rejected for ambiguous reasons Female candidates are rejected by the demanding side for the

most ambiguous reasons like her being too beautiful

Negative experience meeting the client Negative experience in the 'meeting the client' phase

Code group: SEARCHERS' GENDER


Preference for female searchers Preference of working with female candidates

Neutral towards searcher's gender Neutrality towards searcher's gender

Gender differences Differences of searchers' style and practices assigned to

searchers gender

Code group: ONESIDED DEPENDENCY OF THE CANDIDATE


Unequal relation Candidates feeling being dependent on their tie with the

executive searcher

Being contacted vs. Contact The experienced difference between passive candidates, who

are contacted and active candidates who contact the search

bureau

Being contacted Being contacted by searchers results in comfortable contact

Difficulties contacting searcher Difficulties contacting and keeping contact with searchers

Client over candidate The demanding side, the paying customer, is more important

than the candidate

Candidates are commodity Candidates feel like being reduced to commodity


Code group: SEARCH PROCESS


Understanding of complexity of

organization and candidate (profile)

Bureaus need to understand complexity of the organization and

candidate profile

Profile bias Searchers are biased by a masculine profile

Search process too hastily placement focus therefore the search process is not thoroughly

Openness and honesty in search process Openness and honesty during search process and concerning

search outcomes

Investment of time and feedback Investment of time, coaching and critical feedback in the

search process

Focus on candidate experience Over focus on candidate experience instead of grow

competence

Maintaining contact Contact with searcher after placement is

Bad preparation searcher search processes in which the searcher is merely prepared

Assessment forms Different assessment forms testing competences

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