UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO Inventing the Sri Lankans: by Sarath ...

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Inventing the Sri Lankans: Construction of Ethnic Identity by Immigrants to Ontario

by

Sarath Chandrasekere

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© Sarath Chandrasekere, 2008

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Inventing the Sri Lankans: Construction of Ethnic Identity by Immigrants to Ontario Doctor of Philosophy- PhD 2008 Sarath Chandrasekere Graduate Department of Sociology University of Toronto

Abstract

This exploratory sociological study on identity construction of Sri Lankan

immigrants and their Canadian born children living in Ontario addresses three main

questions: 1) the content and the nature of ethnic identification; 2) the significant

differences between the observed identity types and the original Sri Lankan identity types

of Sinhalese, Tamil and Burghers; and 3) the significant differences between the

Canadian-born Sri Lankans and the immigrant Sri Lankans with regard to observed bases

of identification.

The selected sample included 50 Sri Lankans in Ontario: Sinhalese speakers (23),

Tamil speakers (16) and Canadian born Sinhalese teenagers (11), and represented both

men and women (approximately 1:1).

The study offers valuable insights into the process of identity construction and

differential pattern of incorporation of Sri Lankan immigrants and their Canadian born

children. In areas such as self-perceived identity and ethnic food and language use,

marked differences are displayed between the Sinhala speakers and the Tamil speakers.

Furthermore, significant differences are seen across gender lines. Responses from the

second generation Sri Lankans show radical departures from that of the foreign-born

groups.

Inventing the Sri Lankans: Construction of Ethnic Identity by Immigrants to Ontario ii

The self-identification of fifty respondents fell into 6 categories: Tamil, Tamil-

Sri Lankan, Sri Lankan, Tamil-Canadian, Canadian and Sri Lankan-Canadian.

Over 50% of respondents considered being a citizen of Canada the most important

identity for them.

This pioneer study of Sri Lankan immigrants in Ontario emulates findings of

some North American ethnicity studies, and challenges conventional theories of

Assimilation. The present study has confirmed that ethnic retention and social

incorporation are not mutually exclusive phenomena; rather, they are distinct. The study

further confirms that ethnicity must be viewed as a continuously unfolding process, as

opposed to a set of firmly fixed inherited features.

The study has implications for Canadian public policy in the sphere of

immigration. It will show what socio-economic and cultural factors facilitate or delay

immigrant incorporation into the Canadian society.

Inventing the Sri Lankans: Construction of Ethnic Identity by Immigrants to Ontario in

Acknowledgements

This academic research seeks to tell the story of immigrants to Ontario from the

South Asian Island of Sri Lanka. It concerns individual and collective experience of

adaptation and the commitment to cultural defence and resistance to change. It describes

the strategies employed by the immigrants and their children bom in Canada to construct

and reconstruct a Canadian or Sri Lankan-Canadian identity within the Canadian social

milieu.

This arduous task would not have been possible without the theoretical, technical

and moral support I have received from a number of wonderful colleagues, family

members and friends who stood behind me to ensure that I complete it. During the past

ten years my data, photocopies of sociological literature, and even hand written lecture

notes travelled with me to many corners of the world, including Birendra Nagar, Nepal

and Iqaluit, Nunavut, and Victoria Island in the Northern Arctic. At times, it seemed as if

my graduate studies would never end.

First and foremost, I am indebted to my graduate program and thesis supervisor

Professor Sev Isajiw for his endless encouragement, theoretical guidance and patience

throughout my academic journey at the University of Toronto. Sev, I am ever grateful to

you for showing incredible respect for other cultures, and thought provoking insights into

inter-ethnic relations. It was a delight to work with you as your Teaching Assistant for a

number of years at the University of Toronto.

I am ever grateful to Professors Eric Fong and Michael Levin, members of my

thesis panel, and to Professor Vappu Tyyska my external thesis evaluator for their

valuable comments on the draft of this thesis. Your tremendous patience and commitment

Inventing the Sri Lankans: Construction of Ethnic Identity by Immigrants to Ontario iv

to review my draft thesis, which took an unusually longer time to complete, demonstrate

your exemplary academic and scholarly leadership. I would like to extend my gratitude to

Professor Irvin Zeitlin who was the Chair of my Comprehensive Examination Committee

on Sociological Theory for his insightful comments on my academic writings and his

encouragement to produce high quality academic work. Professors Michael Bodemann,

Bernd Baldus, Ron Gillis, Nancy Howell, Charles Jones and Bonnie Erickson, all from

the Faculty of Sociology at the University of Toronto, have undoubtedly helped shape my

sociological imagination.

Dr. Zoran Pejovic, an invaluable colleague and friend, provided me with

inspiration and taught me how to translate sociological knowledge into classroom

teaching. His vision of the emerging Canadian society and critical assessment of inter-

ethnic relations added novel insights into my own thinking. Zoran, I do sincerely thank

you for all the support you provided to me and to my family while we struggled to

survive in Metropolitan Toronto.

I would like to extend my very sincere gratitude to Dr. Sange de Silva and his

staff of Statistics Canada for providing me with 1991 and 2001 Canadian census data

pertaining to the population of Sri Lankans in Canada.

During my tenure at the University of Toronto, I was able to build a network of

long-lasting friendships with my colleagues. Hence, Nana Oishi, Meir Amor, Kwaku

Obosu-Mensa, and Simboonath Sing, all of whom have made unprecedented

contributions to the field of Sociology through their excellent doctoral research deserve

very special thanks for the invaluable support they extended to me during good times as

well as bad times. I fail in my duty if I do not mention the name Jeannette Wright, the

Inventing the Sri Lankans: Construction of Ethnic Identity by Immigrants to Ontario v

Graduate Secretary in the Faculty of Sociology. Jeannette has been an incredible

supporter, technical advisor and an inspiring friend to me throughout my graduate student

tenure and beyond.

In like manner, special gratitude is extended to Professor Judith Golec of the

Faculty of Sociology at the University of Alberta, who visited me in Nepal and in

Cambridge Bay, Nunavut, and reviewed earlier drafts of this dissertation, provided

invaluable guidance and moral support. Professor Paul Saram of the University of

Alberta, who has been a mentor and a strong positive influence in my life for nearly 34

years, deserves a special "Thank you!" Saram was behind the many progressive moves I

have made in my academic, professional, and personal life.

I would like to extend my love and gratitude to Professor Caryl Abrahams

(formerly Faculty of Social Work at the University of Toronto) for her encouragement

and continuous surveillance and monitoring of my academic progress without which this

project would not have come to fruition. Caryl is a tremendous strength and an incredible

team player to work with.

Professors Gananath Obeysekere (former Chair-Princeton Anthropology) and Dr.

Kitsiri Malalgoda (University of Auckland) have been two of my role models, who

opened up the world of Sociology to me forty years ago. They taught me to appreciate

and understand Weber and Durkheim while studying Sociology at the University of

Ceylon, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka.

I would also like to remember, and extend my gratitude to Mr. Shanthana

Rajapakse, our class master at Ananda College in Colombo Sri Lanka (1966) who

instilled in me the values of creative thinking and critical assessment of social facts.

Inventing the Sri Lankans: Construction of Ethnic Identity by Immigrants to Ontario vi

Finally, my immediate family members deserve the most heartfelt gratitude.

Having grownup with an intellectual orientation during early and late childhood, Swarna,

my beloved wife, and Priyanwada and Uppala, my beautiful daughters continued to

challenge me to finish my doctoral thesis as soon as possible. At one time, it became a

tri-partite competition among Swarna, Priyanwada and myself as to who will receive

their doctoral degree first. Swarna led the march and Priyanwada followed, leaving me at

the end of the parade.

Although it was very hard for a graduate student with a single income to support a

family of four, at times from two different job locations (Nepal and Canada), these three

strong women made several sacrifices to support me in my academic pursuits. Swarna,

my beloved wife managed all of the family affairs with two teenaged girls so efficiently

that I was able to continue my studies without interruption. She is a tremendous strength

and an incredible companion. Uppala, my youngest daughter deserves very special

thanks for reviewing my draft thesis and offering highly constructive criticisms. Her

English language editorial acumen and sociological imagination added value to the final

document.

All the sacrifices my wife and daughters have made are paying dividends today as

we have become another success story of recent immigrants in Canada.

Inventing the Sri Lankans: Construction of Ethnic Identity by Immigrants to Ontario vii

Dedication

This doctoral dissertation is dedicated to:

The late L. A. Piyadasa Chandrasekere, my beloved father, who grew up without

being in the company of a father, but was able to build confidence in me to lead an

academic and professional life full of humour, passion, and theoretical ideology. The late

Rev. Gampaha Sumedha (nee Mrs. Chandrasekere), my beloved mother, who instilled in

me logical reasoning, perseverance, and always pushed me to be the "Best in the Class."

Both my parents made enormous sacrifices and had incessant courage and

dedication (but not sufficient wherewithal) to raise me to be an exemplary citizen of Sri

Lanka. Before their dream came to fruition, I left Sri Lanka to become a proud citizen of

Canada, the greatest place in the world to live today.

The selection of my doctoral research theme, Sri Lankan Identity in Canada, is

my humble way of saying thank you ever so much Sri Lanka for giving me a free

education (up to the university level) and broadening my horizon regarding the world at

large.

Inventing the Sri Lankans: Construction of Ethnic Identity by Immigrants to Ontario VIII

Table of Contents

Title Page

Abstract ii

Acknowledgement iv

Dedication viii

Table of Contents ix

List of Tables x

List of Figures xi

Chapter I: Introduction 1

Chapter II: History of Sri Lankans in Canada 10

Chapter III: Identity Construction Process in Sri Lanka 35

Chapter IV: North American Studies on Ethnic Identity 74

Chapter V: Research Methodology 107

Chapter VI: Self-Perceived Identity Types 130

Chapter VII: Identity Types and Values 166

Chapter VIII: Ethnic Organizations and Identity Types 212

Chapter IX: Summary and Conclusions 249

Bibliography 269

Respondents' Interview Schedule 282


List of Tables

Table Number 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

19 20 21 22

23 24

25

26

27 28

Title of Table Religious Affiliations -1991 First Language -1991 Language vs. Religion -1991 Ethnic Identification - 1991 Ethnic Identification - 2001 Ethnic Identity vs. First Language - 2001 Ethnic Identity vs. Religion - 2001 Nativity by Ethnic Identification -1991 Ethnic Identification by Province -1991 People of Sri Lankan Origin by Province - 2001 Ethnic Identification by Gender -1991 Age-Sex Distribution -1991 Age-Sex Distribution - 2001 Marital Status by Ethnic Identification - 1991 Marital Status by Ethnic Identification - 2001 Education by Ethnic Identification - 1991 Education by Ethnic Identification - 2001 Comparative Participation Rates -1991 Percentage Distribution of Total Annual Income by Ethnic Identification Population of Sri Lanka on the Basis of Ethnicity Characteristics of the Sample Self-Perceived Identity Types Importance of Identity to Respondents vs. Types of Identity Observed Identity Types vs. Agreement to Statement Self Perceived Identity vs. Language First Learned Cross tabulation Self Perceived Identity vs. Children learning Parents' First Language Cross-Tabulation Identity Types and Frequency of Sri Lankan Food Consumption Cross-Tabulation Secondary Data Sources used for Content Analysis

Page 19 20 20 21 22 23 24 25 25 26 26 27 28 29 29 30 31 31

32 35 126 129

145 149

169

175

186 214-215

Inventing the Sri Lankans: Construction of Ethnic Identity by Immigrants to Ontario x

List of Figures

Figure Number

1 Title of Figure

Maintenance of Heritage and Cultural Identity: John Berry's Model

Page 164

Inventing the Sri Lankans: Construction of Ethnic Identity by Immigrants to Ontario xi

Chapter I Introduction

The theme of this study is the process of social incorporation of people of Sri

Lankan origin, currently living in the province of Ontario in Canada.

In 1972, Sri Lanka became the new name of the former British Colony Ceylon.

The words "Sri" and "Lanka" are derived from Sanskrit and Sinhala languages denoting

the meaning of "a spot of prosperity" or "the resplendent Isle." The selection of this

word over many other names [(Tambapanni (5th Century B.C), Taprobane (Greek),

Heladiva (Sinhalese), Serendip (Arab Traders), Ceilan (Portuguese), and Ceylon

(British)] has been a result of the post-independence Sri Lankan Nationalist Movement

which began in 1956 (Wanasundera 1991,26). The United Nations now politically

recognizes Sri Lanka as an Independent Democratic Socialist Republic. Thus, the people

of this Island are considered "Sri Lankans" by all other nations. Many Canadians tend to

view people of Sri Lankan origin as a homogeneous group that shares the same typical

characteristics, personality traits and cultural adjustments. However, in reality, there are

no ethnic Sri Lankans living on the Island. Instead what one finds are subdivisions of

populations named the Sinhala (74%), the Sri Lanka Tamils (11%), the Indian Tamils

(7%) the Moors (7%) and the Burghers, Malays and Veddas (Vanni People) (!%)}

The Sinhalese and the Tamils tend to use their language and religion as the main

cultural markers. For the Moors, religion serves as the marker, and the Burghers use their

European descent2.

'Library of Congress: Federal Research Division: 1988.

2 Tambiah 1992,1992; Sharma 1988;Wriggins 1960 As Sharma views it "Ethnic plurality has become a social fact in Sri Lanka, though more than two thirds of Ceylon's population comprises one ethnic group only, namely, the Sinhalese. The remaining population, slightly less than one-third, comprises several ethnic groups. The largest

Inventing the Sri Lankans: Construction of Ethnic Identity by Immigrants to Ontario 1

The Problem:

In 1993,1 had an opportunity to examine the 1991 Canadian Census data

pertaining to the people of Sri Lankan background currently living in Canada. This

examination revealed that people of Sri Lankan background who filed their census forms

in 1991 could be classified under three distinct categories: 1) Sinhalese (3%), 2) Tamil

(32%), and 3) Sri Lankans (65%). This classification presents to the author a whole

gamut of interesting sociological questions about this newly emerging community in

Ontario.

One such question is why a vast majority of immigrants from Sri Lanka would

identify themselves as "Sri Lankan," when in Sri Lanka, they usually would not identify

themselves this way? What specific advantages would these immigrants foresee by

presenting themselves as Sri Lankans to the host society? In view of the fact that the

Sinhalese, who claim a documented history of 25 or more centuries on the Island, are the

numerical majority today, one could surmise that the Sinhalese might want to present

themselves in Canada as the "rightful sons and daughters of the soil" of the Island of Sri

Lanka.

It is, however, interesting to note that a majority of those who call themselves 'Sri

Lankans' are in fact the people of Tamil origin. Hence, it is more challenging to ask why

the Tamils who are seemingly clamouring for Eelam, a Tamil sovereign state to be

established within the Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka, have modified their

ethnic identity in this manner. Within this category of Sri Lankans, there are two other

minority group in Sri Lanka is of the Ceylon Tamils. They represent 11% of the total population of Sri Lanka. Besides the Ceylon Tamils there are also Indian Tamils. The Moors and the Burghers are two other ethnically distinguishable groups. The Burghers are the offspring of Portuguese, Dutch, British and Ceylonese marriages" (1988,29-31).


groups reporting themselves as Burghers and Muslims who constitute around 21% of the

population of Sri Lankans living in Canada. Following similar trends that we observe

among the Italians and the British in Canada, one could surmise that this is merely an

acceptance of the host country's redefinition of an ethnic origin classification. It may, in

fact, be a process of classification employed by Statistics Canada simply for enumeration

purposes.

Nevertheless, field data and observations have shown that all these groups do

really exist at the behavioural level in Canada. What is striking is that people who

identify themselves with all these groups do so in relation to the social context within

which they operate at different times in their lives. From the sociological perspective,

these categorical names are a reflection of a degree of elasticity of their ethnic

boundaries. A Sinhalese person can be a "Sinhalese" when he or she visits a Buddhist

temple and a "Sri Lankan" when attending a multicultural dance festival at Harbour Front

in Toronto. The very same person could pose as a "Canadian" when confronted by

customs officials at the Colombo Airport in Sri Lanka. Similarly, a Tamil person can be

a "Tamil" at a freedom fighting parade on the streets of Toronto, while claiming to be

"Sri Lankan" at a Canadian job interview.

The Sinhalese, Tamil, Burgher and Muslim identities are as old as the history of

the Island of Sri Lanka itself. What is new is the idea of Sri Lankanness, which is still in

the making. Even the old identities no longer carry the original cultural baggage

completely. In Canada, people are continuously in the process of revising their cultural

markers in the face of challenges coming from the mainstream society.


It should however be noted that the data emerging from the sample of 50

respondents in this study did not allow for the full examination of all four groups stated

above. All but one Burgher family, identified through the snow-ball sampling method,

did not agree to be interviewed as they felt they no longer identified themselves with Sri

Lanka or had no connections or interests in Sri Lanka. Many of them had entered into

inter-ethnic marriages in Canada. The only female respondent of Burgher origin

identified as a Sri Lankan-Canadian. Although there were about 600 people who

identified themselves as Muslims of Sri Lankan origin in the 1991 Canadian census, not a

single Musilm was referred to the researchers by the respondents in the snow-ball

sampling process. This may be due to lack of networking relationships of the Sinhalese

and Tamils with the Muslims and/or absence of Muslims in big numbers within the

province of Ontario. In the case of Vanni people, it was extremely difficult to locate

them in the Canadian setting. If they ever existed among the people of Sri Lankan origin

in Canada, they would have been the most modernized Vanni aborigines. They would

have been married to either Sinhalese or Tamils speakers. They were highly unlikely to

use their original Vanni names any longer for fear of ridicule and stigmatization. The

only possible way to trace their origin was to examine the full name of all respondents,

and to check whether they contained any words from the Vanni language. The researcher

did this exercise and was not able to locate any Vanni connections. However, it was of

paramount importance for the researcher to discuss the Vanni people in the thesis as their

evolution as an ethnic group, in the Sri Lankan social setting, had an impact on the

Sinhalese and the Tamils and vice versa.


All these processes of identity shift can be best understood when subsumed under

the theoretical construct of Social Incorporation (Isajiw 1997). Social Incorporation of

identity into a host society does not simply mean acquiring the full identity of the host

society; rather, it involves developing a new identity within the new social milieu. This

includes a process of self-inclusion or exclusion and inclusion or exclusion by others, not

simply into the society at large, but also or first, into intermediate groups (Isajiw 1997,

90). It is logical to surmise that all of the identities referred to above are not necessarily

mutually exclusive categories, for all of them can be placed at different points of a

continuum of the social incorporation process. It could further be said that at present

times Sri Lankanness is the culminating point of this process.

Research Questions:

This study describes and analyzes the process of social incorporation of the

people of Sri Lankan background by examining their ethnic identity construction

processes. To accomplish this task, one must question what does being Sri Lankan mean

to Canadian Sri Lankans; what constitutes the basis for identification as a Sri Lankan in

Canada, and how do individual Sri Lankan-Canadians construct and express this

identification? The best answers to these questions will come from answers obtained for

the following specific questions:

1. The first set of questions deals with the content and the nature of ethnic

identity. Studies have revealed (Makabe 1976; Subramaniam 1977; Leonard

1992) that strong basis of identification is the direct knowledge and practice of

culture of respective ethnic groups. In this case, (a) the use of Sri Lankan

languages, food and attires and (b) the involvement with other Sri Lankans in


community activities, as well as in individual interactions would show some

objective behavioural patterns which are indicative of ethnic identification.

2. The second set of questions deals with the variations of these identity types or

dimensions in relation to the ethnic origin of the Sri Lankan groups. More

specifically, it is important to determine whether there are significant

differences among the Sinhalese, and the Tamils with regard to the identity

types that emerged.

3. The third issue addressed is whether there is a significant difference between

the immigrants and the native-born Sri Lankans with regard to the bases of

identification. It is necessary to find out whether the native born groups show

a higher rate of participation in Canadian mainstream institutions than in

Canadian-Sri Lankan institutions and whether the interpersonal relationships

of the immigrant generation significantly differed from those of the native

born Sri Lankans. Finally, answers to all these questions will also help us

examine whether the Sri Lankan community will persist as a sub group in the

Canadian mosaic, and if so, what specific form it will take.

However, given the fact that sociological studies on ethnic identity of racialized South

Asian groups in Canada are few and far between, and the usable data on the Sri Lankan

community are not readily available, I decided to make this a pioneering exploratory

study. The final product has become predominantly a qualitative study with some

quantitative treatment of selected variables.


Contribution:

The size of the population of Sri Lankan immigrants in Canada has increased by

nearly 118% during 1991-2001. However, official and unofficial attempts to capture this

growth and document its dynamism using social science research tools have not kept on

par with the speed of this population explosion. First, this sociological study, as a

pioneering effort, will document the social incorporation experience of the Sri Lankans.

Second, this will fill a lacuna in the Canadian sociological literature regarding visible

minority ethnic groups of South Asian origin in Canada. Third, I ventured to examine the

efforts made by members of this group to construct a new identity. This has a special

significance, for it allowed me to come to grips with initial responses of the ethnic group

members to their new socio-cultural setting, the meanings they would attach to

themselves and to the others, the values and practices they would reject and retain, as

well as how they organize themselves as an ethnic group in the new setting.

Through the 1991 and 2001 Census data, this project has captured a unique

snapshot of the socio-demographic base of the Sri Lankans in Canada. Usually, Sri

Lankans are subsumed under the "South Asian" ethnic category in the Canadian Census.

For the first time, this study was able to use a special sequence of the 1991 and 2001 data

pertaining to people of Sri Lankan origin. This fact alone qualifies this study as a

trailblazer. Digging out a suitable theoretical model or frameworks from the available

pool of theoretical models to explain observed variations among the Sri Lankans has been

a worthwhile academic exercise for a sociologist. On the other hand, without the above

information, conceptualization of future sociological research pertaining to this particular

ethnic group would become meaningless.


Fourth, this study is a comparative study of three groups (the Sinhalese, The

Tamils and the Canadian born children) of Sri Lankan origin. Findings of this comparison

will further challenge and refute theoretical assumptions made by Statistics Canada to

subsume all people of South Asia under one ethnic category.

The study also presents specific factors that contribute towards differential

identity formations. The nature and content of identity types have an inherent ability to

predict whether the group will survive, perish or move forward in the host society. This

will have serious implications on the national immigration policies in terms of the

selection criteria of new immigrants.

Outline of Dissertation Chapters:

Chapter I presents an introduction to the ethnic group and primary research

questions that will be answered in the study. Chapter II examines the history of the Sri

Lankans living in Canada through the eyes of Canadian researchers and writers. Different

cohorts of immigration in response to Canadian policies are discussed. This is followed

by an analysis of the 1991 and 2001 Canadian census findings on this group.

Chapter III presents a critical examination of the identity construction process of

Sri Lankans living on the Island. Historical and socio-anthropological writings of Sri

Lankan writers and others interested in Sri Lankan affairs have been incorporated in this

chapter. Chapter IV presents North American theoretical ideas on ethnic identity

supported by empirical examples. Chapter V is focused on the methodology of this

research project. The chapter explains the process involved in the study from the

conceptualization stage to the data analysis stage. The sample selection procedure, the

interview process and the associated problems and issues are highlighted in this section.


Chapter VI is entirely devoted to the topic of self-perceived identity types of the

population in question. Cross-tabulations have been used to examine correlations of the

different Sri Lankan ethnic groups. Personal stories and qualitative data have also been

used to enrich statistical observations. Chapter VII presents a discussion of identity

types in relation to rejection and retention of Sri Lankan values and practices, and how

new constructs of identity differ from the original Sri Lankan categories. This will also

shed some light on the future of Sri Lankans in Canada as a distinct ethnic group.

Chapter VIII examines the nature of ethnic organizations that the Sri Lankans have

developed in Canada and the kind of support they render towards maintaining the

identified types of ethnic identity. This chapter also analyzes the role that Sri Lankan

ethnic media have played in promoting or reinforcing a particular identity. The final

chapter (Chapter IX) summarizes comparative findings and discusses them in light of

theoretical frameworks that were identified in Chapter IV. Appendix A includes a copy

of the interview questionnaire that was used, followed by a 12-page Bibliography of

writings referred to in this study.


Chapter II History of Sri Lankans in Canada

Sri Lankans in Canada: A Historical and Demographic Perspective

Migration of people from Ceylon to Canada began as early as 1948. In 1951, the

Government of Canada relaxed some of their immigration policies to allow 50 Ceylonese

to come to Canada as permanent residents. As Das Gupta noted,

In 1951, pressured by the newly independent Indian Government and facilitated by diplomatic relations between India and Canada, a policy of immigration quotas was established for countries of South Asia (i.e. 150 for Indians, 100 for Pakistanis and 50 for Ceylonese per year), (1994,62).

In 1957, the Indian quota was raised to 300 persons, and the entire restricted

quota system was replaced with a point system in 1967. With this new emphasis, the

immigration of professional South Asians to Canada increased, changing the size and

character of the entire community.

According to a report produced by the Ontario Ministry of Culture and Recreation

(OMCR) in 1980, many early immigrants to Canada from Sri Lanka belonged to a

privileged class, one which was created and singled out by the British Raj for preferential

treatment. Some of them belonged to the Ceylon Civil Service, while the others were

"those who were drawn from all ethnic communities who had become brown Englishmen

by education and who held tenaciously to every British tradition" (OMCR 1980). After

independence in 1948, attempts were made to indigenize the Public Service and other

major enterprises in the country. The members of the privileged class suffered from the

sudden turn of events and decided to immigrate to other countries. It is noteworthy that

"Sri Lankan immigration to Canada took place not only from Sri Lanka itself but also by

way of some of the other countries to which this group had fled" (OMCR 1980). These


countries include England, Australia, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Nigeria, Italy and a few

other European countries.

According to Appathurai, a historian who did some pioneering research work

about the Sri Lankan community in Canada, Sri Lankan migration to Canada had five

distinct phases. Phase I, involving the Burghers, began soon after Ceylon received its

independence from Britain in February, 1948. "They had begun to encounter Sinhalese

racist taunts and to feel generally uneasy as unwanted relics of a dying age of foreign

rulers" (Appathurai 1980). It was estimated that between 1946 and 1955 a total of 27 Sri

Lankan Burghers migrated to Canada.

Phase II, starting from 1956 and lasting nine years, witnessed the arrival of the

Sinhalese and the Tamils. Phase III started in 1965 with 141 immigrants and it rose to

293 in 1972. Major revisions in Canadian immigration policies in 1967 removed

discrimination based on race or national origin and introduced the points system; "This

made it possible for some Sri Lankans to enter Canada as independent applicants"

(OMCR 1980). Strong socialist legislation enacted in Sri Lanka after 1970 generated a

steady stream of Sri Lankans moving into North America. "In addition, many who had

previously settled in Britain came to Canada in order to avoid the effects of a declining

British economy as well as the racial turmoil which plagued Britain in the seventies"

(OMCR 1980).

In Appathurai's opinion Phase IV of Sri Lankan immigration to Canada lasted for

three years as an unprecedented number (659) of Sri Lankans entered Canada in 1974.

Phase V began in 1975 with the introduction of more stringent regulation for admission

of immigrants. According to an OMCR report, after 1975 the number of Sri Lankan


immigrants had dropped to an average of about 270 per year. By 1970, the total number

of Ceylonese stood at 5000 (Indra 1985); yet, it increased to about 120,000 in 1996.

According to 1996 preliminary census reports, the Tamil speakers in the Greater Toronto

Area had increased from 23,100 in 1991 to 54,255 in 1996 (Toronto Star Dec.03, 1997).

This dramatic increase of Sri Lankans after 1970 is part of the steady increase of South

Asian arrivals in Canada. In 1963-67 South Asians represented 1.7 percent of all

immigrants in Canada while in 1983-87 the proportion had risen to 9.4 percent (D'Costa

1993, 185).

Writing about the history of Canadian-Sri Lankans, Sugunasiri (1984) referred to

three distinct time periods. He appeared to follow the same pattern as Appathurai, for he

categorized the significant periods as pre-1970,1970-1975, and post-1975. Considering

the fact that Sri Lankans today have over 50 years of migration history in Canada, I

contended that the above two classifications were limited in identifying the quality of

people who migrated. However, the above stated analyses present push-and-pull factors

instrumental in brining Sri Lankans to Canada. Appathurai's identification of phases of

Sri Lankan migration to Canada can be revised by adding a sixth phase to incorporate the

Sri Lankan refugees who relocated to Canada after 1980.

Nevertheless, from the point of view of the socio-economic status (SES) of

immigrants, people who are categorized under Appathurai's classification represent only

one segment of the Sri Lankan society - the Westernized middle class. As concluded in

the OMCR report, "they were by no means destitute immigrants since most brought

enough money to support themselves and their families for some time before securing


employment. In addition, they brought a high level of education and technical training"

(1980).

A vast majority of those who entered Canada after 1980 were fleeing the 13-year-

old internecine war between the Tamil militants and the Government armed forces in Sri

Lanka. Canada has been a major destination for many Tamils as well as some Sinhalese

who had suffered political victimization during the years between 1985 and 1992.

Majority of them were neither middle class nor professionally trained Sri Lankans; rather,

they were victimized refugees. Writing about the general Tamils population living in

Ontario, Milton Israel noted that

for many Indian Tamils, these challenges [challenges in the Toronto Metropolitan environment] were already apparent in the large cities of their native Tamil Nadu. These Tamils settled into their Ontario life with relative ease, adapting where necessary, in many ways arriving 'pre-adapted' to this new environment (Israel 1994, 57). Nevertheless, Israel made a distinction with regards to Sri Lankan Tamils; "but

for the majority of Sri Lankan Tamils who arrived in the '80s, the situation is quite

different" (1994, 57). Most of them came as refugees and "the civil war in their Island

home deprived thousands of young people the opportunity to gain an education and get

on with their lives" (1994, 57). He further asserted that "most Sri Lankan Tamils in

Toronto are young, poor and without advanced education" (Israel, 1994, 57). As a result,

it is quite significant, from a sociological perspective, to divide the history of Sri Lankan

migration to Canada into two phases: pre-1980 and post-1980.

Sugunasiri's presentation of changing life styles of Sri Lankans in Canada prior to

1980 merits attention especially in terms of identity construction. In his opinion, Sri

Lankans did not have a tendency to live in an ethnic ghetto. He stated that "Whatever the

location, the Sri Lankans have not clustered together, feeling no insecurity- due perhaps


to their facility in English and their educational and professional background" (1984,

189). At the initial stage, owning a house was considered to be a high social value

among the Sri Lankans. As a result, new housing developments in areas such as

Scarborough, Brampton and Mississauga attracted many Sri Lankan families.

Similarly, Sugunasiri made some observations about the changing roles for the Sri

Lankan wives, who most likely had not worked outside of their homes in Sri Lanka. In

Canada, "not many of them have had to work in factories or restaurants, a significant

number of them getting employment at the clerical level" (1984, 189). During the post-

19608, this seemed to be a pattern for South Asian women in general. Writing about

South Asian women Das Gupta observed, "More middle class, professional and urban

families came in the post-1960's period. Women in this class were better educated and

more Westernized, familiar with commercial relations and therefore more open to

engaging in wage labour" (1994, 66). Sugunasiri further asserted that a typical Sri

Lankan wife would wear Western attire for work; however, he made an ethnic

differentiation by saying that wearing Western dress was a "continuation for the Burgher

women, but a change for the others. The Tamils are perhaps more conservative here, with

more of them keeping their long hair and wearing the saree more often-a dress Sinhalese

wives...wear primarily for cultural activities and weddings" (1984,189).

Sugunasiri also considered an increased use of English as the medium of

communication between parents and children as a marked change of behaviour among

the Sri Lankans. Here again, he stated that this practice was "less true among the Tamils"

(Sugunasiri 1984,189).


Another important aspect Sugunasiri dealt with was the organizational capacity of

Sri Lankans. The Canada-Sri Lanka Association, which evolved from an earlier Ceylon

Recreation Club, had been the main forum for community activities encompassing all

ethnic sub divisions of Sri Lankans. While the Christian Sri Lankans had joined the main

stream church organizations, the Buddhists had started their own temple on Kingston

Road in Toronto. In like manner, the Tamils and Muslims had joined church

organizations run by non-Sri Lankan groups in Toronto. In his conclusion, Sugunasiri

wrote:

The Sri Lankan community is probably unique in the Canadian multicultural mosaic for the variety of peoples it encompasses. We have here a middle class phenomenon, a wide spectrum of life styles ranging from the fully Westernized (the Burghers) to the least (the Hindu Tamils), with the Sinhalese falling somewhere in between. Sri Lankan immigrants can be said to have adapted to the new country well and fast, making very few demands on the host society (1984, 191). Sugunasiri's account of the early history of Sri Lankans in Canada was, for the

most part, impressionistic and not based on systematically gathered empirical data.

Nevertheless, his writings are important for two major reasons. Firstly, he is one of the

three primary Sri Lankan immigrant writers. His work on the role of the ethnic elites in

the re-construction of identity was a widely known fact in the sociological literature on

ethnicity. Secondly, his impressionistic views helped to trace early signs of the

construction of a new Sri Lankan identity in Canada. Throughout his writings, he used

the word Sri Lankan to refer to this group of people. His statement, "the Sri Lankan

immigrants can be said to have 'adapted' to the new country well and fast" needs to be

re-examined in light of the empirical data in this present study (Sugunasiri 1984). His

ideas of the change in values of the immigrants did not suggest that the Canadian identity

is acquired at the expense of the ethnic identity and, vice versa. Contrary to Sugunasiri,


the hypothesis presented in this study is that a process of new identity construction has

just begun for the Sri Lankan immigrants living in Canada.

The Ontario Ministry of Culture and Recreation (OMCR 1980) study revealed

specific instances of identity formation within Canada. It reported, "Most Sri Lankans in

Ontario are Buddhist Sinhalese. They wish to be known as a Sri Lankan community and

are now in the process of being organized". This was apparently the situation prior to

1980. It will be interesting to analyse whether the sub-ethnic community of the Sinhalese

who wanted to present themselves as Sri Lankans prior to the 1980s have modified their

stand after a heavy influx of members from the Tamil sub-ethnic group. The OMCR

study also referred to the Tamils in Ontario, stating, "In Toronto a significant percentage

also identifies with East Indian ethnic groups.. .Many in this group, who are principally

of Tamil origin, identify easily with the Hindu East Indian family group events" (1980).

However, Israel had opposing observations with regards to recently arrived Tamils in

Toronto. In his view, Sri Lankan Tamils "make every effort to live a very traditional Sri

Lankan Tamil life in Toronto" (Israel 1994:57). For example, after attending a Hindu

temple with Indian Tamils for nearly a decade, the Sri Lankan Tamils had recently begun

to build up their own temple because the Indian Tamils in Canada had compromised their

orthodox religious practices. First accepting, then later refusing, an all Indian or all

Tamil identity seemed to be a reflection of a new identity construction.

The OMCR study (1980) also made some impressionistic comments and

sweeping generalizations. The study concluded, "They [Sri Lankans] integrate well into

Canadian life. They are resolved to become and to remain Canadians but they are also

eager to organize themselves as Sri Lankans in such a way as to share their heritage with


their fellow citizens" (OMCR 1980). With this historical background of the Sri Lankans

in Canada, I propose to examine the recent demographic trends among them. The

following description highlights some selected 1991 and 2001 Canadian Census findings

about the people of Sri Lankan origin living in Canada.

A Demographic Perspective:

The following section presents a comparative analysis of selected socio-

demographic variables in the 1991 and 2001 Canadian census data pertaining to the

people of Sri Lankan origin in Canada. A discussion of Canadian census data serves

several important purposes for the thesis. First and foremost, 1991 and 2001 Census data

portray a basic quantitative picture of the people of Sri Lankan origin. This picture was

important for any pioneering study as it revealed the types of identities and the socio

economic location of the people in question. Given that there were no publicly available

major quantitative or qualitative studies on the Sri Lankan population at the time of

launching the present research project, it was nothing but logical for the researcher to

examine the Canadian census data as a point of departure.

The 1991 Canadian census revealed three types of ethnic identities the people of

Sri Lankan origin had created or presented in Canada. The 2001 census added a new

identity type as Canadian. The 50 respondents in the sample examined in the thesis

(1994-95) fell under six identity types. Although the size of the population/sample

studied at three different times was not identical, the observed types reflect an overall

process of identity formation over a 10 year period by this group. This aspect will be

further discussed in chapter VI. The Canadian census data provided a sound basis to

compare two other sets of information presented in the thesis, namely, the ethnic identity


formation process in Sri Lanka (chapter III) and empirical data of 50 respondents

(chapter VI). The two Canadian Census reports and the empirical data of 50 respondents

made it crystal clear that underlining the self-perceived identifications such as Sri

Lankan, Sri Lankan Canadian, Tamil Canadian etc. was the original distinction of

Sinhalese and Tamil ethnicities. Although the Canadian Census data identified a category

as Sinhalese, it was not the case with the empirical sample. However, what is discerning

is that about 5% of the population identified as Sri Lankans in both Canadian Census

reports and about 80% of those who identified as Sri Lankan-Canadians in the empirical

data sample were in fact Sinhalese language speakers. This could be a situation where

ethnicity and nationhood overlap. The Sinhalese who claimed a superior status (to the

Tamils) within the nation of Sri Lanka would have simply brought that over to the

Canadian context by presenting themselves as Sri Lankans or Sri Lankan-Canadians.

The patterns emerging from all three sets of data and historical analysis in chapter III

provided a stronger predictive value of the future of people of Sri Lankan origin within

the Canadian social system.

Published Canadian census data subsumed Sri Lankans under a broader category

of South Asians. Therefore, a special computer program of 1991 and 2001 Census

Canada data was done mainly for the purpose of separating the data pertaining to people

of Sri Lankan origin. During the decade of 1991-2001, the total Sri Lankan origin

population experienced a dramatic increase from 48595 to 106,375, (nearly 118%). This

phenomenal increase called for a comparison of the two census periods in terms of

selected demographic characteristics such as ethnic identification, language, religion,

provincial distribution, age-sex distribution, marital status and education. No public data


was available for income distribution in 2001. This comparison of some selected

demographic variables revealed that the distribution patterns in 1991 were similar to that

of 2001 in respect of some variables, and dissimilar in respect of other variables.

1991 Census Canada reported 48,595 persons as people of Sri Lankan origin.

This figure included the persons who identified themselves as Sinhalese (1,455 or 3%),

Tamil (15,700 or 32%) and Sri Lankans (31,430 or 65%) (Statistics Canada 1991).

Primarily, this population was comprised of Canadian landed immigrants and citizens

who had made a firm commitment to settle down in Canada. Sri Lankan students,

refugees and those who were waiting for documents for permanent residency were not

counted in the 1991 Census. While there were 32 percent of Tamil speaking Sri Lankans,

the Sinhalese speakers were only 3 percent. In order to fully understand the composition

of the 31,430 (65%) people who identified themselves as Sri Lankans, it was necessary to

examine their first language and religion. The following table (Table 1) depicts the

distribution by religion:

Table 1: Religious Affiliations-1991

Religious Category

Buddhists

Hindus

Christians

Muslims

Other Religions

Total

2030

18020

7910

660

2810

31430

Percentage

7%

57%

25%

2%

9%

100%


The following table depicts the distribution of this population in terms of first language:

Table 2: First Language-1991

Language Category

Sinhalese

Tamil

English

Other

Total

Total Population

2345

18840

8355

1890

31430

Percentage

7.5%

60%

26.5%

6%

100%

In the Sri Lankan context, there was an overlapping of religion and ethnic language in the

sense that almost 98% of Buddhists were Sinhalese and an equal proportion of Hindus

were Tamils. Similarly, 100% of the Burghers, people of European descent who speak

both Sinhalese and Tamil were Christians.

Table 3: Language vs. Religion-1991

Language Religion

Buddhists

Hindu

Christian

Muslims

Other

Total

Sinhalese

1900

0.00

255

125

2345

Tamil

0.00

17800

30

238

18840

English

130

220

7625

297

8355

Other

1890

Total

2030

18020

7910

660

2810

31430


The factors of religion, language and self-perceived identity together reveal two

interesting ethnic identity dimensions of the Sri Lankan population in Canada. First, a

vast majority of the people of Sri Lankan origin (65%) identified themselves as Sri

Lankans. Second, 57-60% of those who identified themselves as Sri Lankans appeared to

be people of Tamil origin. Hence, in 1991, the total number of Tamils of Sri Lankan

origin was almost 71% of the total Sri Lankan population living in Canada. When cross-

referencing religion and language, it is evident that a considerable majority of the

Canadian Tamils of Sri Lankan origin had identified themselves as Sri Lankans; while,

only 2% of those of Sinhalese origin had presented themselves as being Sri Lankans.

Thus, a revised (and estimated) distribution of ethnic origin variable for the Sri Lankan

population is as follows:

Table 4: Ethnic Identification-1991

Ethnic Category Sinhalese

Tamil

Burghers, Muslims and Others

Population 3800

34535

10250

Percentage 8%

71%

21%

2001 Canadian Census (Statistics Canada 2001) data indicated that the number of

people of Sri Lankan origin in Canada had increased by 118%), from 48,595 to 106,375,

during the 1991-2001 ten year period. The following table depicts the distribution of

ethnic identifications:


Table 5: Ethnic Identification-2001

Ethnic Category Sinhalese

Tamil

Sri Lankan

Canadian

Total

Population

3,560

39,070

61,310

2,435

106,375

Percentage

3%

37%

58%

2%

100%

Change from 1991 41%

40%

51%

N/A

The discerning change was that 2% of them identified themselves as Canadians thereby

adding another identity type to the total population. The relative size of each of the

ethnic categories within the Sri Lankan population marked some changes. The number of

Tamil identities had increased by 5% from 32% in 1991, and further increased to 37% in

2001, while the number of Sri Lankan identities has decreased from 65% in 1991 to 58%)

in 2001. The relative size of the Sinhalese identities remained the same at 3%. Although

the first three ethnic identity categories had shown an increase (41% to 51%) in 1991, the

real gain was found among the Tamils.

The four identity types observed above is a clear indication that the people of Sri

Lankan origin in Canada have entered into the process of re-construction of their ethnic

identity. The process of this identity construction will be further examined in this thesis.

The following table depicts a cross-tabulation of identity types and first language:


Table 6: Ethnic Identity vs. First Language-2001

First Language/ Ethnic Category Sinhalese

Tamil

Sri Lankan

Canadian

Sinhalese 2145

65

4460

55

Tamil 45

31925

41785

2380

English 1370

7100

15065

Total 3560

39070

61310

The 2001 data table provides more detailed information regarding the overlap between

identity and language. As we observed in the 1991 Census data, a considerable number of

people (68%) in the Sri Lankan identity type in 2001 are in fact Tamil language speakers.

A few new features are also found in the 2001 data. Among the Sinhalese almost 38%

considered English as their first language, while among the Tamils nearly 18% had

indicated the same. It is also interesting to see that the Canadian type has 2,380 members

who consider Tamil as their first language. Two problematic areas in the above table are

45 Sinhalese presenting Tamil as their first language and 65 Tamils presenting Sinhalese

as their first language. If this is not a statistical error, one possible explanation is that

these Census respondents could have been women who are married to men of opposite

identity category. It is a general practice that the woman after marriage, in many

instances, joins her husband's family, takes his surname, and naturally begins to consider

herself part of her husband's identity, Sinhalese or Tamil. It may also be possible that

these people are the Burghers of Sri Lankan origin. These are good indications of the

evolving ethnic identity types within the Canadian context.


Another cross-tabulation was conducted to see the relationship between Identity

types and Religion as follows:

Table 7: Ethnic Identity vs. Religion-2001

Religion /Ethnic Category Sinhalese

Tamil

Sri Lankan

Canadian

Buddhists

1,745

15

3,440

Not available

Hindus

35

31,090

39,095

Not available

Christians

1,515

2,055

9,680

Not available

Muslims

30

315

1,470

Not available

As we saw in the 1991 Census data, there appeared to be a Sinhalese-Buddhist overlap as

well as a Tamil-Hindu overlap in 2001. Even in the Sri Lankan identity type we could see

a considerable majority considering Hinduism as their religion. The Muslims presented

an interesting picture. The number of Muslims has increased by 45% in 1991. There was

a rare case of 30 Sinhalese identifying themselves as followers of Islam. This may be a

very similar situation to what was discussed with regard to identity and language. The

researcher has noted situations in Canada where a woman of Sinhalese identity marrying

a man from an Islamic background had converted to Islam, while retaining her Sinhalese

identity.

Another noteworthy factor of Sri Lankan ethnic identity is the size of its native-

born population. The following table presents the population distribution in terms of

birthplace:


Table 8: Nativity by Ethnic Identification-1991

Category

Born in Canada

Born outside of Canada

Sinhalese

245 (17%)

1,210(83%)

1,455

Tamils

1,500(10%)

14,200 (90%)

15,700

Sri Lankans

3,850(12%)

27,580 (88%)

31,430

A higher proportion of the Sinhalese were born in Canada in comparison to that of the

Tamils. However, when considering the entire population, only about 13 percent of people

were born in Canada. It could be assumed that the majority of actors of the

reconstruction process emanated from the foreign-born population. Although the

researcher was not able to obtain data from the 2001 Census on this subject, this trend

seems to have continued into 2001. Furthermore, data on the Canadian type was not

available.

The following table depicts provincial distribution of the Sri Lankan Population in

Canada in 1991.

Table 9: Ethnic Identification by Province -1991

Province Ontario

Quebec

Alberta

British Columbia All Other Provinces

Sinhalese 63%

8%

14%

11%

4%

100%

Tamils 83%

10%

2%

2%

3%

100%

Sri Lankans 77%

13%

4%

3%

3%

100%


As might be expected, Ontario accommodated the highest percentage of Canadian-Sri

Lankans of all three ethnic divisions. Quebec was second in this regard, and Alberta was

in third place with a relatively higher Sinhalese population. As a result, this distribution

justified the fact that the population sample used in the study was drawn from Ontario.

Similarly, D'Costa observed that Ontario has been a major attraction for all South Asians

over the past 90 years (1993, 189).

The 2001 data followed a similar trend; except, by 2001, British Columbia had

attracted more Sri Lankans compared to the province of Alberta. The following table

depicts the distribution:

Table 10: People of Sri Lankan Origin by Province-2001

Province Ontario Quebec British Columbia Alberta All other Provinces

Population 76,455 10,285 2840 1345 15450

Percentage 72% 10% 3% 1% 14%

The following table presents the gender composition of Sri Lankans immigrants:

Tablell: Ethnic Identification by Gender-1991

Ethnic Category

Sinhalese

Sri Lankans

Tamils

Male

53%

57%

60%

Female

47%

43%

40%

Difference

6%

14%

20%

There was a remarkable sex imbalance in the population among the Sri Lankans and

Tamils. This was a characteristic that emerged after 1980s. Since the beginning of 1980,


the political turmoil in the predominantly Tamil areas in Sri Lanka had a tremendous

impact on males. Men were arrested, detained or killed by the state armed forces or

forcibly recruited to the Tamil militant groups to fight against the state armed forces.

Fleeing the country became one of the major options available especially to those who

were in the 20-39 age group. Ultra-Marxist groups among the Sinhalese majority

population too waged a war against the government in mid 1980s. These events had a

similar impact on the Sinhalese immigrants.

Sex distribution according to age groups (Table 12) reveals the following

picture. The overall sex ratio was 136; more specifically, there were 136 males for every

100 females. In the Canadian population in 1991, there were 96 males for every 100

females. In the Sri Lankan population, the sex ratio was alarming, especially for people

in the 20-39 age group - the ideal age for marriage. Several trends are evident from this

type of distribution. More males in a specific age group imply that males will have to

look to other ethnic groups for women for dating, marriage and companionship. On the

other hand, this type of distribution may promote a high rate of female migration from Sri

Lanka to Canada. Either way, these two processes would contribute to the new identity

that is in the making.

Table 12: Age-Sex Distribution-1991

Age Group

0-9 10-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-64 65 and over Total

Male

4150 2885 6920 7490 3735 2025 785 27990

Female

3950 2450 4520 4680 2410 1820 765 20595

Sex Ratio

100FM:105M 100FM:117M 100 FM: 153 M 100FM-.160M 100 FM: 155 M 100FM:111M 100 FM: 106 M 100 FM: 136 M


An imbalanced sex ratio had been a continuous feature of the Sri Lankan population

throughout the decade of 1991-2001. However, in 2001, especially among the 20-34, 55-

64, and 65 and over age groups, a reverse trend had been observed.

Table 13: Age-Sex Distribution- 2001

Age group 0-9 10-19 20-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65 and Over

Male 10,375 7,560 11,840 11,115 6,685 2,805 2,675

Female 9,865 7,005 12,790 9,840 2,805 3,155 3,075

Sex Ratio 100FM:105M 100 FM: 108 M 100FM:93M 100FM:113M 100FM:238M 100FM:89M 100FM:87M

Accordingly, Das Gupta observed the very same trend among all South Asians

during the past 50 years in Canada. The reasons were however, different:

"Early South Asian communities were basically 'bachelor societies' although

many of the men were married and had left their wives (and children) back in India. Of

course, this was not totally by choice, but partially by coercion, enforced by racist and

sexist immigration policies" (Das Gupta 1994, 60).

Table 14 categorizes the marital status of people of Sri Lankan origin living in

Canada. There was a considerably high proportion of singles, people who had never been

married in this ethnic group. More than 50% of Tamils and Sri Lankans were never

married, while the ratio for the Canadian population appeared to be only 27.2%. Another

interesting observation was that the ratio of marriage for all three groups ranged from

43% Sri Lankans to 47% Sinhalese. However, divorce rates were almost 3 percentage


points higher for the Sinhalese: Sinhalese: 3.7%, Sri Lankan: 0:7%, and Tamils: 0.4%.

This could have been partly due to the length of stay in Canada. In 1991, the average

divorce rate prevalent in Sri Lanka was around 0.9%.

Table 14: Marital Status by Ethnic Identification-1991

Category

Sinhalese

Tamil

Sri Lankans

Total

Never Married 615 (42%)

8118 (51%)

16090 (51%)

24815

Married

690 (47.4%)

6960 (44.3%)

13820 (44%)

21470

Separated

25 (1.7%)

190 (1.2%)

430 (1.4%)

645

Widowed

70 (4.1%)

375 (2.4%)

865 (2.6%0

1310

Divorced

55 (3.7%)

65 (.4%)

225 (.7%)

340

Total

1455

15700

31430

48585

(Never married South Asians totalled 25.4%, and never married Canadians totalled

27.2%)

The 2001 data reveals a very similar trend with regard to the marital status of all

ethnic types of Sri Lankan origin:

Table 15: Marital Status by Ethnic Identification-2001

Category

Sinhalese

Tamil

Sri Lankans

Never Married 1,555 (44%)

18,195 (48%)

29,360 (48%)

Married

1,735 (49%)

18,710 (47.9%)

28,425 (46.4%)

Separated

45 (1.3%)

485 (1.2%)

940 (1.5%)

Widowed

130 (3%)

1,370 (3.5%0

1,960 (3.2%0

Divorced

95 (2.7%)

295 (0.8%)

625 (1.0%)

Total

3,560

39,070

61,310


Unfortunately, data on the Canadian type was not available. Table 15 depicts that the

there is an increase in all marital categories in all ethnic types on par with the population

increase experienced during the 1991-2001 decade. Regarding divorce rates, we observed

a 1% decrease among the Sinhalese, and a slight increase among the Tamils (0.4%) and

the Sri Lankans (0.3%). In like manner, D'Costa observed:

The differences in the age-sex composition and marital status of South Asians and the total population of Canada reflect the largely immigrant character of the former- a younger population, with fewer females and proportionately more persons in the married category (1993,189).

Table 16,17 and 18 reveal selected socio-economic characteristics of the Sri

Lankan immigrants living in Canada:

Table 16: Education by Ethnic Identification-1991

Category

Less than Grade 9 Grade 9-13

University or College Diploma Some Post Secondary School

Sinhalese

15

325

380

455

%

1%

28%

32%

39%

100%

Tamil

595

6,210

1,375

4,090

%

5%

5 1 %

11%

33%

100%

Sri Lankan

1,045

11,870

2,805

8,675

%

5%

49%

11%

35%

100%

South Asian s 35%

N/A

21%

N/A

Canadians

44%

33%

14%

9%

While a higher proportion of Sinhalese (32%) had university degrees, Sri Lankans

and Tamils were predominantly in the grade 9-13 group. The overall academic

performance for the Sri Lankan Canadians as a group was at a very high level compared

to the other South Asians (21%) in Canada. In 2001 some changes were observed as

follows:


Table 17: Education by Ethnic Identification-2001

Category

Less than Grade 9 Grade 9-13 University Degree or College Diploma Some Post Secondary School

Sinhalese

14% 20% 48%

18%

Tamil

55% 25% 9%

11%

Sri Lankan 55% 25% 9%

11%

South Asians 35%

26%

N/A

Canadians

44%

17%

N/A

In 2001, the Sinhalese proportion of the degree category showed a marked increase from

32% to 48%, while the Tamils and Sri Lankans had predominantly occupied the Less

than Grade 9 category. This seems to be a drastic change for these two identity groups.

This change can be attributed to the heavy influx of Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka

during 1992-97. Most of these refugees did not have access to any education due to

incessant war that took place in the North-Eastern Sri Lanka.

Table 18: Comparative Employment and Unemployment Rates -1991

Labour Force Participation Rate Unemployment Rate

Sinhalese

78%

8%

Tamils

69%

22%

Sri Lankan 72%

20%

South Asians 65%

26%

Canadians

60%

7%

According to table 18 above, the labour force participation rate for the Sri Lankan

Canadians was much higher than the Canadian rates. The following table depicts income

distribution for this group.


Table 19: Percentage Distribution of Total Annual Income by Ethnic Identification-1991 Level Less than $10,000 $ 10,000-20,000

$ 20,001-40,000

$40,001-60,000

$60,001 and over

Sinhalese 38%

17%

29%

9%

6%

Tamil 53%

21%

22%

3%

1%

Sri Lankan 53%

22%

18%

4%

2%

Majority of Sri Lankan immigrants (38% of Sinhalese, 53% of Tamils, and 53%

of Sri Lankans) were earning less than $10,000. A higher proportion of Sinhalese was

found to be the upper income categories compared with the Tamils and Sri Lankans. It

was reported that in the managerial and professional category of employment, the

proportion for the Sinhalese was much higher than that of the other two groups (Statistics

Canada 1991). Based on the 1986 census findings, it was generally agreed that "both

South Asian groups and the total population of Canada have remarkably similar income

distributions, with the former having a slight edge in the higher income category. While

the median income for South Asians was $ 13,999; the figure for Canada was $ 13,694"

(D'Costa 1993,192).

Data for 2001 was not available for this subject. However, the researcher

examined the Michael Ornstein's analysis of Torontonians based on 1996 Canadian

Census data for useful cues about income distribution of Sri Lankans, after 1991 Census.

Ornstein's study was aimed at finding groups in Toronto who experienced significant

disadvantages in education, employment and income. (Ornestein 2000). Ornstein looked

at Sri Lankans and Tamils as reflected in the 1996 census data. In his opinion, many who

had identified as Tamils were of Sri Lankan origin, although there could be Tamils of


other South-Asian origins in this population. The Sri Lankan and Tamil men and women

on full-year and full-time employment had reported a median income in 1995 as $ 24,000

and 23,000 respectively. The median income for South Asian men was $27,900 and

women, $25,000 for the same period. Compared with the median income of Torontonians

in general, the figures turned out to be $35,000 for men and $30,000 for women. Ornstein

concluded that the Sri Lankan and Tamil men were found in high proportions in less

skilled manual and non-manual worker categories. When it came to median family

income, Sri Lankans had $ 30,000 and the Tamils $ 29,200 confirming the fact that over

50 % of them fell below the poverty line in Toronto, i.e. $51,600. Although both Sri

Lankans and Tamils had high proportion of people with above high school education and

ability to speak English language, Ornstein concluded that they all, as a group, fell under

lowest income category in Toronto. Their level of disadvantage is even higher than that

of recent immigrants from European origins who tended to fall behind the early

immigrants to Canada from European countries. A process of racialization that these

disadvantaged groups were undergoing could explain these developments. The Sri

Lankan women in lower skill jobs (70-74.9%) faced severe disadvantage while Sri

Lankans and Tamils who were not high school graduates (35%-44.9%) faced significant

disadvantage. According to Ornstein, the 1991 and 1996 Census data were not

comparable due to different classifications of ethnicities in 1996. However, an attempt

could be made to compare Ornstein's 1996 findings with the reported 1991 findings in

the thesis, for discovering any trends in income. What came to surface was that over 50%

(69% of Tamils and 75% of Sri Lankans) in 1991 earned less than $20,000 per annum

and in 1996, 50% of Tamils and 50% of Sri Lankans received a median income of


approximately $23,500. There is a progressive improvement in income distribution in

1996 but, as Ornstein contended, when compared with many other ethnic groups

including East Indians, both Tamils and Sri Lankans fell into the lowest income category

in Toronto. Over 50% of them were below the poverty line in Canada in 1991, and a

similar proportion experienced the same plight in Toronto in 1996.

The demographic data presented above provided a hint as to whether there was a

social class factor intersecting with the ethnicity of the Sri Lankan groups under

examination. If we use income, education and occupation as indicators of social class for

the present study, it may not be hard to see marked differences between the Sinhalese and

the Tamils/Sri Lankans. Those who identified as Sri Lankns were in most instances Tamil

language speakers. Almost 15% of the Sinhalese seemed to have an annual income over

$40,000 compared to only 4% of the Tamils and Sri Lankans combined, having a similar

income in 1991. Among the Sinhalese, 32% had university or college education while

only 22% of the other two groups combined had a similar education. In the area of

occupation, the Sinhalese had 78% labour force participation and the other two groups

were only 70%. The unemployment rate for the Sinhalese was 8% while for the other two

groups, it was 21%. In the sample studied in the thesis, a similar income pattern has been

observed with 13% (most of them Sinhalese speakers) earning between $36,000 and

$60,000 per annum. Ornstein's study in 2000 based on 1996 census data clearly

identified Tamils and Sri Lankans as a group falling under the lowest income category in

Toronto. The emerging social class differentiation will be further examined in the

following chapters.


Chapter III Identity Construction Process in Sri Lanka

Ethnic Identity Portrayed in Socio-Historical Literature in Sri Lanka:

The previous chapter presented an argument that people of Sri Lankan origin

currently living in Ontario are in the process of constructing their new identity in the face

of divergent socio-cultural demands. It is my contention that the identity construction

process that we envisage today had been an incessant process throughout the history of

the Island of Sri Lanka. This chapter will attempt to highlight some historical milestones

of this process as seen by both Sri Lankan and international researchers. It is not

surprising to note that ethnic identity in Sri Lanka has taken varied forms from the

prehistoric times to the modern times. One of the major explanations for the trend in

ethnic identity resonates with the fact that the Island had been a point of attraction to

immigrants originating from the Indian subcontinent as well as other parts of Asia.

Materials for this chapter are drawn from published writings of Sri Lankan and

international Archaeologists, Anthropologists, Sociologists, storytellers and folklore

collectors.

On the basis of ethnicity, the population of Sri Lanka, which stood in 1999 at 17

Million, consisted of the following:

Table 20: Population of Sri Lanka on the Basis of Ethnicity -1997

Ethnic Category

Sinhalese

Sri Lankan Tamil

Indian Tamil

Moor (Muslim)

Burgher, Aboriginal, and others

Percentage

74%

12.6%

5.5%

7.1%

0.8%


The Sinhalese people, who claimed an Aryan language inheritance, constituted the

dominant majority in terms of language and religion. They used the Sinhalese language

and Buddhism as their traditional cultural markers. Tamil people claimed a Dravidian

language inheritance; while the Tamil language and Hinduism served as their traditional

cultural markers. As Wiswa Warnapala noted, "These characteristics have created a

social consciousness among the two groups of people, and it, from colonial times

constituted the main basis" of their identity (1994, 03). Furthermore, these two major

ethnic groups had intra-group divisions. The Sinhalese were divided into two groups,

namely, the Kandyan Sinhalese or the Up-Country Sinhalese and the Low-Country

Sinhalese. The basis of this division was not hierarchical in strict sense of the word. It

was rather geographical; Yet, The Kandyan Sinhalese claimed that they were "pure"

Sinhalese as the Portuguese or the Dutch rulers were never able to capture Kandyan areas

and bring them under their control. It is much more interesting to note that by virtue of

their fairer complexion, the Kandyan Sinhalese always claimed superior "racial" status

over all other Sinhalese groups. It was reported that during the British period, these

divisions were taken into consideration for certain spheres of state activity.

There were two separate groups within the Tamil community as well:

The Sri Lankan Tamils who claim an indigenous origin and the Indian Tamils-concentrated in the plantation areas of the country- who were brought from South India by the British as indentured labour (Warnapala 1994, 03).

Indian Tamils, due to their more recent immigrant status, remained separated both

geographically and socially from the native Tamils in the Northern part of the Island.

Similarly, the Muslims had entered the Sri Lankan territories in the 17th Century.

They had scattered all over the Island; 40-50% of them had lived in the Eastern province


and spoke the Tamil language. Yet, the Muslims who lived amidst the Sinhalese people

spoke Sinhalese. Muslims had traditionally played a role of the middlemen minority in

the business sector of the Island. They were traders, businessmen, or small shopkeepers.

Along the same lines, the Burghers of Ceylon were primarily the descendants of

the European Officials who worked in Ceylon for the Dutch East India Company. With

the upsurge of Sinhalese nationalism after 1956, there was a heavy exodus of Burghers to

Australia and Canada. Interestingly, the Burghers had played a significant role in the

professional and political life of the country, prior to the abolition of communal

representation in 1931 (Fernando 1972,61-78; Warnapala 1994, 06).

I have placed the Vanni people, the indigenous people who are the oldest ethnic

group living on the Island, within the other category of the Sri Lankan population.

Although they constitute less than 0.5% of the country's population today, their history as

the first known ethnic group is of paramount importance to the discussion of ethnic

identity formation in the Island. According to recent archaeological discoveries, the

Vanni people had genetic links with the prehistoric inhabitants of Sri Lanka (Kennedy

1992; Deraniyagala 1994).

First and foremost, one key issue must be considered: Are the above categories

real? Or, are they merely the construction of some dominant groups to serve their

political and economic ambitions? A convincing answer to this question lies in the 19th

Century, when the British Raj collected detailed information about different aspects of

the colonists. In 1803, Percival reported:

There is no part of the world where so many languages are spoken or which contains such a mixture of nations, manners and religions. Beside Europeans and Cingalese [Sinhalese], the proper natives of the Island, you meet scattered all over the town almost every race of Asiatic: Moors of every class, Malabars,


Travancorins, Malays, Hindoos... Chinese... Arabians. There are also a number of Africans, Cafrees beside the... people of colour (1803, 114-115).

As Wickremasinghe noted, the British Civil Servants launched a project to

construct a "synthetic vision of the society that they govern, especially through the

censuses" (1995:02). After several trials of census taking in different parts of the

country, the first complete census was taken in 1871. Since then, censuses have been a

decennial exercise. The purpose of the census was to give an authorized version of

knowledge about society. It is also interesting to note the manner in which the British

Raj classified people of the Island.

The 1814 and 1824 censuses gathered information on castes and religions in

Ceylon (Wickremasinghe 1995,05). It seems that until 1824, Sinhalese and Tamils were

not perceived as two distinct ethnic groups; rather, as members of a number of caste

groups of varying sizes. In 1835, a detailed statement of the population was prepared that

categorized the population as: Whites, Free Blacks, Slaves and Aliens, and Resident

Strangers (Denham 1912,11). The categories were no longer castes, yet; they expressed

racist undertones of the Raj. As noted by Wickremasinghe, in the 1871 and 1881

censuses, the term race appears for the first time along with the category of nationality.

Interestingly, in this particular report, both the Sinhalese and the Tamils were counted as

races as well as nationalities. Likewise, when groups were numerically small they were

called nationalities. There were 78 nationalities and 24 races. In the 1911 census, the

British Raj simply adopted the term race in place of all other terms. E. B. Denham, the

Commissioner of Census in the early 20th Century, explained this by saying the

following:


The races in Ceylon are clearly differentiated - intermarriage between them have been very rare; they have each their own particular religion... they speak different languages. But of the races which are the most numerous in Ceylon - Sinhalese, Tamils, Moors, Malays, Burghers and British - only one race (Sinhalese) can regard Ceylon as the home of the nation and the shrine of its national tradition, (1912,194).

Denham further asserted that "it is remarkable... the race of the earliest settlers should

have been preserved to the extent... that there are very marked physical differences

between the Sinhalese and the Tamils" (1912, 209).

The introduction of racial undertones into the political and cultural milieu of

Ceylon was a deliberate attempt on the part of German scholars such as Max Muller, who

propagated the Aryan/Dravidian dichotomy as part of the Orientalism in the 19th Century.

Only in 1971 did the term ethnic group replace the term racial group as a census

category. As Wickremasinghe succinctly asserted:

What had first been a simple observation of physical and cultural differences amongst the Ceylonese became, through the medium of state sponsorship, the dominant ideology governing social relations both during and after colonial rule (1995,11).

For the purpose of this study I adopt the definition of race as a

category of people who have been singled out as inferior or superior, often on the basis of real or alleged physical characteristics, such as skin colour, hair texture, eye shape or other subjectively selected attributes (Feagin and Feagin 2003).

Unlike culture, these physical characteristics are not possessed in common. They

are possessed individually. Hence, as a unit, race is a category devised by others,

including scholars and administrators that place persons with similar biological features

into a group. There seems to be no scientific evidence to date that any of the physical

attributes among the different racial categories make one racial category superior to


another. The central concept in any discourse on ethnicity needs to be that of the ethnic

group. Ethnic culture, institutions, identity and so on derive from the objective existence

of a real group of people. An ethnic group, therefore, "is a collection of people

distinguished, by others or by themselves, primarily on the basis of cultural and national

characteristics" (Feagin and Feagin 2003). It will be extremely difficult to identify any

physical characteristics or skin colour that will separate the Sinhalese from the Tamils

today. What will separate them today are the ethno-cultural aspects that include language

and religion.

At this juncture, it is important to ask why a discussion of ethnic identity

formation in Sri Lanka should cover the entire history of the country including the pre

historic age. A careful examination of the Sri Lankan history revealed that Sri Lanka has

been, over a long period of time, a pluralistic and multi-ethnic society. The observed

ethnic pluralism in the Sri Lankan society, under varying degrees of state patronage, had

produced, from time to time, ethnic harmony as well as tensions among the groups

referred to above. The Sinhalese seemed to have enjoyed an ethnic dominance, favoured

by the British Raj, for a longer period of time, while promoting their distinct identity.

The educated Tamils had enjoyed professional and employment benefits under the British

Raj as well. The Vanni people, on the other hand, had faced a formidable challenge of

reconstructing a new distinct identity in the face of modernization, as well as the

Sinhalese and Tamil hegemony. Without capturing the processes and determinants of

historical formation of identity types, it may be difficult to understand why the identity

types found in Sri Lanka today were there, and what mechanisms were there for the Sri

Lankans to transplant traditional identities or invent new identities in the Canadian social


context. Some historical writings pointed out situations where some groups were

racialized and ignored for political gains, and others were incorporated into the main

stream by minimizing racial factors. There had been situations where Vanni people were

treated with high esteem and sought for marriages by the Sinhalese. An examination of

the pre-historic information has special significance with regard to the origins of both

Sinhalese and Tamil groups who are the main identity types in Canada today. It is

recorded that Vanni people had lived in the pre-historic era, all over the country, and

continued to interact with both Sinhalese and Tamils who immigrated to the country later.

These interactions had promoted inter-marriages, learning of one another's language and

sharing of economic activities and technology. The message that came out of this

analysis was that the alleged "purity" of the Sinhalese and the Tamils as distinct ethnic

groups was not historically proven. As much as Vanni people have had a measurable

influence on the formation of Sinhalese and Tamil identities, pre-historic developments in

Sri Lanka were essential to understand the origins of Vanni identity. As William Foote

Whyte asserted in his writings about his field experience in Peru, the "history could no

longer be treated simply as background. Any organization or a community must be built

on a firm historical base and historical data should be integrated in to our analysis of

current structural and social process data". (W F Whyte 1984,160). The history tends to

point out social determinants of the current social processes.

The Canadian sample under study did not have any respondents claiming Vanni

identity. Even if there were a few individuals whose names connoted some Vanni

connections, they might not reveal those identities for fear of ridicule by the Sinhalese

and the Tamils.


Another important aspect of the racial/ethnic scene in Sri Lanka was the overlap

of religion and ethnicity. Both Sinhalese and the Tamils used their religions as cultural

markers to distinguish themselves from each other. In the case of Muslims, the religion

was the only cultural marker which separated them from the others. None of their origins

outside Sri Lanka or languages they would have spoken prior to migration (for instance,

Arabic or Malay) had mattered in defining their ethnic identity within the Sri Lankan

context. As discussed below, Muslims continued to learn and use both Sinhalese and

Tamil languages depending on where they were situated. The Vanni people also used

their religion based on demonic beliefs as a cultural marker. The discussion that follows

will try to capture the dynamism of all these processes.

Prehistoric Age:

Prehistoric investigations on Sri Lankan human settlements date back to 1885,

when two British Archaeologists, J. Pole and E. E. Green, secured quartz artefacts from

the central hills of the Island (Parker 1909, 62; Deraniyagala 1980,153). Similarly, in

1926, Sarasins' disclosure of thought provoking findings about the prehistoric cultural

change on the Island was considered to be the culmination of all efforts made by other

researchers (Sarasins 1902-3; Parker 1909; Seligmann and Seligmann 1908;

Deraniyagala 1936 ;) of the early 20th Century. Sarasins had two central conclusions.

Firstly, the remains discovered in many stone caves were representative of the direct

ancestors of the Vanni People, popularly known as Veddas. I prefer to use the word

"Vanni People" instead of popular name Vedda, as time passed by, the name Vedda

accumulated derogatory meanings. Secondly, based on the distribution pattern of the


artefacts, it was safe to assume that at an earlier age, the Vanni People had occupied the

entire Island of Sri Lanka.

The arrival of the Sinhalese from India during the first Millennium B.C.

prognosticated the sudden introduction of iron technology to the Island. The impact of

iron technology was so immense that the Vanni people had relinquished the practice of

using a variety of stone tools, and adopted a single iron arrowhead bartered from the

Sinhalese (Sarasins, 1926:83). Furthermore, Paul E. P. Deraniyagala's groundbreaking

discovery of the Mesolithic human being, known among Sri Lankan Palaeontologists as

the Balangoda Man, and subsequent studies conducted by Archaeologists of the British

Museum of Natural History had confirmed that the Balangoda Man's skeletons "bore

their close biological affinities with the aboriginal Vanni people on the Island" (1936).

Aboriginal Vanni People's Identity:

At this juncture, because of their presumed genetic affinities with and cultural

legacies on the other Sri Lankan ethnic groups, it is important to explore how the Vanni

People have evolved as an ethnic group, and analyze how their identity was constructed.

According to De Silva, "The first major study of Vanni People to be published was

printed in Germany in 1881" (1990, 23). Unfortunately, the author of this study, Rudolph

Virchow, examined the skulls of the Vanni People and made sweeping generalizations

about them pertaining to their dark skin, nomadic life style, and relationships with non-

Vanni People, (Virchow 1888, 349-495). Seligmann and Seligmann, a husband and wife

team of Medical Anthropologists wrote the first authoritative European account of the

Veddas in 1911. The Seligmanns described the Vanni people as "a numerically small

people verging on extinction," and geographically confined "to a roughly triangular tract


lying between the eastern slopes of the central massif and the sea" (1911). There was

ample evidence that the Vanni people had been living in other parts of the country,

especially the North Central, North-Western, Western and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka

(Brow 1980; Dart 1990).

In spite of the increasing number of writings available on the Vanni people in Sri

Lanka, what constituted true nature of Vanni people has become a contested area of

theoretical interest. Dharmadasa, whose contribution towards the study of the Vanni

people has opened up a new vista of research, defined the Vanni people's identity based

on the following criteria:

a) The isolation of their settlement in the jungles of Sri Lanka b) Their primitive means of livelihood, i.e. hunting and food-gathering; c) Difference in culture, i.e. religion, language, customs etc. from the dominant

Sinhalese and Tamil groups; d) Their social organization into varuges (clans with their own system of

leadership); e) Their self-identification as Vanni people or Veddas. (Dharmadasa 1990,142).

Some researchers viewed the Vanni People as representatives of an aboriginal

culture; yet, others viewed them as inhabitants of a particular ecological niche - hunters

and gatherers living in the forest. Others, like the Seligmanns, even believed that there

were physical characteristics that differentiated the pure blooded Vanni People from the

other ethnic groups in the country. In Dart's opinion, however, the Vanni People were

perhaps all of these things; but, the criteria were not interchangeable. What was

problematic was that even some Sinhalese and Tamils living in remote villages in the

Central or Eastern province possessed some or all of the above characteristics. As a

Sociologist, I would rather look at the Vanni People as those individuals who identified

themselves as Vanni people, and were so described by their neighbours, regardless of


their ethnic origin. What matters most is the manner in which the Vanni People created

and maintained their ethnic boundaries vis-a-vis the Sinhalese and the Tamils.

Meegaskumbura noted that the word Vedda was never approved by the Vanni

People themselves. In fact, this term was not used in their songs, poetry or conversations.

The Sinhalese word Vedda was derived from the Pali word Vyaadha, meaning "a hunter

with a bow and arrow" (Meegaskumbura 1990). This term also had a derogatory

connotation of a shabbily dressed, illiterate and dirty person. The Vanni people seemed to

be proud to call themselves Vanniyalatoo meaning "forest dwellers," a derivative of the

Sanskrit word Vanaya, meaning "the jungle." The Sinhalese and the Tamils also use the

words Vanni people and Vanniyar, to refer, in a non-complimentary way, to people who

live in the jungle areas of the North Central province. Thus, the above analysis runs

counter to Dharmadasa's claim that the Vanni People identified themselves as Veddas.

However, according to Brow, the Vanni people of the North Central province referred to

themselves not only as Veddi minissu (Vedda people), but also as Wanni minissu (forest

people). This is a situation where the mainstream ethnic group had labelled the minority

in a derogatory manner, leaving the Vanni people with little room for social

incorporation.

Robert Knox, described by Brow as "justly the most famous of all European

writers on Sri Lanka," had dealt with the subject of the Vanni people in great detail

(Brow 1980, 07) (Knox 1911 (originally 1681). Knox spent eighteen years as a prisoner

of the King of Sri Lankan (with some freedom to travel) before he escaped and returned

to England. Knox divided the Vanni people into two categories; namely, a tamer sort

and a wilder sort. The latter were extremely shy and kept themselves enclosed in the


confines of the jungle; while, the former visited the villages, and engaged in simple trade

with the people of the villages (Brow 1980). Knox also reported that the Sinhalese King

had mobilized the support of the Vanni people (the tamer sort) in his campaign against

the Dutch. Knox also made several references to a practice of "the silent trade of

Veddas" with neighbouring Sinhalese (Brow 1980). Many European accounts of the

Vanni people were abounding with references to a broken dialect spoken by them; but, on

the contrary, Knox reported that they spoke Sinhalese (Percival 1803, 283).

Most recent studies of the Vanni people's language considers it as a Creole, which

has arisen through long periods of language contact between the original Vanni people's

language and Sinhalese (Dharmadasa 1990,79-106). It is also interesting to note that

some Vanni words, initially borrowed from Sinhalese, had gone out of vogue among the

Sinhalese speakers; yet, these words remained intact in the Vanni speech. Along the

same lines, the 1981 research findings of Meegaskumbura revealed that there had been

intermarriages between the Vanni people and the Sinhalese. The intermarriages usually

took the form of a Sinhalese youth marrying a Vanni girl. When the mixed family lived

within the Vanni locality, the Sinhalese may have considered them as a Vanni family.

Dharmadasa wrote that during the 13th Century, the Vanni people were

mentioned among "the officers and as part of the king's retinue". Furthermore, 19th

Century writers, such as Davy, viewed the Vanni people as having a high status that was

readily accepted by the Sinhalese. In addition, Neville, as reported by Dharmadasa,

noted that "the Sinhalese held the Vedda race to be most honourable and had no

reluctance to give their daughters to a Vedda in marriage" (1990, 37). Likewise,

Meegaskumbura referred to the distinction the Vanni people make between themselves


and the outsiders. The Vanni word Miniggajju (men) was used to refer to all outsiders,

including the Sinhalese.

Brow, who had studied the Vanni folks in the North Central province in 1980,

admitted that his sample of Vanni people spoke Sinhalese, professed Buddhism and were

integrated with the dominant Sinhalese culture. For him, "relative poverty [is the] most

immediately evident sign of distinctiveness" of the Vanni people (Brow 1980). The

pressure to assimilate into the Sinhalese and Tamil cultures was so great that only

ancestral myths and family names were reminiscent of their past identity. In addition,

Brow also referred to some Vanni people who cultivated rice paddy fields, practiced

Buddhism, and participated in the caste system just like any other Sinhalese peasant at

that time.

Equally important is Jon Dart, one of the few writers whose attention was drawn

to the Vanni people living amidst the Tamil speaking populations on the Eastern coast of

Sri Lanka. The 1946 National Census of Ceylon counted 1,866 "Veddas" in 44 villages in

the Batticaloa district of the Eastern province. However, the 1953 census made no

references to the Vanni people as a separate category and included them under the

category of others. Based on the 1981 census figures, of the 11,102 Ceylon Tamils

living in one division of the Batticaloa district, Dart surmised that at least 50% of them

were Vanni people with Vanni descent (Dart 1990, 82).

Likewise, Dart noted that the Eastern coast Vanni people spoke Tamil and

observed Hinduism. They subsisted by fishing, and slash and burn cultivation. Some of

the coastal Vanni people, who lived in small villages, had married people from non-

Vanni groups living in their village. It is interesting to note that many of the coastal


Vanni people considered themselves a high caste group because they had begun to

engage in farming and agriculture.

Further, the marginality of the Vanni people was also expressed in elaborate

cultural situations. During the annual procession of Mahiyangana, hill-country Vanni

people were denied access to the sacred places of Buddhism. This confirmed the fact that

Vanni people did not belong to the "Sinhalese Buddhist moral community" (Obeyesekere

1979). The Vanni people's identity was continuously being transformed with the

incorporation of Sinhalese/Tamil cultural elements at varying degrees. Yet, "however

distinct their remote origins may have been, the 20th Century, Vanni people exist within

and are, part of a social and cultural milieu that includes the Sinhalese and Tamils"

(Obeyesekere 1979). Gananath Obeysekere, an authority on the sociology of religion in

Sri Lanka, had brilliantly illustrated how this paradox of social incorporation had been

resolved in the arena of Sinhalese Buddhism. Buddhist and Hindu beliefs have blended

with Vanni people's beliefs to create a new syncretism in Sinhalese Buddhism. He

observed that in Sinhalese Buddhism, the Buddha was believed to preside over a

pantheon in which Hindu deities and Vanni demons peacefully co- exist (1963 and 1979).

Accordingly, in many Sinhalese healing rituals the above-mentioned process of

syncretism was clearly visible.

Two further subjects regarding the Vanni people deserve closer analysis. One

pertains to the myth of the origin of the Sinhalese. The myth, as reported in the Great

Sinhalese chronicle (Mahavamsa), revealed that the prince Vijaya, who was banished

from Bengal, India due to his evil conduct, landed on the Sri Lankan shores with 700 of

his loyal subjects. Before he could send for an Indian bride of comparable status to his


own, Vijaya had a romantic relationship with a Yakka (demon) Princess named Kuveni.

Kuveni gave birth to two children, a boy and a girl. With the help of Kuveni, Vijaya

killed a large number of Yakkas and claimed his thrown as the King of the Island. A

short time later, a bride arrived from South India to be King Vijaya's new Queen.

Without hesitation, King Vijaya abandoned his demon princess and married his new

bride. Kuveni returned to her ethnic community, only to be killed by her kinsmen.

Kuveni's untimely death rendered her children homeless. As a result, her two children

married each other and settled down in the jungle as the Vanni People.

This myth legitimized the Vanni People -Sinhalese link in two ways. Firstly,

Kuveni, the first Queen of the Sinhalese King, was a descendent of the Yakkas, who

were now considered to be the progenitors of the Vanni People. Secondly, Brow

asserted that as the reputed "descendants of the incestuous union of these siblings, the

Vanni people lay claim to royal ancestry and the high status appropriate to it" (Brow

1980,31).

If we begin with the classical assumption that the Vanni People had finally

become totally assimilatedjo the main stream, there is also ample evidence to the

contrary. Given the fact that there is a group of Vanni People currently living in Sri

Lanka, it will be safe to assume that Vanni People have been struggling hard to maintain

their aboriginal identity in the face of mainstream challenges.

Sinhalese Identity Construction:

Any discussion of Sinhalese or Tamil identity in Sri Lanka needs to begin with

the impact of the 19th Century Orientalists' thinking on this matter. At that time, the term

Aryan was used to denote a wide group of people who shared languages belonging to the


Indo-European family. When Max Muller, a pioneer of the Orientalist Movement, came

onto the scene, the picture changed dramatically. For Muller, the origins of the speakers

of Aryan languages came from a common racial stock. He asserted that the same blood

flows through the veins of Indian-Bengalis and the Englishmen (Muller 1888, 91). About

30 years prior to Muller's idea, that Robert Caldwell grouped 12 South Indian languages

as belonging to the Dravidian family.

The final outcome of these new theories was that both scholars and politicians

began to treat languages as reflections of racial categories. As Gunawardana clearly

pointed out:

the impact of this dichotomous categorization of people... diverse peoples within the Island's population now came to be categorized under these two major groupings they were also placed within racial categories sharply distinguished from each other, the Sinhala within the Aryan group and Tamils within the Dravidian (1995, 09).

Moreover, Little asserted:

This line of reasoning had some portentous implications. British and other Western advocates of the Aryan theory had, wittingly or not, provided the Sinhala 'with a prestigious pedigree' which could be used to good advantage in competition with other Sri Lankan groups, such as Tamils (1994,16).

Those who subscribed to this mode of thinking included the British civil servants,

ethno-nationalists of Sinhala and Tamil origins, political leaders, some historians and

linguists (Denham 1912). Their major thrust has been to construct a past in which the

Sinhala language and the Sinhala ethnic identity had been present since the beginning of

the Island's history. A part of this imagined history was that all of the Sinhalese were

Buddhists, who fell victim to invasions by their enemies, the Tamil speaking Hindus.

The counter project of the Tamil Nationalists was to glorify a classical age for the

Tamils in the Jaffna peninsula (Northern Sri Lanka). However, extensive research


(Hettiaratchy, 1974) proved that the appearance of the Sinhala language as a clearly

distinguishable linguistic form began in about the 9th Century. It was also revealed that

there was no undisputable evidence to prove that the Tamil language was spoken in the

Northern part of Sri Lanka up to the 11th Century (Gunawardana 1995,15). Accordingly,

Dharmadasa (1992) reiterated that the Sinhala ethnic identity was as old as the most

ancient inscriptions on the Island. Yet, while responding to these claims, Dharmadasa's

critics pointed out that it was not possible to trace the term Sinhala in any of the

inscriptions from the year 1234 (Gunawardana 1995, 26).

Another important dimension of the Sinhala Ethno-Nationalist project was the

incorporation of the colonization myth into the historiography (this myth is presented on

page 42 of this chapter). The myth, as described in the Sinhala great chronicle, referred

to the word Sinhala as the term for a lion. Prince Vijaya, who became the Island's first

King, was also the son of King Sinhabahu. King Sinhabahu was an offspring of a union

between a human princess and her husband who was a lion. Thus, Prince Vijaya acquired

the name Sinhala through this blood connection to the lion (Geiger, 1908). Contrary to

this popular belief, what recent historical research had revealed was that "the Sinhala

identity was associated primarily with the dynasty which ruled the ancient capital,

Anuradhapura" (Hewapathirana 1995). Yet, according to Gunawardana, evidence of the

use of the term Sinhala, or reference to the Island people as being Sinhalese, does not

appear in history until about the 12th Century (1995, 25).

Along the same lines, Hobsbawm pointed out similar processes that had been in

operation in Medieval Europe. For a considerable period of time, the term Saxon had

continued to be used to refer to the lords and masters, not for the peasants (Hobsbawm


1983, 73-4). Observably, there was evidence that the Sinhalese people were residents of

the Island of Sri Lanka. However, the question remained whether all of the residents

were Sinhalese.

It is with the most fertile imagination that one can deduce that the royal identity

was first extended to cover its retinue. Gradually, the ethnic boundary had been extended

to incorporate the elites and the peasants. I also agree with Gunawardana's claim that

Sinhala was spoken and written by "the dominant group and its cultured elites;" and thus,

the language would have received privileged status above many dialects prevalent on the

Island (Gunawardana 1995).

The critics of Sinhala ethno-nationalism had gathered ample evidence from

ancient Sinhala writings to prove the multi-stage development of Sinhalese identity.

According to classical Sinhalese literature, there was no evidence to prove that all

members of the Sinhala ethnic group had descended from the son of the lion killer,

Sinhabahu. It was part of the political myth-making that, later in the history, the origin of

the royal family became the origin of the entire ethnic group.

Another interesting development appeared to have taken place from 992 - 1079

A.D., during the South Indian Cola occupation of Northern Sri Lanka. With the Cola

invasion the number of Tamil speakers on the Island increased dramatically (Indrapala

1969, 55-56). For the first time in Sri Lankan history, official documents were issued in

the Tamil language, a tradition that has continued even after the enemy rulers vacated the

land. It was evident that a fairly big group of Tamil speakers continued to live on the

Island after the 10th Century (Kanapathi Pillai 1960). A considerable proportion of the

people who remained were Buddhists from South India. In light of these findings, what


is noteworthy is that there was no evidence to prove a total overlap of the Buddhist and

Sinhalese identities during this period.

Many Sinhalese subscribers of the Ethno-Nationalism Project referred only to the

conflicting relationship the Sinhalese had with the Tamil neighbours in South India

(Dharmadasa 1992,2). As Gunawardana pointed out:

While military confrontations were undoubtedly an important element in this relationship, contacts between groups of religious personnel and scholars, marriage alliances between ruling families, commercial activities and migrations also constitute significant factors linking these people (1995, 23).

There had been recorded instances where the Sinhalese Kings had sought political

and military alliances with the Pallavas of South India against the Pandyas, and with the

Pandyas against the Colas (the Pallayas, Pandyas, and Colas were all South Indian Tamil

polities) to counter the threats they faced at the time. Moreover, the most interesting fact

is that the Kingdom of Kandy, considered to be the last bastion of Sinhala-Buddhist

culture before the British conquered it in 1815, was ruled by a dynasty of South Indian

Tamil Kings (Nayakkar) during its last years. These kings, who had converted to

Buddhism, had attracted to its court several Tamil families from South India who had

quickly adapted to the Sinhalese culture (Dewaraja 1972; Pieris 1956).

The second important premise of the Ethno-Nationalists was the projection of the

Sinhala-Buddhist identity into the remote past. Some scholars like Dharmadasa, who

agreed with the fact that Sinhala-Buddhist ethno-religious identity had come into

parlance in the 20th Century, believed that its origin could be traced to very early Sri

Lankan history (Obeyesekere 1979; Malalgoda 1976; Spencer 1990). In the early stages

of British Colonialism, there had been a policy in effect to preserve religious tolerance on


the Island. Buddhist monks had worked with Christian missionaries to translate Buddhist

texts and scriptures. However, the relationship had changed appreciably during the latter

th

part of 19 Century. Anti-Christian activities among the Buddhist elites had begun, as

debating Buddhist vs. Christian religious ethics on public platforms had become a daily

event in major cities.

It is interesting that the British-educated, urban elite had also been part of this

anti-Christian movement. As Bond (1995) noted, the Buddhist revival of this era had

supplied a basis for a new Sinhala identity reconstructed in opposition to the identity

fostered by the missionaries and the colonial masters. The new Sinhala identity that was

in the making had several significant characteristics. Firstly, Buddhism became an

indispensable part of this new identity, which was formed in reaction to colonialism.

Furthermore, the revivalists absorbed certain elements of Christian religion. As

Malagoda noted, Buddhism, adopted by the emerging middle class and later injected into

the new identity, contained certain Protestant features (1976).

The leading figure of this new revivalist movement was Anagarika Dharmapala.

He called himself "the homeless guardian of the Dharma" (Bond 1995). His direct

involvement with the Buddhist Theosophical movement of the United States, as well as

his private learning of Buddhism under the patronage of a leading Buddhist monk, gave

him enough ammunition to attack colonial religion and to construct what he called

"Sinhalese Buddhism" (Bond 1995).

Dharmapala's campaign gradually incorporated attacks on the Tamils and the

Muslims, who were neither Buddhists nor Sinhalese. The myth of the Aryan race was

brought into public discourse. Colonel Henry Steel Olcott, a former union officer of the


American Civil War who brought the Theosophical Movement into Sri Lanka, became

Dharmapala's mentor. Colonel Olcott was instrumental in establishing Buddhist schools,

patterned after missionary schools that already existed on the Island. The driving force

behind Dharmapala's mission is clearly stated in the following statement:

"The Lion-armed descendants are the present Sinhala, whose ancestors had never been conquered, and in whose veins no savage blood is found. Ethnologically, the Sinhala are a unique race... and never were conquered by either the pagan Tamils or European vandals who for three centuries devastated the land, destroyed ancient temples... and nearly annihilated the historic race" (Kemper 1991,200).

Dharmapala had read the ancient chronicles very faithfully, and incorporated many myths

and realities of the ancient history into his discourse to organize the Sinhalese Buddhists

against their British rulers. He perceived the Sinhala nation and its monarchy as the

custodian of Buddhism. An attack on a Buddhist procession by Catholics in 1883,

combined with other similar incidents fuelled the raging Sinhala-Buddhist consciousness

into organized action. Those who received favours from the Western colonizers were

condemned, and people were persuaded to replace their acquired, Westernized names

with pure Sinhalese names. As a result, a name like "Dona Meraya," acquired from the

Portuguese, was replaced with a typically Sinhala female name "Sumanawathie."

Without a doubt, Dharmapala skilfully inferred a political and cultural continuity between

the ancient past and the present.

As Little noted, the climax of Buddhist revivalism provided a warrant for ethnic

and religious intolerance, which culminated in the 1915 civil riots and hate crimes against

the Muslim businessmen of the Island (Little 1994, 33). The very same ethnic

consciousness was revealed in the 1958 and 1983 civil riots and hate crimes against the


Tamil minority. Dharmapala prescribed a new Code of Ethics for the Sinhala lay public,

consisting of 200 rules that encompassed eating, hygiene, dress code, domestic duties and

naming children. The reasoning for the Ethno-Nationalist campaign was that the

Sinhalese had a sacred and historic right to rule the Island because of their racial and

religious purity over all the other ethnic groups. In Sinhalese, there is only one word for

nation, race and people (Sinhala); and thus, the idea of a multi-ethnic nation was not

something comprehensible to the average mind.

It was a common observation that at the time the British left Sri Lanka, the

Burghers and the Ceylon Tamils had occupied a prominent place in the national

bureaucracy and professional circles, over-representing for their percentage in the

population. This was partly due to the special favours the British Raj endowed upon

them for being loyal to the colonial masters. As Roberts reported in 1973, the Sinhalese,

comprising 76%of the total adult male population, held only 46% of the select

professions, while the Tamils, consisting of only 13% of the adult male population, held

31.9% of select professions. This inequality of benefits continued well into the period of

independence. In the University of Ceylon, from its inception in 1942 until 1960, the

Tamils had constituted more than 30% of the student population, while the Sinhalese

constituted only 60% (Kearney 1967, 66).

Public and private English schools established by the missionaries in Jaffna, the

northern capital of the Tamils, had produced a generation of brilliant professionals who

continued to fill various positions in both public and private sectors. English continued

to be the language associated with high social status, higher learning and modern jobs.

This became a hindrance to the Sinhalese Intelligentsia who inherited a long history of


literary tradition, and a substantial body of literary works produced by the monks and lay

intellectuals of the past. In fact, Dharmadasa asserted "the vision of former greatness as

compared with contemporary degradation thus held the potential for the development of a

belief structure of social change" (1990). Although the elites of the Sinhalese and Tamils

fought jointly for independence in 1949, seven years after gaining independence, the

Sinhalese ethno-nationalism rose in a virulent form.

The resurgence of anti-colonial Sinhala-Buddhist sentiments called for political

leadership, which was readily offered by S.W.R.D. Bandaranayake, an Oxford educated

political scientist. He took his seat as Prime Minister after his magnanimous victory in

the 1956 elections. The social and communal pressure from the non-English speaking

Sinhala monks, local physicians, teachers, farmers and labourers was so intense that

Bandaranayke was compelled to make Sinhala the national language and Buddhism the

state religion. Tamils in the Northern provinces were given special permission to use

Tamil as their working language. When Sinhalese was made the "one official language

of Ceylon," it was seen as the recovery of the inherited rights of the Sinhala people. The

Tamil politicians responded to this development by asking for parity of status for the

Tamil language to pacify 22.9% of the country's population who happened to be Tamils.

The Bandaranayake era opened up new prospects for the "vernacular-educated

villagers who, speaking only Sinhala had little hope previously of obtaining university

admissions, civil service jobs, or professional positions" (Pfaffenberger 1995). The

period between 1956 and 1970 witnessed an unprecedented cultural renaissance with a

strong accent on Sinhala heritage. Unparalleled growth in literacy, cultural capital and

improved health conditions paved the way for the birth of the new Sinhalese middle


class. This also resulted in a mass exodus of Burghers to countries like Canada and

Australia.

Tamil political parties did not approve any of the above developments. Although

Tamil businessmen profited from some selected activities they sponsored, such as local

film industry and micro-enterprise development, the Tamil public servants were forced to

learn the Sinhala language; and at one stage, the revised system of university entrance

requirements, coupled with the district quota system which restricted Tamil students'

access to higher education and eventual entry to the public service. The birth of this

policy was a reaction to the fact that, at the time of independence, Tamils and the

Burghers enjoyed a disproportionately large share of positions in universities and in

government occupation.

Although adopting a new policy sounded logical, the manner in which it was

implemented demonstrated sheer insensitivity on the part of the Sri Lankan government.

Some disastrous results emanated from the decision of the government to diminish the

value of English as the language to link the Sri Lankan ethnic groups. The Sinhalese

being the majority, refused to learn Tamil, and the Tamils in Non-Sinhala areas refused to

learn Sinhalese. Undoubtedly, the final outcome was that both parties tremendously

suffered, having no common language to interact with each other. As one would

logically predict, sticking to one's own language could invariably rejuvenate ethnic

sentiments and intra-group cohesiveness. With the infusion of political ambitions by the

ethnic leaders, this kind of ethnic cohesiveness could easily pave way for the intolerance

of others who do not speak the same language.


In May, 1972, the Government of Sri Lanka introduced a new constitution to

replace the British legacy. Unlike the previous one, this constitution ensured religious

freedom. However, Chapter III of this constitution declared that Sinhala was the one

official language, with the use of Tamil to be determined by statute. The Tamils

perceived this development as a re-assertion of Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism (Little

1994). Many writers believe that the 1972 constitution that changed the name of the

Island from Ceylon to Sri Lanka laid the foundation for an unfathomable chasm between

the Sinhalese and the Tamils. This rivalry escalated to an extent that a new radical Tamil

political consciousness began to emerge replacing the traditional Tamil leadership

centred on parliamentary democracy (Wilson 1988; Little 1994; Rajanayagam H 1990).

As a result, the birth of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE), more commonly

known as the Tamil Tigers, began during this period.

Velupillai Prabhakaran, the leader of the Tiger Movement, openly declared that

the Sinhalese were their ardent enemies, and any reconciliation with them will last only

for a few years. In his opinion, the final solution to end the discriminatory policies and

practices of the Sinhalese hegemony would be to declare a separate Tamil country within

the existing political boundaries of Sri Lanka. Statements of this nature continuously

publicized by the Tamils angered the Sinhalese politicians and the general public in

Southern Sri Lanka. Some determined Sinhalese leaders added more fuel to this enflamed

situation by claiming that the Tamils were outsiders who came from India, and Sri Lanka

belonged only to the Sinhalese.

The revised constitution of 1978 dealt with some of the ethnic anomalies of the

1972 constitution. It introduced a proportional representation for parliamentary and


presidential elections, changed university admissions policy, granted official status to the

Tamil language and brought in a district development council model to ensure the

decentralization of authority. All of the new policies granted a much more favourable

status for the Tamil minority than ever before. By the time these changes took effect, the

Tamil Youth Movement had already launched their separatist campaign against the

predominantly Sinhalese government. Tamil terrorist activities were reported in

Northern Sri Lanka in 1977 and 1981, and the government dealt with this development

through the introduction of the controversial Prevention of Terrorism Act of 1979. This

act permitted the national army to detain and interrogate suspects without formal trials.

The Tamil response to this piece of legislation was extremely bitter and atrocious.

In 1983, thirteen Sinhalese soldiers were killed in the Jaffna region by Tamil people

(Nissan, 1984). This incident provoked immediate retaliatory actions in the capital city

of Colombo and its vicinity. Sinhalese youth organized into gangs and destroyed

thousands of Tamil houses and business depots, while killing thousands of innocent

Tamil civilians. The government was not able to control these civil riots, and the Tamils

in Colombo perceived this as a calculated imposition of the Sinhala hegemony over

minority existence on the Island (Nissan 1984; Obeyesekere 1984; Chandrasekere 1992).

These horrifying events, that sent half a million Tamils overseas and created nearly

600,000 refugees within the country, completely removed the last vestiges of hope for a

peaceful existence under Sinhalese authority. As a result, Tamils living in Sinhala areas,

including the capital of Colombo as well as overseas, came to support the notion that

Tamil rights could be protected only within an autonomous Tamil country (Pfaffenberger


1994). It was at this stage that the Tamil leaders endorsed the revitalized Tamil identity

based on the notion of a "Tamil homeland."

Tamil Identity Construction:

At this juncture it is important to examine how the Tamil ethnic identity evolved

in response to and independent of the Sinhalese identity. Similar to the case of the

Sinhalese, the history of Tamils on the Island was also full of myths, fabrications,

misinterpretations, political manoeuvrings and real truth. In the opinion of some 20th

Century Tamil writers, the Tamil and Sinhalese people of Sri Lanka were much more

similar in culture to each other than either group was to any of the people in India. As

Tamil scholar Mudaliyar Rasanayagam contended, "Jaffna (the northern capital of the

Island) was occupied by the Sinhalese earlier than by the Tamils is seen not only in the

place names of Jaffna, but also in some of the habits and customs of the people"

(Rasanayagam 1926). In like manner, when the Sinhala identity evolved into a form of

ethno-cultural nationalism, the Tamil identity followed a similar path. Popular notions

such as "traditional homeland, distinctive nationality and self determination" are found to

be recurrent in the Tamil discourse (Rasanayagam 1926).

The ethnic boundaries of Tamil identity varied depending on the purpose behind

the identification. It ranged from a pan-Indian Tamil identity at one point in time, to a

local/regional identity at a different point in time. The Tamil Ethno-Nationalist Project,

which was not drastically different from that of the Sinhalese, involved projection into

the past of conditions actually present or considered desirable in the contemporary

period.


The turning point of the emergence of localized Tamil identity began during the

19th Century, with the arrival of Tamil labourers from South India to work in Ceylonese

tea estates. Sri Lankan born Tamils, especially the high caste Savite Hindus, considered

themselves superior to the new immigrants and asserted their indigenous quality as

Dravidian stock (Arasaratnam 1964; Rajanayagam 1994). This concern of history

became a top priority when the British Orientalists started to glorify the Sinhalese

heritage as an Aryan legacy. Orientalist thinking went further and declared Tamils as

immigrants, who happened to settle in the Dry Zone in the wake of the collapsing of the

Sinhala civilization during the 13 Century.

A new identity, that was required to be constructed as a defence mechanism,

needed to counteract the immigrant status and confirm signs of Tamil presence on the

Island from the prehistoric times. An interesting case in point is the conflicting

interpretations of an inscription by scholars of Sinhala and Tamil origin. An ancient

Vallipuram inscription, located on a thin gold foil, was discovered in Northern Sri Lanka

during the 1930s. Dr. Paranavitana, (1939) a renowned Sinhalese Archaeologist, had

come up with an interpretation that during 65-109 AD, the Northern peninsula of the

Island was governed by a minister of the Sinhala King whose capital was situated in the

North central province. The language used in the North appeared to be some form of

proto-Sinhala (Gunawardana 1995:14-16). A Tamil scholar in his recent analysis of the

same inscription (Velupillai 1981 and 1990) had remarked that the language of the

inscription reflected direct Dravidian influence on the language of Sinhala. Based on the

same argument, Velupillai further asserted that there would have been a Tamil kingdom

fully functioning in the North as far as First Century AD.


Another development that helped the reconstruction of the Tamil past was the

invention of Dravidian heritage by one branch of the Orientalists led by Rev. Robert

Caldwell in 1856. Caldwell, a Protestant missionary, grouped 12 South Indian languages,

including Tamil, and Malayalam as belonging to the family of "Dravidian Languages"

(Caldwell 1856[1956]). What followed was an attempt to group people in terms of the

language they spoke. Caldwell believed that there were fundamental differences between

the North and South Indians, and that the latter was equal, if not superior, to the former

(1856 [1956]). The Dravidian movement in South India, supported by some missionaries

and British civil servants, went to the extent of declaring that most of what is ignorantly

called Aryan philosophy and tradition was at its core a Dravidian or Tamilian

phenomenon.

As Gunawardana asserted, "the impact of this dichotomous categorization of

people as Aryan and Dravidian was probably most acute in Sri Lanka in comparison to

other parts of South Asia" (1995, 09). What is clearly seen here is identification with a

Pan- South Indian identity against an Aryan-North Indian-Sinhalese identity.

Similar to the works of the Singhalese scholar Dharmapala, writings emerged

from Arumuga Navalar (1822-78), a distinguished Tamil scholar from Jaffna. Navalar

was a reformist of Hinduism and an ardent critic of traditional North Indian Brahmin

superiority. He was instrumental in setting up the Hindu Board of Education, which was

responsible for building several Hindu schools in the North. Parallel developments took

place in the spheres of music, drama and spoken Tamil. Bharata Natyam (classical South

Indian dancing) and Carnatic Music (South Indian music) came to be considered essential

artistic talents of middle class Tamil girls (Kailasapathy 1984). Navalar, while fighting


the monopoly of the Christian missionaries in the North, asserted his own belief in the

establishment of the South Indian kingdom of Dravidastan, a part of which would

eventually be the Northern peninsula of Sri Lanka. Navalar and his followers firmly

believed that the Tamil rule in Sri Lanka was very ancient, and during the 13th Century, a

separate sovereign kingdom was consolidated, encompassing about half of the Island. It

was their expectation that at the end of colonial control, the country must revert back to

its patterns of ethnically divided governance (Little 1994).

During the early part of the 20th Century, the Tamil Ethno-Nationalists had

asserted that the Sinhalese were in fact not Aryans; rather, they were Tamils in disguise.

As time passed, the arguments took a more culturally relevant tone by advocating that

Tamils were the founders of Sri Lankan civilization, and that the Sinhalese culture was

originally Tamil (Rajanayagam 1990). As a result, the Sinhalese were a by-product of

the Tamil civilization. Along the same lines, they asserted that Buddhism was an inferior

form of Hinduism.

What was interesting about the ethnic boundary shift, from a Pan-South Indian

identity to that of a Sri Lankan identity, is the laborious effort on the part of the Tamil

intelligentsia to carve out their own niche in the face of the total rejection of such claims

by the Sinhalese hegemony. Hellmann-Rajanayagam's convincing analysis (1990)

presented this scenario as follows:

Again, the choice of histories was both a problem and an opportunity for the Tamils. If they chose, their history, unlike Sinhala history, was not bound to Sri Lanka or even to Jaffna; they could, and often did, look towards Tamil Nadu or South India. But this was an option rejected by many in the 1950s in favour of a Sri Lankan past in the tradition of Rasanayagam... when this option was repeatedly rejected by the Sinhalese between the 1930s and the 1950s; a period of Tamil introspection began to take shape. This led to the extolling of Tamil virtues over Sinhala perfidy, to claim for autonomy, and finally independence (1990; 115).


Politically speaking, for the sake of worldwide support for their course, it was always

profitable for the Tamils to cling to an international-type of identity as and when

necessary. It is also noteworthy that the linguistic and cultural awakening described

above was essentially a Tamil middle-class endeavour, with the upper-middle class

providing the leadership.

During the 440 years of foreign domination, the Tamils in Sri Lanka seemed to

have enjoyed a regional, cultural distinctiveness as "Jaffna Tamils" (JT-North),

"Batticalao Tamils" (BT-East), and "Colombo Tamils" (CT) (Wilson 1994). The

significant difference between the BTs and the JTs was in their traditional laws and

customs. The Mukkuva Law of the BTs' reflected a matrilineal descent, and the BT

families were primarily exogamous clans. Being an agricultural community, the BTs did

not produce many public officials or professionals as the more modernized Tamils did in

the North (Sivathamby 1985).

The Jaffna Tamils were often referred to as a "fiercely conservative group of

people who are jealously proud of being attached to the peninsula and to the language

and customs of their ancestors" (Sivathamby 1985). Unlike the Batticaloa group, the

JT's traditional laws that governed property rights within the Jaffna peninsula included

both matrilineal and patrilineal inheritance. The Jaffna traditional laws that were ratified

by the government of Sri Lanka as the laws of the region reflected the caste ideology that

gave Vellalas (farmers) supreme social power and authority; many Jaffna Tamil leaders

emanated from this supreme caste. It had been reported that respected leaders like Sr.

Ponnambalam Ramanathan, who fought for independence along with the Sinhalese, had

opposed the adult franchise movement on the ground that it would give the lower castes


the right to vote (Sivathamby 1985,191; Russel 1976). In spite of this intra-group

dynamism, both the JTs and the BTs seemed to have played a very significant role in the

Tamil ethno-nationalist project by reconstructing a new identity for all Tamils on the

Island.

As Wilson noted (1994), historically divided regional identities had gradually

integrated as a single entity to confront the manifestations of contemporary Sinhalese

hegemony. In the face of "increasing discrimination and harassment" on the part of the

Sri Lankan government, even the Colombo Tamils had been compelled to join their

Northern brethren in a radical assertion of Tamil rights.

The Indian Tamils who arrived in the latter half of the 19th Century differed

significantly from the above three groups. The only factor that was common to all four

groups was the religion they all observed, Hinduism. The Indian Tamils had a separate

identity of their own due to their physical isolation in plantations, the type of labour

organization they had to live with, and complete political isolation from the Sinhalese

among whom they worked. Caste wise, they represented the so-called low castes in the

classical Indian hierarchy. Sri Lankan Tamils seemed to have propagated a

condescending attitude towards Indian Tamils, even in national political affairs (Russell

1976). Similarly, the Indian Tamils perceived the Sri Lankan Tamils as being selfish and

arrogant. To date, the political divide based on these cognitive and affective elements of

each other's perception is clearly reflected in the lack of participation by Indian Tamils in

the Tamil liberation struggle against the Sinhalese. Although it is not the primary focus

of this thesis, the current civil war in Sri Lanka needs to be noted. The two distinct

identities of the Island, the Sinhalese and the Tamil, are currently engaged in a violent


political conflict by way of a 24 year old internecine war which has cost almost 70,000

lives to date.

Muslims of Sri Lanka:

In 2000, the Muslims in Sri Lanka constituted 7% of the total population. The

discussion that follows will examine only one aspect of their ethnicity: the political

standing of the Sri Lankan Muslims with reference to the Tamils and the Sinhalese.

From time to time, Sri Lankan history had witnessed several cohorts of migration of Arab

merchants and other Islamic groups from the Middle East and India. The only cultural

marker that distinguished them from other ethnic groups in the country was their Islamic

faith. During the 1830s, the general perception of the country appeared to have been that

the Tamils and the Muslims were distinct ethnic entities, while the Low Country and the

Kandyan Sinhalese formed the other unified dominant force.

At the beginning of the British period, the fact that the Muslims of Sri Lanka

generally spoke Tamil led to some confusion whether they belonged to the same group as

other Tamil speakers. Being the majority among the minorities, the Tamils had asserted

themselves as the rightful organizers and representatives of the Muslims against the

dominant Sinhalese (De Silva 1986). With the expansion of the legislative Council

during the 1880s, the Tamil leaders argued that the Muslims were in fact Tamils who had

converted to Islam. However, the Muslims had vehemently opposed this claim, tendering

that their ancestors had come from Arabia (Samaraweera 1979). Yet, it is interesting to

note that when Muslims lived amidst the Sinhalese communities, they had chosen to

3 During the time of British Raj, the Sinhalese people identified themselves with two categories as Low-Country Sinhalese and Up-Country or Kandyan Sinhalese. The Up-Country Sinhalese people who lived in the central hills on the Island had developed an unusual pride because the British, after conquering the coastal areas of the Island, took almost 20 years to bring the central hill communities under their control.


speak Sinhalese as their language. Due to their refusal to accept the "Tamil definition of

Muslim identity," they suffered atrocities during the 1980s and 1990s from the Tamil

militia. As a result, the Muslims had almost entirely been removed from the Northern

Province of Sri Lanka. The Muslim-Tamil ethnic relations had grown from bad to worse

during the past decade; and as a result, Tamil militants have not received any political

support from the Muslims. In light of these developments, the Muslims have begun to

redefine their identity within the Sri Lankan social setting.

Although the Sinhalese have not treated the Muslims in such a virulent manner,

the Muslims had suffered discrimination and harassment from the Sinhalese in 1915.

These human rights violations took the form of hate crimes, pillaging and looting. The

Sinhalese continued to perceive the Muslims as shrewd businessmen and moneylenders.

The rate of inter-marriages between the Sinhalese and the Muslims had been negligible.

Nonetheless, the Sinhalese political parties had from time to time supported Muslim

candidates to run for parliamentary elections in Sinhala ridings. Political action initiated

by the Sri Lankan government in terms of opening up embassies in many Middle-Eastern

Arab countries, improving trade and labour relations with the Muslim world, and

establishing a special ministry for Muslim affairs during the past decade have given

special status to the Muslims in Sri Lanka. Recent political developments have also

placed the Muslims in an unshakable bargaining position regarding the ethnic and

political relations of the Island.

Victor Munck's recent writings (1992) about a Muslim festival in a Sri Lankan

village clearly pointed out how an imagined history of the Muslims has been recreated.

"It is a past imagined in terms of social harmony, personal prosperity, and Islamic


religiosity... it has incorporated Buddhist-Hindu beliefs and practices in to Islam" (1992,

229). Munck also predicted that "given the last decade of ethnic violence... and the

concomitant hardening of ethnic boundaries, Muslims in Sri Lanka are being forced to

choose a 'side' and to adopt a more unified, and inevitably, pan-Islamic stance" (1992,

230).

Burghers in Sri Lanka:

The final section of this chapter will deal with the identity of the Burghers who

were the first group of Sri Lankan immigrants to Canada. During the Dutch rule of the

maritime provinces of Sri Lanka (1656-1796), the term "Burgher" referred to Dutch

citizens who had immigrated to Sri Lanka. At the beginning, the Dutch community was

divided into Burghers and company servants. It was reported that:

When the treaty of Amiens in 1802 transferred control of Dutch- company regions of the Island to the British, the community of Dutch and European origins, which had served the Dutch rulers, found themselves in an insecure situation. Some with capital left for Holland while others shifted to Batavia. But many remained and had little choice but to serve the British. Those persons of European origin who chose to stay behind came to be designated on a generic basis as Burghers- a transliteration of the Dutch term Vryburger or free citizen (Brohier 1994, 16).

After the British conquest of the Island, notwithstanding intra-group differences, all

persons of German, French, Dutch, Eurasians of English and Asian descent came to be

called "Burghers" (JDBU 1921). In the 1871 census, Burghers constituted about 0.6%

(15,000) of the Island's population, and it decreased to about 0.4% in 1963 (Census,

1946). Both racial and ethnic markers of this group include lighter complexion, specific

name patterns, and urban orientation. When the Island literacy rate was 25% for males

and 2.5% for females, the Burghers were showing a comparatively higher standing: 60%

and 50% respectively. The Dutch Burghers had always been a wealthy and professional


minority among the Burghers, while those of Portuguese descent have confined

themselves to menial jobs (Fernando 1972).

Burghers in general had become the transmitters of the Western life style, culture

and ideologies to the rising local elites of Sinhalese and Tamil origin. It is interesting to

note that the doctors of Burgher origin had dominated the colonial medical service in the

country during the 19th Century. As Gooneratne (1968) asserted, at the outset, 48% of

the medical student population at the Colombo Medical College had come from the

Burgher community who constituted less than 1% of the country's population. Those

who did not get selected to universities had dominated the clerical positions in the public

service. Residential propinquity and endogamy had been two prominent features of the

Burgher community that promoted and maintained group cohesion and identity as a

distinct ethnic group among all Sri Lankans. Some pioneering work and remarkable

accomplishments of the Burgher community during the second half of the 19l Century

included the publication of the first English national newspaper, and the acceptance of a

woman into the Western medical profession on the Island.

During and after the British period, the Dutch Burghers experienced a serious

identity crisis, which resulted in a mass exodus of Burghers from Sri Lanka to Australia

and Canada. As Fernando noted, their identity crisis seriously affected their relations

with the Sinhalese and the Tamils as well as the other Burgher groups. At the beginning,

endogamy was the first mechanism they adopted in maintaining their identity. Being

Europeans, they felt a sense of affinity with the British community on the Island, and

expected reciprocation of these sentiments from the British. However, for the British

ruling class, the Burghers were another group of native Sri Lankans. Several disparaging


comments had been recorded in official files of British administration about inter

marriages between Burghers and the Englishmen. Fernando concluded that the Burghers

were caught between the two modalities of identity. Due to their perception of

themselves as Europeans, the Burghers could not identify with the Sinhalese or the

Tamils; yet, the British had not treated them equally either. In spite of these difficulties,

the Burghers found more comfort in the company of the British than with any other Sri

Lankan ethnic group (Fernando 1972).

After independence from Britain, the Burghers who did not leave the country for

better prospects underwent compromising changes within the Sri Lankan social milieu.

Social intermixing had now become commonplace, and Burghers themselves had

promoted exogamous unions as a method of survival and uplifting of their social status.

The process of social incorporation of the Burghers in the Sri Lankan society had begun

with many young Burgher women marrying the Christian Sinhalese and Tamil men, and

vice versa. This reflected a dramatic shift away from a European identity toward

adopting a Sri Lankan identity. It was noted that the response of the Sinhalese and the

Tamils toward these developments had been positive among the youth, and very negative

among the members of older generation. Interestingly, highly ambitious Sinhalese and

Tamil middle class youth had been attracted to the physical beauty and fluency of the

English language spoken by many Burgher girls. Today, the Burghers constitute about

less than 0.3% of the Island's population.

The foregoing discussion of the evolving identity of the people living in Sri Lanka

brings out quite a few principles and patterns; these patterns will help us understand when

similar or different patterns occur within the Canadian context. As Rogers indicated


(1994), the writers' pendulum swings between the primordial approach and the post-

Orientalist approach. Although it is assumed that the modern Sinhalese, Tamil and

Burgher identity types were a product of the British rulers and their census specialists,

this product is based, to a great extent, on the historical, and cultural content and inter

relations over a period of 2,500 years between the Sinhalese and the Tamils. What lies

beneath these developments was the factor of political power. Ethnicity had been

constructed and reconstructed for the purpose of consolidation of political power by

groups in power or groups seeking power. The group in power picked and chose the

necessary "ethnic content" to harness popular support for its survival.

It is noteworthy that there is no particular word in the Sinhalese language for

ethnicity. The word they use today for ethnic categories, "jatiya," could very well mean

caste, race, religion or even pompousness. From time to time, caste, religion, colonial

status and language have played crucial roles in determining political power, social status

and privileges of all ethnic types living on the Island. During the 16th-18th Centuries in

the Kandyan kingdom, the caste of the person seemed to have played a more important

role than his or her ethnic status. A Kshatriya prince (high caste) of South Indian origin

had been supported for the kingship when a Sinhalese person was readily available to be

appointed (Seneviratne 1977). Similarly, during the Portuguese and Dutch periods, being

Christian or non-Christian was much more important than being Sinhalese or Tamil.

Accordingly, we have seen many instances where non-Sinhalese (Vanni People) used the

Sinhala language for personal and public purposes, and the Sinhalese kingdom used

Tamil as the official language. Depending on the factors of political importance at the


time, ethnic groups received their relative position in the society. Shared ancestry has not

been a crucial factor to become a member of a particular ethnic group.

As stated earlier in this chapter, the observed ethnic pluralism in the Sri Lankan

society, under varying degrees of state patronage, has produced, from time to time, ethnic

harmony as well as tensions among the Vanni People, the Sinhalese, the Tamils and the

Muslims. The Sinhalese seem to have enjoyed an ethnic dominance for a long period of

time. The Vanni people, on the other hand, have faced formidable challenges of

reconstructing a new identity in the face of modernization and the Sinhalese and Tamil

hegemony. Inter-ethnic marriages, especially between the women of Vanni People and

Sinhalese men, and between both Tamil and Sinhalese men and women have been

common during the times of ethnic harmony and economic prosperity. Muslims

marrying either Buddhists or Hindus has not been a discerning feature. However, the

Muslims have used Sinhalese as their common language when living in predominantly

Sinhalese areas, and Tamil, when living in Tamil areas of the Island. These factors and a

plethora of socio-economic and political conditions have contributed towards social

incorporation of all ethnic varieties prevalent in the Sri Lankan society.


Chapter IV North American Studies on Ethnic Identity

Introduction:

In the post World War II period, the movement of people from economically less

developed regions to advanced industrial societies has been a major feature of the world

system. These migratory patterns have involved large numbers of migrants and a variety

of both host and sending countries. This unprecedented population movement has

generated a large and growing body of literature. The new literature has also contributed

to a theoretical reorientation of the approaches to the consequences of trans-national

migration in the modern democratic states. The main purpose of this chapter is to extract

a theoretical construct, from the plethora of theories available, that has an acceptable

explanatory value for the problem under consideration - identity construction for new

immigrants in their new world.

In my expedition of the theories, I grappled with the following question: is there

one roof theory that will explain identity construction? Given the low probability of

finding one such theory, I looked for suitable theoretical constructs. Most of the theories

regarding ethnicity are based on the immigrant experience of the white immigrants to the

industrialized world. Thus, it is important to ask how applicable these theories are to

non-white populations entering into the industrial world.

In this chapter, I first begin with a presentation of milestones in the development

of the general theory of ethnicity followed by a discussion on the new development in the

area of ethnic identity construction and social incorporation. In light of the above

theories, I attempt to examine experiences of three selected ethnic groups in North


America, followed by a discussion of the three models of identification developed in the

North American context. The final section of this chapter contains a discussion regarding

my own theoretical framework to examine data gathered through face-to-face interviews.

Theory of Ethnicity:

The once dominant Assimilationist perspective pioneered in the United States by

Park (1950), and Gordon (1964) focus primarily on cultural differences between

newcomers and native populations, and studies the effects of ethnic and/or racial

differences on the process of assimilation. Robert Park, who was influenced by George

Simmel's ideas on social conflict, is considered the central thinker of the famous Chicago

School of Sociology. Park was particularly geared to studying urban ecology and

change. Park believed that just like the way plants struggle for space, food and light in

the habitat, the same process of competition and accommodation are at work determining

the size and ecological organization of the human community. His assertion was that the

process of urban social relations involved a sequence of stages from the initial social

contact that often resulted in conflict, to competition, accommodation, and finally would

culminate in assimilation of cultures or populations. In his studies of the Black

populations in the Southern United States, Park found evidence that the competition

referred to above took the form of a superiority-subordination relationship between the

Whites and the Blacks. His conclusion was that in the end, the ethnic/racial groups would

assimilate into the mainstream society, which is superior to them. It was assumed that

the original identity that the ethnic group members brought with them would transform

itself into a new American identity as groups traversed through this cycle. Park (1950)

firmly believed that his race relations cycle would be applicable everywhere, not simply


in the United States. In his view, the sequence he predicted was progressive and

irreversible.

From his assimilationist lens, Park examined the foreign language press, which

was growing in numbers among 31 ethnic groups during the 1920s in the United States

(on average 98 newspapers were published each year between 1887 and 1922), and

concluded that the ethnic media was a barrier for assimilation (Park 1922).

Assimilationists are also influenced by the 19th Century thinking of Emile

Durkheim, who viewed society as a relatively balanced system made up of differently

functioning but interrelated parts (Durkheim 1964). Society is thus held together and

social order maintained through a consensus of values among its groups, and through the

imperatives of functional interdependence.

Following this line of thinking, the Assimilationists suggested that ethnic groups

will increasingly blend together and become more unified and indistinct. This view

predicted that multi-ethnic societies like the United States would gradually and inevitably

move toward a fusion of diverse groups. As Milton Yinger defined, "assimilation is a

process of boundary reduction that can occur when members of two or more societies or

of smaller cultural groups meet" (1981,249). The end state of this homogenizing process

is the "biological, cultural, social and psychological fusion of distinct groups to create a

new ethnically undifferentiated society" (Barth 1969).

Park's race relations cycle was not proven with regard to many ethnic groups in

the US. Especially, the Blacks and the Japanese seemed to have remained in various

states of conflict or competition but not fully assimilated into the mainstream White

society, as the Whites had not allowed free access to jobs and freedom. The above stated


assimilationist views describe experiences of many European immigrant groups;

however, it does not explain the migration patterns of the racialized groups who have

immigrated involuntarily. Shibutani and Kwan (1965) further pointed out that even the

cycles referred to in Park's theory were rarely complete.

When the Census and empirical data presented in the present thesis are examined

closely, one would see that the Sinahalese and Tamil speakers who migrated to Canada

did not fully assimilate into the main stream of the Canadian society. What the majority

of them had done was to become hyphenated Canadians while keeping their original

cultural sentiments and practices without changes or with some modifications. Even the

11 respondents, who declared themselves as Canadians, had selectively kept some Sri

Lankan practices such as traditional food habits. The assimilations theories do not seem

to hold water with regard to the population group in question.

Accordingly, the assimilationist perspective has been largely replaced by two

distinct but interrelated structural perspectives. The first perspective outlined the

incorporation of newcomers into the economic institutions, or more specifically, into the

labour markets of the host society. Rather than projecting their eventual assimilation into

the host society, these theorists have emphasized the long-term institutionalization of

initial labour market segregation and continued socio-political inequality between

newcomers and host society populations. This particular perspective includes several

inductive middle-range models of immigrant incorporation, such as the split labour

market (Bonacich 1972), middlemen minorities (Turner and Bonacich 1980) and the

vertical mosaic (Porter 1965). Although it is clear from Census and empirical data as

well as the Ornstein's study discussed in chapter II that majority of Sri Lankans in


Canada during 1991 and 2001 fell under lower income groups, it was not the main

purpose of the present thesis to examine economic incorporation of Sri Lankans in detail.

Therefore, it did not sound logical to discuss the above three middle-range models rather

than mentioning them to show some milestones in the ethnicity theory development.

The second perspective was mainly focussed on how the socio-cultural dynamism

of immigrants and the socio-cultural and political processes of the environment within

which the immigrants operated and interacted with each other. In addition, it explored

the circumstances for the survival of the ethnic groups within their new environment.

The major studies under this perspective ranged from a slight modification of the

assimilation theory (Symbolic Ethnicity by Gans 1979; Symbolic Religiosity by Gans

1994; Italian Americans by Alba 1985 ;) to a Social Constructionist view of ethnicity (by

Yancey et al. 1976; Isajiw 1991; Leonard 1992). The proposed study derived its

theoretical inspiration from the latter of the aforementioned theorists.

Some theorists in this camp go to the extent of arguing that ethnicity is not

primarily rooted in group memberships or cultural patterns, but has become essentially

symbolic, "an ethnicity of last resort which could, nevertheless, persist generations"

(Gans 1979,1). Gans also contended that for third generation immigrants of visible

minority, ethnicity has become more or less a matter of choice, and since it has lost its

relevance to earning a living or regulating family life, it has now developed into a leisure-

time activity. A third generation did not exist for the Sri Lankans at the time of the study.

However, some adaptations in language use and food habits among the Sri Lankans

indicated the symbolic nature of ethnic affiliations.


Yancey et al. presented a more elaborate vision. They argued that the articulation

of ethnicity was governed more by structural conditions than by the portable cultural

baggage of the ethnic group (1976, 392). Ethnicity, according to them, was an emergent

phenomenon and could be best understood not as residues of the heritage retained by

descendents of immigrants; but rather, as a phenomenon elicited or forged by the

structural conditions in the American society (i.e. occupational, residential and

institutional). Thus, contemporary ethnic identifications were largely responses to

specific social and economic circumstances. Ethnicity became a useful tool for meeting

present "exigencies of survival and the structure of opportunity" (Yancey et al. 1976,

400). Yet, it was also an unfolding reality which was subject to negotiation and

modification at any given point in time.

The very construction of new identities in Canada such as Sri Lankan-Canadian,

and Sri Lankan instead of Sinhalese or Tamil Canadian were indicative of what Yancey

et al portrayed as survival responses to the rapidly changing Canadian host society. All

Sri Lankan identity types seemed to be in a negotiating process while trying to carve out

their rightful place in the Canadian society. In the case of Sri Lankans, it was truly an

unfolding reality.

Another conceptualization in this camp revolved around the idea that ethnic

identity was not a zero-sum phenomenon. Writing about the Canadian ethnic identity,

Isajiw argued that "Canadian identity is not necessarily gained to the extent that ethnic

identity is lost and, vice versa, ethnic identity is not necessarily retained to the extent that

Canadian identity is not acquired" (1990, 34). What was suggested here was that ethnic

identity goes through a process of transformation that results in a shift in identity from "a


form that is inconsistent with the identity of the total society to one that is consonant with

it" (Isajiw 1990, 34). The actual process of identity construction would take the form of a

dialogue or negotiation between the objective aspects (language, food, customs etc.)

and/or the subjective aspects (feelings, attitudes, obligations etc.) of the culture of the

ethnic group in question, and that of its host society.

When ethnic identity was conceived as a constructed and negotiable social

phenomenon, "the critical focus of investigation... becomes the ethnic boundary that

defines the group - not the cultural stuff that it encloses" (Barth 1969, 15). It was also

assumed that under varying political-environmental conditions, the waxing and waning of

ethnic boundaries might take place.

Among the six identity types that emerged in the empirical study of the thesis, the

Tamil Canadian group reflected a need for a clear cut ethnic boundary for them. Due to

their tragic experiences in Sri Lanka during 1980s, this group wanted to separate

themselves from any group carrying any Sinhalese or Sri Lankan affiliations or interests.

At the same time, they wanted to be part of the Canadian society which had not rejected

them at the outset.

Consequently, what needs to be emphasized is that ethnic identity is a social-

psychological phenomenon, and a proper understanding of the process of identity

construction will only come from a study of both its dimensions. Indeed, ethnic identity

is a social-psychological construction more or less consciously shaped in relation to a

variety of social, economic, and political conditions. It is "a product of forces operating

on the group and its members from within and of those impinging on them from without"

(Breton 1991, 133).


According to the Constructionist view, the content and form of ethnicity revealed

the creative choices of individuals and groups as they defined themselves and others in

ethnic ways (Nagel 1994, 52). During this process, they constantly re-invented

themselves (i.e. who they are, what their ethnicity means to them, etc.) and their culture

to support their newly constructed identity. Nagel discarded the popular notion that

culture is simply an historical legacy. He asserted that culture was not a

Shopping cart that comes to us already loaded with a set of historical cultural goods. Rather we construct culture by picking and choosing items from the shelves of the past and the present (Nagel 1994,162).

The 19th Century revival of Sinhalese-Buddhist identity in Sri Lanka discussed in

the previous chapter is a clear example of this dynamism. There were many instances

where all types of Sri Lankan identities emerged in the sample picked some original

cultural practices and dropped several other practices as they were not practical in

Ontario.

Along the same lines, it is evident that ethnic groups construct their cultures in

two dimensions. First, they reconstruct their historical culture and then, they construct a

brand new culture. Cultural reconstruction entails the revival and restoration of historical

practices and institutions through cultural activities. For example, many Canadian ethnic

groups have supported heritage language programs and cultural festivals with the

assistance from all three levels of government. Some groups also revive cultural history

with the input from academics and ethnic leaders. The new cultural construction, on the

other hand, entailed borrowing traits from other cultures or the host culture to help forge

the new identity. The role that ethnic organizations played in reviving history and

fostering new identities was the key factor in this process. The ideas, fostered by


Hobsbaum (1983), Anderson (1983), and Edward Said (1979), regarding the invention of

traditions and emerging communities merged well into the Constructionist paradigm.

Constructionists asserted that the construction of culture supplied the content for the

formation of ethnic identity. Some new terms such as Tamil homeland, Tamil nation,

Eelam entering into the popular discourse after 1983 civil riots in Colombo, Sri Lanka, is

a classic example of invention of traditions. These terms were written about, popularized

and highlighted by the Tamil educated elites in Canada as well as in Sri Lanka.

Also explicit in the Constructionist model was the notion of ethnic boundaries.

Ethnic boundaries determined the membership of the ethnic group, and designated which

ethnic categories were available for individual identification at a particular time and place

(Nagel 1994, 154). Ethnic boundaries were also effective in determining the identity

options available and the forms of ethnic organizations. These boundaries by definition

were "flexible, porous, fluid and permeable" (Nagel 1994).

Staiano (1980), who viewed ethnicity as a process, had made another important

contribution to the Constructionist view. Ethnicity was conceived as something that was

incessantly being reinterpreted. Furthermore, it involved a search for identity and the

formulation of some symbolic descriptions of self (Staiano 1980, 30). This means that

we need to focus our attention on how an ethnic group may perceive and define itself.

However, as Portes and Macleod (1996) emphasized, the mere focus on the process of

ethnicity construction is inexpedient because we also need to understand the

consequences of group formation. In their view, the "process and product- the

construction and consequences of identity- are ultimately interdependent" (Portes and


Macleod 1996, 524). Several examples on pan-ethnic identities can be found in their

literature to illuminate this point.

It is interesting to note that several new identities have been created in the United

States for peasant newcomers whose original identities and loyalties did not go much

beyond their local villages (Portes and Macleod 1996; Moore and Pachon 1985; Glazer

1954; Handlin 1951). The label Hispanic is the most conspicuous contemporary

example. In 1980, by stroke of the bureaucratic pen, the second largest minority in the

United States was created. The Hispanics, incorporating Cubans, Puerto Ricans,

Mexicans, Colombians and Chileans, come from different racial, ethnic and class and

country background (Moore and Pachon 1985, 3). Although it began as a statistical term,

it gradually transformed into public use terminology and a real social entity from the

perspective of the American public. Norwegians, Swedes, Italians and even Poles have

similar histories in the United States (Greeley 1971; Glazer 1954). Ethnic identities are

thus a result of a dialectical process involving internal and external opinions and

processes, as well as the individual's self-identification, and outsiders' ethnic designations

(Nagel 1994,154).

The new construction of the Asian-American ethnicity in the United States has

also followed a similar path. It appears that officially drawn boundaries take on

increased importance because of the promise they hold for individual advancement in

terms of jobs, school admission or other benefits assigned to the category by the state.

Hence, the creation and use of a new collective identity as Sri Lankans by the Sinhalese

and Tamils in Canada can be better understood and explained in this light.


Some Symbolic Interactionists (Stone 1962; Goffman 1963; Davis 1992) have

pointed out that two processes establish identities: apposition and opposition (a bringing

together and setting apart). As Stone noted, to situate a person as a social object is to

bring the person together with some objects so situated; yet, at the same time to set the

person apart from other objects. This means that having an identity is a matter of joining

with some and departing from others (Stone 1962, 223). Stone made a distinction

between personal identity and social identity, which are not necessarily congruent with

each other. Widding (1981), in her discussion of the meanings attached to the word

identity, pointed out that there are two mainly different meanings. One is sameness and

the other is distinctiveness. "Identity in the sense of sameness may be applied to personal

identity as well as to collective identity and, correspondingly, distinctiveness may be

applied to either personal identity or collective identity" (1981:1).

In like manner, many modern ethnic scholars have identified politics and the role

of state in the construction, deconstruction and reconstruction of ethnic identity

(Bodemann 1990; Saram 1989; Portes and Rumbaut 1996). Writing about the history of

immigration in the United States, Portes and Rumbaut (1996) emphatically noted that the

immigrants had seldom felt "as American as everyone else" because of their separation

from the majority due to language and cultural differences. Feeling of "being in America,

but not" has had a tremendous impact on the manner in which they ventured to promote

ethnic identity in subsequent generations. The reaffirmation of distinct cultural identities,

actual or invented, had been the rule of immigrant groups. It is clearly visible that ethnic

solidarity had provided the basis for the pursuit of common goals through American

political system. "By mobilizing the collective vote and by electing their own to office,


immigrant minorities have learned the rules of democracy" (Rumbaut 1992:141). Today,

Italians vote in block for Italian candidates in Boston and New York, just as Mexicans do

for their own in Los Angeles and San Antonio (Glazer and Moynihan 1975; Greeley

1974). Before the Irish, Italian or Greek politicians entered the mainstream as

interpreters of national values and aspirations, their predecessors spent much time in

ward politics fighting for their own group's interests. As evidence, Rumbaut wrote the

following:

The United Sates was certainly far more "fragmented" at the beginning of the present century. What held it together then and continues to do so today is not forced homogeneity, but the strengths of its political institutions and the durable framework that they offered for the process of ethnic reaffirmation and mobilization to play itself out. Defence of their own particular interests- defined along ethnic lines- was the school in which many immigrants and their descendants learned to identify with the interests of the nation as a whole. With different actors and in new language, the process continues today (1992, 142).

In the present study, any potential relationship between Canadian politics and ethnic

identity construction of the Sri Lankans has not been examined. However, media analysis

during the past Canadian elections revealed that the Liberal party of Canada was keeping

high hopes regarding a block Tamil vote in Ontario. This has angered many Sinhalese,

and they had extended their support to the Conservative party to ban the LTTE as soon as

they came to power. The promised and actual support given by the Liberal government to

the Sri Lankan Tamil movement in Canada had been conceived as an ethnic reaffirmation

under the policy of multiculturalism. Some Tamil speakers identifying themselves as

Tamil Canadians is a reflection of this development.

Social Incorporation:

More recent theoretical developments in social incorporation also highlight the

significance of identity construction. One of the interesting theories on the children of


immigrants is the theory of segmented assimilation proposed by Portes and Rumbaut

(1994,1995 and 1996). According to this theory, three major forms of acculturation will

lead to three divergent modes of incorporation/assimilation: consonant acculturation,

selective acculturation, and dissonant acculturation (Rumbaut 1994).

Consonant acculturation is a situation where immigrants and their children learn

the culture and language of the host society simultaneously. This form of acculturation

requires that immigrant parents are well educated and equipped with resources so that

there will be little contextual disadvantages. The youth in the second generation will

thrive in spheres of education and work. Moreover, they will begin to see themselves as

Americans. The final outcome for these immigrant children in many instances is upward

mobility.

Secondly, there is selective acculturation. This requires that parents and children

learn mainstream ways and combine them with strong bonds with the ethnic community.

In order to achieve this goal, the ethnic community must be well integrated, with

considerable resources to give the youth incentives to comply with community norms and

to combine them with those of the mainstream (Portes and Rumbaut). This form of

acculturation provides protection for the mobile person against any discrimination.

Parental interests in their children's education tend to encourage academic achievements,

even when the parents themselves have limited access to resources. The youth in these

situations tend to develop bicultural/bi-national identities. Also these young people come

from two parent households with a stable familial environment.

The third form of acculturation is dissonant acculturation, which can often lead to

downward social mobility. This process is likely to occur when parents lack sufficient


educational and financial resources, and the efficient capacity to cope with high

contextual disadvantages. Bonds between the family and the ethnic community are

presumably weak and as a result, members of the second generation will become

vulnerable to contextual challenges such as discrimination. Thus, the second generation

will eventually assimilate into the reactive inner city underclass. Finally, a situation will

occur where isolated immigrant groups begin to contemplate on returning to the country

of origin. Furthermore, these individuals will see their presence in the host society as

temporary, and it will promote high ethnic retention and isolation, with a strong aversion

to assimilation (Portes and Rumbaut).

A cursory look at my data suggests that Sri Lankans in Canada, especially the

Sinahalese speakers exemplify some dimensions of segmented assimilation in the process

of constructing their new identity. However, some recent scholars have noted limitations

of this theory as applied to the Canadian context. One such limitation is that in order to

apply the theory of segmented assimilation, we need to see distinct segments such as an

urban underclass with which immigrants can identify. However, these distinct segments

are not visible in Canada. This theory also suggests that white Europeans have

unequivocally assimilated into mainstream society in North America. Yet, Canadian

studies tend to show evidence to the contrary. Although white Europeans have become

well incorporated into the main stream, the degree to which this has happened, and the

extent to which they retain their original cultural identity seems to be a differential and

multifaceted phenomenon (Breton et al.1990; Isajiw 1997).

It is equally true to a great extent that social incorporation of racialized groups is

more complex compared to their white European counterparts mainly due to their


experience with racial discrimination. Frances Henry (1994) referred to this process as

differential incorporation, which suggested that even members of the same ethnic group

can have differential opportunities for successful adaptation.

Likewise, Isajiw (1997) introduced a theoretical roof-concept that can subsume

under it a number of other concepts such as assimilation, integration, etc. Isajiw defined

social incorporation as "a process through which a social unit is included in a larger

social unit as an integral part of it" (1997, 82). This process included three basic

dimensions: structural, cultural and identity incorporation.

Structural incorporation includes policies of preference of specific numbers and

types of outsiders admitted into a society in relation to the existing demographic

composition of that society. It also includes immigrants' entry into primary level

marriage and family relationships with host country citizens. Further, it incorporates the

manner in which immigrants are admitted to secondary level formal and informal

organizations in the host society. In Isajiw's view, cultural incorporation concerns "the

process of learning, accepting and internalizing some or all patterns of behaviour of

another structurally larger group or society" (1997, 88). Hence, the above two

dimensions need to be examined as two-way processes. For the purposes of this study, I

will focus my attention on identity incorporation, as it is directly relevant to my research.

Eric Erikson (1980), whose contribution to social psychology has been well

documented, treated identity as a continuously unfolding reality that is a result of

continuous socialization. Identity then becomes a new combination of old and new

identification fragments rather than the sum total of childhood identifications. Hence,

identity is a social psychological phenomenon. Each person develops his or her identity


rather than taking it over from others. "It is possessed individually even though it refers

to identifying with a social unit" (1980). As Isajiw noted, the symbolic content of

identity is normally shared; but, individuals do not have identities in common. Identity

refers to the way in which persons locate themselves psychologically in relation to one or

more social systems, and the manner in which they perceive others as locating them in

relation to those systems (Isajiw 1990; 1997, 90). What follows is that identities always

have double boundaries, those from within and those from without. Isajiw divided the

subjective process of self-inclusion or exclusion into four dimensions.

First, he referred to one's self-conception and self-knowledge. Social

incorporation of one's self-perception involves inter-alia identification of one's self with

the symbols or history of the main stream society. On the part of the host society, certain

reciprocity is expected to ensure full incorporation. One can hardly expect that the

minorities will share the same symbolic content of the majority identity all the time. It is

expected that different minorities will have variable degrees of incorporation depending

on their degree of exposure to and length of contact with the main stream.

Second, Isajiw referred to personal closeness that "involves feeling of willingness

and desire," on the part of actors of both host and immigrant communities, to enter into

interpersonal relationships with each other (Isajiw 1997, 92). This affective tie would

facilitate full incorporation and the development of mainstream identity among the

immigrants. Similarly, the members of the mainstream society must endeavour to extend

their sympathy and empathy towards minorities even if the minorities will carry all or

part of their original ethnic identity and baggage.


Unlike the first two, the third and fourth dimensions are action oriented. The

third dimension incorporates feelings of responsibility entail obligations towards the

groups, institutions and other structures. "These may include a wide range: feelings of

obligation to abide by the laws and regulations of the host society, to learn and use the

language of the host society or teach it to one's children... to observe certain holidays and

the like" (Isajiw 1997, 93). The main assumption here is that the "feelings of obligation

will become part of one's identity only when they come to be applied to oneself in one's

own everyday life as personal commitment" (Isajiw 1997, 93). As Isajiw identified

clearly, this is an area where serious problems can be anticipated. For instance, there

may be situations where the minority, while committing themselves to the mainstream

society, will attempt to keep feelings of obligations towards their original ethnic

community. When these two obligations become inconsistent with each other, it will

result in an identity crisis for the person or the group. This also goes with the anticipation

that the mainstream society will reciprocate a similar feeling of obligation toward the

minority.

The final aspect of identity is trust and solidarity that connotes "the psychological

security afforded by the knowledge that one can depend on others for fulfillment of

important needs" (Isajiw 1997). Similarly, the mainstream institutions such as banks or

health and welfare agencies will not deny membership to or usage of their services by

minority clients. As Isajiw noted, numerous studies in the area of discrimination and

prejudice clearly attested to existing and potential problems connected with trust and

solidarity of identity incorporation (Isajiw 1997, 95).


Isajiw's roof-theory delineated in the foregoing discussion has not been fully

tested as of today. It calls for hitherto uncollected type of data and information, and

broadens the researcher's horizon by providing new questions to ask in the inquiry of the

identity construction process.

North American Studies on Ethnic Identity:

At this juncture, I will review some selected North American studies on ethnic

identity. One of the earliest studies on ethnic identity in Canada is conducted by Marlene

Mackie and Merlin Brinkerhoff (1984). Having reviewed numerous studies on ethnic

identity, they concluded that Sociologists of ethnic relations had confined the meaning of

ethnic identity to self-identification, and disregarded identifications by others (1984,

116). This study treated ethnicity as a variable whose salience is situational. Thus, their

focus was on the salience of ethnic identification among other identities.

The data for this study were derived from self-administered questionnaires of 355

University of Calgary students enrolled in first year Sociology courses. The study was

mainly dealing with religious attitudes, and ethnicity had not been mentioned at all in the

verbal instructions to the students. Although the method of sample selection limited the

generalizability of results to Canada as a whole, this study attempted to measure ethnic

salience directly. Three types of questions had been used to explore salience. It was

hypothesized that ethnicity would have low salience for this Western Canadian sample.

Likewise, ethnic identity would have greater salience for respondents from a working

class background than for respondents from an upper-middle class background, for

people born outside North America, and for women. Results indicated that the level of

ethnic salience in the Calgary sample was considerably lower than what had been


reported in an earlier study by Driedger, who used the same questionnaire for students in

Winnipeg and Edmonton in 1982. It was also reported that only 4.4% of the respondents

considered ethnicity as the most important identity among the five listed social identities

(gender, citizenship, religion, ethnicity and provincial residence) (1982). As predicted,

females had shown greater interest in ethnic identity than males, while working class

respondents were more concerned about ethnic identification than their middle class

counterparts. The same two researchers had conducted a similar study with an adult

sample in 1982 (Mackie and Brinkerhoff, 1982) and generated similar results.

In 1985 these two researchers extended their study to a selected Sociology

student sample (276) at the University of Nebraska to check comparative validity of their

findings. It is interesting to note that the Canadian students cited their nationality

significantly more frequently than the American students (40.8% versus 24.7%) (1985,

109). However, for both groups, ethnic identity did not appear to be the most important

social identity. The regression analysis revealed that ethnic identity was more important

for females than for males, and suggested that the lower socio-economic classes find

ethnicity more salient. Neither sex nor SES was significantly related for the American

students (Mackie and Brinkerhoff 1985,109). The study concluded that when ethnic

salience was correlated with assorted demographic variables and attitudinal scales, the

coefficients were stronger for the Canadians than for the Americans. However, contrary

to the researchers' expectations, overall correlation between ethnic salience and other

variables were weaker for both groups.

As might be expected, some implications of the above three studies on the process

of identity construction are relevant to my research. First, the generalizability of the


above findings can always be questioned in terms of their built-in limitations of the

sample being a student population in a University setting, as well as being confined to

one region each from Canada and the United States. Nevertheless, the findings of ethnic

salience for women, low SES groups, and immigrants born outside of North America are

important leads to examine my data.

When gender difference in ethnic salience is repeatedly confirmed in these

studies, it is logical to ask whether we can expect similar variations in the way Sri

Lankan men versus women constructed their new identity within the host society. There

were gender differences in the content of different identities constructed but a detailed

analysis of overall gender differences has not been tried.

A study by four Sociologists from the University of Toronto (Breton et al. 1990)

marked a remarkable improvement in the study of ethnic identity in Canada. The stated

purpose of this study was to find out the extent to which ethnicity persists, the way

ethnicity changes on the basis of identity, and the nature of social conditions associated

with diverse patterns of evolution within ethnic groups. It also sought to examine the

way people are incorporated in social, economic and political structures in Canada. The

manner, in which ethnic group members participate in institutions, and the obstacles they

face and the facilities they are blessed with in this regard are also examined. Finally, the

researchers dealt with the key issue of whether ethnic organizations function as a liability

with regard to incorporation. A survey for this study was conducted during 1978-79 and

the respondents came from eight minority groups, and the majority Canadian group (i.e.

persons of English, Irish and Scottish origin) whose families have resided in Canada for

three or more generations. Five minority groups (Germans, Italians, Jews, Ukrainians


and second generation English) were involved to allow for a detailed comparison across

generations. The remaining three groups were comprised primarily of immigrants

(Chinese, Portuguese, and West Indians).

Of the eight major findings of this study, the first discussed the fact that certain

ethnic minorities have become full participants in the social fabric of Canada. In terms of

considerations such as access to economic rewards, perceived job discrimination,

perceived acceptance by other groups, residential dispersion and political efficacy, the

Germans and the Ukrainians displayed a consistently high degree of incorporation into

the Canadian society. On the contrary, the Jewish people did not seem to show a

consistent pattern of incorporation. They had been extremely successful in economic and

political dimension, but not on the social dimension because of their high degree of

segregation. The Chinese and West Indians generally experienced the most problems of

incorporation.

The second finding of this study referred to the economic and social barriers

encountered by some ethnic groups and their sub-groups. Non-White ethnic groups

especially fall under this category, in spite of their interest in blending with the main

stream.

The third and the most interesting finding of this study was that "even if there is a

significant incorporation into the larger society, a substantial degree of ethnic retention

can be observed even among individuals who can...be considered integrated" (Breton et

al, 1990,263). Some of the ways by which ethnicity was preserved was through personal

identities, use of first language, retention of traditions, participation in ethnic activities,

social relationships at work, and occupational/residential concentration. The Germans


displayed the lowest degree of retention in virtually all of the dimensions outlined above.

For the Jewish group, their cultural background appeared to have shaped their individual

and collective behaviour. In the case of the Italians, Chinese and Portuguese, there was a

very high concentration in occupations. The general implication of the above three

findings was that ethnic retention and societal incorporation are not mutually exclusive

phenomena; rather, they are quite distinct.

Another revelation was that the cultural retention does not necessarily impede the

incorporation process; it may even facilitate it. What is implied here is that the

incorporation of minorities in the larger society is a multi-dimensional reality. It is also

interesting to note that different groups exhibited different patterns of retention and

incorporation. At the same time, the impact of retention on incorporation seemed to vary

from group to group. "It can be positive, negative or nil depending on the specific

internal conditions and external circumstances in which the group finds itself (Breton et

al 1990,264). The Jewish people had a high retention rate with high incorporation, while

the Germans had a low retention rate with high incorporation. Ukrainians stood closer to

the high end in both dimensions. It seems that different elements of ethnic culture, such

as food and cultural objects, were retained as incorporation in the larger society proceeds

for some groups like the Italians and Portuguese. Ethnic language, community

participation, and group obligations were less likely to be retained.

This study revealed that ethnic concentration in labour markets has varying

effects on incorporation. The effects depend on the type of concentration, the ethnic

group, and the level of incorporation being considered. The Chinese and the West

Indians seemed to have a negative effect in this regard. The Jews, on the other hand,


were highly concentrated more so than any predominantly immigrant groups. Thus, a

high degree of occupational incorporation is possible whether the levels of ethnic

concentration are high or low. In the case of Italians, what was discerning was that men

had achieved income mobility through their ethnic businesses, while remaining in low

status occupations.

Ethno-political participation appears to be a positive factor of incorporation. The

Ukrainians and the Jews were good examples of this fact. The Germans were a highly

incorporated group, but their political participation was very low. Once again, the

Chinese and the West Indians were at the low end of political incorporation. The

researchers concluded that:

in short, the results suggest not only that incorporation does not necessarily imply declining salience of ethnicity, but also that ethnic identity and social organization can have positive or negative effects on the degree of incorporation in the larger society (Breton etal 1990, 260).

The most important overall result of this study was that incorporation and

retention do not evolve in the same way across generations for all the groups studied.

Hence, this confirms the reconstructionist view that ethnicity must be viewed as a

continuously unfolding process, as opposed to a set of firmly fixed inherited features. As

a result, this seemingly straightforward finding bears important implications for the

variable impact of ethnicity in shaping identities and social, economic and political

organizations across both ethnic groups and the generations within them.

The University of Toronto research study detailed above alerts us to very specific

trends in the Canadian ethnicity. One clear indication is that the Canadians have not

treaded in the assimilation path. Integration per se is not found to be a unidirectional


process. Rather, both processes of assimilation and retention can take place in a given

population with varying styles of combination while producing new ethnic identities. As

Yancey et al. noted (1976), ethnic properties are not transmitted from the old country;

rather, they are constructed under exigencies of survival in the social context. Thus, it

follows that the ethnic identity retained by the third generation is not of the same type or

form of identity as that retained by the first or the second generation (Isajiw 1990;

Dashefsky and Shapiro 1974).

Along the same lines, in Ethnic Options (1990), Mary C. Waters, a recent

American scholar who has done some valuable work on ethnic identity, explored why

ethnic identity continues to be a "symbolic" attachment among the post-industrial Whites

in the United States. She had studied Whites of European descent whom she thought

were treating ethnicity as an option rather than an ascribed characteristic. The Whites,

according to Waters, invariably had a choice to call themselves American or refer to a

preferred ethnic affiliation. The choice of selecting a European ancestry was determined

by factors such as "knowledge about ancestors, surnames, looks and the relative rankings

of the group" (1990, 57). The substances of these factors were "selective, intermittent

and symbolic" (1990,115). The person could choose the aspects of being Irish or Italian

that appealed to him/her and discard anything he/she deemed meaningless. The issue that

Waters raised is why Americans "cling tenaciously to their ethnic identities" when ethnic

identity is not something that affects the everyday life of a middle-class American, and

does not seem to limit the choices of marriage partners, friends or their location of

residence (1990). Her respondents have valued having an ethnic identity and expressed

interest in sharing that with their children. Her answer rests with the fact that a dilemma


in the American character "a quest for community on the one hand and a desire for

individuality on the other" (1990,147) calls for some group affiliation. Furthermore,

symbolic ethnicity also carries with it a social cost of subtle reinforcement of racism.

Waters concluded that "for the ways in which ethnicity is flexible, symbolic and

voluntary for white middle-class Americans are the very ways in which it is not so for

non-White and Hispanic Americans" (1990,156).

South Asians in the Western Context:

At this juncture it is important to examine a few selected studies on South Asians

residing in Western countries. There are no published studies encompassing sizable

samples of Sri Lankans in North America. Thus, a careful look at the pan-South Asian

ethnicity will allow me to see whether South Asians in general show a radically different

path from that of other ethnic groups in the West.

The first study was conducted in 1987 and 1989 in Birmingham, England

(Ghuman 1994), which covered a sample of 24 first generation Indian parents of Sikh,

Hindu and Muslim origin, and 86 boys and girls from two selected Birmingham high

schools. In addition, 27 teachers and 6 community leaders were interviewed as part of

this study. A comparative sample of 20 Indo-Canadians was also studied in 1990 by the

same researcher. This comparative study explored attitudes of young people toward

British/Canadian culture, as well as opinions of parents and community leaders regarding

the predicament experienced by adolescents of the second generation living in two

cultures. A significant portion of this study dealt with ethnic identity related questions.

There was agreement among the majority of the young respondents that they

should retain their ethnic language, and respect their parents by fulfilling their wishes.


The British respondents wanted to retain their original names, while the Indo-Canadians

seemed to anglicize their names. In fact, "the Indo-Canadians show far more positive

attitudes towards the Canadian culture to the extent that they are not sure whether they

should keep their Asian names" (Ghuman 1994,47).

Although 96% of respondents were bilingual, a large majority preferred to speak

English at home. A typical scenario was that a Sikh boy would speak to his parents in

Punjabi, and speak to his siblings in English. In the Birmingham sample, it was observed

that over 64% of respondents preferred to keep friends from their own ethnic group;

while about 32% had friends who were not of Indian background. In the Canadian

sample, the rate of cross-ethnic friendship relations was considerably higher. However,

cross-gender friendship was seen as unacceptable by both boys and girls in both cases

(Ghuman 1994).

Ghuman also observed marked differences between the two samples with regards

to preference for clothing. Many schools seemed to tolerate (not approved) wearing

Indian kurtas and shalwar kameez in England; whereas, the Canadians were much more

liberal with regard to what they could wear on formal and informal occasions. In like

manner, a marked difference was observed in the degree of freedom given to the

youngsters in both countries. Indo-Canadian parents had an immediate disapproval for

daughters going out after school, especially during the winter months; yet, boys were

often permitted to do so. Many boys seemed to date White girls; but, Hindu or Punjabi

girls were deprived of such freedoms. It is interesting to note that a significant number of

Indian girls had expressed their resentment over this issue to their school counsellors

(Ghuman 1994, 61).


There was one question in the study regarding feelings of identity. A

considerable majority in the British sample responded that they were British-Sikhs. It is

interesting that the identity was connected with religion and not with the nationality of

their parents. It was also noted that "despite the widespread racial discrimination and

unemployment in the community, they felt Britain to be their home country" (Ghuman

1994, 69). The Canadian response to the same question was that an overwhelming

majority considered themselves as Indo-Canadians, not Sikhs or Hindus (Ghuman 1994).

Following Isajiw's example, I also define ethnic identity as:

a manner in which persons, on account of their ethnic origin, locate themselves psychologically in relation to one or more social systems, and in which they perceive a manner in which persons, on account of their ethnic origin, locate themselves others as locating them in relation to those systems (Isajiw 1990, 35).

Thus, ethnic identity is one of the many facets of a person's identity, which,

depending on the person or the situation is relevant in defining who that person is. Sri

Lankan identity, then, can be defined as the way in which people of Sri Lankan

background psychologically locate themselves in relation to one or more social systems,

and in which they perceive others as locating them in relation to those systems.

Religion, Language and Ethnic Identity:

The review of literature on ethnicity and ethnic identity would be incomplete

without a theoretical discussion on the relationship between religion and ethnic identity.

The following discussion will help us understand the ethno-religious intersections of the

people of Sri Lankan origin under study.

As stated in Chapter I, people living in Sri Lanka belong to four major religious

affiliations, namely Buddhists, Hindus, Christians and Muslims. A considerable majority


of Buddhists speak the Sinhalese language, which leads us to believe that it is a

"Sinhalese Buddhism" that prevails in Sri Lanka (Obeysekere 1963). The majority of

Hindus speak the Tamil language. The Christians are found among all three language

groups (Sinhalese, Tamil and English) while the Muslims generally speak Sinhalese

when living in predominantly Sinhalese areas, and Tamil, when living in Tamil speaking

areas.

In Chapter II, we have seen a new development where some 2001 Census

respondents identified themselves as Sinhalese also indicated their religion as Muslims.

Contrary to the Sri Lankan situation, we have observed some Sinhalese speakers

identifying themselves as Sri Lankan-Canadians without referring to any Sinhalese

identity. The above observations call for a theoretical discussion on the possible

relationships between religion, language and ethnicity.

One of the primary findings in many research studies was that language and

religions were cultural markers of ethnicity, at least for the first generation immigrants. In

his ethnic identity discussion, Max Weber treated religion as the fifth element after

language, race, tribe, and culture in the formation of ethnic identity. For Weber, culture

was invariably a part of ethnicity and denoted "the languages citizens speak the food they

eat, the fashions they wear and the way they behave socially" (Weber 1978). He further

asserted that what determines powerful sense of ethnic identity included "shared political

memories... persistent ties with the old cult, or strengthening of kinship and other groups,

both in the old and the new community, or other persistent relationships" (Weber 1978,

390). He believed that common language and shared religious beliefs were conducive to

feelings of strong ethnic affinity. The importance Weber placed on religion and language


can be seen in his idea that palpable differences in dialect and differences of religion in

themselves do not exclude sentiments of common ethnicity. Weber had also pointed out

several situations where populations have become or are striving to become distinct

ethnic entities irrespective of their use of a common language.

Several studies had been done on specific ethno-religious groups like Jews,

Hutterites and Muslims in the Western world (Coward H and Leslie Kawamura 1978;

Prentiss 2003; the Annals, Vol. 612, July, 2007). It is a common belief that in the Jewish

framework, religion and ethnicity are difficult to separate. In the US and Canada,

Western Europe, and Hispanic America, "the Jews form an ethnic group, part of which

also practices the religion Judaism" (Neusner 2003: 86). In Israel, the Jews form the vast

majority of the nation's population, only part of which also practices the religion,

Judaism. In this context, Judaism is not the culture of an ethnic group, nor is it the

nationalism of a nation state, although it is nourished by, and helps to define, both.

This is a classic example where an ethnic group and a religion shape each other's lives.

One could argue that Jews are also similar to any other religious group, like

Catholics, Lutherans or Buddhists. To be a Lutheran, it is not necessary to be a Finn,

Dane, Swede or Norwegian. Similarly, the Sinhalese Buddhists and Thai Buddhists show

marked cultural differences in their behaviours.

Herbert Gans, who wrote about symbolic ethnicity and symbolic religiosity

(1994), traced some new developments in religious behaviours. People who practice

symbolic religiosity were those "who come as occasional spectators of, rather than

participants in, religious worship" (Gans 1994). As Gans asserted, for Jews in America

and many other places, the celebration of Jewish religious holidays has moved away from


Synagogues to private homes. This home-centred religions enabled participants to "skip,

or abbreviate, the religious rituals free from the objections of rabbi or communal social

control, or to have a non-religious family dinners surrounded by the appropriate religious

symbols" (Gans 1994). This kind of developments made room for flexibility for

selecting items that were important to the group in terms of language or religion in order

to meet the demands made on them by the increasing religious pluralism in the Western

world. As Neusner pointed out, well over half of the marriages in recent years involved

Jews who married Gentiles, and only 5% of these marriages involved Gentiles who

converted to Judaism (2003,92). According to Gans, the symbolic religiosity provided a

way out for complications associated with religious conversion.

Intersections of language, religion and ethnicity could be seen in the Aryan myth

making exercises that went on among the British, German and Indian scholars during the

19th and 20th Centuries. The Rig Veda, the most venerated religious text of Hinduism,

which is comprised of oral compositions concerning a set of sacrifices involving fire, was

considered as their property by people who called themselves Arya (nobility). These

Aryans distinguished themselves linguistically from the Dasas, who were dark in

complexion. The religious text presents a picture in which the Aryans considered the

Dasas as inferior because their dark skin, and used fire to move the Dasas away and

capture their land. A French thinker, Gobineau, picked up this myth and developed the

concepts of Aryans, non-Aryans and Semitics in the 19th Century. Max Muller, a German

scholar working in Britain expanded this concept and theorized that North Western India

was invaded by the Aryans who brought with them technologically and culturally

superior civilization and imposed it over the more primitive Dasas. Max Muller's strong


conviction regarding the Aryan myth was based on findings of his comparative studies in

linguistics in which he discovered a lot of similarities between European Languages and

Sanskrit. He concluded that true Aryans were indigenous to Europe than to India. During

the period of the Third Reich in Germany, these ideologies were incorporated into the

Aryan racial theory by employing several Indologists (Patton 2003, 184). Earlier in this

chapter, we discussed how Max Muller's ideas became the basis of the Sinhalese identity

formation against the Tamils (Dravidians) who were considered by the Sinhalese

nationalists as Dasas who migrated to Sri Lanka from India. The most interesting

development in India was that during the 1920s and 1930s; Indian scholars developed an

alliance between the European myth of the Aryans and the Indian myth of the Aryans. In

effect, Hindus began to equate the Aryan purity with purity propagated by Hinduism to

find a superior ethno-religious match.

Harold Barclay, a Canadian Anthropologist, examined the attempts made by

Islam to survive amidst the Canadian Christian environment. As Barclay pointed out,

several traditional Muslim practices and beliefs, including avoiding eating pork, the non-

consumption of alcohol, polygamy, cross-cousin marriages (especially among the Arab

Muslims), women being considered as subordinate to men, and non-dating between

young men and women, ran counter to the usual practices of Canadians (Barclay 1978,

103-105). Although Muslims are considered to be in a situation similar to the Jews

where religion and ethnicity overlap, in the Western context, the Islamic believers were

forced to adapt to the Christian social environment. The perpetuation of the Arabic

language is essential to the preservation of Islam as it is conceived that it is only proper

that the Quran be read in Arabic, and the prayers be recited in that language as well. The


second generation of Canadians who were born to Muslim parents, and who attend

Canadian schools, have a better facility in English language and are not persuaded to

learn Arabic just for the sake of preserving Islam. As a result, the Canadian Muslims will

need to compromise their traditional Arabic language and Islamic practices to better fit

into the Canadian society. As Barclay concluded:

In the past Islam was viewed as a total way of life. Presumably there was no difference between secular and sacred. In any case transplanted to Canada there is certainly pressure to view Islam as religion as most Christians view Christianity as religion-constituting a specific category in the totality of life without much relationship to the rest (Barclay 1978, 112).

Kathleen Moore's recent writing on the dilemmas faced by Muslims in the United

States today pointed out that US Muslims are challenged simultaneously to seek ties with

the global Muslim community while also developing a uniquely American religious

experience (Moore 2007). The way they face this challenge has given rise to significant

adaptations of rituals and convictions, in a reflexive project of identity construction.

Stephen Warner, a well known scholar on Sociology of Religion has attempted to

discuss the role of religion in relation to Portes and Rumbaut's theory of Segmented

Assimilation, discussed earlier in this chapter (Warner 2007). The Segmented

Assimilation processes were found to be pronounced among immigrants in American

cities; where, unlike the case of the last wave of immigration about 100 years ago, the

majority of new immigrants were concentrated. The Selective Assimilation model that

Portes and Rumbaut described allowed groups with nontrivial stocks of economic, human

and social capital to support their young people as they Americanized. Churches and

other agencies were a primary locus of the social capital that reinforced families and

parental authority. These institutions also provided cross-generational relationships


between youth and adults who were not their parents and served as bridges to

opportunities in the wider society (Warner 2007, 263). It was Warner's assertion that

religion should be examined and brought into the centre of any discussion pertaining to

immigrant incorporation.

North American researchers have devoted considerable attention to the

relationship between language and ethnic identity of immigrant groups in multilingual

settings. It was also believed that the retention of ethnic language was an important

marker of ethnic identity (Driedger 1998; Breton et al 1990). All these studies have

pointed out that ethnic minorities gradually lose their traditional first language over time;

though, their capability to resist assimilation could vary considerably (Driedger 2003,

105). The rapid acceptance of English or French does not necessarily imply a complete

loss of the heritage languages; nor, does it imply that an ethnic group will cease to exist

as a distinct collectivity. Driedger's assumption was that the linguistic factor was not

always an important, much less the only component of ethnic identity.

Some informal observations, as well as data from the sample under study have

revealed that the first generation Sinhalese have a higher retention rate of language than

their Canadian born children who identified themselves as Canadians. Language retention

rate among the Tamils seemed to be much higher than the Sinhalese and other groups.

Both Buddhist and Hindu religious institutions were forced to make compromises

regarding traditional practices of their religions prevalent in Sri Lanka to accommodate

demands of the metropolitan social environment in Ontario. Temples and Kovils have

become networking centres and social support centres for newcomers. This aspect will be

discussed in Chapter VIII of this thesis.


Chapter V Research Methodology

This chapter presents a detailed description of how the present study was designed

and conducted, and how results were generated to be presented in the form of a thesis.

Selection of the Problem and Location:

As a graduate student in Sociology of Ethnic Relations, a new immigrant to

Canada, and a father of two teenage daughters, I began to observe a plethora of

personality and behavioural changes that my own children had steadily shown in Toronto

during the past 10 years. Their successful adaptation to the academic spheres, selective

rejection and retention of Sri Lankan Sinhalese values, and creative expansion of their

world view challenged my pre-conceived notions about ethnic retention and assimilation

based on Hansen's hypothesis and ideas of "the melting pot" (Glaser and Moynihan

1963). I started to vigorously probe into this area by taking several academic courses,

and attending seminars and workshops on ethnic identity and social incorporation.

Unfortunately, at that time, there were no published Sociological studies on people of Sri

Lankan origin living in Canada available for me to quench my thirst for validated

research.

My involvement with a departmental research project4 on ethnic families forced

me to examine the 1991 Canadian Census data pertaining to people of Sri Lankan origin

in Canada. Statistics Canada did a special run of census data and generated hitherto

unknown information about this particular group. Two observations caught my critical

4 Study on Ethnic Families Conducted by Prof. Nancy Howell, Sociology Department, University of Toronto: 1993-95.


eye, and they both were instrumental in selecting the theme of my research and the

location of my respondents.

First, it was observed that out of the 48,585 people of Sri Lankan origin who had

filed census forms in 1991, a little over 65 percent had identified themselves as being "Sri

Lankans" in Canada. This was interesting because in Sri Lanka, they would not identify

themselves as Sri Lankans; they would identity as Sinhalese, Tamil or other (Burgher,

Muslim, etc.). This, for me, was a theoretical indication that a new ethnicity was in the

making in Canada. What was more interesting was to explore what socio-cultural

adaptations, inventions and rediscoveries would constitute this emerging ethnicity. The

second factor was that nearly 75% of these Sri Lankans lived in the province of Ontario.

There were about 140,000 Canadian citizens who claimed Sri Lankan origin or descent in

1996, and the majority of them lived in Ontario. Thus, Ontario served as the ideal

population base for my study.

From a Sociological standpoint, the past decade has witnessed renewed interest

and commitment to the study of ethnic identity among Canadians. A cursory look at

literature would confirm the fact that theoretical assumptions have been advanced

(Breton et al 1990; Isajiw 1997) and some empirical work has been done (Gobin 1998) in

this area of research. The aforementioned personal and theoretical reasons provided me

with sufficient tools and direction to complete this project.

Research Design:

Previous North American research in this area seemed to have a general liking

towards using a survey as the suitable method to gather information from large

populations (Alba 1985; Breton et al 1990; Portes and Rumbaut 1990). A survey would


allow the researcher to make broad generalizations based on statistical measurements.

However, given the fact that good studies on ethnic identity of South Asian visible

minorities in Canada are few and far between, I decided to make this study an exploratory

one using a structured interview schedule. Rather than testing specific hypotheses, this

study will attempt to understand patterns and processes of identity formation of the ethnic

groups in question. The final product has become predominantly a qualitative study with

some quantitative treatment of selected variables. Integration of qualitative and

quantitative methods in social research has received renewed attention during the past

decade. (Tashakkori and Teddlie (ed) 2003; Creswell 2002). Many mixed methods users

agree that mixed methods can answer research questions that the other methods cannot,

and provide the opportunity for presenting a greater diversity of divergent views. Some

tend to debate whether qualitative research questions are exploratory, while quantitative

questions are confirmatory. (Punch 1998 ). A consensus is gradually being built among

the researchers that the mixed methods research enables the researcher to simultaneously

answer confirmatory and exploratory questions, and therefore verify and generate theory

in the same study. (Teedlie and Tashakkori 2003, 15).

There are some specific advantages to making this study predominantly a

qualitative one. First, a personal interview administered by myself in a face-to-face

environment allowed me to gather more detailed information from the respondent. An

example is the question that was asked about self-perceived ethnic identity (B-l-a). The

respondents were shown a list of identity categories and asked how they usually thought

of themselves. Whatever the category that the respondent identified himself/herself with

would be sufficient for a quantitative analysis. However, confidential environment


allowed me to go beyond a simple answer and probe into their reasoning for selecting one

category against another. It also gave me a deeper understanding of their emotional

involvement through non-verbal communication cues when they selected a category of

self-identification. Bindu's response to this question exemplifies this issue:

I am fully Canadian. I have citizenship, a job and a good life with money. But I feel guilty to say just Canadian. So I would say I am a Sri Lankan Canadian. I have to be grateful to my heritage without which my Canadianness will be meaningless.

What is important here is to find out what constituted the guilt that the respondent

referred to in her answer.

In a face-to-face interview situation, contrary to a situation where a respondent

fills a questionnaire, I had the opportunity to build up rapport with the person and move

into other questions about qualities, characteristics and ethnic salience. It was of

paramount importance that I understood the meanings respondents attach to the identity

categories that they picked. This also allowed me to gather real-life experiences of

respondents and their different ways of using identity in daily interactions (Waters 1990,

11).

Secondly, when a questionnaire is given, it is assumed that each question, as

defined by the researcher, will have the same meaning to each respondent. This

erroneous assumption could lead to non-representative responses on the part of

respondents who are different from the researcher in their cultural and ethnic orientation.

The above example could be taken further to prove this argument, that what it means to

be a Canadian for the native born Canadian (vs. the foreign born one) will be two

different sets of factors. Studies (Ghuman 1994) have shown that in the case of Asian

parents, lack of physical involvement in the school activities of their children did not


seem to be a negative reflection of parental interest and commitment towards their

children's educational pursuits. Asian parents had different understandings and reasons

for not getting involved, and only a qualitative probing could gauge these differences.

Finally, in-depth interviews allowed me to see what respondents regarded as

important, rather than what I considered to be pertinent. The questionnaire method

would not have provided the richness of data that comes from qualitative tools in terms of

inter-connectedness of ideas and the thought processes of respondents. My purpose at

this stage was to understand how and why the people of Sri Lankan origin would

construct and reconstruct their identity in Canada. The fifty interview questionnaires that

I completed in the presence of my respondents do seem to assist me in arriving at this

understanding.

Nevertheless, the qualitative approach that I have used has its limitations.

Primarily, it is a highly subjective way of gathering data. It prevents any generalizations

being made to the entire Sri Lankan population that has grown 12 times bigger during the

past 30 years. Yet, making generalizations was not the primary objective of this study.

Interview questionnaires, complemented with the personal anecdotes of my respondents,

only allowed me to describe and explain the situations of the sample under study.

Narratives obtained from respondents were unique experiences filled with personal

interpretations, and they would not allow the making of any plausible predictions.

Instruments:

The interview questionnaire used for the study has two main components: A)

personal information (independent variables) and B) identity related information

(Dependent variables). Personal information, covered gender, religion, employment


status, income and educational background. Section B on identity had 9 segments

covering self-identification and ethnic salience, use of language, food habits, involvement

with other Sri Lankans, knowledge of Sri Lankan/Canadian history, obligation towards

other Sri Lankans, feeling comfortable with the Sri Lankan culture, arrival status, and

internal ethnicity/boundary maintenance. Altogether 86 questions were listed in the

schedule. Some are presented with mutually exclusive answers. The questions on

monthly income came with mutually exclusive income categories.

The structure of the interview questionnaire gave the reader an impression that it

was a quantitative study. Some possible answers were pre-coded to facilitate statistical

analysis using the SPSS software program. However, the actual administration of the

schedule took a qualitative path. Some possible answers stated in the questionnaire were

used only as a reference point for the interviewer. When the respondent lost his or her

train of thought, these cues helped the interviewer to bring the respondent back on track.

A tape recorder was used to capture some detailed personal narratives. On the average,

an interview lasted 90 minutes; but, sufficient time had to be allocated for pre-interview

familiarization as well as for post-interview meals or socializing. The interviews were

conducted in English. However, due to the lack of English language skills, a few of the

respondents preferred to speak in Sinhalese to better communicate their thoughts and

feelings. For those few interviews, the researcher has provided a faithful translation. The

researcher could not communicate in Tamil; and as a result, none of the interviews were

conducted in Tamil. The actual administration of this questionnaire and its problems will

be discussed later in this chapter.


Sample and the Sampling Technique:

The non-existence of an official list of all of the Sri Lankans in Canada limited

the possibility of drawing a random sample for the present study, as well as treating it in

quantitative terms. Several conventional sources of data were available to me at the

outset. Telephone directories provided one potential data source. Although it was

assumed that 99% of Sri Lankans had access to telephones in Ontario, some listings

posed the question of whether the names such as Silva, Fernando and Thurairajah were

actually indicative of Sri Lankan origin. These are popular names in Latin American

countries as well as in South Indian territories. Equally difficult was to locate the Sri

Lankan Burghers who generally shared Western names. Therefore, telephone lists did

not provide a sufficient basis as a sampling frame for this study.

There were three other lists available from two Buddhist Temples and a Hindu

Temple; the total membership of the temples was approximately 1000 people. These lists

neither covered the entire Sri Lankan population in Ontario, nor the Sri Lankan Buddhists

or Hindus in their entirety. As the Burghers usually did not take part in Buddhist or

Hindu religious activities, it was extremely difficult to find a list of them amenable to

developing a sampling frame. The only common membership list that was accessible

existed with the Canada Sri Lanka Association of Toronto, which was considered to be

the only umbrella organization of people of all Sri Lankan origins. This list was limited

to about 400 members. Numerous other small lists of names were found among Sri

Lankan stores, alumni associations, cricket clubs, arts councils and organizers of

performing arts. The lists overlapped or contained incorrect information.


Sampling in qualitative research does not seem to be a streamlined practice

among Social Scientists. However, it is accepted that adoption of sampling techniques

would make data and arguments more convincing. Because of my predilection to

creatively use both qualitative and quantitative analysis, I decided to obtain respondents

through a non-probability sampling technique, i.e. snowball sampling. Originally I

planned to select 60 to 80 respondents representing the Sinhalese (15/20); the Tamils

(15/20), Burghers (15/20), and Canadian born children (15/20). The first 12 respondents

who represented the first three ethnic categories above would have to come from the

combined names list of the three temples and the Canada-Sri Lanka Association. This

new list had their names, gender, and addresses with phone numbers. Through

experience, it was easy to separate Tamil names from Sinhalese names.

In the first round of selection, it was necessary to pick up 4 people (2 men and 2

women) from each of the above ethnic categories. Unfortunately, the combined list did

not provide sufficient Burgher names for possible inclusion in the sample, and as a result,

only two Burgher names could be selected. One Burgher person did not agree to be

interviewed. Finally, the first round of selection included only 9 people (instead of 12)

representing three ethnic origin categories (4 with Sinhalese names, 4 with Tamil names

and 1 Burgher origin). The second round of selection was done by asking each of the 9

persons already selected to nominate 5 persons he or she knew of in the Sri Lankan

community. This process generated 45 new names, and only two out of every five

nominated names were selected for interviewing. After the second round of selection,

there were 27 names (9+18) available for interviews. In the third round, each of those

18 who were selected for interviews was asked to nominate 5 other persons they knew of


in the Sri Lankan community in Ontario. This third round generated a list of 90 names.

Using the same rule adopted in the second round, only 2 names out of each five

nominations were contacted for interviews (resulting in 36 names). At the end, there

were 63 names (9 + 18 + 36) available for the final sample.

There were two other conditions that the respondents had to meet. Firstly, fifty

percent of my final sample had to represent the female population. Secondly,

interviewing only the members of ethnic associations would pose a problem of a built-in

bias. Conventional wisdom held that people who joined an ethnic association tended to

be more ethnic than the ones who were not members of such associations. The best way

to minimize this bias was to ensure that at least 50% of my sample did not include those

who were listed as members of Sri Lankan organizations in the initial combined list.

In order to contact 20 Canadian born children, each of these 63 people already

selected for interviews were asked to nominate five known names in the age group of 18-

25. It was not easy for each of the respondents to come up with five names which met the

age requirement. Some respondents emphatically stated that the Sri Lankan population in

Ontario was still young and that it would take another ten years for me to find suitable

candidates for this research. Finally, I managed to find 18 names of native-born youth,

and two women who had come to Canada at the age of 3. Most of them pursued higher

education at various institutions, and six of them had jobs on a full-time or part-time

basis.

The sampling method did not result in a 100 percent randomized sample.

However, given the existing limitations, this was the best approximation. After screening

the 81 names against the criteria of the ethnic categories stated above, gender, and non-

inventing the Sri Lankans: Construction of Ethnic Identity by Immigrants to Ontario 115

membership in organizations, my final sample resulted in 50 respondents. There were

several interesting reasons as to why I was not able to interview the desired number of 60

to 80 respondents.

The first respondent of Burgher origin was immensely excited about the interview

that took place at her residence. She nominated five other persons of Burgher origin.

However, all five she nominated had married spouses from non-visible minority ethnic

groups. Due to this reason, they refused to express any affiliation with a study of Sri

Lankans. Some of them stated that their Sri Lankan affiliation was only a "historical

matter of birth." They did not want to identify themselves as Sri Lankans, saying that

they did not practice any Sri Lankan values any longer. However, they suggested some

names of persons of Sinhalese origin that they used to know several years ago. Finally,

the Burgher contingent of the sample was limited to just one person.

Tamil respondents posed a different kind of problem. I was able to interview only

16 respondents of Tamil origin. Four respondents that I spoke with over the phone

refused to take part in the study because a Sinhalese person was conducting this research.

One of them was extremely harsh to the researcher, saying:

We don't know how you will misinterpret our information the way your ancestors did for the Tamil history. We have been severely harassed by Sinhala people in Sri Lanka. We lost our property, our family members. We cannot go back to our people. Your army kidnaps us and kills us. Why do you want to waste time talking to us? We will not be part of your Sri Lanka. You mind your own business.

My non-obtrusive and peace making appeals did not work with the said respondents.

Another respondent who refused to be interviewed accused me, saying:

We heard that you are providing secret information to the Sri Lankan army by doing this research. We heard you worked for the Sri Lankan government before you came and we do not want to give you any information now.


Although I politely explained that I had no involvement whatsoever with the Sri Lankan

army and gave some Tamil names to verify my status, they still refused to participate. I

became extremely disappointed with this new development in the project; yet, given the

recent developments in the ongoing civil war in Sri Lanka between the Tamil liberation

groups and the government army, their response to me was not an unpredictable one. My

research project seemed to have provided some of them with an avenue to revive their

mental agonies connected with the ongoing ethnic violence, and they felt the need to

continually validate their ethnic boundaries (Barth 1969, 15). However, this development

did not have a spill-over effect on my other Tamil respondents. In the end, I had to settle

with 16 Tamil respondents who were of "moderate" type with regard to the Tamil

separatist movement that was brewing in Sri Lanka and Canada. This selection of

respondents invariably runs the risk of not receiving really "hard core" Tamil responses

on ethnic identity from the Tamils who were actively involved in the separatist

movement from Canada.

Seven second generation respondents were not available for a variety of reasons,

including being at school out of province, working in the evenings, gone out dancing and

"not personally interested" in research. Over all, most of the reasons stated were

indicative of ethnic factors that are in play under the current stage of identity construction

by people of Sri Lankan origin. Reasons given by the people of Burgher origin

presupposed a state of total assimilation, at least in their minds; while, the responses from

some Tamils, blended with anger and despair, reflected an attempt to maintain a strict

ethnic boundary, and to transplant old country enmity in the host country.


In addition to these interviews, I examined several issues of two monthly

newspapers published by Sri Lankan groups, souvenirs published in connection with

special Sri Lankan events, news letters and special event handouts published by various

Sri Lankan groups in Ontario. I listened to two ethnic radio programs on a regular basis

and watched two community TV programs presented by the Sri Lankans. During the time

of my study an interesting issue emerged which resulted in a split in the Buddhist moral

community of Toronto. I was able to read some internal communications of the Buddhist

temple involved in the issue. I was also able to attend two meetings held on the issue of

Sinhala-Tamil confrontations taking place in Sri Lanka. I attended many Sinhala and

Tamil musical events, as well as three Sri Lankan New Year celebrations sponsored by

emerging leaders and associations in the Toronto community. These community

gatherings portrayed the style of the new ethnicity that was in the making. The best

approach to deal with this type of data sources was a content analysis. The nature of this

content analysis and its strengths and weaknesses will be discussed in detail in chapter

VIII. A list of all these sources is attached as part of the chapter.

Process of Interviewing and Related Problems:

The face-to-face interviews took place in homes of the respondents (98%)) during

1994-1995. I had completed most of my course work by then and was able to spend

seven to ten hours (besides my teaching assistantship) at least four days of the week for

meeting with respondents. My permanent residence was in Hamilton, Ontario during this

period and I commuted by public transport to Toronto on two days and drove from

Hamilton on all other days.


Prior to meeting with the respondents, I obtained necessary permission from the

University of Toronto to conduct interviews with the Sri Lankan population for research

purposes. The interview schedule was reviewed and approved by the chief supervisor at

the sociology department. It was also reviewed and approved by the research ethics

committee of the University of Toronto.

The interview process began with a phone call made to respondents. I introduced

myself and stated the purpose of my study. I explained that I was a student in the

Sociology Department at the University of Toronto, and I made it very clear to them that

the information gathered would only be used for a PhD thesis and confidentiality would

be fully guaranteed. Depending on their initial response, I arranged appointments to see

them during evenings or weekends. During my first encounter with the respondents

through phone calls, I gave them some of my personal background. When I met them

face-to-face, I gave them a letter confirming the confidentiality of their responses. They

were informed that at any time they could refuse to answer my questions or terminate the

interview altogether. Permission was obtained through a signed letter from all the

respondents to tape record our discussions and to use their information without referring

to their actual names. As stated earlier, in order to ensure anonymity, none of the real

names of the respondents were kept in my files. Forty-nine respondents invited me to

visit their homes or apartments for the interviews, and one female respondent preferred to

do the interview at my residence. There were five postponements of interviews but no

cancellations. The average time spent on an interview was 2 hours except for the

interviews with Vickum, Vipula, Lopia and Raja which lasted over 3.5 hours each. These

respondents really enjoyed talking about their past and the adjustments they had to make


in Canada. We took one or two snack breaks of five to ten minutes each and I was able

to bring the respondents back on track without much effort. Almost 40 interviews were

conducted during evenings (between 6.00 and 9.00pm) and the other ten between 9.00 am

and 11.30 am, mostly on weekends. During weekends, I was able to complete a

maximum of three interviews as the respondents were free of work and found to be in a

mental state conducive for answering questions and discussing matters important to them

and to their children.

Over 40% of respondents had me sit at their dining table so that they could serve

me some snacks while I talked with them. They made a deliberate attempt to treat me

with a variety of traditional and popular food items such as yogurt and treacle, hoppers

(traditional Sri Lankan pancake) and fruit salad. Some of them felt that the home

environment should be made conducive for the interview with traditional Sinhala music

played in the background. Two males tried to talk me into having some Scotch before I

started the interviews because "Scotch on the rocks" has long been a popular drink

among Sri Lankan males. With the Sinhalese respondents, it was much easier to elicit

rapport because a great majority of them had known me through my involvement with the

Sri Lankan New Year celebration events. I had earned a name in the Sinhalese

community as a talented violin player and a creative radio announcer in the Voice of

Lanka program that was aired on Thursday evenings on CIAO 530 during 1992 and

1993. I also played an active role in the religious-cultural activities of the West-End

Buddhist temple in 1994. Many of my respondents inquired as to whether my thesis

would be published. They thought that someone should write a book about Sri Lankans in

Canada. All of them generally supported my project and actively participated in


interviews. However, about 30% of my Sinhalese respondents tried to answer some

questions by saying, "Sarath, you know answers to these questions. You know what our

food is; you know that we do not like our girls marrying outsiders." In these instances, I

had to make it very clear that I was looking for their answers "because I respected their

views." Many respondents asked me what category of identity I would choose. I

carefully avoided any contamination of their responses with my personal views, or

generating any unpleasant feelings in their minds, by coming back to their questions after

the interview was over.

Some respondents (both male and female) were curious as to what some of their

friends had told me in the form of answers to questions in the areas of self-perceived

identity (Q. l.a), dating practices of their children (Q. 7f) and obligation towards other Sri

Lankans (Q.6a). They were also quick to make certain negative comments or value

judgments about the behaviours of their friends. I maintained strict confidentiality

throughout the interview process, and ensured each participant that their answers and the

information gathered from others would not be repeated. As evidence, all names used in

this thesis have been changed to maintain the anonymity of the respondents. However, to

differentiate between Sinhalese, Tamil and Burgher respondents, I have replaced their

names with common Sinhalese/Tamil/Burgher names.

Generally, most of the interviews were very rich in detail and contained personal

anecdotes. Many Tamil respondents were happy to see me in their houses. Several Tamil

respondents had prepared special meals for me to either before or after the interview.

The majority of Tamil respondents had their children and spouses present in the same

room where I conducted the interviews. In the case of female respondents being


interviewed, there were several instances when their husbands spoke on their behalf. For

instance, Savithri's husband, who happened to be there during the interview, negated

many observations she made concerning the salience of ethnicity and freedom for

children. Through a delicate verbal intervention on my part, I diffused the situation by

saying that his spouse was entitled to her opinions and observations.

Some respondents inquired about my knowledge regarding their place of birth.

Some of them went to the extent of asking what my views were concerning the ethnic

problems in Sri Lanka. My responses contained mostly good experiences I had while

working with Tamils in Sri Lanka during 1971-1986. I made it very clear to them that I

had no prejudice towards other ethnic groups.

The most unfathomable response came from a graduate student who said:

Sarath, you should confine your research to Sinhalese people only. You never lived a life of a Tamil. Your orientation appears to be Sinhala, Buddhist and Upper Middle Class. Most of your respondents are going to be lower and middle class Tamils. How would you understand their thinking and our people? And, on top of that, some Tamil groups may not like your doing this type of research in Toronto.

This person was highly critical of my interests in the Tamil community in Toronto.

After I spoke with him as a university colleague for a considerable length of time,

discussing my interests in academic research, he finally agreed to be interviewed.

Tammy and Kumi, two female respondents of the second generation, were quite

reluctant to respond in detail. They both admitted that they were "a hundred percent

Canadian" and their only connection with the Sri Lankan culture was that they lived with

parents of Sri Lankan origin. In their non-verbal cues, they showed some animosity

towards their parents. Once I started to inquire about the expressed animosity, both of

them opened up and offered valuable information. The reluctance to engage in a


conversation with me at the outset was mainly due to ongoing problems of behavioural

controls that their parents had imposed on them.

Many second generation respondents took advantage of my interviews with them

to vent their inner most feelings about the lack of freedom at home. They sought some

sympathy from me on the pressing problems that they were experiencing, especially in

the area of dating non-Sri Lankan boys or girls. I promised them that any personal

information divulged would be kept absolutely confidential. I also made them

understand how relevant this information was for us to comprehend what goes on in the

lives of new immigrants and their children.

These are all formidable issues that any sociologist would face when trying to

study his or her own community. Although the perception by the Sinhalese respondents

of me as a member of their group immensely facilitated my work, it gave rise to several

precautions that I had to take in order to avoid the contamination of information. One of

the major precautions was not to discuss results of my previous interviews with the

respondents. On the other hand, as a response to some discouraging comments made by

a few Tamils, I admitted that the issues they raised were the built-in limitations faced by

anybody who is crossing cultural boundaries. I was thus able to convince some of them,

saying that as long as I accepted these limitations, validity of my data would not be

hampered.

I managed to refuse these offers on the grounds that I would be driving soon after my

interview was over. Many respondents phoned me and thanked me several weeks later for taking

them on a tour down memory lane through my interview questions.


At this juncture, another issue needs to be explained. It is the issue of the researcher being

a Sinhalese male. I have discussed earlier the kind of issues I had to face as a Sinhalese person

with the Tamil respondents. All those who willingly responded did not speak about the fact that I

belonged to their rivalry ethnic group. The fact that many of them could speak Sinhalese in

addition to English made my interviewing easier and they were happy that I selected them.

However, the majority of Tamils during the time of my research were involved in a massive

campaign spearheaded by the Tamil Tigers against the predominantly Sinhalese government in Sri

Lanka. Although my Tamil respondents did not refer to Tamil Tigers, they would have been

definitely under some political influence of the Tamil Tigers. According to the Mackenzie report,

practically every Tamil family living in Ontario had to contribute to a common fund on monthly

basis. There was no reason to believe that my research was unknown to the Tigers. At the time

this study was launched, I was fully aware of these possibilities. My strategy was not to open the

topic of Tigers as part of my conversation with the Tamil respondents. A few instances where

Tamil Tigers' activities were mentioned my response was that it was quite unfortunate that we had

this struggle in Sri Lanka, and I deliberately referred to the good times and good Tamil friends I

had when I was a university student in Sri Lanka. The researcher had to take a neutral stand or

make no positive or negative comments about the Tiger movement or the on-going war in Sri

Lanka. It was clear that if the researcher was a Tamil, the respondents would have given more

authentic information regarding what Tigers were doing in Canada as well as their attitudes

towards the Sinhalese. It was possible that my being a Sinhalese researcher and using English as

the medium of communication would have prevented some information coming to the researcher,

from some Tamil respondents. Many Tamil respondents would have preferred to speak to a

researcher in their own language.


Another area where some bias was likely to occur was when I interviewed Tamil women.

Given the cultural expectation in the Hindu-Tamil culture, husbands had the habit of responding to

my questions on behalf of their wives. There was a limit that I could go asking the husbands not to

interrupt their wives when they were expressing their ideas and opinions. If the researcher had

been a Sinhalese woman, definitely, she would have had an easier access to Tamil women. A few

Tamil female respondents in fact inquired why I did not bring my wife along with me for this

interview. In this particular case all interviews had to be conducted in an open space such as a

dining room or living room. A woman researcher would have had no space limitation to speak to

another woman. This was not the case with many Sinhalese women who wanted to find a quite

place to have a discussion with me. A number of interviews took place in the living or dining area

with no other interferences from the husbands or children. This was more of a matter of personal

knowledge that the Sinhalese women had about the researcher prior to meeting with him.

Description of Sample:

I completed a total of 50 in-depth interviews that represented 22 Sinhalese

speakers, 16 Tamil speakers, 1 of Burgher descent, and 11 Canadian born children of Sri

Lankan parentage, including two women who had migrated to Canada at the age of three.

In the Canadian born second generation segment, there were two respondents of Burgher

origin. Unfortunately, it was not possible to find second generation Tamils to be included

in the study because many Canadian born Tamil children were in their pre-teen years due

to recent migration to Canada.

These 50 people lived in Brampton, Scarborough, Mississauga, Ottawa, Hamilton

and a few other areas in Southern Ontario. Twenty respondents own their houses, while


others lived in high-rise apartment buildings. The following table captures a few selected

demographic characteristics of this sample:

Table 21: Characteristics of the Sample (50)

Demographic Frequency Characteristics Gender Male Female Religion Buddhists Hindus Christians Others

Educational Level Grade 5-12 College/Technical University Degree Graduate Qualifications Other

Employment Professional Semi-Professional Manual Work Private Business Not Working

Monthly Income <$1500 $1500-2999 $3000-4499 $5000> Age Range

24 26

22 14 13 01

11 17 17 4

01

19 17 12 05 03

10 33 06 01 Youngest 19yrs.

Percentage

48% 52%

44% 28% 26% 2%

22% 34% 34% 8%

2%

38% 34% 12% 10% 6%

20% 66% 12% 1% Oldest 55 yrs.

Fifty- two percent (52%) of the respondents were females compared to 48 percent

males. Although this was not consistent with the general demographic picture of the

South Asians or Sri Lankans in Canada according to the 1991 Census, this resulted in a


higher representation of females in the second generation sample. The age of all

respondents ranged from 19 years to 55 years.

Forty four percent of all Buddhists were Sinhalese, and 12% of Christians were

Sinhalese. All Hindus were Tamil, and only 4% of the Tamils were Christian. There

were no Muslims in the sample. Of the second generation respondents, 6% were

Christians and the rest were Buddhists. Almost 68% of the sample had obtained

trades/technical certificates, college, or university qualifications. This was a very high

academic standing for the sample of 50 respondents. However, this picture was not

surprising because South Asians in Canada seemed to have higher levels of formal

education than the overall population (White and Nanda 1990, 8). Seven out of 11

respondents in the second generation sample had completed university education. Higher

educational expectations on the part of Sri Lankan parents for their children partially

explained this distribution.

Employment data showed similar trends. Almost 72% of the respondents had

professional or semi-professional jobs. They included higher educational consultancy,

accounting, and computer programming. Respondents who did not work were married to

employed spouses. Everybody expressed the need for paid employment, and it was

interesting to note that some women had never worked prior to immigration. This trend

follows the writing of White and Nanda, "among men, South Asians are more likely than

other Canadians to work in professional occupations. In 1986,18% of South Asian men

were in professional positions, compared with 13%> of all Canadians" (White and Nanda

1990, 9).


Sixty- six percent of the sample earned an average monthly income of $ 1500-

$2999, and 12 % earned between $ 3000 and $4999. Comparative figures for the South

Asians in Canada in 1986 showed that 17% received an annual income of $ 20,000-

$29,999, while 19.2 percent received more than $30,000 per annum. Overall Canadian

averages for these two income brackets were 17% and 18.2 % respectively (D'Costa

1993,190-191). Monthly income of the Sri Lankan group did not deviate very much

from the Canadian averages.

This discussion would not be complete without taking a look at the first entry

status and the year of entry into Canada for this sample. Twenty two percent of

respondents had entered Canada as sponsored immigrants, while 20% had arrived as

independent immigrants. Refugees constituted 28% of the sample; while another 22%

represented the Canadian born children. The sample was more or less equally divided

among main entry status categories conceivable for the study. However, to what extent

the entry status would explain variations in identity formation will be dealt with in the

following chapters. Thirty six percent of respondents had entered Canada during 1981-

90, while; another 30% had done so during 1971-80. It was noteworthy that 6% of

respondents had come to Canada prior to 1970.


Identity Groups Observed in the Sample:

The following table depicts how many respondents were obtained in each of the

self-perceived identity types.

Table 22: Self-Perceived Identity Types

Identity Type

Tamil

Tamil Sri Lankan

Sri Lankan

Tamil Canadian

Canadian

Sri Lankan Canadian

Total

Frequency

1

3

4

6

11

25

50

Percentage

2%

6%

8%

12%

22%

50%

100%

Analysis:

As discussed earlier, this is primarily a qualitative study. However, using the

software program SPSS Student Version 8,1 have tabulated data pertaining to 47

variables. These tabulations and frequency distributions that were generated have set the

basic structure for my analysis. I have also used cross-tabulations of selected variables to

identify relationships. No statistical measurements such as Chi-square, ANOVA or

correlations have been derived because of the non-random nature of my sample. In

effect, personal anecdotes and incidents reported have been used to substantiate my

arguments. The media materials gathered to determine organizational support for

different identity types were analyzed using the content analysis framework. More details

of the manner in which a content analysis was done are discussed in chapter VIII.


Chapter VI

Self-Perceived Identity Types

In this chapter I present the types of ethnic identity that the respondents

themselves selected while they were being interviewed. The respondents were shown a

list of possible identity types and asked to choose a type that suited their perception of

themselves in the Canadian society. Table 22 depicts their answers (Chapter V, page

129).

Fifty percent of respondents had identified themselves as Sri Lankan-Canadian,

while 22% preferred to call themselves Canadian. As might be expected, the majority of

the Canadian group included (9) Canadian born youth. The other two people in the

Canadian group had come to Canada at the age of 3 or 4. It is noteworthy that while 16%

of the respondents had kept their ethnic origin without making any reference to a

Canadian identity, 34% had identified themselves as Tamil-Canadian and Canadian,

without making any reference to a Sri Lankan connection. Moreover, what is

conspicuous is the absence of the category of Sinhalese, who are the majority ethnic

group in Sri Lanka. Of the total number of 26 respondents who learned Sinhalese as their

first language, 3 considered themselves as Sri Lankans while the rest identified

themselves as Sri Lankan-Canadian.

The reasons as to why Sinhalese is not presented as an identity type were

seemingly cultural and political. Some assumed that it was not necessary to identify as

Sinhalese in Canada because what is relatively known in Canada is the name Sri Lanka.

As explained by Lopia:


Those Canadians who know about Sri Lanka know that Sinhalese people are the majority in Sri Lanka. Therefore it makes a lot of sense for us to present ourselves as Sri Lankans. There is no need to over-emphasise our Sinhaleseness because it is confusing to the listener.

While expanding the same train of thought, Willie stated:

Only the Sinhalese have a legitimate right to call themselves Sri Lankans in Canada. Over the years, Sinhalese Kings and people have built social institutions, cultural practices and even public government in Sri Lanka. It is the Sinhalese culture that represents Sri Lanka well. The Sinhalese people, who coined the name Sri Lanka to replace Ceylon, have only one place on the Earth that they can call of their own,

Some participants argued that "Sinhaleseness is coterminous with Sri Lanka;" yet, others

asserted that, "we need to separate ourselves from East Indians and many Canadians do

not know about Sinhalese people. East Indians tend to put us under Indian category and

show that we are part of India. But, we are not". As Wille pointed out:

Many a times I was mistaken as an East Indian. Once in a bus an East Indian looking guy with his heavy East Indian accent spoke to me in Hindi. I replied to him in English. Then he asked me very arrogantly why I was not responding to him in Hindi. I told him I did not know Hindi. Then he said that I should be ashamed for not speaking in my mother tongue. Then I told him Hindi was not my mother tongue. When I told him that my mother tongue was Sinhalese, he said it was the same after all, Sri Lanka was part of India. I was not pleased with him at all.

It was reported by many Sinhalese speaking respondents that even the white Canadians

quite frequently perceived them as Indians either because of their inability to differentiate

between the Sinhalese and the East Indians, or their ignorance about other South Asians

than East Indians.

On the other hand, out of the 16 respondents who spoke Tamil as their first language, 10

identified themselves as Tamil Sri Lankan (3) or Tamil Canadian (7). For everyone in

this group, their Tamilness appeared to be as important as his or her Canadianness or Sri


Lankanness. For Siva, being Tamil was also a pan-Asian identity; "There are Tamils in

South India, Singapore, Malaysia and many other Asian countries. We are part of that

rich culture."

In order to understand these identity types better, the respondents were asked to

describe three typical characteristics or qualities of a person who belongs to the same

ethnic identity type that they identify themselves with. The only respondent who

identified herself as Tamil portrayed people in her category as typically Hindu, hard

working, concerned about family, and grateful to the motherland. In effect, she stated:

I cannot forget my past. All good qualities I acquired came from my Tamil mother and I am ever grateful to her for bringing me up. We inherit a long history and it is very rich. It is not like the 125 years of Canadian history. No matter where I go I am a Tamil. Some people here think that they are Canadians. People change for personal gains. I still think I am Tamil. I do not need to change my identity simply because I changed my country of residence. I may go back and die among the Tamils. Even if the deer changes its jungle, its spots on the body never change. I left Sri Lankan Tamil people because of war and for safety reasons.

This respondent's emotional expression of her identity was overflowing with ideas about

and memories of her early upbringing, her mother's love, attachment to the land, and

traces of feelings of guilt for leaving Sri Lanka. The self-identification of this respondent

as Tamil was based on her ethnic origin, and being part of a culture that she was

socialized in before coming to Canada. Her ancestors, real or symbolic, had been

members of that same cultural group. On account of the above factors, it was easy for

her to locate herself psychologically within the Tamil culture even if she was now living

in Canada today. It is interesting to note that even after 10 years of living in Canada, and

the incessant civil war in Sri Lanka, she had not changed her thoughts and feelings about

identity. The retention of her original identity appears to be a typical characteristic of


first generation immigrants in North America (Isajiw in Breton et al 1990,49-81; Hansen

1962).

There were three respondents who identified themselves as Tamil-Sri Lankans.

All three of them had listed "hard working" and "minding the family" as two important

qualities. These two qualities coincided with the earlier respondent's list of Tamil

characteristics as well. One of the latter respondents had indicated, "being ambitious" as

another typical characteristic. It is noteworthy that all four respondents referred to above

were women who spoke the Tamil language fluently. Indeed, Mala described her

experiences as the following:

When we meet other people in Canada, they ask who we are. I say I am Tamil. But they do not seem to know. Then they ask, "From what country are you?" Having had this difficulty of explaining things in detail I learned to say I am Tamil from Sri Lanka. Then they say, "Oh, yes." When we lived in Sri Lanka we never said Sri Lankan. We always said Tamils to Sinhala people. Of course, by looking at our names, any Sinhalese can say that we are Tamil. Also our pottu5

gives the indication that we are not Sinhalese.

The above statement clearly shows how people locate themselves psychologically in

relation to one or more social systems.

Within the Sri Lankan context, a considerable majority of Tamils use the Tamil

language and the Hindu religious practices as distinct markers to separate themselves

from the Sinhalese. The Sinhalese also used the Tamil names, the Hindu religious

practices, and cultural markers, such as a pottu on the forehead of Tamil women, to

designate the Tamils as a separate identity from that of the Sinhalese. Although the

Sinhalese Buddhists have incorporated several Hindu Gods and rituals into the Buddhist

5 Pottu is a cultural symbol of Tamil women. It is a little circular mark in red or black placed on the forehead.


pantheon, they did not worship Hindu temples as an integral part of their practice.

(Obeysekere 1963). It is also interesting to note that during the past 100 years, a

considerable number of low caste Tamil language speakers had converted to Buddhism

from Hinduism, due to caste based discriminatory treatments they received from the high

caste Hindus. However, during the same period, no recorded evidence was found

regarding any Sinhalese changing his or her religion to become a Hindu. Consequently,

given the prevailing ethnic tensions between the two groups in Sri Lanka, these cultural

affiliations have become veritable markers serving the purpose of separating the Tamils

from the Sinhalese.

In Chapter II, it stated that according to the 1991 census analysis, 65% of the

people of Sri Lankan origin had self-identified as being Sri Lankan. Accordingly, there

were four respondents in this study who identified themselves as Sri Lankan. Some of

the characteristics these four people listed for their ethnic group were: friendly, hard

working, talking a lot, capable of rubbing shoulders with anybody in the world, easily

adaptable to other cultures, speaking the Sinhala language, and prefer spicy food.

It is interesting that "working hard" is a characteristic that runs like a thread

through all of the three types of ethnic identities examined so far. For both Tamil and

Sinhalese speakers, the value of working hard is intrinsically interwoven into their work

ethic and value system in Sri Lanka. The 2500 years of recorded history has witnessed

that, predominantly being farmers and rural inhabitants, the Sinhalese and the Tamils had

to work very hard to produce their staple food by cultivating rice, in the face of

intermittent droughts and heavy monsoon rains. Due to infertile soil and arid climate, the

conditions appeared to have been worse for the Tamils who lived in the Northern and


North-Eastern part of the Island. With the advent of the colonial administration and a

monetary economy, the entire rural farming community transformed with nimble ease;

yet, the value of hard work has continued to be a driving force. With rapid socio

economic changes taking place, some towns in the Northern Province of Sri Lanka began

to produce hard working lawyers, accountants and doctors, replacing the hard working

farmers. In the Canadian context, "working hard" seems to be an adjustment strategy to

the socio-economic environment.

From the explanations provided by those who self-identified as Sri Lankans, it

was clear that all of them were emotionally attached to Sri Lanka; but, due to economical

reasons, they would rather live in Canada. For example, Raja stated:

I am still a Sri Lankan. In Canada, I am not a real Canadian. My mind is in Sri Lanka. After six months of coming to Canada, I decided to go back. Because of my daughters' education, I changed my plans. I still miss my relations, friends and parents. I do not get the same "coming home" feeling when I return after work to my house in Canada. I miss those birds and paddy fields. I used to go to a boutique on Saturday morning and pick up some news and gossip from other people. I miss those sessions here in Toronto. Relationships here seem to be very formal. Begins with Hi and ends with Bye.

In like manner, Sirimal, who had lived in Canada for nearly 30 years, shared similar

feelings; "My current nationality is Canadian, but I am proud of being Sri Lankan and

that is my identity. When you change your country, your identity does not change with

it." Ravan, who had entered Canada in 1969, also stated that, "For all legal purposes I

am Canadian. However, my upbringing is Sri Lankan Sinhalese. I think like a Sri

Lankan and act like a Canadian."

The only female respondent in this group felt that she had to introduce herself as a

Sri Lankan because many people in Canada did not know the difference between the


Sinhalese and the Tamils. It was revealed during our conversation that she felt strongly

about being Sinhalese, and was upset because she did not have sufficient opportunities to

practice her Sinhalese language. According to the following statement from Avi,

speaking in English for several hours of the day in Canada did not bring her mental

satisfaction:

At my work place, I speak English. Around 4.30 in the afternoon, I feel relaxed because I could go home and speak with my husband in Sinhalese. I cannot express feelings very well in English. Whenever I try to do that, I feel lost and betrayed. But I know I will have to learn to live with this agony. My husband likes Canada, and for him I stay here with my son. My ideas and feelings may change eventually, who knows?

What is noteworthy was that all eight respondents who belonged to the above three

identity groups could speak either Sinhalese or Tamil, languages that they learned as a

child. The majority of them had a good command of English, and some even spoke all

three languages very fluently.

The next ethnic category includes six respondents who claimed that they were

Tamil-Canadian. What are common to all four of the categories listed thus far were the

characteristics of "hard work" and "family orientation." Family orientation included

constant financial and care-giving obligations towards family, sacrificing enjoyment and

happiness to keep the children happy, and protecting the family against any external

threats, physical or otherwise. Through Buddha's various teachings such as Singalowada

Sutt and Birth Stories^ Buddhism has promoted familial obligations toward children,

spouses and parents as meritorious deeds. Hinduism shares similar familial sentiments

that are embedded in many great epic stories such as Mahabaratha and Ramaycma Thus,


the origin of these strong family values can be traced back to religious teachings in

Buddhism and Hinduism.

What was unique to most of the Tamil-Canadian respondents was the quality of

being "ambitious." They felt that reaching to a higher educational/economical and social

standards were two outcomes of their ambitions. These respondents also felt that these

qualities appeared to be common to many Canadians for several generations. Self-

identification as Tamil-Canadian was based on three major considerations: A) very high

appreciation of Tamil culture, B) disassociating with Sri Lankan society and, C)

aspiration to use Canadian society as its main reference group. It appears that when

factor B was strong due to life threatening experiences encountered in Sri Lanka, factors

A and C worked together well in supporting their new identity. As evidence, Suresh

stated:

During the early 1980's we felt that we were under threat all the time. We lived in Colombo and our neighbours always suspected us. Although my boss in the government department liked me and praised me, I overheard many negative comments about me [as a Tamil] from fellow Sinhalese staff. Every time there was a bomb scare, most of them came to my office to see whether I was on leave that particular day. They suspected me as a 'Tiger supporter' for no reason. We had very little contact with Northern Tamils, but we were suspected all the time. In the canteen I heard remarks such as 'demala, para demala, ung ape rata kanawa' [Tamils-those damn Tamils are destroying our country]. Gradually I lost interest in working in the department. I gradually started to hate everybody. I decided to leave Sri Lanka forever. I still hate those Sinhalese people.

Rama was appreciative of the glory of Tamil culture and wanted to see that he

was properly recognized as a Tamil in Canada. But he was extremely delighted to be in

Canada now. His story is as follows:

My father, who was a teacher, used to tell me stories from the centuries-old Tamil literary tradition. When I think of them and the way my father retold those


stories, I feel very proud of my culture. I think the British recognized this. During the time of British Raj, Tamils had very good jobs. They were doctors, judges, accountants and so on. In Jaffna, we could not grow any food and become farmers. So everybody was forced to learn and obtain good jobs. But after independence we lost our privileges. Even if you receive higher education there is no promise that we will get good jobs. We left Sri Lanka at a time when Tamils were discriminated against in every sphere of work. I do not want even to think about Sri Lankan connections. Mere thinking brings hatred in my mind. My whole family is here now. In Canada, once you have qualifications, you are recognized. I consider myself as a proud Tamil-Canadian. We can be ambitious in Canada because we see the end of the tunnel.

Sadly, it is quite evident from the above respondents that they had experienced

horrifying, life-threatening, racially motivated violence during 1983-85 in Sri Lanka.

Some of them had lost their family members, their property, and their livelihood. Others

have had harsh encounters with the Sri Lankan police or army. Hence, this group of

respondents had begun to erase their historical connection with the Sri Lankan society,

and adopt something more congenial for the sake of their safety and happiness.

In Canada, there are Tamil language speakers who have originated from countries

other than Sri Lanka. Some have come from South India, Malaysia, and Indonesia, while

others have migrated from the African continent. This has been a common pattern of

migration among South Asians in general (Schlesinger and Schlesinger 1992, 153).

Thus, the fact that some Tamils of Sri Lankan origin were presenting themselves as

Tamil-Canadians would be an indication of an emerging Tamil identity in Canada.

On the other hand, the Canadian identity category proved to be a radical

departure from the previously stated. There werel 1 respondents who identified

themselves as Canadian. The characteristics that these individuals listed as typical

descriptions of their ethnicity included: hard working, assertive, independent decision

making, respect for the views of others and other cultures, open expression of personal


feelings, future oriented, professionally inclined and ambitious. All these qualities were

presumably the values of mainstream Canadian society. Eight respondents of this group

were born in Canada, and have grown up in Canadian society. Generally speaking,

"Assertiveness (especially on the part of women), independent decision-making, and

open expression of feelings" were some values that were definitely not part and parcel of

the traditional culture of Sri Lanka.

For instance, 26-year-old Appu painted a vivid picture of this view:

My mother would always tell me that I have no capacity to make my own decisions because I know only a little about myself. Mother knows more about, and the best for, me. All her major life decisions have been made either by her parents or her husband. When I am late coming, home my mother will worry too much about what other Sri Lankans will think about us, especially about her being unable to control her son. She will not realize how happy I am to be with my friends and enjoy their company. When I argue my case with her, she jumps into conclusions that I am a bad boy. I strongly feel that I am entitled to my feelings and happiness. Some days, there is a lot of stress coming home in the evening.

There was another similar response from Chris:

Although I saw two cultures at work in my house, I had the freedom to choose what I liked most. My mother had her Canadian ways and manners. My father and I liked the way she treats us. When my father's Sri Lankan friends visited us, my father's behaviour changed. Drinking too much alcohol is his main problem. He begins to sing Sri Lankan songs after a couple of drinks. I liked his singing, but not how he demands things from my mother, while drinking. I remember my mother talking about these matters after his friends left. Then he listens to her patiently. It seems to me that he has a difficult time maintaining two personalities. I prefer my mother's ways and attitudes.

Likewise, 23 years old Nimali also admitted to the similar kind of difficulties she

ran into while working with a Sinhalese male to organize a cultural function:

I gladly took part in a cultural dancing program for the Sri Lankan New Year, a few years ago. The person coordinating this program was a middle aged Sinhalese male who was not open to any new suggestions. He seemed to have his


own agenda, and when I questioned it, he got mad with me saying that I did not behave like a Sinhalese girl. I kept on asserting myself while pointing out the beauty that will add to the dance by changing it the way I thought appropriate. However, he simply rejected my suggestions. We finally did it with several unpleasant verbal encounters. At the end, I told him that Sri Lanka needs more assertive women like me to prosper.

I cannot compare my present life with that of a Sri Lankan youth. I have never been to Sri Lanka. All my friends, including my girl friends are Canadians. All my teachers have been Canadians. This is all that I know. My father sometimes talks about his past. I do not agree with some of his ideas. We get into arguments once in a while. Of course, he is a pretty solid hardworking guy. I would love to visit Sri Lanka with my fiance one day.

The three respondents who were not born in Canada had been groomed in the

Canadian lifestyle; for, they repeatedly mentioned that in public interactions their

Canadianness always came first. Nevertheless, the public perception was such that they

were compelled to provide additional explanations concerning their origin. As evidence,

Tammy contended:

I consider myself a Canadian. However, somewhere in our conversation, some people tend to ask me where I am originally from. I speak Canadian English with no accent. I dress like a Canadian. I have never worn a Sri Lankan saree; neither do I know how to wear it. I cannot speak any Sri Lankan languages. Even my parents never encouraged me to learn Sinhalese. All my close friends are white Canadians. As far as I could remember, I grew up to be a Canadian, not anybody else. Maybe because of my complexion and facial features, people become curious, I guess. At that stage, I speak about where my parents came from.

There were no marked variations between men and women, with respect to these

characteristics. It is also interesting to note that 50% of this group did not speak any of

the Sri Lankan languages. The other 50% understood when they were spoken to, but

were quite reluctant to respond in the same Sri Lankan language for fear of making

grammatical mistakes.


The fact that all Canadian born youths prefer a Canadian identity is a unique

characteristic of the Sri Lankan people, compared to many groups of South Asian origin

in Canada (Buchignani 1979; Ghuman 1994). Nativity did not appear to be the prime

factor in determining self-declaration of identity for many South Asians. For instance, a

recent study by Denise Gobin pointed out that 15 out of 21 respondents, regardless of

their nativity, had identified with their or their parents' country of birth (Gobin 1998). In

this situation, out of the eight Canadian born respondents in this study, only 3 have

identified as Canadians only. As Gobin asserted, "the lack of identification with

Canadian society has little to do with Indo-Caribbean sense of this place as racist or

intolerant of minorities but rather, more to do with the fact that Canada is simply, not

their country of birth" (1998).

Nonetheless, Anthony Richmond did seem to think that identification with

Canada had been a characteristic of many immigrant ethnic groups; for he stated,

Identification with Canada is rapidly established among immigrants in Toronto, although ethnic separatism may be strong among first and second generation immigrants... Youth tend to be more willing to accept a Canadian identity, (1976,407-416).

G L Gold, in response to Richmond, asserted, "Canada, for non-Anglo-Saxons, is

still a weakly defined reference group and people will shift to their ancestral ethnicity

when the occasion warrants such a change" (1976,409).

Several factors may explain the uniqueness of the Canadian ethnic category

found in this study. Four respondents were either children of mixed marriages, in which

the mother happened to be a British White person or they themselves were married to

non-Sri Lankan partners. Three respondents pointed out that their mothers, from early


childhood, wanted them to think and behave like Canadians, and they were not spoken to

in any Sri Lankan languages. Furthermore, these families had not interacted with other

families of Sri Lankan origin on a regular basis. With this in mind, Tammy explained:

My mother never spoke to me in Sinhalese. She always talks about Canada and not about Sri Lanka. She wanted me to learn Sri Lankan cooking, but every instruction came to me in English. All my friends in my early days happened to be Italians and other White people. The only thing that I remember purely Sri Lankan was our food. We all loved spicy curry meals everyday, which my mother cooked very well.

Hence, the parents' fluency in the English language, their professional status in

employment, as well as the adaptability of the Sri Lankan mind, influenced by Buddhist

doctrine and Christian theology, may have created a suitable environment conducive to

adapting their families to the Canadian way of life faster than many other ethnic groups

of South Asian origin. Unlike in Gobin's study, it is noteworthy that none of these

respondents had mentioned racism as a factor in determining his/her identity. The

respondents were not asked about their experiences with racism in Canada. However, a

few of them referred to it as something that cannot be ignored sometimes.

As justification for choosing a Canadian identity, one female respondent had

outlined an apparent conflict between the Sri Lankan way of doing things, and the

Canadian way of doing the same thing. Accordingly, Natasha stated:

I used to go with my parents to Sri Lankan dinner parties. What happens there is that women will sit together and chat, and men will sit together and drink, and talk loudly about their adventures in Sri Lanka. We children are not recognized as invitees of the dinner. A very few adults will come and speak with us. They would like us to serve food and soda etc. We deserve some respect as children. When I became a teenager, I hated going to parties with my parents. Unless you have a friend of your age present at the party, I felt bored all the time. I went there mainly for delicious food and nothing else. I do not like the way they do things. I can very well be happy at home or at my friend's place. Whenever I


refused to go, my parents did not like it. Then I would say to them I am Canadian.

The question still remains as to what exactly Canadian identity represents for these

respondents of Sri Lankan parentage, when Canadians themselves are still in the process

of developing something uniquely Canadian in the midst of multi-cultural influences. It

was evident that almost all Canadians in this study rejected parental control and

authoritarian environments, and adored individual freedom, ability to make decisions for

themselves, and the ability to be assertive in their daily activities. They had grown up

with other Canadian youth over a period of at least 15 years, and naturally picked up

behaviours considered to be normal in the society at large.

The biggest group of respondents (48%) fell under the category Sri Lankan-

Canadian. Their typical characteristics were listed as: hard working, friendly, loving

and caring, ambitious, family oriented, adaptable, and respecting others. More than 50%

of the respondents in this group had mentioned all these qualities. Without a doubt, these

qualities overlapped with the qualities of all four ethnic categories explored thus far in

this study. Interestingly, the one characteristic that was a common denominator in all of

the categories was the quality of being hard working people. From the statements the

respondents had made, it was apparent that they all had a hybrid persona when it came to

the issue of identity. Some had managed to strike a balance with two different cultures,

and others struggled to fit in while not wanting to forget their roots. Pauline's

interpretation of her identity was a classic example in this regard:

I am a Canadian citizen. I cannot erase my roots. My father was Sinhalese, and mother Burgher. My husband is Burgher from both sides. In my home in Ontario, I maintain a Sinhalese environment. We always have spicy food. If I do not eat at least one rice and curry meal, I feel hungry and missing something


essential. I am assertive, dependable, very punctual, and ambitious. I respect views of others. My children are married to Canadians. What I learned from my father and mother still prevails. We do not speak Sinhalese, only English. My early upbringing in Sri Lanka gives me enormous strength. I can be very proud as a Sri Lankan and as a Canadian. I learned a lot from Canadian culture too. With my multi-cultural, Sri Lankan background, I can very well pick and choose any aspects of cultures that I like most.

Several respondents repeatedly stated that they had decided not to go back to Sri

Lanka because of the Island's volatile political situation. They appreciated and valued

what they had earned in Sri Lanka, in terms of education and career; but, they wanted to

live in Canada, a land they considered to be the best place in the world to live. Most of

them were fluent in the Sinhalese or Tamil language, and had a good command of

English. As evidence, Darlene stated:

I am a contented Sri Lankan Canadian. My early up bringing in Sri Lanka has prepared me to learn new skills and be happy. I look like a Sri Lankan and work like a Canadian. We serve Sri Lankan as well as Canadian food at home. I have done some courses after coming to Canada. My children do very well in Canadian schools. That is what I want in my life - for my children to do well in their lives. I maintain my home in the Sri Lankan way. Our work and outside relationships are conducted in the Canadian way. We never miss our appointments. We trust other people. Even my husband treats me with respect. In Sri Lanka, he used to take decisions without consulting me, and I never thought that he should consult me. But now we have a good understanding. We want our children to be good Canadians.

Salience of Ethnicity:

After identifying the identity type that the respondents were comfortable with, an

attempt was made to understand the salience of their ethnic identity. Indeed, each person

was asked three questions in this regard. Eighteen (36%) respondents had said that their

ethnic identity is of central importance to them, and would, if necessary, come before

other aspects of life. This group included all Tamil-Sri Lankans, five Tamil-


Canadians, one Tamil, all Sri Lankans and five Sri Lankn-Canadians. Moreover, not

a single Canadian born respondent thought of ethnicity as a matter of central importance

to his/her life.

Sixteen (32%) respondents thought identity was important, but not at the expense

of other aspects of life. The majority in this group included Sri Lankan-Canadians.

The remaining sixteen (32%) stated that it was a matter of minor importance, compared

to certain other aspects of life. All Canadian born respondents and five Sri Lankan-

Canadians expressed the latter view as well.

Another assessment of ethnic salience was ascertained by asking respondents to

show the most important identity they would attach to themselves. Out of the five

identities (as a male/female to as a member of a company) given in the table below, they

were asked to pick the identity that was most important to them.

Table 23: Importance of Identity to Respondents vs. Types of Identity Observed

Identity Type

Tamil Tamil-Sri Lankan Sri Lankan Tamil-Canadian Canadian Sri Lankan-Canadian Total

As a male or female

1

6 3

10

As a Buddhist, Hindu or Christian

l

1

As a citizen of Canada

8 20

28

Asa Sinhalese, Tamil, Burgher or Canadian 1 2

1 6

10

As a member of a particular company or agency

1

1


These five identities included: 1) myself as a male/female person, 2) as an ethnic person,

3) as a religious person (Buddhist, Hindu or Christian), 4) as a citizen of Canada, 5) as a

member of a particular company/agency or university that they were affiliated with. Ten

respondents had indicated that their Sinhalese, Tamil, Burgher or Canadian ethnicity was

most important to them: one Sri Lankan, all Tamil, all Tamil-Canadians, and 2 Tamil-

Sri Lankans. This pattern was evident in the following statement made by Ponna:

Although we like it here in Canada, we had no plans to come and settle down here. Because of the war, we had to find another place. Even here, I will never be able to see myself as a Canadian. I may begin to think so, but nobody else will accept it. So my Tamilness gives me strength and defines me as to who I am. I am not giving up my old habits. My Tamilness is practically everything to me: how I eat, the language I like to talk, food I eat, newspapers I read and above all the friends I have. They are all Tamil. So my identity as a Tamil is my driving force.

The above comments were indicative of Ponna's extremely negative experience in

dealing with the Sinhalese in Sri Lanka, his insufficient command of the English

language to function effectively in Canada, and his immersion in Hindu cultural and

religious traditions. Ponna admitted once that he supports the separatist movement in Sri

Lanka and could even become an advocate for the separation among the Tamil youth in

Ontario. He was appreciative of the cultural revival movement spearheaded by Navalar

during the 20th Century (explained in Chapter III). Another respondent, a Sinhalese

speaker, stated that his Sri Lankan identity was very important to him because of his

experience with some racist remarks that were directed towards him:

I have several unpleasant stories to tell you. The first time I worked as a security guard, some residents of that building passed hints at me. It happened especially on Friday or Saturday nights when they return to the building drunk. They would call me "paki" or "blakie." They will say I speak wrong English. "Go to a class blakie and learn English." They sometimes use filthy language. If I ask for their identity cards they will be furious. There are good people who would not do that,


but they too remain silent. So I always felt that I would never be accepted as one of them. So my Sri Lankanness is good enough for me. I value it very much day by day. Finally I left that place and found a better job with a donut shop.

On the other hand, 28 respondents indicated that having Canadian citizenship was

the most important identity for them. Among them were 20 Sri Lankan-Canadians, and

8 Canadians. These answers were given due to a plethora of reasons; yet, for the

majority, the main reason was related to better living conditions in Canada for themselves

and their family members. Those who valued Canadian citizenship had a decent income,

a house of their own, and a professional or semi-professional job. Their success in the

new world was the primary reason for selecting Canadian citizenship as the most

important identity. For instance, Sirini revealed her thoughts on the subject:

Our children are doing very well in Canadian school. They are into sports, music, drama circles, and we are hopeful that they will do very well in the future and capture professional jobs in Canada. This gives us parents a big boost. The Canadian government has given us better prospects.

In like manner, Ravan's account was quite similar:

When I was working in Sri Lanka, I had a good income, but no house of our own. Our expenses were far above our capacity to earn. Several weddings every year, funerals, other functions, high cost of living, loans, all these took our money away. Now I have a better income, in terms of dollars. I save a good amount every year. My house and vehicle are my own assets. I am extremely happy with my present life. I would not have acquired any of these things, I did not come to Canada.

Many of those who were in this category were regular travelers. At least once a year,

they visited their relatives in Sri Lanka, or vacationed in other countries. For them, the

Canadian passport was a hassle-free method of entering many countries including Sri

Lanka. In effect, Victor stated the following:


There was a time I used to travel with the Sri Lankan passport. Every port of entry we had to face harassment because of suspicion of Tamil Tigers hijacking airplanes. We are not Tamils but we are put together as one group. I did not like this at all. After we all obtained Canadian passports, we began to travel hassle free. Even at the Colombo airport, Sri Lankan officials will not treat you with dignity. I really appreciate our Canadian citizenship.

Likewise, there were 10 respondents (1 Sri Lankan, 3 Sri Lankan-Canadians, and 6

Canadians) who thought that their most important social identity was gender. It is

noteworthy that seven of these respondents were females.

A cross-tabulation between the respondents who identified with a Sri Lankan

ethnic group and the respondents who self-identified as Canadian provides a more in-

depth analysis on the subject of citizenship. While 47 (94%) of all respondents had

obtained Canadian citizenship, only 19 had dual-citizenship (both Canadian and Sri

Lankan citizenship). Of these dual-citizenship holders, 12 were Sri Lankan-Canadians,

4 were Tamil-Sri Lankans and 3 Sri Lankans. It is also interesting that none of the

respondents in the Canadian category had obtained Sri Lankan citizenship. Among the

reasons stated for maintaining dual citizenship were: emotional attachment (40%),

property ownership in Sri Lanka, (30%) and living relatives, including parents, who

resided on the Island (40%).

In like manner, another set of questions were asked regarding the effect of

ethnicity on each respondent's personal decision-making process (i.e. whom to marry,

what to teach one's children, etc.). Nineteen (38%) respondents said that they based their

decisions on ethnic identity, and the majority of them stated that they made ethnicity-

based decisions consciously. Specifically, all 11 Canadians, as well as five Sri Lankan-

Canadians had mentioned that ethnicity was seldom the factor in their personal decision-


making process. The remaining 15 respondents mentioned they would make some

decisions such as whom to marry based on their ethnic origin but not regarding what to

teach their own children. Most of these respondents wanted their children to learn English

as well as French languages, adopt practices such as voluntary work, and working in food

outlets for pocket money and experience. They considered these practices as normal

"Canadian" practices. Except for the 11 Canadians, none of the respondents in other

identity types had worked, during their teenage years, in Sri Lanka for money as it was

not promoted in the culture they practised.

Another dimension of ethnic salience was measured by asking each respondent to

agree or disagree with the following statement: There is not much meaning to life without

ethnic background. The following table depicts the distribution of responses to this

particular question:

Table 24: Identity Types based on Agreement with Statement

Identity Type

Tamil

Tamil-Sri Lankan

Sri Lankan

Tamil-Canadian

Canadian

Sri Lankan-Canadian

Total

Agree or Strongly Agree 1

3

2

6

10

22

Disagree or Strongly Disagree

11

17

28

The entire sample was divided into two camps over this issue. 22 respondents

either agreed or strongly agreed with the view that there is no meaning to life without


ethnic background. Two Sri Lankans and all Tamils, Tamil-Canadians, and Tamil-Sri

Lankans, and 10 Sri Lankan-Canadians also agreed with this view. On the other hand,

28 respondents disagreed or strongly disagreed with this view entirely. All Canadians

and 17 Sri Lankan-Canadians either disagreed or strongly disagreed with this

statement. This is a strong indication that the underlying pattern of responses was a clear

cut division between Sinhalese speakers and the Tamil speakers.

Consequently, several conclusions can be drawn from the analysis stated above.

Although there are six identity types that emerged in the first round of responses, after

careful probing of characteristics and dimensions of ethnic salience, only four distinct

types prevailed. The central ethnic identities were Canadian, Sri Lankan-Canadian,

Tamil-Canadian, and Tamil. Tamil-Sri Lankans were closely linked to Tamils; while,

Sri Lankans were closely linked to Sri Lankan-Canadians. Interestingly, of all the

Sinhalese speakers in this group, who reiterated that their Sinhaleseness was the

significant factor that set them apart from the Tamils, not a single person identified as a

Sinhalese or a Sinhalese-Canadian.

However, what emerges from the responses is that there is a clear distinction

between the Tamils and the Sinhalese who originated from the nation state of Sri Lanka.

As stated earlier 26 respondents (52% out of 50) learned Sinhalese as their first language,

and in Canada, they identified themselves as either Sri Lankans or Sri Lankan-Canadians.

No matter what identity labels the Sinhalese language speakers used in the Canadian

context, behind their Sri Lankanness there was a visible "Sinhalese" cultural connection.

Sixteen respondents (32%) out of the remaining 24 used Tamil as their first language and,

8 of them used the term Sri Lankan as part of their new identity in Canada. A proper


understanding of the newly emerging Sri Lankans in Ontario does not seem possible

without paying attention to the Sinhalese/Tamil cultural divide they transplanted in

Canada.

At this juncture, a discussion regarding the emerging Sri Lankanness needs to be

placed in a broader perspective of race, ethnicity and nationalism. Historically, the

Sinhalese and the Tamils have been divided in to two "racial" camps- Sinhalese being an

"Aryan stock" and the Tamils being a "Dravidian stock". We have clearly seen in chapter

III that this arbitrary division was a creation of some historians. Similar to the practice of

US federal government to list five races in the United States in 1870 as Whites, Coloured

(Blacks), Coloured (Mullatoes), Chinese and Indian, and then to change the list in 1990s

to include White, Black, Asian or Pacific Islanders, American Indians and Hispanics

(Cornell 2007,22), the Sri Lankan government under the British Raj had listed Sinhalese

and Tamils as different races, prior to 1947. Scholars are convinced today that races, like

ethnic groups, are not established by some set of natural forces, but are products of

human perception and classification. The characteristics such as skin colour or physical

features that are the basis of the racial categories, however, have no inherent significance.

We give them meaning, and in the process create races.

Following the definition presented in page 40 of race as a "category of people

who have been singled out as inferior or superior, often on the basis of real or alleged

physical characteristics, such as skin colour, hair texture, eye shape or other subjectively

selected attributes" (Feagin and Feagin 2003), One could hardly see any

physical/biological characteristics that will distinguish the majority of Sinhalese from the

majority of Tamils. However, there are historically and socially constructed meanings


and hierarchical values attached to both groups affecting their inter-relations today. The

UNESCO arrived at some definite conclusions that there was little or no correlation

between the physical characteristics of groups of people and their social behaviour, and

that "race" has a limited scientific value in classifying people into population groups

(UNESCO 1978). The concept of race is built on two premises: its impermeability and

ascriptive nature.

When we use the definition of ethnic group or ethnicity that it reflects, as a

collection of people distinguished, by others or by themselves, primarily on the basis of

cultural and national characteristics" (Feagin and Feagin 2003), there appears to be

cultural differences between the Sinhalese and the Tamils in terms of language and

religion etc. The very fact that both these groups (in my sample as well as in 1991 and

2001 Census) redefined their identity in Canada by adding new terms like Sri Lankan,

and Canadian is a genuine indication that they are primarily two cultural or ethnic groups

which, through learning and experience, have shown their capacity to selectively retain

some original values and creatively adopt some new values and practices.

There are some interesting similarities and differences between the concepts of

Race and Ethnicity. Race typically has its origins in assignment, in the classifications

that a dominant group imposes upon a less powerful group. Ethnicity may have similar

origins, but it often begins in the assertions of group members themselves. Most racial

categories in the world have been constructed to describe "others" to ensure that "they"

are not "us". Race became a serious topic of concern as the European "white" colonizers

launched their expeditions and invasions in Asia, Africa and the Americas. These

adventures also resulted in hierarchical power relations between the whites and the non-


whites when a racialization process is set in motion. Race designations naturally became

entangled with the conception that one group was always superior to all other groups. In

the modern European conception, Whites represented the "norm" and the others were

relegated to the position of "others". Ethnicity too has not been completely free from

some of the above stated determinants of races. Race tends to convey something rigid,

permanent and unchangeable whereas, ethnicity is variable and changing, and emphasizes

the participation of groups in the construction, reproduction and transformation of their

own identities. The classic example is that Italians did not come to the United States as

Italians. They were Sicilians or Lucanians or Neapolitans, and began to consider

themselves as Italians after the US administration began to consider them as Italians.

As Cornell asserted:

Racialization and ethnicization yield different products, but they are similar in that they both organize society into distinctive kinds of groups. They are also at times related. It is inpart the racialization of Blacks in the US that led to their ethnicization: by categorizing them as different and treating them as such, US society- and the White Americans in particular- laid the foundation for a sense of peoplehood that cut across the diverse origins of African American population and led eventually to Black's assertion of a distinct identity. (Cornell 2007, 34)

Not all cases of racialization seem to have led to ethnicization and vice versa. But, these

two processes seem to have a linkage.

Both the Sinhalese and the Tamils have been sharing the nation state of Sri Lanka

with both positive and extremely negative interactions for a long period of time. At least

during the past 60 years, (since independence), the Sinhalese enjoyed the numerical and

political majority status in Sri Lanka while granting a minority status with limited powers

to the Tamils to be shared with all other minorities including the Muslims and Burghers.


The most pertinent question here is whether these two groups have been able to build a

viable nation-state within the polity of Sri Lanka, and what impact of this nation building

process one could see in both groups, when they form new identities in Canada.

As Irene Bloemraad contended, only a very few countries today can claim a

perfect overlap of state and nation. This ideal is prevalent mostly in the public

imagination and political discourse. According to Bloemraad, the nation-state combines

an effective element with an affective element. The state is an entity that is capable of

engaging in effective political decisions over a certain territory which it controls. The

idea of a nation is much more subjective than the state (2000,12). Although the cultural

similarity is often a basis of nationality, what is more important is mutual recognition and

acceptance.

Max Weber also saw the nation as a "community of sentiments" (1946,176).

According to Hobsbawm (1990, 14), one of the leading experts in the study of nations

and nationalism, the meaning of the nation that is frequently ventilated in the literature is

political. "It equated the people and the state in the manner of the American and French

revolutions, an equation which is familiar in such phrases as the nation-state" (1990,18).

The term nation-state is presumably an invention in the recent history. What Hobsbawm

is questioning is why a concept like nationalism so remote from the real experience of

most human beings becomes such a powerful political force today. The modern nation

either as a state or as a "body of people aspiring to form such a state , differ in size, scale

and nature from actual communities with which human beings have identified over most

of history". For Hobsbawm modern states are "imagined communities" and they do not

reflect real communities that existed before French revolution. Before 1884 the word


nacion simply meant an aggregate of the inhabitants of a province, a country or a

kingdom. However, in the "modern world", according to Hobsbawm, nation is a state or

political body which recognizes a supreme centre of common government, and also the

territory constituted by that state and its individual inhabitants, considered as a whole.

Hobsbawm contended that to understand a definition of nation in a

comprehensive manner, one needs to examine three other related aspects of a nation, i.e

language, ethnicity and religion. Almost all modern nation-states have one or two

national languages, for instance, Sinhalese in Sri Lanka, Hungarian in Hungary, and

Hindi in India are now declared officially by the state as national languages. As

Hobsbawm pointed out national languages are almost always, semi-artificial constructs,

and sometimes, they are invented like the case of Hebrew. This construction involves

selecting a locally spoken idiom out of a multiplicity of such idioms and elevating the

chosen idiom to a literary level by the literati of the nation. The choice of this particular

idiom to be promoted as a national language has been always an arbitrary and/or a highly

political decision on the part of the ruling party of the nation in question. At the

beginning, it did not really matter how small the size of the group that spoke a particular

idiom or dialect. Hobsbawm illustrated this adoption process using the history of French

and German languages. He pointed out that "in this sense, French was essential to the

concept of France, even though in 1789 50% of Frenchmen did not speak it at all, only

12-13% spoke it correctly- and indeed outside a central region....In northern and

southern France virtually nobody talked French", (1990, 60). When this constructed

language was forced into a print language, it seemed to acquire a permanency. At the end,

the language used by the rulers and elites of the society became the language of the


people. The history of the Sinhalese people discussed in chapter III shows some

parallels.

Ethnicity or race, according to Hobsbawm, in its popular form, is always

connected with some common origin from which common characteristics of an ethnic

group are derived. This served as a marker for separating those who are not of the same

descent as outsiders and made nationalism a vibrant enterprise for the insiders. However,

for Hobsbawm, ethnicity as a form of social organization is cultural rather than

biological. He does seem to use the terms ethnicity and race as interchangeable. He

illustrated this fact with several examples including the Swiss nationalism which was

held and supported by a multitude of ethnic groups. In his knowledge and experience,

obvious ethnic differences have not played a significant role in the genesis of modern

nationalism. He argued that mere colour consciousness or ethnic differences among the

Latin American Indians, Mestizos and Whites or among African ethnicities have not

produced a single state or a nationalist movement. It is nothing but some political

manoeuvring of ethnicities that created nationalist ideologies and protests including

protracted civil wars.

Religion is another fountain of nationalism or national movements. As

Hobsbawm pointed out the nationalism in Arab states is so identified with Islam that it

has become difficult to find a place for Christian minorities in Arab states. This growing

identification of nationalism with religion is characteristics of the Irish nationalist

movement too. Even trans-national religions have a tendency to impose conditions or

limits on religio-ethnic identifications. The relationship between religion and nationalism

or national identification seems to be a complex phenomenon. The creation of Pakistan


is a classic example of the nature of this relationship. When the all-Indian nationalistic

movement was set in motion during the latter part of the British rule, the main concern of

the Indian Muslims was to receive adequate recognition of their feelings and

requirements under the Indian State. However, what transpired at the end was the

emergence of a separate state for the Islamic believers who were forced to settle for a

complete separation. Hobsbawm also examined the role of religious fundamentalism

plays in today's nationalist endeavours. He further asserts that the nations and

nationalism today are functionally different from the nations and nationalism of the 19th

century and early 20th century history. In his words "the characteristic nationalist

movements of the late 20l century are essentially negative, or rather divisive. Hence the

insistence on ethnicity and linguistic differences, each or both combined with religion"

(1990, 164). Ethnicity, race and nation are not easily definable concepts due to their

multivariate nature of interrelationships.

Craig Calhoun identified a crucial difference between ethnicities and nations. In

his own explication, "ethnicities are envisioned as intrinsically political communities, as

sources of sovereignty, while this is not central to the definition of ethnicities" (Calhoun

1993). Although nationalist movements are political sentiments, but their claims are

typically based on assertions of peoplehood, common cultural heritage and even blood

ties that presumably set the group apart from other groups. These identity claims tend to

link nationalism and ethnicity together.

In light of the above discussion, and the discussion in chapter III regarding

identity construction of all ethnic varieties within the Sri Lankan context, we may

conclude that modern Sri Lanka has been unsuccessful, in the recent past, to incorporate


both Tamils and Sinhalese into one nation-state of Sri Lanka. The military forces

deployed by the majority Sinhalese government and the retaliatory military measures

taken by the LTTE and vice versa, have not created any room for political negotiations.

The Tamil Tigers have consistently claimed a separate sovereign state for the Tamils

while the other ethnic groups including the tea plantation based Tamils and Muslims have

expressed willingness to share more effective power within the Sri Lankan democracy.

The end result has been that the Sinhalese and the Tamils have built incredible mis-trust

between them to the extent of closing all avenues available for inter-marriages,

neighbourhood living, and even sharing of grocery stores in Toronto. When the Tamil

language speakers in the sample emphasized the Tamil spirit in their identity, it was

nothing but a clear indication of a need for a distinct identity. Even if some of them had

identified as Sri Lankans in general, what was lying underneath was a strong need to

present themselves as Sri Lankan-Tamils. This may be true with regard to the Sinhalese

speakers as well. No one in the sample identitified as a Sinhalese. However, what lied

beneath the Sri Lankan-Canadian identity was a spirit of Sinhaleseness. Both groups are

now beginning to think in the lines of two separate nations, rather than one sovereign

nation with two ethnic groups sharing power. The on-going war in Sri Lanka accelerates

this polarization on daily basis. The recent reports published by the Mackenzie Institute

(1995) and Human Rights Watch (2007) have revealed some fund-raising tactics used by

the Tamil Tigers in Canada and abroad. These reports clearly indicate how strong the

Tamil Tiger movement has been in controlling and manipulating average Tamil citizens

living in Canada. They also reveal how strongly the LTTE has been trying to build its

own Tamil nation within the Sri Lankan context by inculcating traditional Tamil values


in the Tamil population and recreating greater animosity towards the Sinhalese in Sri

Lanka and Canada. Some Sinhalese nationalists in Toronto have also used the very same

reports to generalize the findings to the entire Tamil population with the assumption that

"not a single Tamil can be trusted today" (Willie's response). Although both Sinhalese

speakers as well as Tamil speakers have used the term "Sri Lankan" when presenting

their identities in public, what was behind their Sri Lankanness was some visible

polarization of Sinhaleseness and Tamilness. It has not been possible for both groups to

represent the same "Sri Lanka" and present a united front before the Canadian public.

The Canadian democracy is now challenged to bring these two forces together as

part of the Canadian nation-state. What our empirical data revealed was that both groups

have shown a desire to adopt a "Canadian" identity to their original or newly created "Sri

Lankan" identity. The future of this adaptation will depend largely on the policies and

procedures developed by the Canadian government for new immigrants and political and

economic strategies devised by the Liberals and the Conservatives in Canada.

At this juncture it is necessary to validate the above stated six typologies in terms

of theoretical assumptions that have been propounded by some North American scholars

who concentrated on the subject of ethnicity. Undoubtedly, Daniel Glazer's typology of

ethnic identification serves as a point of departure. Glazer's typology suggests four

possible types of individuals that emerged after immigration into a new country;

"segregating, marginal, desegregating and assimilated" (1958). These analytical

categories were measured in terms of how much of the original cultural behaviours are

retained by the respective immigrants. The first type included segregating individuals,

who find enormous comfort with the people of their ethnic origin; and thus segregated


from the host community. In fact, some of these immigrants even displayed a high

degree of resentment toward other ethnicities. The second type of individuals feared

being accepted by either the original ethnic community or the host community; and thus,

they become marginal individuals. The third type, desegregating individuals, tended to

have very low valuation of their ascribed status; thus they became desegregated from the

people of their ethnic origin. The final type consisted of assimilated individuals, who did

not refer to their ascribed status at all in day-to-day interactions; for, they saw themselves

as a member of the host community.

Glazer's typology, when used as an analytical tool, provides some understanding

of identity construction process of the people of Sri Lankan origin in question.

Specifically, Tamils, Tamil-Sri Lankans and Sri Lankans seem to display more

segregating characteristics and appeared to be separating from the host society. The

Canadians tend to see themselves as "assimilated" individuals. Sri Lankan-Canadians,

however, reflected a marginal position because these respondents felt marginalized from

both Sri Lankan groups and the host society. However, even among individual

respondents who fell under these types, we could see some overlapping situations. The

Canadians did not seem to be a fully assimilated group, as many of them enjoyed

keeping some of their parents' practices such as eating spicy food frequently. Sri

Lankan-Canadians seemed to be a group of people undergoing an integration process.

As defined by Berry (2007, 72), integration takes place when individuals place a value on

holding on to their original culture, and at the same time, engage in daily interactions

with people in the host society


Yet, the Tamil-Canadians created an interesting dilemma. They were

desegregating from all of the other Sri Lankan groups (Mostly from the Sinhalese) and

culture; but, they still appreciated and promoted the Tamil cultural orientation. They did

not make any reference to a Sri Lankan identity as many of these respondents were

victims of an inter-ethnic conflict which had taken the form of a 24 year old virulent

internecine war in Sri Lanka between the Tamil Tigers and government forces. When

they desegregate from other Sri Lankan groups, naturally they would show tendencies for

integration into the host society. Glazer's model does not seem to work sufficiently well

as an overall explanation for the Sri Lankan sample in question. Thus, Glazer's

typologies fail to accommodate immigrants who come from multi-ethnic environments,

such as the case of Sri Lankans in Canada. Glazer's typology took into account only the

ethnic group's course of action in determining its identity construction. How the host

society will respond to the ethnic group's actions was not dealt with in the model.

Several other old immigrant groups in Canada have shown similar identity

confusions during the early stages. Robert F. Harney, writing about Italians in Canada,

made the following observations:

"There were many varieties of identification: one could be Italian, Italo-Canadian, or a Canadian of Italian descent... Toronto Italians, with a population the size of Florence, drawn from all the provinces of Italy and all the waves of immigration, has no typical people, no valid stereotypes. It differs as much from contemporary Italy, as it does from the North American little Italies of 70 years ago" (1983, 359).

Another example could be drawn from the history of Polish people in Canada.

The Poles, according to Matejko, had maintained a double identity for a long period of

time, influenced by local politics in Poland. Transition from a peasant socialist

environment to an urban democratic environment had not been easy for many Poles for


several years. The above examples support the fact that identity is not only a social-

psychological phenomenon, but it is also an ongoing process in the face of the reactions

to the host society. By bringing forth the self-identification categories of the people of Sri

Lankan origin in Ontario, the present chapter has laid a foundation for analysis in the

foregoing chapters. Undoubtedly, the identity types that have emerged among the Sri

Lankans living in Canada coincide with the Sinhalese and Tamil ethnic divisions

prevalent on the Island. For instance, the respondents of Sinhalese origin had become Sri

Lankans and Canadians; while, those of Tamil origin have redefined themselves as

Tamils, Tamil-Sri Lankans, and Tamil-Canadians.

John Berry's recent explications of acculturation strategies (2007, 72-73) seem to

provide another framework for understanding the Sri Lankan case. Berry looked at the

acculturation process in relation to the strategies employed by both dominant groups

(host society) and non-dominant groups (ethnic group).

When it is assumed that the non-dominant ethnic groups have the freedom to

choose how they want to acculturate, they have four possibilities, namely: Assimilation,

Separation, Integration and Marginalization. An assimilation strategy is adopted when

individuals are not interested in maintaining their original identity and seek regular

interactions with the host society members. A separation strategy will be adopted when

the group considers holding on to its original culture, and at the same time avoid

interactions with the host society. The third possible strategy is integration, and it will be

adopted by the non-dominant ethnic group when individuals place a value on holding on

to their original culture, and at the same time, wish to interact with the host society on

regular basis. This will result in active and strong participation of ethnic members in


mainstream social networks while selectively retaining some qualities and practices of

the original culture. The fourth acculturation strategy, marginalization, is adopted when

there is little possibility or interest in cultural retention, and no interest in having

relationships with the host society. Ethnic groups are likely to adopt the fourth strategy

when they are under pressure to drop original cultural practices and subjected to

discrimination or exclusion. (Berry 2007, 72).

According to Berry, freedom to choose your own acculturation strategy is not

always possible. When there is not much freedom to choose or when the dominant group

constrains the choices of ethnic groups or individuals, four possibilities occur. They are:

Melting pot, Segregation, Exclusion and Integration. When the dominant group does

apply pressure to assimilate, the end result will be a melting pot. When the dominant

group imposes separation, the ethnic groups will be segregated. Finally, when integration

is promoted by the dominant group, it will result in multiculturalism (Berry 2007, 73).

These modes of acculturation are not devoid of any conflicts or inconsistencies.

When Berry's model of acculturation is applied to the Sri Lankan identity types

what one sees is as follows:

The Canadian group in the sample showed more of assimilationist tendencies

and desire to join the Melting Pot. Apart from their complexion and some food habits,

they were practically thinking and acting like average Canadians. The Tamil, Tamil Sri

Lankan and Sri Lankan respondents demonstrated a "separation" position. They were

more interested in preserving their original identity of Tamil or Sinhalese and having

minimal interactions with the rest of the Canadian society. Both Tamil Canadians and

Sri Lankan Canadians were integrationists in Berry's sense. The Sri Lankan Canadians


were not disclosing their Sinhalese origin while the Tamil Canadians were not relating

themselves to any Sri Lankan affiliation. In their own ways both groups have been trying

to integrate into the host Canadian society. The fact that both the Sinhalese and Tamil

origin people have devised more than two types of identities in Canada is indicative of

the Multicultural nature of the host society which promotes integration.

Figure 1: Maintenance of Heritage Culture and Identity: John Berry's Model

+ / N.

' l / INTEGRATION ASSIMILATION

\ SEPARATION MARGINALIZATIQN

\ /

Strategies of ethno cultural groups Strategies of larger society

Two more factors affecting or intersecting with identity merit attention here. One

of the factors is connected with racism. Three respondents indicated their experiences

with racist remarks at work place. One respondent positively valued his Sri Lankan

identity in Canada as against a Canadian identity due to negative experiences with co

workers. This is an example of how racism coming from the host society plays a role in

shaping people's identities. The Tamil Canadian group had different rationale for

adopting such an identity as against a Sri Lankan one. They were subjected to some form

of racism in Sri Lanka prior to arriving in Canada. The intensity of such experience was

so high that they did not want to have the word Sri Lanka as part of their new identity in


Canada. Some female respondents indicated that they refrained from wearing traditional

dresses because of them receiving unnecessary attention in public places. Apart from the

above stated instances, aspects of racism as a trigger for ethnic identity formation have

not been formally dealt with in the thesis. However, a few respondents (3 or 4) could be

classified under marginal category of Berry's model by virtue of their experience of

racism.

The other factor is gender differentiation and its relationship with identity

formation. It was observed in the 1991 Canadian census that there was a marked sex

imbalance for all age groups (on average, 136 males for 100 females) and in 2001, the

situation has slowly improved except for the 45 to 54 age group (238 males for 100

females) . As stated earlier, 52% of the sample studied was females. Whether the gender

had a critical impact on identity formation was not adequately examined in the thesis.

From a sociological standpoint, it is a limitation of the study. However, some

observations revealed that there were some differences between Sinhalese women and

Tamil women in the areas of English language learning and use, and Tamil women

leaning more towards traditional Tamil values and practices.


Chapter VII Identity Types and Values

In the previous chapter we arrived at a conclusion that immigrants from Sri Lanka

and their Canadian born children have categorized themselves into six different identity

types within the Canadian society. Twenty percent identified themselves as Tamil,

Tamil Sri Lankan and Tamil Canadian, while fifty-eight percent called themselves Sri

Lankans or Sri Lankan Canadians. The remaining twenty two percent self-identified

as being Canadian. It is surprising to see that not a single respondent wanted to identify

himself/herself as Sinhalese. Hence, Chapter VII examines substantive aspects of these

ethnic groups in terms of the use of language, food preferences, and involvement with

other Sri Lankans, knowledge of Sri Lankan history and traditions, obligation towards Sri

Lankans and how comfortable they feel integrating Sri Lankan culture into their life

cycle.

Use of Language:

Ancestral languages have recently been given primacy as ethnic symbols because

of the salience of language in industrial and post-industrial societies. The classic example

of this trend is the official declaration of bilingualism in Canada in 1969. As Burnet and

Palmer (1988) asserted, languages have played a vital role in culture in many of the white

ethnic groups. Language has been a unifying factor of those who spoke regional dialects.

In addition, it has been a boundary marker. In like manner, the use of language among

the people of Sri Lankan origin in Ontario also reveals Sri Lanka's unique history. As a

colony ruled by Western powers for nearly 450 years, the English language occupied a

prominent "official status" during 1815-1948. Hence, the Sri Lankan society provided


interesting and complex examples of language use and social incorporation (Tambiah

1993, 54)

As stated in Chapter I, the language first learned and used has been a cultural

marker, which endowed an identity to both Sinhalese and Tamils living in Sri Lanka.

Almost 95% of Sinhalese and 99% of Tamils have learned Sinhalese and Tamil,

respectively, as their first language. These two groups constitute 92% of the country's

population. The Moors (Muslims) used either or both of the above languages depending

on their province of residence. The minority Burghers usually learned English first,

although many of them did speak Sinhalese or Tamil depending on the location. The

aboriginal group of Vanni People also had their own linguistic variety blended with both

Sinhala and Tamil words. English was taught in public schools for all Sri Lankan

children irrespective of their ethnic origins from grade three onwards, thereby making it

accessible to every child who goes through the main stream of education.

A dramatic change in the public policy of language use was introduced in 1958 by

making Sinhala "the national official language" on the Island and Tamil, the national

language of the minority Tamil people (Tambiah 1992). This new policy triggered

resentment among the minority Tamils and Burghers, and increased patriotism among the

Sinhalese. Many Burghers left the country at this point in time to settle in Canada,

Australia and England. A gamut of activities to promote the Sinhala language and

culture sprung in both urban and rural areas. The university doors were now opened to

the unilingual Sinhalese youth, while the Tamil youth won access to a Tamil-only

university in the North. With the passage of time, these changes gave rise to a modern


version of nationalism among both the Sinhalese and the Tamils, the results of which can

be seen in the 25-year old civil war on the Island. As Tambiah asserted:

The assignment of Sinhalese and Tamil children to separate language streams in education disastrously exacerbated the ethnic conflict and the ethnic nationalism of the two communities because these children were subject to indoctrination in text books written in two linguistic affiliation was different and competitive. Especially when it came to textbooks on Sri Lankan history, religion, and culture, many of the Sinhalese and Tamil authors wrote tendentious, triumphal, and prejudiced accounts of each other's communities. The Sinhalese-Tamil ethnic conflict has progressively, especially since 1956, become the sharpened rupture, divide and fault line on which several contentious rival mythologies, narratives and accusations have been constructed and acted upon (1992, 55).

This conflict also resulted in a mass exodus of people from the Island to

developed countries such as USA, Canada, Great Britain and Australia.

While the resurgence of the Sinhala and Tamil cultures paved way for many

underprivileged youth to move forward in capturing coveted jobs and educational

opportunities, the ability to use the English language became instrumental to social

climbing, and gaining social capital within the urban middle class. Gradually, English

began to occupy a privileged status once again. An increasing number of Sinhalese and

Tamil intellectuals became fluently bi-lingual creating a marked social distance between

the rural masses and the urban-based elites.

In 1987, as a result of the inter-ethnic conflict that began in 1983, the language

policy was changed again to include Tamil as the second official language, and English

as the link between the two languages. The past decade has witnessed some progressive

results of these changes in the language sphere. Thirty to forty percent of the Public

Service employees and seventy to eighty percent of the employees in the private sector

used English as a working language, especially when based in urban centres like

Colombo and Kandy. While both medical and engineering education programs were


offered in English, there appeared to be a resurgence of interest for learning English as a

second language. After 1990, there was a dramatic increase in private lessons to learn

English as a second language, and the increased use of English advertising was indicative

of this new trend. Interestingly, the use of English was also a determining factor of one's

socio-economic status in this society. Nearly 23% of the urban population seemed to have

a better command of English than their rural counterparts. Six percent of the respondents

in the present study had immigrated to Canada prior to 1970, while 66% had arrived

between 1971 and 1990. Another 6% had arrived after 1991 and the remaining 22% were

all Canadian born children. Using this framework, the sample of 50 respondents in the

study will be closely examined.

Eight questions were asked to each respondent regarding the use of language. The

first question inquired about the language the respondent learned first in childhood, and

his or her ability to understand it now. The following table depicts the distribution of

answers in relation to the identity types presented in the previous chapters.

Table 25: Self Perceived Identity vs. Language First Learned Cross Tabulation

Self Perceived Identity

Tamil Tamil Sri Lankan Sri Lankan Tamil Canadian Canadian Sri Lankan Canadian

Total

Language First Learned

Sinhala

3

3

18 24

Tamil

1 3 1 5

4 14

English

8

8

Sinhalese and English

2 2

Tamil and English

1

1 2

Total

1 3 4 6 11

25 50


All Tamil, Tamil-Sri Lankan and five Tamil-Canadian respondents considered

Tamil as their first language, a language they used daily. One Tamil-Canadian

considered Tamil and English as his first languages. Of the four Sri Lankans, three

spoke Sinhalese as their first language, while the other one identified as a Tamil speaker.

Of the Canadian group, eight respondents considered English as their first language,

whereas three had learned Sinhalese as their first language. The Sri Lankan-Canadian

group of 25 respondents were scattered in their responses; eighteen of them learned

Sinhalese as the first language, while 4 were taught Tamil, and two of them learned both

Sinhalese and English as their first languages.

Of the above stated data, what is discerning is that 9 out of 14 Tamil speakers

(56%) self-identified with the ethnic group that had the word "Tamil" in it. Undoubtedly

this is a fairly strong correlation. Furthermore, they all indicated that they could read and

write the Tamil language very well. As Jyothi asserted, the Tamil language fascinated

him:

Tamil language is everything for me. I think I am fluent at Tamil. When I think in Tamil, I get fascinating ideas. Even when I did my graduate work in England, many a times I made my notes in Tamil. My father was a good Tamil teacher. It is a flowery language and you can express any emotion with it. I love Tamil poetry that comes down the generations from the era of great epics in India. Tamil is spoken in many countries and I feel that I am connected to the entire world through Tamil. I want to do everything possible to promote Tamil among our Tamil children.

With regard to the Sinhalese speakers, the majority of them were in the Sri

Lankan-Canadian category. Eighteen out of 24 Sinhalese speakers (75%) are Sri

Lankan-Canadians. Another three Sinhalese speakers fell under the Sri Lankan type.

All 21 disclosed that they can speak and write Sinhalese very well. Jyothi's sentiments in

the previous quotation were echoed by Amare, a Sinhalese speaker:


I grew up during the time of Sinhala Cultural Revolution after 1956. We had new music and songs based on folk poetry. We had new novels and short stories. I took part in essay competitions in the school. I participated in school debates with other schools. I was quite comfortable with the use of Sinhalese then. Even now I maintain that quality in my Sinhalese.

The Canadian type had three Sinhalese first language speakers, and two of them

stated that their current practical knowledge of Sinhalese was limited to words such as

"Hari, hari" (Yes yes), "Mata be" (I cannot), "Badaginii" ( I am hungry) and

"Hukanawa" (Having sex). As Amanda asserted:

My parents love to speak with me in Sinhalese. But, I do not know how to respond meaningfully. Sometimes they laugh at me when I mispronounce a word or a sentence. So it becomes an intimidation for me. I hate these situations. Sometimes in front of my Italian boy friend they do this for the fun of it. They never taught me when I was a small child. I like Sinhalese language, but I really cannot learn it now. I will not be using it at all in the future. If I go to Sri Lanka I will only say 'Mata Badaginii' (I am hungry) and that is enough for me to survive in the Island. Of course, a lot of them speak English. A new boy in our class taught me the bad word about having sex.

The third person, Canadian born Appu who could speak and write Sinhalese very

well, was applying to medical school at the time of interview. According to him, his

family pressures and his personal pride had made him learn and practise the language of

his parents:

My mother who comes from a Kandyan family in Sri Lanka has always been proud of being Kandyan Sinhalese. She tells me the story of the British who failed to capture Kandyan areas of the Island until after they have ruled Sri Lanka for 20 years. This fact has made the Kandyans real owners of the Sinhalese language. I became fascinated with these stories and worked hard to speak and write Sinhalese. I have three languages now including French. I am also proud about my achievements.

With the exception of Appu, all Canadians revealed general apathy and

indifference towards learning or practising any of the Sri Lankan languages. They


seemed to be quite comfortable using English as the medium of expression in formal as

well as in informal and emotional circumstances. Many of their parents had not taught or

consciously promoted any Sri Lankan languages at home while growing up; and thus,

they did not feel the need to use these languages on a daily basis. Moreover, at the time

of the interviews, Five Canadian respondents were dating non-Sri Lankan partners, One

respondent was married to a non-Sri Lankan, and one respondent was the child of an

inter-racial couple; these factors contributed to the infrequent use of the Sri Lankan

languages.

Having established the pattern of language use based on the life history of the

respondents, an attempt was made to inquire into the personal side of language use. Each

respondent was asked which language they used to converse with family members and

Sri Lankan friends. The trend that emerged was the Tamil first language speakers

habitually used Tamil as their language of conversation with spouses, children, parents as

well as Sri Lankan friends. The 21 Sinhalese first language speakers in the Sri Lankan

and Sri Lankan-Canadian group had a three prong approach to the use of language

depending on the person or the situation they were interacting with. Generally, these

respondents conversed with their spouses in Sinhalese and with their children in English.

With their Sri Lankan friends they used both Sinhalese and English.

At the time of the interviews, Lopia who had lived in Canada for almost 30 years,

fit the mould of many Sri Lankans and Sri Lankan-Canadians in Canada:

When we were living in Sri Lanka I hardly spoke English with my wife or within the family. As our mother tongue we were quite comfortable with Sinhalese. We just continued the same pattern in Canada. In the company of non-Sri Lankans I hardly use Sinhalese with my spouse. However, when it comes to children I had to use English in Canada. We want them to be strong people and using two languages at home would be confusing for them. They know a few words and even if we


speak to them in Sinhalese they will respond in English. They tend to learn a lot of new attitudes and phrases at school from their peers. So it is easy to deal with them in English. Their way of thinking is different from what we used to have when growing up in Sri Lanka. The English language fits better with their mindset. For instance, our eldest daughter one day asked my wife about parents having sex in order to have children. It was much easier to respond to her in English rather than trying to fish out suitable words in Sinhalese.

On the other hand, Ramanie, who had migrated to Canada as a young wife, asserted that

although she used English and Sinhalese intermittently at home with her husband,

whenever they fought over an issue, Sinhalese came into play as the medium of

communication. It is not surprising that people used their first language when expressing

emotions within a second language dominant environment.

Regarding the use of English as the mode of communication with friends and peers,

several interesting explanations unravelled from discussions with the 21 respondents.

Some pointed out that in the middle-class circles, when one person of Sinhalese origin

meets another for the first time; English becomes the language of entry into their

communication. This was a practice that was uniquely Sinhalese, a custom many South

Asians do not partake in. Even among the Tamils of Sri Lankan origin, this kind of

practice was not followed. Some respondents applied this practice on a broader

perspective, stating that if a person belonged to the middle socio-economic class and

spoke Sinhalese as his/her first language all over the world, there was a tendency that this

person would adapt easily to foreign cultures. It was commonly held that things such as

food, clothing, and vocabulary that are foreign to many rural Sri Lankans would be easily

integrated into this person's life style.

With the introduction of English as the medium of instruction in public schools as

well as in universities during the 19th Century, many Sinhala and Tamil students were


forced to learn their own first language in English medium. Coveted public office

occupations were only obtained with proper English knowledge acquired from an English

school. As a result, the English language gradually became a status symbol of the middle

class. As Mune described:

When I was going to high school during 60s I was scared to wear long pants for fear of ridicule. At that time only those who could speak English well wore long pants. I was not fluent in English language, and I only wore long pants during the annual big cricket match of the school. On the big match day, all these alien taboos are relaxed. Otherwise, seniors will laugh at you when you make English mistakes by trying to speak the language. Although I studied in a Colombo high school, I am a village boy. But I did not belong to the urban middle class. I remember being ridiculed by Colombo boys when I tried to pronounce words of English during English lessons in grade 10.

Mune further asserted:

After all, since the 4l Century B.C the Sinhalese people have been adopting many foreign personalities and practices as their own. For example, Sinhalese are proud of being Buddhists and the Buddha was an Indian; Sinhalese names such as Fernando, Silva, Pieris are of Portuguese or Dutch origin; Sinhalese people believe in astrology and they use it in their daily life, and astrology is borrowed from Hindu religion; and even the favourite food, string hoppers, is an adoption from Malayalam tradition of South India. I am sure they have further developed some of these things by adding local spices, but basically they are adaptations or borrowed things.

In this light, the practice of using English to communicate with friends can be viewed as

an attempt on the part of the Sinhalese first language speakers to impress and convince

the others about their presumed middle-class status and ready incorporation into the

Canadian society. In the Canadian group, one respondent used Sinhalese and English in

order to converse with family and Sri Lankan friends, and 10 respondents used only

English to communicate with family and friends.

All respondents were asked how they feel about their children learning their first

language. The following table depicts the distribution of opinions among all respondents:


Table 26: Self Perceived Identity vs. Children learning Parents' First Language Cross-Tabulation

Self Perceived Identity

Total

Tamil Tamil Sri Lankan Sri Lankan Tamil Canadian Canadians Canadian Sri Lankans

Strongly Agree 1

3 4 6 2

14

30

Agree

1

2

3

No Comment

7

8

15

Disagree

1

1

2

Total

1

3 4 6 11

25

50

According to this table, 33 respondents either strongly agreed or agreed that their children

should be taught their first language, whether it was Sinhalese or Tamil. However, two

had disagreed, and 15 respondents refrained from making comments.

Eleven Tamil first language speakers strongly agreed that their children should

learn their first language. This was quite consistent with the trend observed above. All of

them believed that they had a "right to speak Tamil as they were born with this

language." They also insisted, "If their children will not use Tamil language, it will be

dead and gone forever". In addition, two Tamil speakers among them stated that they

will return to Sri Lanka with their children once the war is over. As Siva contended:

In Canada everybody speaks English because it is his or her first language. We are the only ones who can and should speak Tamil. I am very happy with my life as a Tamil and I learned everything about life in Tamil language that my parents taught me. In like manner, I will teach Tamil to my children.

Apart from speaking Tamil at home, many Tamil speakers had taken firm steps to teach

Tamil to their children. These steps included requiring them to attend Tamil language

classes offered at some selected schools in Toronto, getting them to read Tamil

newspapers at home, encouraging them to see Tamil cultural programs on TV and on


stage, and giving them Tamil names. Evidently, the Tamil speakers have made a

concerted effort to preserve the Tamil language through their own children. The only

female respondent in the Tamil category was immensely passionate about her language:

I am really scared about loosing Tamil language in the face of English influence in Canada. English language is very aggressive. People in the work place seem to be blunt and very direct. Our Tamil language is not like that. It has its calmness, melody and emotion. Language is not just the words and sentences. It is a way of life and thinking for me. I am scared about my child when he grows up and begins to go to Canadian schools. He may adopt English ways and as a result, we all may loose our language and culture both.

Of the 25 respondents in the Sri Lankan -Canadian group, 16 either agreed or

strongly agreed. Reasons given by the Sinhalese speakers for their agreement included a

variety of cultural arguments blended with feelings of obligations such as

Only the Sinhalese can preserve Sinhalese language if they use it in Canada; if language is not used at home, then children will loose all ties with their kin in Sri Lanka; and it is always better to know more than one language.

These respondents had also taken a special interest in teaching their children

Sinhalese by sending them to Sunday school at the temple, speaking to them in Sinhalese

at home, and making sure that they are given Sinhalese names. It is noteworthy that 11

of these 16 respondents read a Sinhalese weekly newspaper published in Sri Lanka.

Jabba indicated:

Saturday evening I go to Kumar Traders and buy Silumina, Lankadeepa and Divayina. I love reading them every week. My wife joins me most of the time. Every week there is some news about people we know or about our MP or some other persons we know. When I know what is happening in Sri Lanka on weekly basis, I feel happy and informed. I also check obituary notices regularly. Then I find my teachers or distant relatives have passed away. I feel that Sri Lanka is also changing rapidly. When I have Sinhalese newspapers6 at home, sometimes my children take a look at them and ask questions about some news items or pictures

6 These are three weekend Sinhalese newspapers in Sri Lanka with a readership of about four million on any given weekend.


they are attracted to. By creating this opportunity they also begin to think about our language and culture.

For the second generation Sri Lankan group, the Canadians, the question about children

learning parents' first language was changed to include the first language of the grand

parents. This change was made with two reasons in mind. First, none of the Canadian

respondents had children at the time of the interviews; and second, the question would

give an additional weight to the degree of commitment that the Canadians may have

towards their parental identity. Thus, the question would place the respondent in a

hypothetical situation.

If the 11 Canadians agreed that their children who are not likely to have any

direct exposure to Sinhalese or Tamil culture in their original forms, must learn the

commonly used language of their parents, it would invariably suggest a dedicated

commitment to, and a need for, recreating old cultures by the Canadian group.

Following the same logic, I would assume their Canadianness invariably includes values

and cultural markers, such as the use of the Sinhalese language, which are not used by

mainstream Canadians in general. Surprisingly, three respondents in this group either

strongly agreed or agreed. All three of them understood "a bit" of Sri Lankan languages,

and one could read, speak and write very well. The evolution of the Sinhalese language

within the Island of Sri Lanka, its prominence as a cultural marker, and its post-

independence use as an instrument for political hegemony of the Sinhalese ruling parties

was discussed in detail in the Chapter 2 of this thesis.


Of the 15 respondents who refrained from making comments about this question,

and the two who disagreed gave interesting reasons to justify their stand. This group of

15 respondents represented Canadians (7) as well as Sri Lankan-Canadians (8), and

included both Sinhalese and Tamil first language speakers. The seven Canadians did not

see any utilitarian value for learning or using any Sri Lankan languages in the Canadian

context. Some felt that their parents were not pushy enough to teach them the Sinhalese

language. Amy explained that she had lost her enthusiasm at the age of six:

I used to go to a Sinhala dancing class in Scarborough to learn Kandyan dancing. In this class we were required to speak Sinhala language. At the beginning it was fun because the teacher did not know much English. We tried very hard to follow her Sinhala instructions. We made grammatical mistakes and our teacher tried to help us correct them with her broken English. It is like the story of the blind and the deaf. We had some fun trying to help each other. All the other kids were no better than me. However, the moment our parents came to pick us up they began to speak to us in English. So finally we lost our enthusiasm and I dropped the class. Now I feel that without Sinhalese I managed to do well in school as well as among my Sri Lankan peers.

Even the few who understood Sri Lankan languages felt shy or reluctant to use them in

public for fear of making mistakes or ridicule from the audience. Kumi remembered:

Once I was asked to be the MC for a Sri Lankan cultural program. I had a hard time pronouncing some names in the list. Moreover, I pronounced those names with the Canadian accent and people laughed at me saying that I mispronounced their names. After this event, I gave up completely. I might as well spend time learning good French.

They were also inclined to think that learning another language was entirely up to their

children when they become adults, and they had no right to force them to learn any Sri

Lankan languages simply because their grand-parents came from Sri Lanka. As Amy put

it:


Our parents have this eternal vision that their children should do exact things that they have done or their parents have done in Sri Lanka. They sometimes use the phrase "our country" to refer to Sri Lanka. When we say that my country is not Sri Lanka and it is Canada, that is where I was born and all what I know, they seem to get angry. What I say is the truth. I do not think culture is running in the blood. Parents should be careful in dictating terms to us who belong to Canada.

Arguments of this group were blended with Western values of individual freedom and

sense of their own attachment to the Sri Lankan cultures. The only two respondents who

disagreed came from the Canadian and Canadian-Sri Lankan groups. They both

asserted that time spent on learning Sinhalese was a complete waste because one can

learn French if one spends the same energy and time. The spectacular difference between

the first language speakers of Sinhalese and Tamil is that only 66% of the former as a

group was committed to teaching their first language to their children, while the

commitment was 100% for the latter.

As contended by Peter Li (1988), among the important lessons to be learned from

colonial history is that immigrants to North America did not carry with them a

transplanted culture from their countries of origin that predated the colonial era. The

ability of many Asian, African, and Central American immigrants to speak English long

before they immigrated to North America was more a result of the colonial legacy than of

assimilation into the North American mosaic. Furthermore, in light of the theory of

Social Incorporation, one would say that the reconstruction of identity among the

immigrants had already begun before they arrived on North American shores.

Indeed it is important to examine how the above findings fare in the face of

Canadian and US research of identity retention and use. Many seemed to argue that

when it came to ethnic identity the White populations in North America have an option


rather than an ascription (Waters 1990,12). What was implied here was that because of

the seemingly uniform racial background of European immigrants in North America, the

second and third generation European immigrants had an option to choose whichever

ethnicity they wanted. It was also implied that findings based on White population

samples may not have shed light on non-White populations or visible minorities. Yet,

these assumptions were only accurate in some circumstances.

As evidence, the Toronto study of Ethnic Identity and Equality (Breton et al 1990)

revealed some generational trends of first language retention and use. In this study,

Isajiw stated that there was a general decline from generation to generation in the

retention of the ethnic language as the first language, in ethnic language knowledge, and

in the frequency of use of the ethnic language. Although this trend was evident among

the Sinhalese first language speakers in the present study, we need not forget the fact that

most of the Sinhalese speakers had the English language facility prior to arriving in

Canada. However, the Toronto study also stated that there were significant variations

among the groups studied. While the second generation Ukrainians have retention rate of

71%, Germans show only 34% (Isajiw 1990, 55). It is noteworthy that among those who

declared English as their first language, (like the Canadians in this study), 70% of

Jewish people, 50% of the Italians and Ukrainians, and 40% of the Germans claimed to

have some knowledge of their ethnic language. In comparative terms, a little over 60%

of the Canadian group in the present study appeared to have some knowledge of their

ancestors' first language. Accordingly, the Toronto study observed that 64% of the

second generation felt that it was important for their children to learn their ethnic

language; the comparative figure for the present study stood at 25 per cent.


At this juncture, it is important to examine the use of the host country languages by

the sample population in question. Monica Boyd and John de Vries (1992) had provided

a suitable framework for this exercise. Based on the 1986 Public Use Sample Tapes

(PUST) of Statistics Canada, they developed a typology to look at language incorporation

by recent immigrants to Canada. Following Pierre Bourdieu's ideas, they treated

language as a social capital. What followed from this framework of analysis was that

those who reported the ability to converse in English and/or French had higher linguistic

capital than those who did not report the ability to converse in at least one of the official

languages. It was also likely that respondents, who used English and/or French at home,

whether exclusively or not, had a greater command of those languages than those who

did not. It was also tenable that the use of a particular language at home by an individual

may have been a function of the English and/or French abilities/inabilities of other

household members. Based on the above assumptions, Boyd and De Vries had

categorized four types of language skills, termed as a "sliding scale of language skills"

(1992, 8).

Type I included those individuals who reported English and/or French as the first

language they learned. In the Sri Lankan sample, there were 4 respondents who learned

both Sinhala or Tamil and English as first languages, and hence, seemed to possess a very

high linguistic capital. Three of them were Sri Lankan Canadians while the other was a

Tamil Canadian. All of them reported that they never had any problems in finding work

on a regular basis with a reasonable salary.

Type II included those whose first language was not English nor French, but who

had acquired the ability to speak and write English or French and used it most often at


home. This granted them a lower level of linguistic capital than in the first type. In the

Sri Lankan sample, 22 respondents in the Sri Lankan-Canadian identity type, 4

respondents in the Sri Lankan type and 3 respondents in the Canadian type were at this

level of linguistic capital. The 5 Tamil-Canadians who spoke Tamil as their first

language had fallen under this category as well.

Type III represented persons who had acquired English/French but did not speak

these languages most often at home. This was the type that most likely used other ethnic

languages in the private domains for use with family and friends, and used

English/French only for public domains, including work settings.

In the Sri Lankan sample, there was an overlap in the Type II and Type III

respondents. As stated earlier, 21 Sinhalese first language speakers used English in both

private and public domains. However, with their spouses, they most often preferred to

use their ethnic language. One female respondent in the Sri Lankan type and one in the

Sri Lankan-Canadian type can be classified under this category. They both strongly

felt that their English was not "up to the standard". One of them was a housewife and the

other worked in a food factory where many other Sri Lankan girls worked. As Nandanie

stated:

I wanted money to live because I did not have a husband. I went to apply for this job at the factory and I did not understand half of what the Manager said to me, the first day. I realized that I had to follow other workers and now I am there for almost a year. I do not need English to do my work in the factory. My co-workers are also Sinhalese. I did not have a good knowledge of English when I came to Canada from Pakistan. I spoke Urdu and Punjabi in Pakistan. I think I have enough English to purchase food and clothes. I am not sure if I could become fluent in English at all. We have no time to go to a class or take private lessons. I do not have any White friends, even at work.


Type IV in the Boyd and De Vries (1992) framework included all individuals who were

unable to speak English or French well enough to conduct a conversation on several

topics. As a result, their linguistic capital in the public domain would be very low.

Tamil and Tamil-Sri Lankan identity types also fit into this category. They felt that

their English was not vibrant enough to carry on a conversation. Interestingly, all four of

these respondents were females, one of them worked for her husband, and the others were

housewives. As Boyd asserted, gender was a factor generally associated with the

acquisition of the host country language by immigrants in traditional settlement countries

such as Australia, Canada and USA (Boyd and De Vries 1992, 11).

In the Sri Lankan population being studied, there were 26 women approaching

almost 52% of the sample. Only 6 women in this group expressed their concerns about

not being fluent or having no knowledge at all in the English language. All these six fall

under Type III or IV of the Boyd/DeVries typology. The majority of women of Sri

Lankan origin (77%), as well as all of the Canadian born female children fell under Type

I or II. What this empirical evidence seemed to suggest was that what mattered most in

this case was the roles that they played and the availability of opportunities and

motivation to learn. Opportunities were limited due to greater domestic responsibilities

as housewives and working in job ghettos such as food factories and garment factories

where a high level of fluency in the language of the host country was not required to

perform the job.

At this juncture, it is necessary to examine what sociological messages are

conveyed by the language use of the respondents. It is distinctly clear from all but 8

respondents (of the Canadians) that the first languages used, and the languages used at


home by majority of respondents reinforced the two camps of Sinhalese and Tamil

identities discussed in the previous chapter. Although there were six self-perceived

identity types among the respondents, in terms of language use, these types seemed to

collapse into three types: Sinhalese, Tamil and Canadians. For the Tamil speaking

respondents, their language was a matter of paramount importance. The Tamil language

not only separated them from other ethnic identities, but also gave them dignity and

something to preserve as a cultural marker in Canada. All Tamil and the majority of

Sinhalese speakers wanted to teach their children their respective languages. For the

Sinhalese speakers, their language was a matter of pride and needed to be preserved as (in

their assessment) no one else in the world spoke that language except the Sinhalese in Sri

Lanka and abroad. Even three respondents in the Canadian group agreed to teach their

parents' language to their children, and all three had learned Sinhalese as their first

language. In the public domain, all Sinhalese first language speakers and majority of

Tamil first language speakers used English as their medium of communication.

However, when dealing with the private domains, the Sinhalese used their first language

and English selectively compared to their Tamil counterparts who were uniform in the

use of their first language. First language learned in childhood, irrespective of the

language acquired in the host country or prior to arriving in the host country did seem to

help differentiating ethnic identity types that we derived in the previous chapter.

Another important message is that among the Sinhalese, a social class factor

seemed to enter into the picture. The manner, in which the English language was used by

the Sinhalese first language speakers with their children, Sri Lankan friends, and in

public, appeared to be an indication of their reference group of a Sri Lankan middle-class,


prior to immigration. There is no sufficient data to examine this issue in detail, let alone

the authenticity of their claim whether it was real or imagined. Although some

information presented earlier in this chapter indicate that there is definitely an

intersection between ethnic identity and social class, an aspect not dealt with in the thesis.

In the discussion of language and Identity, some references were made to the fact

that 52% of respondents were women. Given that almost half of the sample under study

was women, the researcher was determined to examine any possible intersection between

gender and identity as well. This aspect has not been dealt with in the thesis adequately.

Food Preference:

Past research on ethnic identity retention had unequivocally proven the fact that the

tradition of eating ethnic food is retained from generation to generation more than any

other ethnic pattern of behaviour (Burnet 1988; Waters 1990; Isajiw 1990). As Burnet

(1988, 216) explained, foods, ways of cooking and serving them, and meals have been

important experiences in the lives of all immigrants to Canada. Food habits were not just

related to early childhood and family experiences, but were indelible symbols of religious

rituals such as Christmas and Easter dinners, fasting in Judaism, Ramadan in Islam, and

two meals a day for Buddhist monks. One clear reason as to why food habits of ethnic

groups have stayed the same over several generations was that supporting structures such

as ethnic bakeries, food stores, and restaurants have multiplied and flourished in many

urban areas during the past fifty or so years. A cursory glance at the names in the

business directory of Sri Lankan Tamils in Ontario would show that of the 200 businesses

that opened during 1983-1990 in Toronto, 75% appeared to be groceries and restaurants

where Sri Lankan food items were sold.


In the present study, the respondents were asked five questions regarding their

preference for food. The questions inquired about their major meal of the day, what they

normally ate for this meal and the frequency of taking Sri Lankan food as part of their

regular meals. The following table depicts the distribution of eating Sri Lankan food.

Table 27: Identity Types and Frequency of Sri Lankan Food Consumption Cross-Tabulation

Self Perceived Identity type

Sri Lankan

Sri Lankan Canadian

Canadian

Tamil

Tamil Canadian

Tamil Sri Lankan

Total

Daily

4

8

1

1

5

3

22

3-6 times a week

11

1

1

13

Less than 3 times a week

6

4

10

Occasionally

5

5

Total

4

25

11

1

6

3

50

Twenty two respondents (44%) seemed to eat Sri Lankan food daily. The remaining 28

respondents seemed to vary from occasional eating to 3-6 times a week. The five

occasional Sri Lankan food eaters belonged to the Canadian group, who generally ate

mainstream North American food such as pasta, burgers, pizza, steaks, salads and fries.

Not a single respondent in this group said that he or she did not like to eat or has not

eaten at least one meal of Sri Lankan food. Seventeen respondents (34%) stated that they

usually had a combination of Canadian and Sri Lankan food on any given day. A vast

majority considered dinner as their main meal of the day, and generally this meal


consisted of a half a plate of rice, fish or meat, two or three vegetables curries cooked

with milk, and a fried item such as potatoes or dried fish. The food was generally spicy

and hot. When visitors are invited, the number of curries served could even increase to

about 10.

Every ethnic identity type had at least one respondent who ate Sri Lankan food

daily. As pointed out by Upul, a Canadian respondent who ate Sri Lankan food daily:

Food habits are interwoven with early upbringing of people. I have been eating spicy meals practically everyday at home. My mother knew how to add tasty spices. Once a particular taste is acquired when the person is small, it tends to grow with the person in spite of his or her exposure to other kinds of food, later in life. I cannot live without rice and curry meal twice a day. It is the taste, spicy and hot flavour, and the mix that I am longing for. I take a rice meal to my office. I just cannot stay with a salad or sandwich which most of my co-workers do. Whenever I eat sandwiches, I feel hungry after an hour. So I really have to eat a. proper meal twice a day. That is my craving.

For some respondents, food and food practices were pleasurable experiences they had

enjoyed while growing up in Sri Lanka. As Victor stated:

I still remember my mother and grandmother waking up early on Saturday mornings and preparing sudu appa7 (white hoppers) and peni appa (honey hoppers). We used to run a wayside boutique in the village and early morning travellers stop at this boutique to eat hoppers. Some bus drivers will bring their whole crowd around 6:30 in the morning. By 8 o'clock, the rush is gone and comes our turn. My sister and I will be asked to sit in the kitchen on a mat. My grand mother will give us a plate and serve hot appa with seeni sambol8 or treacle. It was so delicious we end up eating at least 6 or 7 appas. Sometimes, I steal my sister's appa and she steals mine. My father joins us if he is through with his work at the boutique. He would praise my mother and grandmother for making such delicious appa. He sometimes would crack a joke or two saying a particular appa looks like my mothers face and my mother would respond saying never mind. We had all this fun while eating appa on Saturdays. Some days my father will bring eggs from the boutique and mother will make egg hoppers. This is also an opportunity for my

7 Appa or hoppers are a Sri Lankan version of pancake, which is crispy and thin. Hoppers are made of rice flour or wheat flour.

8 Seeni sambol is made of thinly cut onions mixed with salt, red chilli powder, curry leaves, and cardamom. Brown sugar is also added to this mixture and it is fried with coconut oil until it turns dark red. When served, this tastes very spicy and sweet.


father to tell all of us how his business doing at that particular time. It is also a time when my father brings some gossip home to share.

According to Vickum, experiences similar to the above were found in Toronto

where several families would get together for a meal or two:

One main reason why we have so many get together in our homes is that we love to eat together. I have never said no to any family invitation because I can try several rare food items when you visit a home. We tend to eat a lot of rice with meat and vegetables and spicier it is the better it tastes. I think our people are together because we love our food and create opportunities to get together based on what we eat.

Willie, another respondent belonging to the Sri Lankan-Canadian category explained:

Sri Lankan parties are multipurpose. We can eat our spicy food, speak in Sinhalese or Tamil, crack some old jokes when we get together, and also have several alcoholic drinks. We do not normally invite non-Sri Lankans because they do not taste spicy food nor they like the kind of jokes we crack. Only those who are married to our men and women will happily come because they like spicy food.

It is obvious that food habits provided a uniquely Sri Lankan experience to many people

of Sri Lankan origin.

As a monk in a place of worship explained:

Our temple is not just a Buddhist shrine room. We provide Sri Lankan meals to whoever comes there, any time of the day. Our followers donate food to us and we in turn, donate tasty meals to our visitors. On many Buddhist holidays such as Wesak and New Year celebration, we have, on average, about 500 people visiting us. I know for sure that they love to eat a good meal at the temple.

In like manner, many respondents stated that ingredients for making Sri Lankan food

were readily available in Sri Lankan stores and in other East-Indian stores in Ontario, as

well as in other major cities in Canada. In fact, importing Sri Lankan goods had become

a growing and profitable business in Ontario. As a result, it was unlikely that people of

Sri Lankan origin would experience any drastic changes in their food habits in terms of


replacing their food related traditions with newly acquired practices for many years to

come. As evidence, Kittu stated:

We can sell anything that we import from Sri Lanka. We import liquor, vegetables, sometimes fish, canned food, malted milk such as Horlicks, Nestomalt that are not found in the Canadian markets, and even Australian cheese. My daily income on average is about $2,500. We even sell Sri Lankan spicy snacks such as wadai9 under a new name of Sri Lankan spicy donuts to White people.

It can be concluded that food habits did not show any significant variations among

different types of identity. As a considerable majority of respondents of all identity types

continued to eat Sri Lankan food on a regular basis, food did constitute a valid criterion

of identity types. However, food is definitely a marker that separates them from the rest

of the Canadians, as an ethnic group. It was also predicted that observed food habits

would continue for several generations to come.

Traditional Dress:

In order to evaluate the dress as a cultural marker of identity among the respondents

in Canada, it was necessary to examine dress codes and their changes within the Sri

Lankan society during the 19th and 20th Centuries. The dress for men and women, in the

Sri Lankan context, revealed the person's ability to speak the English language, his/her

social class, and whether the person was primarily from a rural or urban area. During the

past 50 years, it had become increasingly clear that men belonging to all ethnic types

preferred to wear long pants and shirts in public environments such as daily work,

weddings and holiday functions. However, the majority of those men who were born

before the 1950s would wear a white sarong (cotton piece of cloth which covers the body

from waist down) and a long collarless shirt; this outfit is popularly known as "the

9 Wadai is a donut shaped spicy snack made of lentils or chickpeas, onions, chilli powder and crushed chillies. It is usually deep fried and dark red in colour. It is of Tamil origin and popular among all Sri Lankans in Canada and abroad.


national dress." School teachers, local physicians and rural businessmen were known to

have worn this attire for several centuries on the Island. Those who studied in English

schools, and were from middle-class families or who worked for the British rulers, had

switched to long pants and dress shirts, especially during the early period of British

occupation in the country. Gradually, the ability to converse in the English language

became identified as a requirement for switching from the national dress to a Western

type of attire. Accordingly, at home or in private situations, all men would wear sarongs.

Even in the 21st Century, it is not uncommon to see bear bodied men in villages,

attending to their daily chores, just with a sarong to cover themselves. As people were

confined to living in extreme hot temperatures in many parts of Sri Lanka, they were

forced to dress thinly.

For women in Sri Lanka, the dress code had been much more restrictive. For any

female, the most appropriate attire had been a jacket and a saree that covers her body

from her shoulders downward. The saree is very similar to a sarong, but it is longer in

length and is sold in a multitude of colours. When properly attired, the woman reveals

her midriff, between the jacket and the saree just above her waist. The Sinhalese women,

of Kandyan origin, living in the hill country normally wore a saree in a different style,

popularly known as Kandyan saree. The women who wore Western style pants and shirts

occasionally came from among the Burgher families. Although there had been some

changes in the woman's dress from the traditional saree to pants among the office

workers in Sri Lanka, during the past decade, the official dress of preference for women

workers has been a colourful saree.


In like manner, the respondents were asked how frequently they have worn a saree

or the national dress in Ontario. Twenty two respondents (44%) stated that they did not

wear Sri Lankan attire on daily basis. Four respondents stated that they had never worn

any national dresses, but they would like to wear it in the future. Three of these four

respondents belonged to the category of Canadians. Twenty four respondents (48%) had

worn a saree or national dress for Sri Lankan cultural events. None of the respondents

stated that he or she had worn Sri Lankan attire for a public function where non-Sri

Lankans were present. The reasons as to why this happened were primarily to do with

their opinion of how they are perceived by non-Sri Lankans. They strongly felt that

wearing a non-Canadian type of dress in public places would receive too much of

attention, as well as racist slurs from some members of the public. In effect, Bindu

asserted:

The very first time I went to the No Frills about 15 years ago everybody started to look at me because I was wearing a saree. I felt that I was being looked at as a special species that they have never seen. I even felt that the cashier girls were passing remarks on me and not paying attention to my needs. I was almost in tears that day and decided not to wear a saree again in public. Maybe they were just curious but I felt quite uneasy.

Menaka had a different experience to offer:

One day I went in a colourful saree to my son's school concert thinking that people there would love to see me in a different dress. The class teacher was quite happy to see me in this dress and asked me a few questions about how it is made. However, when I returned home my sons told me not to wear a saree to the school again. Some of his classmates in grade nine have ridiculed him saying that my son's family is very poor and cannot afford to buy some good clothes. He was apparently taken aback by these comments. I felt that as much as we like to wear our traditional dresses in public, our children hate to go with us when we are in sarees. Finally, I decided to wear traditional dresses to only public or private events where only South Asian people are present.

For some women, traditional dresses are uncomfortable because of practical and


work related reasons. For example, Avi explained:

I work in a food-processing factory and I have to move a lot quickly. Pants are the best for the kind of work I do. It does not take more than five minutes for me to get ready and go to work when I wear pants. Sarees would take at least 20 minutes and of course, who wants to be noted all the time when you travel in a subway or a bus?

A considerable majority of men had approved the changing attitudes of women towards

their attire. However, about 15% of men had perceived these changes as the beginning of

loosing their control and power within the family circle, and creating frustrations among

them. Sirimal reluctantly asserted:

Our women change so fast after coming to Canada. It begins with the dress. They do not want to wear sarees anymore saying that they are ridiculed. Then, they want to change their hairstyle. Next comes too much of lipsticks, fragrances, shoes, short skirts, shorts followed by personality changes. They would ask us to do some of their work such as cooking, saying that they are also income earners in the family. All these attitudes are new and copied from Canadian women. They no longer listen to us. Our daughters tend to copy these attitudes and tend to develop arguments with us all the time.

It is observed that men in the Tamil, Tamil-Canadian and Tamil-Sri Lankan categories

shared most of these frustrations compared to the men in the other groups. Stated

differently, the men in the Sri Lankan-Tamil group seemed to take a longer time to

accept or tolerate the kind of changes their spouses and daughters experienced during the

first few years of their life in Canada. It may be surmised that such a difficult situation

for men had come about as a result of following some beliefs as stated in a sacred Hindu

books such as Laws of Manu (Buhler (Tr.) 1886) and other caste related structural factors

that portrayed women as weak, fragile, emotional and untrustworthy individuals. This

system of beliefs entrusted upon men the power to control or govern the behaviours of

their women. There is obviously a gender difference in the case of traditional dresses

worn by the respondents. However, it did not seem to intersect with the identity types we


discussed earlier. What one can see is that Tamil speaking women are more inclined to

wear traditional dresses, when necessary, than the Sinhalese women.

Involvement with Fellow Sri Lankans:

It was assumed that how deeply the respondents were involved with individuals in

Sri Lanka, as well as Sri Lankans in Canada would shed light on their identity

construction in Canada. As Hansen's hypothesis (1962) predicted, the first generation of

immigrants usually retained their original identity by way of continuously interacting

with people from their community at the point of origin. In order to measure this in the

present study, three dimensions have been explored. The first dimension was the

respondents' contacts in Canada prior to their arrival, and the extent of their interactions

with relatives currently living in Sri Lanka. The second dimension included their

obligations towards other Sri Lankans living in Canada. The third dimension explored the

level of comfort the respondents found in fellow Sri Lankans with respect to fulfilling

emotional needs. It was also important to see how the respondents felt about some

selected Canadian social practices such as dating, addressing people by first names, and

children acquiring knowledge about sexual matters early in life and becoming

independent at the age of 18.

Regarding Canadian contacts prior to immigration, eight respondents stated that

they had no prior contacts in Canada. Out of 31 respondents, 7 claimed to have had

contacts with their relatives living in Canada, while the other 24 had prior contacts with

some Sri Lankan-Canadians. This pattern does not seem to be uncommon when

compared with South Asian immigrants in Canada. Chain migration had been a

characteristic of the majority of South Asians in Canada over the past 50 years. Even the


Canadian Immigration Policy since the 1950s allowed South Asians in Canada to sponsor

their relatives on an annual quota basis.

An attempt was also made to examine the current level of interactions with

friends and relatives living in Sri Lanka. Eight Canadians and four Sri Lankan-

Canadians stated that they had no contacts what so ever with people living in Sri Lanka.

The remaining 38 respondents had used several methods including making phone calls,

writing letters, and sending gifts on special occasions to communicate with their relatives.

During the initial few months after immigration, the telephone was used heavily. Many

had mentioned that only after seeing sizeable monthly telephone bills, ranging from $150

to $400, did they decide to switch to other non-expensive methods such as writing letters

and sending e-mails.

Another aspect of their interaction was measured in terms of how frequently they

had visited Sri Lanka to be with their loved ones. Twelve respondents had never been to

Sri Lanka after becoming Canadian residents. As expected, five of them were those who

identified as being Canadians. Twenty respondents had gone only once, while 14 had

visited Sri Lanka 2 to 5 times. The frequency of visiting Sri Lanka was understandably

low among the Tamil speaking Sri Lankans, mostly due to on going civil war crisis on

the Island. A typical reason from this group for not visiting the Island can be seen in the

following statement by Raja:

Even if we travel with a Canadian passport, in Sri Lanka, we were treated as terrorists. Especially going from Canada, as a Tamil was extremely dangerous, I have heard. Many of the airport officials were Sinhalese and they will try to find some connection to the Tigers, the Tamil terrorist group. When you spoke to them in Sinhalese you had a bit of concession. They will try to apply the maximum tax on what we took with us. They will sometimes threaten to put us in jail. So, it was always advisable not to travel. We missed our relatives and friends but it was safer to be in Toronto.


The majority of those (23) who visited Sri Lanka between 1 to 10 times came from the

Sri Lankan-Canadian identity group. Nine of them had visited Sri Lanka only once and

eleven had visited 2 to 5 times. Even among them, it was revealed that travel cost, the

civil war, and their inability to save sufficient money to travel with the whole family were

reasons that prevented more frequent visits to the Island. It was interesting to see that

only about 20% of this group regretted not being able to visit their family and friends in

Sri Lanka at least once a year. Others were thinking of visiting Sri Lanka only if and

when their financial situation improved. The five youth from the Canadian group, who

visited Sri Lanka only once, had many interesting stories to share. For all of them it was

a real culture shock. As evidence, Appu stated:

It was a very un-pleasant experience during the first few days. Initially, I felt that there was no privacy for me amongst my father's relatives. They will ask so many questions from me. They will try to make sure I ate sufficient food. At the dining table they would pour curries after curries on to my plate. If I refused they will be adamant to feed me again and again. They would speak to me in Sinhalese and pass some remarks as to why I did not speak the language. It took a while before I realized that how Sinhalese culture worked in Sri Lanka. I felt it was too much of hospitality. Everywhere we went they brought us something to eat and drink without asking us. Even though my father and mother prepared me for these encounters, I felt really bad. We had to be constrained in our mannerisms and behave like monks.

Some pleasant memories of the Canadian group, who had visited Sri Lanka only once,

included beautiful beaches to relax, fast food centres blossoming in the capital city, a few

malls where they could buy cheap brand name garments designed for export to Western

countries, and eating of mangoes, pineapple and a variety of bananas. A few of them had

picked up a few Sinhalese or Tamil conversational pieces, including how to greet

someone, or how to say "I am hungry." It was a general conclusion among all of them


that once you had lived in Canada, Sri Lanka is only a good vacation site and not a place

for permanent residency.

The longer that they stayed in Canada, there was an apparent trend among the

respondents to show an indifference to Sri Lankan affairs. Many respondents had

indicated that they wanted to go back and settle down in Sri Lanka once they reached

retirement age. However, not a single respondent had taken any firm action to put this

into practice. When they were asked whether they knew any Sri Lankans who had gone

back for good, it was difficult for them to recall actual individuals or families. Indeed, it

soon became evident that "going back for permanent settlement" had been used as a

cover up for initial adjustment problems the respondents had faced. Along with this

particular thought came expressions like "after all there is nothing like motherland; must

die in our soil; if we are buried here who among our relatives will know who we are; it is

a sin not to go back." It was interesting to note that many respondents were inclined to

hide their real motives. Although becoming a Canadian citizen, doing well in Canada

and "becoming somebody with acquired wealth and a big house" constituted their hidden

agendas, they were reluctant to tell fellow Sri Lankans what their true motives were.

Some respondents expressed how frustrated they were during their first year in

Canada for not being able to fulfil some family obligations such as sending money to

relatives, attending the weddings of loved ones, looking after sick parents and siblings,

and attending funerals. As expressed by Ramanie, the early adjustment to the Canadian

society and its requirements had not been smooth; it was extremely painful:

Two weeks after I got my first job, my father suddenly fell ill in Sri Lanka. I had neither money nor leave from work to visit him and to be with him. My brothers thought that I was ungrateful to my family. They wrote to me in very strong words. I tried to borrow some money and go, but my employer could not


guarantee my job when I return after two weeks. I myself felt extremely guilty and hopeless. I continued with this mental agony for about two years, and finally when I was able to go visit my father, it was for his funeral. Later I realized that I was not alone in this plight. Many others told me similar stories of their own.

Obligation Towards Other Sri Lankans:

Respondents were asked directly whether they feel obliged to help fellow Sri

Lankans. All respondents (32) in the Sri Lankan, Tamil, Tamil Canadian and Tamil

Sri Lankan groups stated that they felt obliged to help other Sri Lankans; yet, 18

respondents did not agree. All Canadians belonged to this latter group as well.

Research on early immigrants stated that South Asian immigrants had not only paved the

way for their relatives to immigrate, but also had help them to find housing, jobs and

even food in the same areas where they had settled down initially. The Punjabi Sikh

community in British Columbia is a classic example in this regard. Similar trends had

been observed among Sri Lankans who fall under five of the six types in our sample. This

pattern was more prominent among the Tamil-speaking group. After 1983, the

Wellesley-Parliament locality in downtown Toronto, known as Cabbage Town, became

the focal point of the Tamil speaking Sri Lankans. By the end of 1995, five Tamil-Sri

Lankan groceries, two restaurants, three jewellery shops and several new comers'

assistance programs were functioning in this area.

Along the same lines, the researcher observed that in some two-bedroom

apartment units, more than ten people found accommodation. This type of institutional

completeness (Breton 1964) that could address the immediate needs of new immigrants

served as the first contact point for the majority of our respondents. In effect, Ponna

noted:


Jyoti came to receive me at the Airport in Toronto. He is a friend of a friend of mine in Sri Lanka. He offered a ride in his car and brought me to Wellesley area. He took me to a Tamil family with whom I could stay temporally until I get used to the country. It was a big help at that time when I had no clue about Canada. This new family showed me around, introduced me to several other families, took me to a grocery store and also showed me how to take the subway from the Wellesley station. I also realized that the life style in Canada was very different. I could see the elders in my new family working very hard, doing several things at a time, and wearing Western clothes for work. They came home late and sometimes I found they were so tired after work. It took a while before I started going out by myself. Without this family I would not have survived the first few months.

Many respondents, who had the opportunity to live with a Sri Lankan family at the

beginning, revealed vivid memories of their early experiences in Toronto. Getting off at

the wrong subway station or taking a wrong bus from the subway station appeared to be a

common experience for many of them. As Mune stated vividly, getting used to reading

road maps was one of the initial challenges that many respondents would not have dealt

with without the help of fellow Sri Lankans:

I have travelled widely in Sri Lanka. I never wanted to take a map with me whether I walked or drove a car. I could remember many inter-sections and by roads. There will always be somebody who would direct you to the right place when you get lost. However, that was not the case here in Toronto. Many people I asked for direction did not respond positively because they did not know either. I learned how to read maps after coming here. Wije, my friend gave several lessons in map reading before I fully adopted this good practice.

In like manner, finding the right kind of food was mentioned as the best help new

immigrants could receive from Toronto's early settlers of Sri Lankan origin. Respondents

in all types openly expressed that they missed Sri Lankan food during the first few weeks.

Although they had gradually developed a liking towards "hamburgers, French fries, and

cokes" as easy-to-find and practical foods, they felt hungry if they missed at least one big

meal a day comprised of the "rice and curry" they were used to eating in Sri Lanka.

Early settlers had made it a habit to invite newcomers into their homes to treat them with


a "typical Sri Lankan meal." Usually these luncheons or dinner parties on the weekends

were well attended by both old-timers and newcomers. Apart from eating Sri Lankan

food, these parties also provided opportunities for the newcomers to get to know old-

timers. As Amare reported, there was usually a chain reaction in this process:

Ten days after I arrived in Toronto, I received an invitation for dinner from a person whom I met at the grocery store. When I visited this person's family on a Saturday I met seven other Sri Lankan families who had received the same invitation. Those seven families in turn invited me to their homes. I was able to build my own circle through this process. It was not just a meal for me. It was rather an opportunity for me to ask relevant questions about finding jobs, cheap long-distance telephone packages, where to buy spicy food, etc.

During the early part of the 1990s, Metropolitan Toronto witnessed the rapid

emergence of Sri Lankan food catering services that operated from private homes. Only

a few restaurants and take-out places were opened; and thus, a number of families started

to serve a wide variety of cooked Sri Lankan food items from their homes. The most

popular items included "fried rice and chicken curry, string hoppers, hoppers, pittu, wadai

and dosai." It is interesting to note that food transcended all types of ethnic boundaries,

for many Sinhalese speaking Sri Lankans were not reluctant to buy food from stores run

by Tamil speaking people. A small minority of Sinhala speakers had deliberately

boycotted groceries run by Tamil speakers, especially during the height of the ethnic

tension and civil war in Sri Lanka. However, in 1991, there was only one wholesale

grocer among the Sinhala speaking Sri Lankans, while there were more than 15

wholesale and retail grocers owned by the Tamil speaking Sri Lankans.

At different times, the obligation towards fellow Sri Lankans has taken different

forms. A statement made by a Buddhist monk who resided at one of the Toronto temples

is a striking example of the position of the Sri Lankans and Sri Lankan-Canadians in


Ontario. The monk had based his assessment on five to ten years of his personal

experiences, as well as stories people had told him. As time went on, and people became

more comfortable with the Canadian socio-economic environment, a change in the

personal relationships between the old-timers and the new-comers began to occur:

I can talk only about Sinhalese Buddhists who come to our temple. We also have Christians and Hindus as well as non-Sri Lankan Buddhists visiting our temple. When someone comes from Sri Lanka as a refugee or as a landed immigrant, what he or she looks for initially is a source of income. Very rarely we find someone arriving here without prior contact. In many instances these contacts are some relatives or friends of their relatives living in Sri Lanka. During the first three to four months, these newcomers go to any person who could find them a job. Sometimes, we in the temple also can help them by referring them to agencies where other Sri Lankan people are employed. It is sometimes frustrating to see some highly qualified accountants, engineers, and even physicians starting their lives here in Ontario as night watchers, security guards, factory workers and cleaning persons. Once they set in their feet in the door in this manner, they would try their best to seek other suitable employment in their own fields. I have seen many of them trying to learn new skills by attending night classes.

Yet, there are a considerable number of new immigrants who find it extremely difficult to find employment. Once they pass the first six months, their relatives or friends who helped them initially tend to ignore them on the grounds that these newcomers are lazy and have no skills that are saleable in Canada. The new comers then begin to feel that the 'honeymoon period' is now over. Many newcomers respond to this situation quite negatively, and as a result, the people who were chums before suddenly become enemies. After this stage occurs, all what we hear from both parties are accusations and severe criticisms of each other. It is quite common that those helpers would base their accusations on factors like 'how ungrateful the newcomers have been because they have forgotten what we did for them and now, they have new friends

According to our respondents, there is apparently a shift in dependency from that of

relatives to newly acquired friends. Accusations coming from the recent immigrants

suggested that the old-timers either controlled all aspects of their lives and/or expected

that every decision they made to be approved by the old-timers. Moreover, the old-timers

would hurt the self-esteem of the newcomers by saying that the new-comers followed


"old Sri Lankan ways" of doing things. Several respondents from all types of the sample

supported this description, including Victor:

I had an executive level job in Sri Lanka. I even had an official car and a driver. When I mentioned about this to my landlord who rented his basement for us, sarcastically ignored my social status in Sri Lanka and ridiculed me for talking about the 'paradise lost.' First, I believed him and accepted my fault. However, later on I observed that my landlord himself had not given up Sri Lankan habits completely. Once I remember when his eldest daughter came home with an Anglo-Saxon boy my landlord was furious saying 'what would other Sri Lankans think about them?

Many respondents pointed out that immigrants undergo a gradual process of acculturation

depending on which locality they lived in, and to what degree they associated themselves

with fellow Sri Lankans. Gradually, the obligation to help other Sri Lankans also faded

away or became centred on special circumstances such as a referral from a friend or a

religious leader in Toronto.

Another way the obligation to help fellow Sri Lankans was measured was in

terms of the respondents' membership in Sri Lankan and non-Sri Lankan organizations in

Ontario. Twenty-seven respondents, most of whom were in the Sri Lankan-Canadian

group, stated that they were not members of any organization. Only 14 respondents

indicated that they were members of Sri Lankan organizations that included the Canada

Sri Lanka Association, Temple or Kovil based societies, and Alumni Associations. As

expected, six respondents in the Canadian group were members of Canadian

organizations including sports leagues, youth clubs or human rights organizations. What

was clear from their responses was that although a majority of respondents had

considered helping fellow Sri Lankans an obligation, they preferred to fulfil their

obligations on a personal basis rather than through organizational activities.


In order to further ascertain links that our respondents have with their own

community, a question was asked about how they met their emotional needs such as

relative deprivations, anger control, and letting out innermost feelings. Thirty four

respondents had indicated that when they were in a crisis, they turned to either ethnic

friends or family. Four of these respondents belonged to the Canadian group. Seven

Canadians and nine Sri Lankan Canadians indicated that they sought professional

counsellors, as their own family members were incapable of finding solutions to their

problems. These individuals were also concerned that once problems were discussed

with family members or Sri Lankan friends, chances were very high that their problems

would become gossip in the wider community circles. It was repeatedly mentioned by

many respondents that most Sri Lankans in Canada spent a lot of time inquiring about

other people's affairs, fabricating gossip, and spreading rumours about other Sri Lankans.

As might be expected, this issue was brought to light through the question: How

trustworthy are their countrymen? Only 14 respondents expressed that their fellow Sri

Lankans were very trustworthy. Twenty respondents indicated that they were somewhat

trustworthy, and two stated that they were not trustworthy at all. Many respondents

indicated that their Sri Lankan peers can be trusted regarding issues of sharing public

information, Sri Lankan politics, sickness or financial crises in families. The two most

critical areas of mistrust were related to sharing information about intra-familial issues,

including the new partners of their children, and job promotion prospects to fellow Sri

Lankans. One Canadian respondent put this across by saying:

My mother spends at least an hour everyday speaking with her Sri Lankan friends. All what she is focussed on is gossip about other children or families. Everything that I say to her about my schoolwork, good grades, boys and even physical sickness goes beyond her quickly. A week later, I hear these things back from a


classmate who is Canadian born to Sri Lankan parents, with a twist. I have repeatedly told my mother not to divulge personal things to every friend she has. She readily agrees, but forgets very quickly. She also brings me very personal information regarding some people we know. For me this is wastage of time and unethical. For her what she does is caring for fellow Sri Lankans.

Some respondents stated that especially during the first few years and until a newly

arrived family fully settles down with their own home and jobs, there appears to be a

craving for information on other families of the same origin and trust from other Sri

Lankan families. On the one hand, new information, or any information for that matter,

helps them to understand how things happen or how things are done in this new cultural

environment. The respondents reported that there appeared to be a chain reaction when it

comes to purchasing household appliances. For example, if one family purchases an

HDTV, within the next two to three months you will find the same model of TV in

several Sri Lankan homes. This was even applied to food preparation or new kinds of

food that they had picked up from a non-Sri Lankan friend. Social networks were so

intense that people felt the need to find more and more information about their network

members. At times, the new personal information was used as an instrument of control

over the others. It can be safely said that for the majority of respondents, deriving

emotional satisfaction and comfort from fellow Sri Lankans had been a phenomenon well

subscribed by the first generation of immigrants. As time went on, immigrants formed

their own selected group of Sri Lankan friends and/or relatives to associate with, and to

derive emotional satisfaction only from these individuals. These circles of friends

provided a venue to speak in their first language and to share and enjoy traditional Sri

Lankan meals.


As reported by many respondents, trusting another Sri Lankan or a Sri Lankan

family involved some implicit conditions. For instance, once you, as a newly arrived Sri

Lankan to Ontario, were trusted by family A, you were expected to keep that trust by not

divulging the most intimate things you learn about family A to any outsiders. It was also

expected that you will always socialize with family A and their close friends.

Sometimes, family A would expect you to help them physically when they moved to a

new house or be involved in other domestic affairs (e.g. helping to clean their house

before a party). Family A would even say in public that you are "their own person" (a

part of their own family). If you were introduced to another Sri Lankan family (family

B), family A would expect you to give them credit for conducting the introduction.

Furthermore, family A would feel obliged to know how deeply you are involved with

family B. If the status of family A is perceived to be higher in terms of job status in

Canada, age, or family status in Sri Lanka than that of yours, conditions for maintaining

trust would gradually become almost an implicit code of conduct. As your circle of

friends, as well as your social world expanded, you are likely to violate some of these

conditions; and as a result, the reactions from family A towards you would be frustrating.

The following story told by Danny depicts typical issues of trusting other Sri Lankans in

Ontario:

I met this family at a musical show organized by Sri Lankans in Toronto. I spoke with the husband, wife and two teenage girls. I also came to know they are related to a wealthy family I knew in Sri Lanka. The wife invited me to their house and offered me lunch and gave me some take home food as well saying that newcomers need to be helped. I frequented their home and even went for groceries with them. Four summers ago I joined them to visit Saskatchewan to see some of their friends. Gradually we became very trusted friends and I learned a lot about their family and they also showed interest in learning about my background. When I visited Sri Lanka two years ago, I was invited by their relatives in Sri Lanka to stay two nights with them in Polgahawela. Sometimes, I


felt that I am obliged to do many things for them, which constrained my personal freedom to a certain extent. I had to join them for every cultural event that they participated in. They began to determine what vegetable I need to eat. They even said that I should not get involved with a girl friend because my job was to do my work, earn money and go to night school to upgrade my social status. I also realized they did not like some of my friends I associated with. After some years I felt that they were not treating me as an equal, rather as a kid who knows nothing about Canada or the world. Having come from Sri Lanka alone, worked hard to earn a good living, and being able to send some dollars to my sisters in Sri Lanka for their education, I have been very proud of my accomplishments in Canada over the past few years. This family did not seem to appreciate these victories I have. I became very busy lately and I missed two invitations to go for dinner with them. I explained my new situation to the lady. However, they had told another family I knew that I was ungrateful to them. This made me sad and angry and I called them to clarify what they had told another family. They did not particularly like my questioning them on this. This was not something I am not experienced in Sri Lanka among relatives and friends. My worry was why we cannot be open in Canada where we need to depend on each other for emotional comfort at least during the initial few years. We are no longer good friends and I do not call them as before.

It was clear from many respondents that trusting other Sri Lankans had many different

variations. It was also a matter of how fast the immigrants began to adopt a lifestyle that

was perceived by them as "the Canadian way," which particularly placed emphasis on

respecting the privacy of others, helping when help was called for, not probing too much

into the personal side of life, trying to keep a positive attitude towards others, and not

dictating terms to others. The issues connected with personal trust were a reflection of

the transformation that immigrants experienced when moving away from a Durkheimian

model of mechanical solidarity towards an organic solidarity (Durkheim 1964).

Traditional Sri Lankan culture, which had not provided room for any individual decision

making, conflicts greatly with the individualistic Canadian values. This is clearly

depicted in the sphere of inter-personal relationships among the Sri Lankan immigrants in

Canada. According to one respondent:


The main problem seems to be that every Sri Lankan immigrant seems to believe that every other Sri Lankan is a 'close friend.' They will always try to find some "back-home connection" to establish this point. They will also assume that everyone should change at the same speed and there cannot be any secrets about or deviations from the style of change every one needs to undergo. In spite of their built-in contradictions, these rules have worked for many Sri Lankans while they were living in Sri Lanka. However, in an industrial and urban social setting, where rational thinking tends to guide day-to-day actions, trust will be built on open communication and individual needs to find comfort with other individuals. Not everyone has to be a close friend. I like this society because it allows me to go up the social ladder faster. You are only worried about what you can achieve, how to achieve it and what is there for me.

To further measure comfort with Sri Lankan culture, another set of questions were

used. These questions included: dating at an early age such as 15, dating non-Sri Lankan

boys and girls, marrying non-Sri Lankans, calling people by their first names (as opposed

to using "Aunty, Uncle, Sir or Madam"), and children moving into their own apartments.

This set of questions highlighted some selected Canadian behaviours and asked whether

the respondents agreed with them or not. As expected, the Canadian group indicated

that they supported of all of the above areas covered. They felt that their parents had a

narrow vision of relationships, and they all married men and women from their own

ethnic groups, and had no other option to follow; it was illogical to expect their children

to follow suit. Almost every respondent in this group had either dated a non-Sri Lankan

person in the past or was dating one at the present time. These respondents also

complained that their parents were highly worried about what other Sri Lankans would

say about these matters, rather than what kind of happiness their children would have by

having the autonomy to select their dating or marriage partners. The respondents were

confused as to why their parents could not accept that they had the capability of making

the right decisions about their private lives.


Regarding dating at an early age, all Tamil-speaking respondents and two out of

25 in the Sri Lankan-Canadian group strongly disagreed. In the Sri Lankan-Canadian

group, 15 disagreed while eight agreed to allow early dating for their children. There was

a similar trend regarding dating and marrying non-Sri Lankans. However, respondents in

the Sri Lankan-Canadian group seemed to be equally divided for (13) and against (12)

this attitude in question. All respondents, except the Canadian group, did not support

children moving into their own apartments at the age of 18. What is clear from these data

is that when it came to more personal matters, traditional Sri Lankan attitudes seemed to

prevail and give the respondents a higher level of comfort than the perceived Canadian

attitudes and/or behaviours. The adoption of Canadian behaviours appeared to be

happening slowly in one of the six identity categories. This was not inconsistent with the

trends observed of many foreign born ethnic groups permanently settled in North

America.

Respondents' comfort with Sri Lankan culture was also measured in terms of the

values that Sri Lanka born parents would like to see in their children when the children

grew up in Canada. Almost 50% of respondents (24 people) stated that they would like

to see a combination of Canadian and Sri Lankan values in their children. Of this

category, 18 (36%) came from the Sri Lankan-Canadian group. It is noteworthy that

three respondents in the Canadian group had also preferred a combination of values.

Victor, who belonged to the Sri Lankan-Canadian category, explained this position in

relation to the future of his children in Canada:

When we first came to Toronto we struggled with some Canadian values and practices. Once I was asked to go with a Canadian co-worker to have coffee at Tim Horton's, and my assumption was that he will buy me coffee. However, he picked up his coffee and muffins, and sat comfortably on a chair in a corner. Then


I realized I had to buy my own coffee. Then I felt sad. I was used to a different practice in Sri Lanka where the assumption was that if two people go for a meal one person would buy food for the other as well. Everybody is considered a friend in the Sri Lankan work setting and therefore, you feel obliged to treat the other person. This value may have come from Buddhist teachings, which tells that 'eating alone in the company of other people is a reason to go to hell.' Now I understand that co-workers are not necessarily friends and there is a limit to how much you can share with other people. People need to learn how not to depend on others most of the time. I would like my children to be independent so that they will fit better into this society without any unhappiness. You need to determine which set of values you can use under which kind of circumstances. With Sri Lankans I will still use some Sri Lankan practices.

Sirini, a respondent in the Sri Lankan-Canadian category, valued some Canadian

practices because she saw them as being practical:

Many things we do not do in Sri Lanka, we do here. How nice it is not to jump a queue in a super market. How useful it is to know someone will be coming to see you in advance, rather than being forced to receive somebody in your house without prior notice. Friends in Canada tend to spend some quality time with you. They inform you in advance when they will be coming, what they will bring and so on, so that we can well prepare to receive the guests. I consider these practices as a mark of respect for the other person or the family. If we are busy we can say we are not available at that particular time. In Sri Lanka, we very rarely refuse people; we stop our private work and try to accommodate friends and relatives all the time. In a society where money and time have different meanings, we should learn those practices and not follow what we came to Canada with.

Another respondent, Vickum, prescribed that her two children should learn every good

Canadian value because they are not going to live in Sri Lanka. Moreover, most of their

friends were born in Canada, and were not of Sri Lankan origin. According to this

respondent, for Sri Lankan born parents, there needed to be two sets of values: one to

work with fellow Sri Lankans, and the other to work with fellow Canadians. She was

confident that some Sri Lankan practices, such as helping others in need, looking after

parents when they are old, getting together regularly to enjoy cooking, speaking in

Sinhala language to children, and sending the children to a Sunday school were good

practices one could carry on even in Canada.


Fifteen respondents representing all of the categories indicated that their children

should be able to practise Sri Lankan values when they grew up. Most of these

respondents had small children at the time of the interviews. Basically, what they planed

to do was to create a Sri Lankan environment at home, thinking that their children will

begin to appreciate Sri Lankan values when they see those values being demonstrated at

home. As Bandu described:

I want my boys to speak Sinhala language. They should be able to eat healthy Sri Lankan food. They should be able to listen and appreciate our traditional music. They should be able to come forward and get to know our friends and their children as well. I have seen in many families, children are not introduced to us; and as a result, children tend to move away from us. When I visit a friend, and if their children ignore us, I feel very bad. It is up to us to introduce our children to fellow Sri Lankans. Our children will one day seek their roots and it will be difficult for them to feel proud of their roots unless they have some exposure to it while growing up. I never experienced a two-culture situation in Sri Lanka. Whenever we have visitors I invite my children to eat with them, not separately or later alone in their own rooms.

Many respondents in this category were sad, and at times angry, that other Sri Lankan

parents did not do enough to create a Sri Lankan environment in their home for their

children to experience. As Ravan explained:

My wife and I were invited by another family for a birthday party of the mother of the family. There were several other Sri Lankans invited. I knew that there were two teenage girls in the family, and to my surprise, these two were not around to be seen. I asked the father why the two girls were not around. First he told me a lie that both of them had gone out. All those who attended the party helped the couple to arrange food and other necessities. There was an occasion to cut a birthday cake and the two girls came downstairs. None of them said "Hi" to any one of us and told the mother that they were going out with friends. Mother pleaded with them to stay for her birthday party but the girls left saying they had friends waiting for them. We were thunderstruck the way the girls left home. Their tone was very rude for me. They did not show any respect for their mother or towards any one of us. I put the blame on the old couple that have not oriented the girls to appreciate some Sri Lankan values. I heard even Canadian children stay home with their parents on their birthdays.


The rebellious nature of teenagers had been documented in ethnic studies for a long

period of time. Hansen's hypothesis predicted that the second generation would continue

to seek a new identity for themselves by not following in their parents' footsteps

(Hansen, 1962). They would rather have a very private party to spend some quality time

with parents, rather than with a whole bunch of their parents' friends. But for foreign-

born parents, inviting their fellow Srilankans became an ego boosting exercise. This was

a common situation where two cultural expectations collided and sometimes, end in both

children and parents feeling unpleasant and highly stressed.

In the last three areas: food consumption, involvement with fellow Sri Lankans and

obligation s towards other Sri Lankans, there were no distinct behaviour patterns

emerging based on identity types discovered in the study. Even between the Sinhalese

speakers and Tamil speakers there were more similarities than differences. However, the

Canadians showed a radical departure from all other groups.

Following the discussion started in the chapter 2 (page 34) it is necessary to ask

again to what extent the social class factor is affecting identity formation among the

Sinhalese and the Tamils. There are some indications that many Sinhalese in the sample

studied had lived a middle class life style in Sri Lanka (similar to what they had lived in

Ontario) and had started their new identity construction prior to arriving in Canada. They

also had spent time in a few other countries after leaving Sri Lanka. Their income,

education and occupation placed them at a higher level compared with the Tamils in the

Canadian census as well as in the sample. The majority of Tamils who had lived in rural

areas in Northern Sri Lanka had come directly from Sri Lanka as refugees with no prior

preparation for a new life. We may suspect whether this class position influenced the


Sinhalese to take an integrationist stand as Sri Lankan Canadians, rather than

presenting themselves as pure Sinhalese or Sri Lankans. Even within the Sinhalese

group, between old timers and newcomers, there were some class differences. None of

these issues has been systematically dealt with in the thesis. This is another limitation of

the study.


Chapter VIII Ethnic Organizations and Identity Types

This chapter examines the extent to which the socio-cultural community and

business organizations and media started being maintained by people of Sri Lankan

origin in Ontario during the period 1980 - 1995. Also, the chapter endeavours to further

analyze any and/or all of the identity types described in the previous chapters. It was

assumed that the stronger the support any community organization provided for a

particular type of Sri Lankan identity in Canada, the longer the validity of this type would

prevail. Accordingly, this chapter will examine the nature of formal and informal

organizations, their functions, membership, the kind of values they promote and their

overall impact on the people of Sri Lankan origin. Both audio-visual and print media

were inspected.

In my quest to find published literature on the Sri Lankan community

organizations in Canada, I could not retrieve any documents from which valuable

information could be drawn. However, I was able to access a plethora of published

literature and content from Radio and TV programs, event-specific souvenirs,

newsletters, and speeches delivered by individuals at public events. The information

included: Sri Lankan New Year Celebration souvenirs, annual newsletters issued by the

Canada Sri Lanka Association of Toronto, a few issues of the Sri Lanka United National

Association handouts, annual issues of the Toronto Buddhist Newsletter which is

published in order to commemorate the birth, enlightenment and death of Buddha, during

the month of May, and monthly newsletters from the two Buddhist Temples, a directory

of Tamil business agencies in Toronto, three community newspapers, and the program

content of one community radio and two community TV programs. All the publications


printed during 1978-1995 had content referring to events took place among Sinhalese

speakers as well as Tamil speakers, and every news item was written in English language.

A change to this pattern occurred in some Tamil media, after the early 1990s, when a

sizable number of Tamil speaking Sri Lankans began to appear in Ontario. The first ever

Sinhalese news paper was published in 2000.

There were major reservations in the discussion regarding the required balance of

media material representing both Sinhalese speaking and Tamil speaking communities.

Due to functional illiteracy of the researcher in the Tamil language, he was not able to

access a considerable number of materials, written purely in Tamil language, after 1990.

However, the only avenue that was available to the researcher was to get some selected

material translated into English from Tamil through known parties. Many of the

translations came in a summary form. There is also a clear imbalance of information

regarding community organizations established by the Tamil speaking community in

Ontario. Two factors determined the researcher's ability to access necessary information

from Tamil organizations. As discussed in the methodology chapter, the researcher's

ethnic background as a Sinhalese speaker limited his direct access to Tamil organizations

during 1994-95 period. This was particularly a time of heightened polarization between

the Sinhalese and the Tamil communities in Ontario due to on-going war in Sri Lanka.

The Liberation Tigers organization (LTTE) was in its limelight engaging in a well

organized publicity campaign against the actions of the predominantly Sinhalese

government of Sri Lanka. A Sinhalese person trying to do research on the Tamils was

not going well at all with Tamil media and their leaders. As a result, the researcher had to


be contended with whatever information he could gather from reliable and published

sources. The following table gives the documents/data sources.

Table 28: Secondary Sources used for Content Analysis

Date of Publication and # of Issues read 1978 until 1995, annual. 17 Issues 1979 until 1995 24 issues. Not published regularly.

1990 until 1995, annual 6 Issues 1993 Published once only. 1993 The only issue in English and Tamil. 1995

1991

1990-1995 Published every six months. 12 Issues.

1993,1994, 1995

1991-February until December. Weekly broadcast on Mondays 44 recordings 1995

1993 and 1995 3 issues. 1994 Once a month- 12 programs Voice of Lanka. Monthly 1994. 10 programs 1994-1 Issue 1995- 12 issues

1990-1995- 72 issues

Title of document/data source Sri Lanka New-year Celebration Souvenir Canada-Sri Lanka Association News Letter

Toronto Buddhist Newsletter

Canadian Buddhist Quarterly Review News and Views

Shanthi: News Letter for peace and Harmony Musical Concert Souvinir-Amaradewa. Dhamma Wheel

Special Lecture Series given by invited monks from Sri Lanka. Voice of Lanka-Sravana Ramani Radio Program

Lanka Mini Links: A Business Directory Handouts on ethnic issues in Sri Lanka. Kala Kavaya (Arts Circle) TV program Voice of Lanka (Sandella), TV program Thayagam-Tamil News Paper The Sri Lanka Reporter, Monthly newspaper

Lanka News- Monthly newspaper

Publisher

Canada-Sri Lanka Association Toronto. (CSLAT) Canada-Sri Lanka Association Toronto. (CSLAT)

Toronto Mahavihara

West-end Buddhist Temple

Hindu Temple Society of Canada, Toronto.

Serendipity Inc., Toronto.

The Asia Society, Toronto.



CIAO 530

Monara Associates

Sri Lanka United national Association (SLUNA). Producer: Nimal Perera

Producer: Ranjith Wickremesinghe Tamil Society of Toronto Srimal Abeywardene

Lanka News Agency, Toronto


1990-1995, 72 issues The Times of Sri Lanka, Monthly Newspaper

Sri Lanka Times

Not all the publications and programs listed above had regular issues or

broadcasts. Some publications were discontinued after four or five issues. Every attempt

was made by the researcher to access all available copies of the above stated publications.

All available documents/programs were analysed using the content analysis method. The

researcher was able to use both manifest and latent content analyses methods (Tepperman

and Curtis 2004; Babbie 1989). The researchers started with a manifest content analysis

by looking at phrases such as Sri Lankan identity, cultural retention, Canadianization,

adaptation to the Canadian culture, Sri Lankan-Canadian identity in all those documents

and media productions. Similarly, latent content analysis involved looking at themes

such as changing identity of Canadian-Sri Lankans, cultural change and new homeland,

instead of words or phrases. Sometimes the researcher had to read whole paragraphs in

the chosen publications or watch the entire TV show to obtain the meanings attached to

identity.

First, the above stated terms were clearly defined by the researcher and then,

available material was classified according to the source. There were five major sources:

1) temple based material, 2) associations connected material, 3) monthly news papers, 4)

souvenirs connected with cultural events and 5) all other material. All these material were

then scanned for the above identified terms and their descriptions. Every issue of the two

Sri Lankan news papers published in English in Toronto were scanned. The researcher

personally watched two TV monthly programs (in English and Sinhalese) from the

beginning to the end to understand what type of Sri Lankan identity they were trying to

promote. Due to illiteracy of the researcher, he was not able to understand TV programs


televised in Tamil language. This was a limitation of the present study. The researcher

was able to look at every Sri Lankan news paper published in English in Toronto during

1992-95 and TV and Radio programs broadcast from Toronto in Sinhalese and English.

The unit of analysis in this instance was the identified piece of information about identity.

It was not practical to go by a particular set of writers because several people had written

about the new identity theme from time to time. Determining a unit of analysis has been

identified as a problematic area in content analysis (Babbie 1989, 294). As there were

only a few publications published in Ontario, every publication had to be taken in for

analysis. Some publications such as old school souvenirs did not have any valuable

information regarding any identity formation taking place in Canada of their clientele.

The greatest advantage of content analysis is its economy in terms of both time

and money. This type of analysis permit you to study process occurring over a long

periods of time. This method seldom has any effect on the subjects being studied (Babbie.

1989: 309). The main disadvantage of using this type of approach was that the

information/data were not created with the researcher's needs in mind. Although a few

sources like Canada-Sri Lankan Association's bulletins, news paper editorials and articles

contained references to the main theme of the Sri Lankan identity in a foreign land, the

information read had to be taken with caution due to their built in biases of the writers.

Sri Lankan Associations

Of all the associations of Sri Lankan origin, the Canada Sri Lanka Association of

Toronto (CSLAT) was the first to be established, 39 years ago. Aloy Perera, the CSLAT

General Secretary, wrote that the association was founded in 1968 and "a somewhat loose

association of a sort did exist among the Sri Lankans in the Metro Toronto areas in the


early sixties" (Perera 1995). At that point in time, the Sri Lankan community only

comprised of a handful of immigrants who all knew each other well. According to

Perera, "to them, any occasion was good enough an excuse for getting together to have a

good time, invariably in the home of one of their own." These meetings had gradually

developed into picnics during the summers, bingo games, pilgrimages, and cricket and

tennis matches. Each year, this small community had greatly looked forward to their

annual Christmas and New Year dances.

As Perera reported, "over the 15 year period from 1960 to 1975, no less than

6,000 Sri Lankan citizens have immigrated to Canada, mostly into the province of

Ontario." A rather conservative estimate of 3,000 Sri Lankans of Sinhalese, Tamil,

Burgher, and Muslim heritage had lived in the Greater Toronto Area when the CSLAT

was officially established in 1968. With the introduction of multiculturalism in Ontario

in the 1970s by Premier Bill Davis, the CSLAT had embraced a more pro-active

approach towards celebrating and incorporating Sri Lankan values and practices into their

Canadian way of life. In June, 1977, with the sponsorship of the Ontario Ministry of

Culture and Recreation, the CSLAT had conducted a survey on the needs and aspirations

of the Sri Lankan community in Toronto. Although the report of this survey was not

available, from Perera's writings one can draw what these aspirations were at that time.

Perera wrote:

As responsible citizens of the Province of Ontario, we have no misgivings whatsoever about our role as immigrants in the mainstream of Canadian life. We consider it as one of creative adaptation and a firm commitment to the basic principles of Canadianization within the framework of multiculturalism. The message the CSLAT has given its membership is that Sri Lankans will be expected to adapt creatively to a process of Canadianization (1995).


Perera also stated that the "Ancient rich heritage of all Sri Lankans which they are proud

of and can draw from, will help build and shape this creativity when they participate in

the noble task of building a united Canadian nation." This is an interesting clue that the

early immigrants to Ontario were not promoting a Sinhalese, Tamil or Burgher identity;

rather, they were envisioning a Sri Lankan-Canadian identity that the majority of our

respondents have resorted to many years later. Sri Lankan immigrants celebrated the

Sinhalese-Tamil New Year in April, 1977, and participated in the Canada Day

celebrations, for the first time, in July exemplifying the emerging identity considerations

among them.

The Sinhala and Tamil New Year celebration organized by the CSLAT appeared

to be one of the events that had continued without interruption. Nihal Fernando, the

President of CSLAT, wrote in his greeting for the 1991 celebration event that:

The desire of Sri Lankans living away from home to commemorate national festivals is partly a reflection of their continued feelings of warmth towards their mother country and also a visible manifestation of their feelings of community and unity

Cultural events, such as these New Year celebrations, were vital instruments to

revive traditions without original cultural contexts. However, outside of the original

cultural context, it becomes impossible to hold an event in its original form, and will take

a modified form to suit day-to-day needs of the participants. In Sri Lanka, all New Year

celebrations were determined by "auspicious times," whereby an astrologer predicted the

perfect point in time to begin and end an event. Accordingly, these astrologers predicted

a specific colour that would bring prosperity for that year. In Toronto, emphasis was

never placed on following "auspicious times" as observed in Sri Lanka. Even the


particular colours one needs to wear on the New Year's Day were not followed faithfully.

The highlight of the Toronto version of the New Year's celebration was inviting friends

and relatives to your home, exchanging gifts and attending the New Year's celebration

event organized by the CSLAT. As Fernando asserted in his message, the CSLAT has

provided this "rallying point for all Sri Lankans in Toronto." Another important aspect

of the celebration was that any Sri Lankan, irrespective of his or her ethnic origin, was

encouraged to join and enjoy the fun with the rest of the Sri Lankans. In 1990, there were

a reported 1,600 people in attendance.

The New Year celebration program demonstrated how the Sri Lankan culture was

being re-enacted in the Canadian context. The event was usually held in a school

auditorium, and local MPs and other such dignitaries were invited as special guests. In

some instances, the High Commissioner for Sri Lanka in Canada along with a few highly

respected Torontonians of Sri Lankan origin were present on the occasion. The special

guests were escorted into to the hall by a welcome procession consisting of dancers,

drummers and singers. The first generation Sri Lankans considered this as the best way

to transfer traditional culture to their Canadian born children.

What was interesting about the procession was that nearly all those children (8-14

years of age) who participated were Canadian born, played some traditional drums, a

conch or a flute, and did not speak the first language of their parents (i.e. Sinhala or

Tamil). Although they studied hard to learn how to play these traditional instruments,

most of them were clueless about the origin and the actual use of these instruments in the

traditional culture. One respondent, Upul, who had participated in this procession,

described the following:


My Mom was very keen that I participated in the New Year celebration in 1992. She took me to a school one Saturday and introduced me to a Sri Lankan lady who behaved like a dancing teacher. The lady asked me to play a traditional drum. I can't even say the name of this drum, which comes in two pieces. I have two sticks to play the drums with. It took awhile before I picked up the beat correctly. I am learning music in my school but these beats are very different from what I am used to in Canada. However, I had the real fun of playing the drums, while adding my own beats once in a while. It was a very fun experience. If you ask me questions about typical drumming in Sri Lanka, I am clueless. What I enjoyed most was the Baila10 dance some girls performed on the stage.

Processions of this nature were lead by professional dancers and drummers in Sri Lanka;

but here in the Canadian context, it became an ensemble of participants who were

inexperienced and/or had no prior knowledge of the cultural events. However, Sri

Lankans watching these events became immersed in the feelings connected with their

early upbringing in Sri Lanka. The 1990 celebration program included 26 acts, such as

singing national anthems (in Sinhalese and Tamil) of Sri Lanka and Canada, a prologue

dance entitled "Lankan Potpourri", eight musical numbers, English songs, and Baila

songs. During the celebration, those children who participated in essay, poetry and art

contests were given their prizes. The only contest that was conducted in the Sinhalese

language was an essay or poem written on the subject of Sri Lanka. Usually, the Masters

of Ceremonies for this event were two youths, one male and one female, from the second

generation of immigrants. Another highlight for this event was the cultural meal that was

served during the intermission. The traditional meal usually consisted of milk-rice, one

or two traditional sweets, and tea/coffee. It was also reported by the respondents that

several participants usually brought liquor to the event and hid them in their vehicles to

share with friends. Apart from being a showcase of Sri Lankan culture for the Canadian

born children, the event also served as a venue for Sri Lankans to renew their affiliations

Baila is the Sinhalese version of the Western's world Pop Music genre. It allows you to naturally follow the rhythm and dance. It is believed that the Portuguese introduced Baila music to Sri Lanka.


to one another, meet people from other cities, and to see who among their children had

cultural talents. Almost 90% of our respondents had attended at least one New Year's

celebration event from which they had felt a renewed sense of pride of being a Sri

Lankan.

As the CSLAT grew, the community members had found it useful as a basis to

organize themselves into special interest groups. Through the CSLAT, a plethora of

alumni associations, sports clubs, and religious societies had sprung up in Ontario in

order to revive some old Sri Lankan affiliations. The CSLAT had promoted the

establishment of another society, Samskruti, exclusively devoted to the preservation and

creation of Sri Lankan culture in Canada. The Samskruti had reproduced a few famous

Sinhalese dramas with the immigrants taking part in them as actors. These activities

were primarily carried out either in Sinhalese or in Tamil, accompanied by English

introductions. The only outsiders who attended these cultural events were White

Canadians who were the partners of some of the Sri Lankans at the time.

Along the same lines, there appeared to be an attempt among the immigrants to

promote both Sri Lankan activities and new activities they were picking up in Ontario.

Dances, sports activities, and picnics were recurrent events where many members had

actively participated. While promoting cricket, which was then unknown to many

Ontarians, the CSLAT had also started a bowling league, a sport unknown in Sri Lanka

during the 1970s. Performing ball-room dancing to Sri Lankan Baila music was another

classic example of their social incorporation into the Canadian society. In his message

for the New Year celebration in 1993, the President of CSLAT wrote that over the past


25 years, the CSLAT had with its limited resources, "worked hard at helping Sri Lankans

integrate into Canadian society while maintaining their cultural identity."

A major break-up of the harmony among Sri Lankans of all origins took place in

1983 after the civil war broke out on the Island between the Sri Lankan Government

Army and the Tamil Tigers.

As discussed in the Chapter II, the immigration of Tamils to Canada increased

dramatically after the violent incidents in Colombo. Most of the Tamil speaking Sri

Lankans entered Canada as refugees and felt they needed to form a separate organization

of Tamil Sri Lankans in Toronto. This endeavour was fully supported by sympathisers of

Tamil Tigers, who aspired to have a separate country within Sri Lankan political

boundaries called Eelam, and a few other Canadian politicians who saw the value of the

ever increasing Tamil voting population in Ontario. A separate Tamil association

became a dire need for the members of the diasporic Tamil Community who suffered

severely and lost most of their families and property during the civil war. They found no

reason to trust the Sinhalese community in Canada or their government in Sri Lanka.

They also felt the need to rejuvenate their Tamilness as a coping mechanism to deal with

the metropolitan culture of Toronto. Given the fact that many of the Tamil refugees did

not come from the Colombo urban environment where the English language was spoken

more often, the Tamils needed a stronger community support network and a voice in

Canada against the Sri Lankan government and the Sinhalese people. They almost felt as

if they needed some institutional completeness in terms of the groceries to buy, the food

that they were traditionally accustomed to, and a mechanism through which they could

maintain Tamil language and culture.


Although the CSLAT had a fair representation of Tamils, Muslims and Burghers

in its governing body, the new Tamils felt that the Tamils connected with the CSLAT had

lost the true Tamil culture, and were highly modernized having been exposed to the

Canadian culture for so long. The frequent use of English as a mode of communication

by the Tamil old-timers as well as the members of CSLAT also moved the new Tamils

away from CSLAT, and strengthened the need to form a genuine Tamil association in

Toronto. Thus, one would assume that the new Tamils would have a stronger need to

create an identity that is distinct from the identities of all others emigrating from Sri

Lanka. This interesting process will be further analyzed in the latter part of this chapter.

By end of 1990 the CSLAT had encountered problems that most ethnic

organizations confront in its development. Patrick Fernando, the newly elected President

of CSLAT, wrote in 1990, "to be back at the helm of the CSLA once again, certainly is a

challenge. The organization has grown both in membership and stature. However,

harnessing commitment from the membership continues to be the challenge." He further

asserted "over the past 21 years somehow we have not been able to develop and maintain

a high level of commitment and sense of loyalty from the general membership." By this

time, some Tamil nationalists, who were active in the CSLAT, had left the CSLAT to

join the newly forming Tamil associations. In his editorial of the 1990 issue, Don

Serpanchy, the Editor of the CSLAT newsletter, expressed his frustration regarding the

woefully lacking enthusiasm on the part of the CSLAT members. He asserted:

A calendar of events is drawn up each year- a few seminars, a dance or two, a picnic, the New Year celebration, a cricket tournament and so on. But by and large the attitude shown by the membership towards these activities is one of indifference and apathy. The shining exception is the New Year Celebration where so many members give enthusiastic support in every sphere of activity that marks this occasion. The cricket tournament is another event that is quite


successful. Although the Executive of the CSLAT has had high ambitions like having a building of its own, these ambitions had become unrealizable due to lack of membership support in terms of attending meetings, raising funds and so on (Serpanchy 1990).

Although the majority of CSLAT members seemed to have not participated in activities

regularly, the association had continued to function without interruption. Any given year,

its main activities had included the children's Christmas party, the Valentine's Day

dance, the annual newsletter, cricket tournaments, sports meets, youth dances, picnics,

seminars and a few other special projects. The newsletter, which carried announcements

of meetings and events, progress reports, births, obituaries, wedding notices and

accomplishments of distinguished Sri Lankans, had served as the medium of

communication between the executive of the CSLAT and its members.

By 1994, the Sri Lankan population had grown considerably. It was becoming

apparent that there was a new division in the Sri Lankan community between the old-

timers and the newcomers. The CSLAT had also reflected this in their editorial of the

1994 newsletter, which stated:

A call was also made for a concerted campaign to recruit more members. Sri Lankan new comers, whatever background they hail from, who have made Canada their new home and have the need to socialize and co-habit with other Sri Lankans would find the association a forum in which they could reminisce of the life back in their erstwhile homeland and also to join in companionship in order to foster good relationships among themselves.

This message was not very different from the one that was conveyed at the outset of the

CSLAT 26 years before. However, there was a new appeal to the Sri Lankan community

to participate in fundraising events such as the Terry Fox run, the Sick Kids Telethon, the

Children's Wish Foundation and other similar mainstream Toronto community projects.

By making this appeal, the CSLAT had intended to affirm its commitment to the


aspirations of the Canadian society at large. Undoubtedly, the CSLAT had attempted to

promote a balanced Sri Lankan-Canadian identity through its cultural activities; yet, the

general perception of the community members of the association was not necessarily in

conformity with the projected image. Many in the Tamil speaking community construed

the CSLAT as primarily a Sinhalese organization that promoted only the Sinhalese,

despite its membership which consisted of all ethnic varieties of Sri Lankan origin. On

the other hand, several patriotic Sinhalese speakers had contended that the CSLAT was

not doing enough to preserve the Sinhalese culture. The Canadian born youth had a

general feeling that the CSLAT was only serving their parents because its activities were

some remnants of their parents' generation; and thus, resulted in a minimal participation

from these youth. In fact, these young people were neither given opportunities to serve

on the Executive Board, nor invited to contribute towards major decisions taken by the

Association. As a result, the Sri Lankan youth had only played a peripheral role by

participating in some of the sporting events. Amidst these competing interpretations, the

daunting task entrusted with the CSLAT was to make the association and its functions

relevant and useful to all Sri Lankans. Accordingly, a respondent in the current study

stated:

The majority of members of the CSLAT are fully formed in the Sri Lankan culture and socialized in a different milieu. The initial challenges they faced were finding suitable jobs and housing, supporting family and understanding and obeying the Canadian law. The only visible advantage they seem to have is their facility in the use of English language. As some Canadians think, they cannot become totally Canadian, meaning, perhaps, that they should begin to develop a passion for Canadian idols, symbols, food and way of thinking from day one. The immigrants are not really sure of what real Canadian means in many instances because of the diversity the predecessors have created in the Canadian society. There are plenty of exceptions, usually among highly educated Sri Lankan immigrants, but on average, adult immigrants retain a strong attachment to the culture of Sri Lanka. This is the way it is and always has been.


The best solution presented by the CSLAT was to incorporate activities of the two

cultural orientations (Sinhalese and Tamil), and continue Sri Lankan cultural practices in

a more or less "Canadian way." A Sri Lankan-Canadian identity was the ultimate result

of this continuing struggle. Yet, this type of identity construction had not gone beyond

the first generation of foreign-born Sri Lankans.

As stated in Chapter I, religion was an important cultural marker of the Sri

Lankans. The majority of early immigrants to Canada, both of Sinhalese and Tamil

origin, were Christians and they found it easier to integrate into the Christian

congregation in Ontario. Being fluent in the English language, it appeared to be less

troublesome for these immigrant families to follow religious instructions, attend Sunday

masses, etc. The Canadian Christian churches had been particularly instrumental in

helping the immigrants to develop their comfort zones around diverse people attending

their church, as well as diverse people living in their neighbourhoods. However, as

Willie described, the situation had been different for the immigrants who were Buddhists:

When our Buddhists began to arrive in Toronto in early 1980s, we found no place for us to worship. There were Chinese and Vietnamese Buddhist temples in Toronto, but due to language barriers we could not attend their events. Every act was performed in Chinese and after all, Chinese Buddhism is basically different from our Sinhalese Buddhism. It was our fellow Christian Sri Lankans who came forward to help us setting up of a Buddhist Temple in Toronto. Toronto Mahavihara11 came into being through the compassionate love of our fellow Sri Lankans who arrived in Canada prior to us. The Mahavihara flourished very quickly because it was the only public place where anybody could speak Sinhalese language. Not all monks were fluent in English and it became odd for us to practice rituals or to listen to sermons in English language. The Mahavihara gradually became the centre of Sinhalese culture in Toronto.

11 Mahavihara is the Sinhalese word for "the big temple."


At the time of the interviews, the respondents had visited the Mahavihara at least three

times during the past five years. The Wesak festival, which commemorates the birth,

enlightenment and passing away of Lord Buddha, falls on the full moon day of the month

of May. Many respondents had visited the temple on this day particularly with the hope

that they could acquire more good karma on these special occasions. The spectacular

activities on this day included: observance of the Eight Buddhist Precepts (instead of the

daily five precepts observed by devotees), a grand scale pooja (alms giving) for the

monks as well as lay people, and a cultural presentation including devotional songs sung

by a youth choir. Generally, about 100 elderly Sri Lankans would observe the eight

precepts, and about 500-800 people would attend simply to enjoy the fabulous lunch

prepared and brought to the temple by Sri Lankan families in Toronto. The Wesak

festival at the Buddhist temple had gradually acquired the form of a Sinhalese cultural

festival, and attracted many people of Sri Lankan origin irrespective of their religious

affiliations. It is interesting to note that even some strong Catholic and Christian Sri

Lankans had started to visit the temple on the Wesak day. Sirini, a Christian respondent,

described:

We started going to the church in my neighbourhood with my children. After some time, my children refused to go with us and it became just the two of us [Sirini and her husband] visiting the church on Sundays. Initially we had a good reception as new immigrants. However, gradually we felt that other church attendees were ignoring us. The reason we thought was the ethnic and cultural difference between them and us. Although we were a single devotional community before our God, we felt that we were not treated that way. This became an agony for some of us. But when we started going to the Buddhist temple, we had a rousing welcome. A lot of them spoke with us as if they had known us for a long time. Chief Monk also received us very well. We did not follow any Buddhist rituals but we felt we were part of that Sri Lankan culture. So we continued to visit the temple on full moon days. We also enjoyed the food always available for the visitors at the temple; it was very informal and peaceful. The Toronto temple gradually became our place of refuge.


It is also noteworthy that the people who frequented the temple had been primarily first

generation adults. A negligible number of youth had gone to the temple on a regular

basis; they attended simply because of pressure from their parents. The temple had not

been a point of attraction because many young people did not understand the sermons

delivered in Sinhalese, and the expected level of discipline the temple premised was

obviously not agreeable to many teenage boys.

While the temple was gradually becoming a centre of Sinhala culture in Toronto,

it also attracted a considerable number of new immigrants. Most of the new immigrants

in the latter part of 1980 were refugee claimants who were forced to leave Sri Lanka due

to a variety of political reasons. During the period of 1983-1990, the political

assassinations by the Tamil Tigers in Northern Sri Lanka, and the rivalry between the

underground political movement of the People's Liberation Front (JVP) and the Sri

Lankan government had created an extremely unpleasant and life-threatening

environment on the Island. Both the Sinhalese and Tamils began to leave the country

seeking stability and better personal security; many of them eventually ended up in

Toronto. Most of the Sinhala speaking new immigrants settled down in the Western

GTA, in areas such as Mississauga, Brampton, and Etobicoke, while the majority of

Tamils found accommodations in the Cabbage Town area in downtown Toronto. For the

newly arrived Sinhala speakers, going to the Mahavihara on a regular basis were an

expensive and time-consuming journey for the family. More importantly, some members

of the Mahavihara Governing Council had begun to discriminate against the newly

arrived refugee Sri Lankans, assuming that the new-comers were not as refined as the

old-times. This increasingly widened the social distance between the old and the new,


and became an added pressure on newcomers who were under going their own

adjustments, struggling to survive in the Canadian society.

In 1993, this situation changed drastically, when three monks who were residing

in the Mahavihara were forced to leave the temple due to excessive interference from

some members of the Governing Council. This particular issue had some sociological

significance in regards to how the life of a Buddhist monk can change in a non-Sri

Lankan urban setting; yet, that issue will not be discussed in this thesis because the

sociological significance of the repercussions of this incident was more interesting than

the event itself.

A group of about 10 Buddhists from the West-end of Toronto came forward to

help the monks who had been highly frustrated and dismayed over their expulsion. At a

time when the three monks were contemplating permanent departure from Toronto, the

West-end Buddhists rented an apartment for the monks to live in and converted that place

into a temporary temple. Compared to the East-end congregation, the West-end

Buddhists were progressive in their thinking, and more modern in their orientation and

behaviour. These members had also experienced some discrimination from the

Governing Council members of the Mahavihara from time to time. They were quite

disheartened about the allegations the Mahavihara managers had made against the Chief

Monk who had earned enormous respect for his knowledge of Buddhist teachings,

meditation methods and above all, his knowledge of the English language. The news and

the issues surrounding the three highly respected monks leaving the Mahavihara spread

quickly in Ontario and beyond, and gave rise to a people's movement to establish a new

temple in the West-end of Toronto. A committee formed to launch a fundraising


campaign, and within a period of six months, they were able to raise funds to buy a

spacious building and establish the West-end Buddhist Centre in Mississauga, Ontario.

By 1996, the West-End Buddhist Centre had a congregation of about 1500 Sri

Lankan and non-Sri Lankan Buddhists. Sri Lankans of other religious affiliations

(Hindu, Muslims, and Christians) joined this new people's movement and contributed

resources to maintain the new temple. Members of the newly established Buddhist

community took turns and provided food for the monks on a daily basis. The West-end

temple attracted Sri Lankans from far away places like Hamilton, Guelph, Kitchener-

Waterloo, London, Windsor, Detroit and New York City. Animosity towards the

Governing Council of the East-end temple became the driving force behind this new

social movement. A Board of Trustees for the new temple was established with major

donors occupying leading roles. A separate Governing Council was also established, this

time with limited powers, to help the monks to run the temple in accordance with

Buddhist principles. Indeed, the constitution of the governing council ensured that lay

members would never get involved in matters affecting monks and their behaviours, a

central issue in the monks' expulsion from the Mahavihara. It was agreed that whenever

a problem occurred among the monks, the Chief Incumbent of the main temple in Sri

Lanka would be the one to intervene, and not the lay public in Canada. Some of the

concerns the Governing Council of the Mahavihara expressed were displeasure about

monks driving a car when lay people were not available, and attending a birthday party of

a devotee when invited. At the West-end temple, these issues were not considered

violations of ethics expected of a Buddhist monk in Canada. These seemingly secular


attitudes and tolerance on the part of the Sri Lankan Buddhists redefined the role of a Sri

Lankan Buddhist monk in Canada.

The manner in which the Mahavihara functioned as a bastion of traditional

Sinhala culture was radically challenged by the new generation of immigrants. Their

main opposition was towards possessiveness demonstrated by the lay governing body,

and not towards the monks or the Buddhist practices. By virtue of its location, the

welcoming attitudes expressed by three monks, and the non-judgemental attitudes of the

Governing Council towards newcomers to Toronto, the new temple was able to attract

professionals of various backgrounds including three sociologists, physicians, lawyers,

engineers, musicians and gem merchants. This new option gave the immigrants a new

opportunity to exercise their religious and social rights. Regular council meetings

chaired by a monk, a monthly newsletter edited by an established committee, regular

religious talks and events including Wesak celebrations, rare Sri Lankan delicacies

prepared and served by devotees during these special events, and a well-designed shrine

room added to the beauty of the new temple while increasing the confidence in the new

congregation. The Sunday Dhamma School, which followed a curriculum written by an

acclaimed Sri Lankan writer, set a new agenda for new parents in Toronto. The lessons

in the Sunday school were taught in English; however, much of the Sri Lankan culture

was also taught, something that piqued the interest of many parents. Similarly, most of

the sermons were conducted in both Sinhala and English. The sum of all of these

developments appeared to be the construction of, and support provided for, a new identity

for the immigrants of Sinhalese origin in Ontario.


A comparison of messages from the two temples showed that there had been an

identity shift with the opening of the new West-end Buddhist Centre. The Toronto

Buddhist, a publication of the Mahavihara (1996), was devoted to the "philosophy and

practice of Buddhism and serves as a forum for free dialogue relating to community

awareness and character building of humanity through the awakening of all." These

ideals coincided with the values expected of a Buddhist in Sri Lanka. In that same issue

of The Toronto Buddhist, the secretary of the Mahavihara Governing Council wrote that

the community was very fortunate to have a temple and monks in residence to teach

Dhamma and guide the devotees in "our adopted homeland of Canada (13,000 miles

away from our motherland of Sri Lanka)." These messages were sheer reinforcements of

faithful affiliations with the country of origin and by no means spoke to or promoted a

new identity in Toronto. This was further validated by the secretary's opening remarks to

the devotees that stated:

While we have several hundred names on our membership list, we are sad to say that not more than forty persons pay their subscriptions on regular basis. We must do all we can to make sure that we fully sustain and develop Dhamma Centre that we have established.

This appeal was a clear indication that the patronage of the old temple has

gradually diminished over the years. Daya Hewapathirana, a devoted Buddhist, a Sri

Lankan intellectual and an independent critic living in Toronto, had questioned the

efficacy of the Buddhist temples patronized by Sri Lankans in Canada. In his article

titled Relevance and Sustainability of Buddhism, he argued that opportunities to expose

our children to relevant and worthwhile Buddhist practices were to a great extent lacking

in Canada:


The Buddhist temples established in Canada under the patronage of Buddhists of Sri Lankan origin basically offer a system of reverence and rituals. They are not organized as centres of learning of relevant Buddhist practices that help the younger generation to enrich their lives. Much like the typical Buddhist temples in Sri Lanka... programs and practices of these temples are focussed on the grown-up and are often sponsored by them.... Particularly the teenagers and other more grown-ups children, shy away from temples because they see little meaning in temple programs (1995).

By saying, "They think, communicate and formulate ideas in a foreign language,"

Hewapathirana asserted that the monks and adults generally overlooked the fact that

Canadian born children lived and operated in a socio-cultural environment that was

different from that of Sri Lanka. He further argued that even some adult Buddhists in the

Western world were frustrated with this type of temples because they looked for higher

forms of intellectual inspiration from their temples, and often their needs were not met.

Although Hewapathirana did not promote a particular type of identity in his

article, he greatly discouraged the transplantation of Sri Lankan Buddhist practices in

Canada. His main concern was that Sri Lankan Buddhists in Canada seemed to lack a

caring, sensible and creative leadership among the monks who would be able to lead the

way to reinforcing the relevance of the Buddhist way of life, and apply these values to

contemporary times. His portrayal of temples exemplified the situation of the

Mahavihara in the 1990s, and at the same time, indicated the new developments in the

new West-End temple in Toronto.

At this juncture, it is important to examine how the Tamil speaking Sri Lankans

organized themselves in Ontario. The information for this discussion came primarily

from responses of the Tamil-speaking sample in this study, as well as a few selected

writings of Tamil scholars in Canada. In fact, Vaitheesepara wrote:


The first Tamil immigrants from India and Sri Lanka had much in common despite their different origins. They came largely from the urban, English-educated middle and upper middle classes, and generally tended to have a liberal and cosmopolitan outlook.... because their numbers were limited and the community scattered, it was difficult for these immigrants to transmit their culture to the younger generation. There were hardly any organizations catering exclusively to Tamils (1995).

It is reported that one of the first organizations that both Indian and Sri Lankan

Tamils patronized was the South Asian Cultural Association, which had branches all

across Canada. This organization had been well known for its sponsorship of and support

for classical music of South India and Indian classical dance. As Vaitheespara stated,

many Tamils from Sri Lanka during the pre-1983 era had participated in both Indian and

Sri Lankan cultural organizations in major cities such as Toronto, Montreal and

Vancouver (1995). There were several Tamil speaking members in the Canada-Sri

Lanka Association who took part in its annual picnics, dances, and cultural events.

Tamils had travelled several hundred miles across provinces frequently to attend the

cultural functions in Toronto.

As stated earlier in this chapter, with the dramatic increase in the Tamil

population in Ontario after 1983, and the increasingly broadening gap between the

Sinhalese community and the newly arriving Tamils from Sri Lanka with fresh memories

and experiences of the 1983 ethnic riots, the Tamils began to feel the need for Tamil-only

associations. Unlike the Tamil old-timers, who belonged to the middle class, were

English-educated and had grown up in urban Colombo, the vast majority of the recent

Tamil immigrants had their roots in the Northern Jaffna peninsula where traditional

Tamil culture had flourished. The newcomers had virtually outnumbered the Tamil

immigrants of the pre-1983 era, and they had begun to set new cultural standards and


goals for the Sri Lankan Tamils in Canada. The immediate result of these changes were

reflected in the expansion of community organizations among the Tamils to take care of

their social, religious, business, cultural and political needs.

The oldest Tamil organization, popularly known as the Tamil Eelam Society

(1976), suddenly became the largest organization, and it transformed into a volunteer-

based settlement agency for newly arriving Tamils in 1983. A number of other

organizations, including the World Tamil Movement, the Tamil Information Centre, the

Tamil Resource Centre, the Federation of Associations of Canadian Tamils, the National

Association of Canadian Tamils, the Canada-Ceylon Tamil Chamber of Commerce, the

Canada Tamil Cultural Association, the Association of Sri Lankan Graduates of Canada,

and the Senior Tamils Centre were also based in Toronto and/or Montreal. The Vilippu,

(connotes awakening of women), was the only one organization devoted exclusively to

women of Tamil descent.

Hence, in light of the change in immigration to Canada, the question remains:

what type of ethnic identity formation would result from the developments stated above?

As vividly expressed by Vaitheespara:

The newcomers were generally less Anglicized and more imbued with a sense of Tamil nationalism and pride in their cultural and linguistic heritage. Even if they had not been personally involved with militant movements in Sri Lanka, they had lived through a strongly nationalistic phase in their community's history, and they brought with them a feeling of community solidarity and patriotism" (Vaitheespara 1995).

These recent immigrants had managed to reproduce in Canada the kinship

networks that they knew in Sri Lanka. Vaitheespara further asserted that "the

predisposition of the first immigrants to become acculturated to mainstream Canadian life

has been significantly reduced, if not reversed." The primary focus of all these Tamil


organizations was centred on regaining and rebuilding a distinct Tamil identity, which

was presumably missing in their homeland. Given the magnitude of traumatic

experiences in Sri Lanka that many Tamils had endured, it was natural for them to put

forward their Tamilness prior to their Canadianness or Sri Lankanness. As evidence,

Kittu reported:

We are now uprooted. We have no foundation. What we need is a comfortable feeling of who we are and who we have been in Sri Lanka. We need a strong affiliation to our roots, i.e. our Tamil culture. We may tell Canadians that we are from Sri Lanka because they know nothing about Tamil homeland. But we are not of Sri Lankan culture. We are of our Tamil culture.

Having faced initial mistrust as well as some degree of racism from the

mainstream White Anglo-Saxon Christian society in Ontario, and due to insufficient

language skills and lack of the Western cultural orientation, some Tamil immigrants

opened their own businesses in Toronto. A newly published directory of Tamil-owned

businesses in Ontario and Quebec called Thamilar Maththiyil (1990) had listed over 400

businesses ranging from groceries, restaurants, astrologers, marriage brokers, car dealers,

insurance brokers, travel agents and real estate brokers. As Vaitheespara stated:

The Tamil community in Canada after 1983 has tended to reinforce the more traditional views about child rearing, gender roles and family life... at least outwardly; authority is vested in the male. The husband is considered the head of the family, and the wife.... Is not supposed to address him by name... dating is almost unheard of in Tamil society and marriages are generally arranged by the family (1995).

Although the continuation of these traditional standards had faced enormous

challenges as time passed by, initially, all Tamil community organizations had supported

these values and practices as a way of re-building their Tamil identity in Canada.


The Tamil speakers' response to their religion, Hinduism, had been very similar

to that of the Sinhalese speakers to their religion, Buddhism. The vast majority of the

Tamils of Sri Lankan origin followed a form of Hinduism, with a distinctly South Indian

character, in which the Hindu Temple played an important role in the lives of its

devotees. According to an incomplete list of Tamil Hindu temples in Canada posted in a

website in 2002, there were 22 such temples, with the number of Ontario temples (18)

topping the list. Along the same lines, Vaitheespara had written about the emergence of

Hindu temples in Canada. He reported that the most impressive Hindu temple was found

in Richmond Hill, Ontario. This temple had been erected through the efforts of both

Indian and Sri Lankan Tamils. He further stated that:

With the introduction of regular temple worship, one of the most central elements of Hindu Tamil life in Both India and Sri Lanka has been brought to Canada... In addition to fulfilling spiritual functions, it also plays an essential role in community life. Through ritual observances, the temple has traditionally maintained social order and hierarchy in Hindu society. As well, many marriages take place on the temple premises

Thus, it can be concluded that the emergence of Hindu temples in Toronto and

Montreal, and their adherence to traditional religious practices and efficacy as a social

control mechanism has had a tremendous impact on enforcing a Tamil cultural identity

among the Tamils of Sri Lankan origin.

At this juncture, it is necessary to examine the role of religion in developing a

particular identity among the Sri Lankan immigrants to Ontario.

Audio Visual Media:

When one examines the issue of ethnic identity, it is imperative to acknowledge

the fact that ethnic media has the capability of promoting or reinforcing a particular type

of identity for its targeted audience. One radio program and two TV programs for the


Sinhalese language speakers were started during the period of 1990-1995. There were

similar numbers of radio and TV programs for the Tamil speakers already in operation

during the time of this research. The content and the messages of these programs shed

light on the kind of identity that was promoted among the Sri Lankans. The first known

radio program for the Sri Lankans was in operation during 1989-90, and was

discontinued in early 1991 due to funding constraints. It was reported that this program

was primarily broadcast in English, embedded with Sinhalese and Tamil music.

Similarly, the first Sinhalese radio program titled "Sravana Ramani" (SR) was

started in 1991, and broadcast once a week. The SR ran for 30 minutes initially, and later

on, expanded to cover one hour. It was presented in Sinhalese as well as in English.

News in Sri Lanka and Canada, requests for popular songs, features on special events in

Sri Lanka or in Canada, interviews of visitors from Sri Lanka as well as dignitaries in

Canada were regular items in the program. A pre-recorded commentary of cricket

matches taking place in Canada also occupied an important place, while comedy shows

entitled "Amaris Ayya" (Brother Amaris, an extremely popular comedy show in Sri

Lanka) was re-enacted by radio artists. Commercial advertisements played a crucial role

in this program by bringing publicity to Sri Lankan merchants in Toronto. Although this

program was aimed at, managed and directed by people who represented the Sinhalese

ethnic minority, the program was tape recorded weekly at a private recording studio

owned by a Tamil speaker. It was reported that the on-going ethnic divide between the

Sinhalese speakers and the Tamil speakers in Toronto had not negatively affected this

cultural initiative at all.


According to an English newscaster, Aloy Perera, Sravana Ramani was well

received by the educated Sinhalese speakers in Toronto, Hamilton, Guelph, and New

York City because of its vivid content and style of effective presentation. The program

had attempted to address the issue of the need to revitalize the core values and sentiments

of the Sinhalese culture, which in the minds of the program producers were eroding in

Ontario. A wide selection of Sinhalese, Tamil, English and Hindi music had been used

towards this end. One respondent informed that SR was particularly appealing to the

newly arrived Sinhalese speakers who felt strongly about strengthening their links with

the culture they just left behind in Sri Lanka. Apart from reminding listeners of the

beauty of the Sinhalese culture, SR had also attempted to address the issues pertaining to

the Sinhalese youth population in Ontario. However, with the increasing cost of

production, the Sravana Ramani was cancelled in 1993. This radio program had not

promoted one specific identity type; yet, it aligned mostly with the Sri Lankan type.

By mid 1994, two Sinhalese TV programs and several Tamil TV programs were

in operation on community channels, such as Rogers TV and OMNI Television, in

Ontario. Both Sinhalese programs carried news in English, and one of them included a

Tamil news update twice in their telecast. Unlike the Sinhalese radio program, the TV

program producers had to encounter several obstacles from the Tamil Tiger movement in

Ontario, when attempts were made to incorporate a Tamil stream into the program. Both

TV programs continued for a long period of time without a Tamil component. A

discerning feature of one of the TV programs included a message addressed to the

emerging Canadian community of Sri Lankan origin. Although this monthly program

carried news about Sri Lanka, music and special events, the main focus was on the


activities in Ontario for the Sri Lankan-Canadian audience. The program, known as

"Voice of Lanka," covered Sri Lankan cultural events in Toronto, some interviews with

successful individuals of Sri Lankan origin in Ontario, the annual Miss Canada-Sri Lanka

Pageant in Toronto, and celebrations of religious significance. It was reported that both

Sinhalese TV programs were well received by many old and new Sri Lankans. Because

of their up-to-date content and liveliness of coverage, viewers had seen both programs as

promoting a Sri Lankan-Canadian identity in the community.

The Tamil radio and TV programs that were broadcast from Toronto and

Montreal were very much focused on Tamil cultural dances, preaching, and some times,

political messages from the LTTE (the Tamil Tigers). They also carried items depicting

South Indian Tamil Culture. Tamil language classes and instructions in Carnatic music

and South Indian dance were organized in areas where Tamils were concentrated. The

Tamil language was offered as a credit course at the high school level in Toronto, and

textbooks for instruction had been prepared up to grade eight. These developments not

only reinforced a distinct Tamil identity, but also provided employment opportunities for

newly immigrated Tamils who had teaching qualifications.

It was believed that a considerable majority of Tamil media were either controlled

or managed by active members of the LTTE and/or their strong sympathisers. The

researcher was not able to access any inside information of their networks. Some

program producers, who were not pro-LTTE, were quite reluctant to divulge information

to the researcher because of their fear of being branded as "a supporter of the Sinhalese in

Toronto." However, by looking at the content of their programs, and feedback received

from a few Tamil respondents, it was not difficult to conclude that the message of these


programs during this period was to preserve the Sri Lankan-Tamil culture within Canada.

Very rarely could one hear any messages in English or Sinhalese during the Tamil

programs. As one Tamil speaking respondent elaborated:

Our Tamil channels are only in Tamil language. The producers are trying to promote things that we may have forgotten after coming to Canada. They contained cultural dances of Tamils, religious teachings and services. The programs are supported by groceries and other Tamil businesses. They are a good media to find out what is available for the Tamils in Toronto in terms of food varieties, groceries, films, avenues for sending money to Sri Lankan relatives, legal advice, immigration advice and health facilities. These programs always bring out the idea that Tamils in Toronto are self-sufficient in terms of meeting all our needs and without any help from the Sinhalese people in town.

Print Media:

During the time of the field work associated with this thesis, the researcher came

across several tabloid size newspapers, event specific souvenirs, and commercial

directories in circulation among the Sri Lankans in Ontario, all of which were published

in Toronto and distributed free of charge. The main monthly newspapers published in

English included Lanka News, The Sri Lanka Reporter, and The Times of Sri Lanka.

There were at least three newspapers published in Tamil but not a single one in the

Sinhalese language. Accordingly, there were several common features in these English

language newspapers. Fifty percent of the content was the reporting of events happening

in Sri Lanka, while the other fifty percent was Canadian and US events. Among other

news items included: cultural events, including traditional weddings and religious

ceremonies, annual celebrations of alumni associations, political news in Sri Lanka,

matrimonial advertisements, obituary notices, and a variety of advertisements. Important

events where Sri Lankans gathered were always reported with photographs and

commentaries. Although these newspapers had not shown any particular identity


promotion among the Sri Lankans in Ontario, the main purpose of these publications

seemed to be keeping the Sri Lankans aware of readily unavailable information about Sri

Lankan events happening in Toronto. Providing news about Sri Lanka also occupied a

significant place in the print media.

In print media, one would repeatedly see wide publicity given to popular sports

activities that were transplanted in the Canadian soil. One such example was inter-school

cricket matches played among prestigious Sri Lankan high schools. The teams

representing these schools in Toronto were comprised of their alumni currently living in

Toronto. Obeysekere, reporting to the Times of Sri Lanka in September 1997, wrote that

the annual Royal College and St. Thomas' College Cricket encounter, popularly known

as "Royal-Thomian Match" had its Canadian version played in Ajax, Ontario, in August

1997. He further asserted that the "event has picked up momentum over the years and

this year the organizers even had popular West-end caterer of the Paradise Restaurant on

location dishing out his culinary delights" (Obeyesekere 1997).

These types of events, when reported in the media, took a Sri Lankan-Canadian

identity flavour. The fact that the people who played for their alumni teams belonged to

both Sinhalese and Tamil speaking communities in Toronto further reinforced a Sri

Lankan-Canadian type of sentiment, rather than a pure Sinhalese or Tamil identity.

It was not possible to gauge the extent to which these newspapers were circulated among

the population, and who the regular readers were. All of the English publications were

available at both Buddhist temples, and some of the English and all of the Tamil

publications were freely available at groceries, owned and run by Tamil speaking Sri

Lankans. Similar to audio-visual media, the print media showed a clear demarcation of


language spoken by the readers. Almost all of the print media that came out of the Tamil

speaking community was published in the Tamil language because the target readers

were Tamil speakers of Sri Lankan origin. As the researcher was not able to read and

write in the Tamil language, he had to depend on a few respondents to explore what was

being promoted in the Tamil media in Toronto.

In like manner, Vaitheespara's vivid description of the Tamils in Canada provided

some valuable information about the Tamil print media. Vaitheespara wrote:

There are at least six weekly community newspapers published in Toronto and Montreal, all in the Tamil language. The earliest was Sentahmarai (Red Lotus, Toronto, 1986). Their names, such as Thayagam (Motherland, Toronto 1989-94) and Eelandu (Tamil Homeland in Sri Lanka, Toronto: 1991) reveal the orientation of the community that supports them (Vaitheespara 1995).

The fact that there were no Tamil newspapers published in English reflected a

dramatic change in the attitudes among the Tamils towards the maintenance of their

culture. According to many respondents (7 out of 16), Tamil news bulletins published in

Toronto carried news about the Sri Lankan-Tamil struggle to win a separate state in the

Northern and Eastern parts of the Island, the role the LTTE leader played, the need for a

new Tamil nationalism, as well as events organized by different Tamil organizations in

Toronto. The tabloid size newspapers were inundated with advertisements regarding

Tamil groceries, food take-out places, agencies for legal assistance, job agencies and

personal services such as daycare or baby-sitting. An enormous amount of energy was

spent on building community dignity as Tamils in Canada of Sri Lankan origin. Stories

of hardships experienced due to the Sri Lankan army or Sri Lankan government or fellow

Sinhalese in Sri Lanka added strength to the Tamil cause which harnessed support for a

sovereign state of Tamils within the boundary of the Island of Sri Lanka.


Some overlap of reporting or advertisements between the Tamil language media

and the English language media was found only in events such as the annual dinner dance

of the Canadian Tamil Chamber of Commerce (November, 1993), or a multicultural

show organized by the Old Girls' Association of the Holy Family Convent of Jaffna

(June, 1994). Primarily, the pre-1983 cohort of Tamil immigrants subscribed to both

these events. According to our respondents, it was very rare that they would read about a

Sinhalese musical show or a cultural event reported in Tamil language media; Yet,

English language media had given publicity to any activity irrespective of its ethnic

affiliation so long as there was some Sri Lankan connection.

Consequently, several conclusions can be drawn regarding the impact of

community based organizations and media on the promotion of a particular type of ethnic

identity among the people of Sri Lankan origin studied in this thesis:

a) The pre-1983 era had been a harmonious experience for all ethnic types of Sri

Lankan origin in Canada. With their English language fluency and Western

cultural orientation, they had been able to access mainstream services, resources

and benefits. Given the small size of the population, one organization has fulfilled

their ethnic needs to a great extent.

b) However, the post-1983 era showed a dramatic change in the attitudes and focus,

especially among the Tamils of Sri Lankan origin. With the increasing size of the

Tamil population, and factors such as their rural origins, non-Western orientation

and their fresh memories of the riots in Sri Lanka had demanded a more exclusive

approach towards their identity in Canada.


c) Similar developments (similar to point b) had taken place among the Sinhalese

speakers who migrated after 1990s.

d) The religious organizations for both ethnic groups had undoubtedly exercised a

measurable impact on people's thinking and formation of their self-identity. The

foregoing discussion will examine this relationship in detail.

As Kurtz (2007) spelled out, at least five aspects of the identity construction

process is related to religious traditions. The first aspect is where religious groups or

subcultures encourage certain traits in the socialization process and discourage others

such as aggressiveness or passivity, because gods approve certain kinds of people.

Similarly the same tradition promotes one personality type among men and another

among women. In the case of Sinhalese Buddhists and Tamil Hindus in the sample

studied, their socialization while in Sri Lanka as well as here in Canada has been fuelled

by values such as compassion, and generosity which are generally promoted in respective

religions. Visible behavioural differences between the women in the Sinhalese sample

and the Tamil sample speak to the fact that Hinduism has promoted restrictive behaviours

for women (Laws of Manu: 1886) whereas, the Buddhism has promoted a liberal attitude

towards women in general.

The second aspect pertains to a reference group that the religion provides in terms

of a social network. This religion connected reference group will have a tremendous

impact on the individual's identity. This religious reference group may include

significant others who are geographically distant as well as significant religious

personalities who are dead. In the sample studied, we have seen very clearly the religious

institutions such as Buddhist temples and Hindu Kovils had become centres for social


interaction and culture learning. The people who gathered at these centres spoke the

same language and were the followers of the same religion. A high frequency of

attendance at these centres by both groups has helped them reinforce and maintain their

own ethnic identity.

The third aspect refers to individual's interaction with a deity. When individuals

consider themselves interacting with god (real or imagined) they may consider

themselves as chosen people. Their identity is likely to be different from others who are

in the society. Routine devotional practices may also instil certain values with reference

to one's identity. In the Hindu context, showing compassion to others is considered

meritorious.

The fourth aspect, according to Kurtz is regarding the mechanisms for sustaining

identity. Rituals or rites of passage offer people a repertoire of thoughts and actions to

deal with difficult times of identity change. The fifth and the final aspect is the provision

of meaning and security to people. (Kurtz 2007,127-129). Religious belief systems helps

people feel secure most notably in times of crisis and death. In the sample studied, there

were many references to situations where Sri Lankans of both origins had used temples or

kovils at times of death of parents to hold prayers and to offer alms in order to transmit

merits to the dead. In many instances these praying sessions with priests involved other

relatives and friends in Canada as well. Getting together with other members of one's

moral community invariably strengthen one's own ethnic identity, especially in times of

life crisis.

As Kurtz pointed out (2007, 130-132) some religious traditions root the individual

identity within the community itself. The classic example is the Jewish identity which has


been over the centuries linked to membership in the socio-religious community. Strict

regulations, governing interactions, especially restricting exogamous marriages, reinforce

the socialization process by which Jews come to see themselves primarily as Jews.

Muslims too have similar identity construction process in place. The opposite of this

process is found in Buddhism, Hinduism and even Protestant Christianity. In these

religions the individual could break loose from their original clan or ethnic group and join

a new religious movement at his or her own discretion. Although followers of Buddhism

and Hinduism are placed in a tightly knit social organization, spiritual matters in both

religions have a strong individualistic element related to concepts of Dharma (merit) and

Karma (fate). Dharma and Karma entrust the responsibilities of individual's own actions

on the individual.

Both Buddhist and Hindu religious practices have helped each community to

shape up the identity of their members in their own way. The observed strictness of

Hinduism has moulded a tradition bound personality and ethnic identity among the

Tamils while the penalty-free practices of Buddhism have given the Sinhalese a bit more

flexibility in incorporating religion into their personal lives. This could be seen in the

case of second generation respondents studied in the thesis. Many of the second

generation respondents whose parents were Buddhists had no regular visits to temples or

were less involved in religious activities in Toronto. There was no Tamil second

generation respondents available to the researcher to compare this observation. Along

with other factors discussed earlier, this apparent disconnect with traditional cultural

institutions would have permitted the second generation to adopt a Canadian or non-Sri

Lankan type of identity.


Kovils being the bastions of Hindu culture, it was practically impossible for a

Sinhalese-Buddhist researcher with no Tamil language fluency to penetrate into their

inner circles to gather information regarding distinct political roles the Kovils played in

Canada in support of Liberation Movement of the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka. In both

groups, a close affiliation with religious institutions seemed to be a practice of the first

generation immigrants. Most of the priests were also people in their mid fifties and

considered themselves as guardians of their respective ethnic cultures. Most of the

leaders and executive members of cultural associations happened to be people of the first

generation (50 or over) who were older than many others in the membership. Leadership

provided by "seniors" will naturally be more towards preservation of the original culture

than finding new ways of adapting to the host society.


Chapter IX Summary and Conclusions

The final chapter of the thesis presents the major findings of the sociological

research project on the identity construction of Sri Lankan immigrants and their Canadian

born children living in Ontario, followed by a discussion on the persistence of Sri Lankan

ethnicity in the Canadian social context. This chapter will also examine the implications

on future research, Canadian policies on multiculturalism and immigration, and the

limitations of the study.

The present study aimed to address three main research questions: 1) the content

and the nature of ethnic identification of people of Sri Lankan origin; 2) whether there

were significant differences between the observed identity types and the original Sri

Lankan identity types of the Sinhalese and the Tamils; and, 3) whether there was a

significant difference between the Canadian born Sri Lankans and the immigrant Sri

Lankans with regards to the observed bases of identification.

In chapter II a comparison of 1991 and 2001 Canadian census data was done with

a view to understanding the socio-economic location of the Sri Lankans, over a 10 year

period, in Canada. In terms of identity types, there were Sinhalese, Tamils and Sri

Lankans in the census. Those who identified themselves as Tamils and Sri Lankans were

the majority in both Canadian census data sets. In 2001, a new category called

"Canadians" was found. The majority of the "Sri Lankans" were infact Tamil speaking

recent immigrants to Canada. It was crystal clear from the census data that in spite of the

new terminologies people used, the Sri Lankans in Canada were primarily the Sinhalese

and the Tamils, the two major ethnic groups in Sri Lanka today. Apart from the 1470

Muslims who identified as Sri Lankans in the 2001 census, all others were Hindus,


Buddhists and Christians. Between 83% and 90% of the 1991 census respondents were

not born in Canada and a considerable majority of them lived in Ontario. The 1991 cenus

showed a serious sex imbalance (More males than females) for all age groups a feature

observed in many new immigrant groups in Canada. In 2001 the trend reversed a bit for

the females in 20-24 and 55-65 and over age groups. In 1991, over 50% were never

married except for the Sinhalese group (42%). The proportion of the never-married

population declined by about 3% in 2001. Among the Sinhalese, there was a higher

divorced rate (2.7%) compared to the Tamil groups (.8 tol%). Both census data sets

indicated an emerging class difference between the two main identity types: The

Sinhalese and the Tamils. The Sinhalese showed a higher proportion of university/college

diploma holders compared to the other two groups. The rate of unemployment was also

higher for the Tamils (22%) and the Sri Lankans (20%) compared to the Sinhalese (8%)

who were very close to the Canadian average (7%) in 1991. More Sinhalese (15%) were

in the over $40,000 income brackets compared to the Tamils (4%) and the Sri Lankans

(6%). Close to 75% of the Tamil speaking groups earned less than $20,000 per annum

and the proportion for the Sinhalese was 55%. Michael Ornsteins' study (2000) based

on 1996 census data showed a similar or worse situation for the Tamils and the Sri

Lankans. The empirical data collected from 50 respondents for the thesis study did not

differ significantly from this pattern.

The chapter III spelled out how different ethnic groups in Sri Lanka, over a long

period of history, commencing the pre-historic age, formed their own identities

independent of, and in relation to, others who shared the same political territory. The

Aboriginal Vanni people faced tremendous challenges from time to time in the face of


Sinhalese and Tamil hegemony to preserve their identity and culture. It was also clear

that both Sinhalese and Tamils had intermarriages, and more or less equal partnerships in

historical times. Many Burghers were forced to leave the country due to language

policies, and those who remained in the country, lost their privileged status and were

gradually absorbed into other cultures. The Sinhalese speakers and the Tamil speakers

shared democratic values in times of prosperity, and rekindled their ethno-national

sentiments when the times were bad. Since 1983, Sri Lanka has been experiencing an

internecine war between the most powerful radical wing of Tamils, the LTTE, and the

government forces. The situation has worsened to the extent that both groups have begun

to suspect each other's motives regarding democratic reform and harmonious living on

the Island. Both groups have indicated in no uncertain terms their ethnic or racial

superiority. However, the analysis in chapter III proved that both Sinhalese and the

Tamils have evolved over the years through inter-mixing and shared learning. Some

colonial legacies, reinventions of traditions by leaders such as Dharmapala and Arumuga

Navalar, and recent national politics have played a considerable role in rejuvenating

ethnic sentiments from time to time, and created a point of no return for both groups in

conflict today. A vast majority of Tamils who are in Canada today were victims of the 24

year old war. They, along with the Sinhalese who migrated to Canada due to a variety of

reasons (education, language issues, employment etc.), are in the process of constructing

a new identity in Canada.

In order to examine this process using predominantly a qualitative approach, the

researcher conducted an exploratory study of 50 Sri Lankans who lived in Ontario:

Sinhalese speakers (23), Tamil speakers (16) and Canadian born teenagers (11). The


selected sample represented both men and women (approximately 1:1). The difficulties

with obtaining a random sample, and the smallness of the sample, prevented the

researcher from applying rigorous statistical measures to explain statistical variations.

However, the application of some very basic statistical measures (percentages, cross-

tabulations, etc.) illuminated the analysis.

The people of Sri Lankan origin living in Ontario have shown a differential

pattern of social incorporation. The self-identification of fifty respondents fell into 6

categories: Tamil, Tamil-Sri Lankan, Sri Lankan, Tamil-Canadian, Canadian and

Sri Lankan-Canadian. In areas such as self-perceived identity, ethnic food and language

use, a marked difference was displayed between Sinhalese speakers and Tamil speakers.

A considerable number of Sinhala speakers have had some orientation to a Western

culture prior to migrating to Canada (England, other European countries, and the United

States); whereas, the majority of Tamils had come directly from Sri Lanka. Therefore,

based on the duration of their stay in the Western culture, the Sinhalese speakers seemed

to have perceived themselves as either Sri Lankan-Canadian or Canadian. Tamils, on

the other hand, identified themselves as Tamil Canadians or just Tamils. Given the high

volume of Tamil speakers residing in close proximity to one another in several

neighbourhoods of Ontario, there was tremendous pressure for the Tamil speakers to

preserve their "Tamilness." Political developments among the Tamil speakers in Sri

Lanka and especially among the supporters of the LTTE movement seemed to have

further strengthened a Tamil identity in Canada. The majority of retail and wholesale

businesses, run and owned by Tamil speakers in Ontario, were either groceries or

restaurants. This will be an indication that Tamil speakers were likely to have very easy


access to their traditional food for all three daily meals, rather than being forced to

consume other kinds of food. The majority of Sinhala speakers consumed a mix of both

Canadian and Sri Lankan food.

Furthermore, differences were seen across gender lines. Women among both

Sinhalese and Tamil speakers had adopted Canadian cultural practices and traits,

including fast food and attire, faster than their male counterparts. It was much easier for

women to find some employment in Ontario compared to their male counterparts. Men,

on the other hand, experienced a significant delay in finding suitable employment unless

they possessed qualifications in the field of Information Technology. Men experienced a

need for radical adjustments in their traditional authority role when dealing with their

spouses who readily responded to needs in the ever growing urban economy where

making independent decisions, cutting long hair short, wearing makeup and perfume, and

even changing regular dress from Sarees to pants and skirts were the prevalent norms.

Responses from the second generation Sri Lankans showed a radical departure

from those of the foreign-born groups. Attending Canadian primary and secondary

schools with other Canadian children, exposure to an "individualistic thinking

framework" and the inability to understand cultural meanings their parents attached to

objects and relationships permitted the Canadian born second generation children to

develop an orientation to life which was more closer to how an average Canadian would

think and behave. However, no visible changes were seen in the consumption of

traditional Sri Lankan spicy food as they were oriented to this food during their early

childhood. This has been the case with many conventional ethnic groups in Canada such

as Italians, Ukrainians, Russians and the Irish.


Among the factors that came into play when respondents determined their identity label,

the most discerning factor appeared to be the length of stay in Canada. The longer they

stay in Ontario, the greater the tendency to add at least a hyphen to their original identity.

Two respondents explained that they were scared to claim a Canadian identity due to

their fear of never being able to think and behave like a Canadian. As evidence, Wije

stated, "I really do not know how Canadians think today. I never lived their life style in

Sri Lanka and my Sri Lankanness is what I am." Nearly 34% of respondents had

identified themselves as Tamil-Canadian and Canadian without referring to any Sri

Lankan identity. What is conspicuous is the absence of a group identified as Sinhalese to

coincide with the majority status in Sri Lanka. Of the 25 respondents (50%) who

identified themselves as Sri Lankan-Canadian, there were 19 Sinhalese first language

speakers, five Tamil first language speakers, and one Canadian born teenager. All but one

Canadian born respondent self-identified as being Canadian. An overwhelming majority

of Sinhalese language speakers (19 out of 23) considered themselves as Sri Lankan-

Canadians. There was a marked difference between the Canadian group and all other

types in the sample when considering how they described themselves in terms of the

values, morals and beliefs they cherished. As predicted, the Canadians valued being

assertive, respected equality, had the capacity to make decisions independently, and were

future-oriented and professionally inclined. Four respondents in this type were offspring

of mixed marriages. Some of the participants rarely or never learned or practiced any Sri

Lankan languages at home, and several of them frequently fought against parental

control, and always interacted or "hung around" with Canadian White peers. It is

interesting to note that the above values fell into the category of the generally accepted


Canadian values and the "Canadian way of life." Yet, according to the Canadian Policy

Research Network found that Canadians espouse the values of: self-reliance, compassion

leading to collective responsibility, investment in children as the future generation,

democracy, freedom, equality and fiscal responsibility (CPRN Study, 1995).

Furthermore, a decision of the Supreme Court of Canada found that the values of

tolerance, equality, and respect are at the heart of Canadian citizenship (Lavoie vs.

Canada, 2002).

Values common to all of the other groups included some traditional values and practices

such as: obligation towards family, making sacrifices for your own children, eating spicy

food, and being ambitious and hard working.

It is interesting to note that all of the Tamil-Sri Lankans, Tamil Canadians, and

Tamils, four Sri Lankan-Canadians as well as all Sri Lankans (a total of 36% of

respondents) considered their ethnic identity to be of central importance to them. All

Canadian respondents and five Sri Lankan-Canadians thought ethnic identity was a

matter of minor importance compared to certain other aspects of life, such as gender,

professional credentials and titles. Out of the five identity types given to the respondents

to rank, 20 Sri Lankan-Canadians and eight Canadians considered being a citizen of

Canada the most important identity for them.

In terms of language use, what emanated from the data was that the eight respondents out

of 11 in the Canadian group considered English as their first language, and the other

three in that group did not feel that they had the necessary fluency of Sinhalese, their first

language. While 18 out of the 25 Canadian-Sri Lankans considered Sinhalese as their


first language, all groups with the word "Tamil" in them were Tamil first language

speakers.

There were distinct variations as to how the respondents used their first languages in the

day-to-day interactions with family members and others. It is noteworthy that Sinhalese

first language speakers had a general tendency to speak to their children in English and to

their spouses in Sinhalese. Among the Tamil first language speakers, this did not appear

to be the case, as they all spoke to their children using the Tamil language.

It was also interesting to note that 66% (33 out of 50) of respondents expressed

willingness to teach their first language to their children. The remaining 34% included

mostly Sinhalese first language speakers and their Canadian born teenagers.

Most respondents preferred Sri Lankan food to be consumed on daily basis to any

other variety of food available in the Canadian market. Thirty Four per cent of

respondents had stated that they usually had a combination of Sri Lankan and other kinds

of food (pasta, burghers, sandwiches, pops etc.) on any given day. It was a common

practice among all types in the sample not to wear any traditional Sri Lankan attire to

public functions where other Sri Lankan people were not present. Women belonging to

all of the groups in the sample had adopted a more Westernized attire (long pants and

shirts), accessories and makeup for daily use in work settings.

Helping other Sri Lankans was considered as an obligation by 32 respondents. All 11

Canadian respondents and seven others did not feel that they had such responsibilities.

At different times, obligations towards fellow Sri Lankans had manifested in different

forms. It was clear from the data that although a majority of respondents had considered

helping fellow Sri Lankans an obligation, they preferred to fulfil their obligations on a


personal basis rather than through formal organizational and/or community activities.

Regarding the dating practices at a younger age, children moving out of the

parental home at the age of 18, and marrying non-Sri Lankans, the majority of

respondents felt apprehensive. The Tamil, Sri Lankan-Tamil as well as Canadian-

Tamil respondents felt especially dismayed by these modern practices.

Prior to 1983, given the small size of the Sri Lankan population in Canada, one Sri

Lankan Association had been able to cater to the needs of these immigrants. The

Association had generally promoted a Canadian-Sri Lankan type of identity through its

activities most of which were carried out in the English language. However, after the

ethnic riots in Sri Lanka, dramatic changes in the ethnic media coverage and

organizational activities had taken place, especially among the Tamils of Sri Lankan

origin. During the early part of the 1980s, both the Sinhalese and Tamil speakers had

promoted a Sri Lankan-Canadian type of identity, and gradually, with the increasing

intensity of the on-going civil war in Sri Lanka, the Tamil speakers had moved towards a

Tamil-Canadian type of identity formation.

Analysis:

The major findings stated above clearly confirm the fact that Sri Lankan

immigrants and their Canadian born children are in the process of constructing a new

identity in Ontario. When compared with the 1991 Canadian Census special analysis

referred to in the Chapter II, we observed that the Sri Lankan immigrants and their

Canadian born children in the sample study had retained the Tamil and Sri Lankan


identity types, and had lost the Sinhalese identity type, while adding four new identity

types: Sri Lankan-Canadian, Tamil-Canadian, Tamil-Sri Lankan and Canadian.

What was striking in this particular sample was that these groups in question introduced

two new identity manifestations: Sri Lankans and Canadians. None of these identity

types had ever prevailed in Sri Lanka.

Although rigorous statistical measurements were not used during this study, there

appeared to be a significant difference between the first generation immigrants and their

Canadian born children with regards to identity type, language use, obligations towards

fellow Sri Lankans, as well as several other areas. However, as observed with many

immigrant groups in Canada (Isajiw, 1990), not a single identity type of this immigrant

sample had abandoned Sri Lankan food amidst the other food options available to them.

In fact, Sri Lankan food retail and catering services had been seen as one of the most

lucrative businesses, especially among the Tamil speaking Sri Lankan immigrants in

Ontario. Also evident were the significant differences in the culture, values, and

language use at home (and a few other differences) between the Tamil, Tamil-Sri

Lankan, and Sri Lankan types and the Tamil-Canadian and Sri Lankan-Canadian

types.

In 1991, Statistics Canada reported that three quarters of a million Canadians

(3%) had reported that they were "Canadians with a single ethnicity," and another 1%

had reported as being "Canadian in combination with other ethnicities" (Krotki, 1997:

172). In the present sample, almost 84% of respondents (42 people) listed Canadian as

part of their ethnic identity. Consequently, the Sri Lankan sample seems to coincide with

the general trend in the Canadian population.


As Juteau-Lee (1983,45-53) stated, "A person is not born ethnic, but becomes

ethnic." To become and be ethnic, the person must belong to (the objective aspect) and

identify with (the subjective aspect) an ethnic group. Belonging to an ethnic group is

essentially an involuntary act, but identification with an ethnic group is both voluntary

and involuntary. It becomes involuntary when the person is forced (by birth) to undergo

socialization within a particular group. The voluntary nature of a person's action is

apparent when the person is not bound to one culture, but instead, is offered room for

continuing socialization in another culture(s). When this opportunity occurs, the person

will need to determine whether it is necessary to maintain and/or cherish his or her

original affiliations

In the sample of Sri Lankan immigrants in Ontario, we observed that the two

major ethnic divisions in Sri Lanka, the Sinhalese and the Tamils, have become Sri

Lankans and Canadians or hyphenated Canadians (Sri Lankan-Canadian and Tamil-

Canadian). One can argue that the symbolic interaction between the Sri Lankan

immigrant groups and the host Canadian society influenced the way immigrants self-

identified. John Berry's model of immigrant adaptation predicts that when the host

society promotes multiculturalism, the ethnic groups tend to promote integration by

keeping some of their practices and adopting new ones. As contended by Anderson and

Frideres (1981,107), the Canadian government's multiculturalism policies and

bilingualism/biculturalism policies have contributed to the persistence of ethnic identity

in Canada. A similar impact can be seen from the Quebec government's policy of

cultural convergence, and the equality rights recognized under the Canadian Charter of

Human Rights and Freedoms. It can hardly be denied that the promises the Multicultural


Policy of Canada have presented to the Sri Lankan immigrants would have persuaded

them to add a Sri Lankan and /or Canadian prefix/suffix to their original Sinhalese and

Tamil identities. As Tamil respondent Soru stated:

The Canadian government does not know about us the Tamils. If we go as Sri Lankans, we will have a better access to Canadian funding for our welfare projects to help new Tamils coming to Ontario. It is very important that we call ourselves Sri Lankan-Tamils because there are other Tamils who did not have the problems we faced in Sri Lanka. Even the Sinhalese people cannot object to us when we present ourselves as Sri Lankans.

Another important factor identified as a facilitator of ethnic identity formation is

the degree of prejudice and discrimination prevalent in the host society (Anderson and

Frideres (1981), (Economic Council of Canada 1991). However, this factor has not been

systematically investigated in the present study. At least in this case, it may be surmised

that adding a Canadian prefix/suffix was an indication of the low degree of prejudice or

discrimination coming from the host society towards immigrants. If the respondents

were experiencing discrimination from other Canadians, then, they would probably not

want to incorporate being Canadian as a part of their self-identity.

As Portes and Rumbaut reported, although South Asians have dark skin, they

have become the highest income earners in the US and are predominantly live in the

suburbs (1996). This is mainly due to the fact that these immigrants found jobs in the US

labour market that were closely related to their level of education (Alba, 1997).

Accordingly, the Human Capital Immigrant Streams from India, China, Africa and

Western Europe have included a higher proportion of professionals and managers than

the native born populations. This resulted in a "bimodal attainment pattern evident in the

occupations and earnings of human capital immigrants and labour migrants" (Alba, 1997,


856). The present sample under study proves Portes and Rumbaut's arguments solely

because the majority of Sinhalese immigrants as well as those who identified as Tamil

Canadians (6) may fall under the category of human capital immigrants. Nonetheless,

regarding racialized groups in general, the Canadian experience has not shown a linear

pattern.

Two studies/theories presented earlier in the thesis (chapter IV) deserve attention

again in the conclusion part of the thesis. One is Alejandro Portes's theory of Segmented

Assimilation (Portes and Rumbaut 2001), and the other is Raymond Breton and team's

study of immigrants in Toronto (Breton 1990). The segmented Assimilation theory is a

contribution of a group of sociologists led by Alejandro Portes and Ruben Rumbaut

(Portes and Rumbaut 2001). The application of this theory to their Children of

Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS) data is still preliminary. However, this will be an

attempt to apply the model to understand the situation of the Sri Lankans in general and

the second generation in particular.

This theory brilliantly presents some mobility trajectories of the second

generation of the largest new immigrant communities in US. The Selective

Acculturation indicates groups with vulnerable stocks of economic, human and social

capital and without a burden of a hostile reception from the host society could support

their young people as they Americanize. While absorbing the language and the culture of

the host society, these youth will also maintain fluency of their original language and be

able to communicate with their immigrant parents. They are better able to acquire

education and other skills required for success. The opposite path would be what Portes

called Dissonant Acculturation. The young generation will abandon the old country


culture quickly and adopt maladaptive under-class American cultures. This mode of

acculturation tends to take two forms. In the first, children rapidly acculturate to host

society customs and the language while their parents take refuge from ethnic institutions.

Parents and children come to live in two culturally different worlds and as time goes on

lose the capacity to communicate with one another. In the second form, parents do not

receive support from their ethnic community and lose control over their children at the

same time. Children will eventually become guides to the host society for their parents.

The children will intercede for parents with medical and legal authorities as well as with

their school teachers. Although the present study did not have any second generation

children for the Tamil speakers, recent development of youth gangs among the Tamil

youth in Toronto show similar tendencies. Situations where parents and children living in

two cultures have been observed in a few instances (Tyyska 2006). In the Canadian group

of the sample, some respondents had indicated a "two -world" scenario with their parents.

Between the above two paths one would find a third path leading to Consonant

Acculturation where immigrant parents and their children face the challenges of the host

society together without the support of the ethnic community. This path also takes two

forms. In the first, parents and children learn the host country language and customs

together and abandon ethnic ways, and in the second, both parents and children resist any

kind of ethnic acculturation. It is similar to a segregation attempt. This type of

acculturation usually happens when parents have a very high social capital and language

fluency. Some members of the second generation of the sample who identified

themselves as Canadians fit into this path better than any other paths presented in the

Portes' model. Many of the parents in this group were educated and widely travelled in


other countries and were professionals in their own fields. Given the specific historical

situations and nature of immigration trends over the years, even Portes and Rumbaut have

reservations as to whether this model could be applicable to immigrant communities

outside United States. (Portes and Rumbaut 2006). Toronto does not seem to have a

similar under-class that Portes is referring to in his study. As an overall explanation, the

segmented assimilation theory does not seem to hold water for the sample under study.

Writing on the topic of social incorporation of immigrants, Isajiw stated that

within the same society, not all members of minority groups can share the same symbolic

content of identity with the members of the majority groups. Incorporation of the

identities of some ethnic group members into the mainstream may never be possible to

the same degree or depth as that of some other minority group members. Social

incorporation is viewed as a two-way process whereby the host society has to play a

crucial role in accepting the ethnic groups as part of their established society (Isajiw,

1997,91). In light of this premise, what the researcher observed among the Sri Lankan

immigrants was some preliminary attempts to promote greater acceptance by the host

society by creating an easy reference point, such as the label Sri Lankans, instead of

relatively unknown categories, namely Sinhalese or Tamil, in order to move towards

embracing a Canadian identity.

In Breton et al study (1990), it was revealed that some ethnic groups such as Jews

have been extremely successful in economic and political dimensions of incorporation,

but not on the social dimension because of their high degree of segregation. It was also

observed that non-white ethnic groups encounter economic and social barriers when they

attempt to blend with the main stream. Even among the individuals who can be


considered assimilated, a substantial degree of ethnic retention could be expected. It was

also observed that ethnic retention could not be an impediment for incorporation, and it

may sometimes be a facilitating factor. When the above generalizations are applied to the

sample in our study, one could see that the majority of Tamil speakers have relatively

more barriers to overcome in their process of incorporation than the Sinhalese speakers.

To a higher degree with the Sri Lankan Canadian type and a lesser degree with the

Canadian type we see inclination towards selective retention of ethnic practices such as

food, language use and religion. Both processes of "assimilation" and retention seem to

take place with varying styles of combinations while producing new ethnic identities.

The study of Sri Lankans seems to emulate findings of some existing North

American studies of ethnicity and challenge conventional theories of Assimilation. The

second generation of Sri Lankans (11 respondents) showed characteristics similar to what

Portes and Rumbaut identified as Consonant Acculturation in their theory of Segmented

Assimilation. The Sri Lankan youth had thrived in the sphere of education and their

parents seemed to have provided necessary social capital for them to prosper.

Consequently, the present study has invariably confirmed that ethnic retention and

social incorporation are not mutually exclusive phenomena; rather, they are quite distinct

(Breton et al 1990). The study further confirms that ethnicity must be viewed as a

continuously unfolding process, as opposed to a set of firmly fixed inherited features.

The Future of Sri Lankan Ethnicity in Canada:

Chapter III of this thesis elaborated how the Sri Lankan identity had been

constructed from the beginning of recorded history. The Aboriginal Vanni people were

absorbed by the Sinhalese and Tamil cultures, and vice versa, and there was much


integration between the Sinhalese and the Tamils. However, in Canada, it is quite

unlikely that similar changes would ever happen among the Sinhalese and the Tamil

immigrants. If inter-marriages did take place, this is likely to happen between the second

generation Sinhalese/Tamil immigrants and the other ethnic varieties in the host society.

The researcher had already witnessed marriages between several Sri Lankan females and

males of Italian, Jewish, Scottish and Indo-Canadian descent.

The field data, collection for the present study was completed between 1994 and

1995, the period marking the end of the first decade after the ethnic riots in Sri Lanka.

Between 1996 and 2006, major developments have taken place regarding the possibility

of a cease fire between the Sri Lankan Government and the LTTE (which lasted only

three years), as well as the continuation of the struggle to obtain weapons in Sri Lanka.

Some of these developments caused further polarization among the Sinhalese and Tamil

communities in both Canada and around the world. Furthermore, the Tamil Tiger

Movement (LTTE) was deemed a terrorist movement by the United States, Britain and

Canada. Other significant changes included the second generation Tamil youth entering

engineering and medical faculties in Canadian universities in large numbers, as well as an

increase in successful business ventures developed by the Canadian Tamil community.

These developments had reinforced the need for a stronger voice for the Sri Lankan

Tamils living in Canada. In light of these developments, it can be predicted that the

Tamil-Canadian identity is likely to receive increasing support from the Tamil-speaking

immigrants living in Canada.

With regards to the Sinhalese speaking immigrants, the number of new

immigrants to Canada has been gradually increasing, and most of them belong to a


younger cohort than the respondents in the present study. Complexity of the identity

construction reflected in the present sample, combined with the recent socio-political

developments affecting the Tamil immigrant population in Canada, further sample

studies are required before one can arrive at a general conclusion about the types of Sri

Lankans that will arrive in Canada in the future.

Policy and Research Implications:

The study of Sri Lankan immigrants in Ontario, a pioneer in its kind, has revealed the

manner in which radicalized immigrant groups launch their process of social

incorporation faster than other immigrant groups. At a time when the Canadian Federal

Government is contemplating on increasing the number of immigrants coming into

Canada from non-traditional sources, this study encapsulates the key socio-economic

characteristics that may be considered when determining candidates for immigration into

the country.

As this study was based in Toronto, Ontario, it triggers the need for an extensive analysis

of Tamils and other Sri Lankan immigrants living in other regions such as Quebec, the

Atlantic and the Prairie regions of Canada. It will be worthwhile to inquire about how Sri

Lankans reconfigure their identity in a French cultural environment in Canada, as French

becomes a third language for many of them. This thesis also brings to light the necessity

to test some hypotheses, through quantitative studies, regarding the socio-economic

mobility of Sri Lankan immigrants in comparison with other immigrant groups from

traditional source countries and non-traditional source countries.

Preliminary observations have revealed that a considerable majority of Canadian born

children of Sinhalese speaking Sri Lankans and children of Tamil speaking Sri Lankans,


who arrived in Canada as toddlers (3-5yrs) (as a result of ethnic displacement in Sri

Lanka) are reaching high educational standards in Canadian universities today (in

engineering, medicine and business etc.). (Lanka News 2007). It will be interesting to

examine how this group will enter the employment market in Canada, and the variety of

barriers and opportunities they will face in the future. The manner in which they respond

to the barriers (whether cultural or racial), will have an impact on the future identity

construction of the Sri Lankan immigrants. This second generation Sri Lankan group,

having earned their post-secondary education in Canada, has the potential to capture

esteemed positions in the Canadian labour market, and thus, they will inevitably reduce

the number of lucrative job opportunities available to new immigrants from Sri Lanka.

The Canadian-educated group, with their early exposure to the host society and their

acquired cultural capital from the host society, will undoubtedly present a vigorous

challenge to the new immigrants arriving from Sri Lanka.

Limitations of the study:

Between 1996 and 2008, the way sociologists and social scientists approached

ethnicity witnessed a paradigm shift. The conventional structural-functional ideology has

been replaced with more critical and conflict theory based approaches. This change called

for changes in terminologies and levels of analysis too. The term assimilation has been

replaced with integration which connotes a higher retention of ethnic cultures by

individuals. The visible minority was replaced with "racialized groups". (Satzewich

2007; Tyyska 2007; Galabuzi 2006) The new approaches have emerged from critical

examination of conventional concepts and theories which failed to capture the rapidly

changing realities of the ethnic populations in Canada. The present study is handicapped


by not using the new paradigms to examine date collected almost 14 years ago. The

researcher attempted, in a logical way, to use some of these new terms in the present

analysis. It is increasingly becoming clear that intersections of ethnicity such as class,

gender and even religion need to be taken into account today, for a fruitful analysis and to

properly situate ethnic groups in a host society such as Canada. The present study has

failed to examine the possible intersections in an adequate manner.

The sample for the study was drawn in a non-randomized manner about 14 years

ago. The Sri Lankan community itself has grown in numbers almost four times during

this period. Hence, the applicability of some findings to the present population may be

questionable.

Although the Tamil speaking population is the majority among the Sri Lankans in

Canada, the study does not have a sufficient coverage of them due to cultural and

political barriers encountered by the researcher.

This study only presents some predictions about the future of the second

generation. However, there are sufficient numbers of second generation children

available today for an in-depth study. Informal observations have indicated that a

majority of families among the Sinhalese speakers have at least one child who has

obtained university education in Canada.

This study does not cover any aspects of health related behaviours or security

issues of the Sri Lankans in Canada. The above three areas have become areas of

paramount importance to Canadians. Religious affiliations and attitudes towards national

security are increasingly becoming markers of the ethnic boundary making and

maintenance in North America.


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http://www.hrw.org/reports


A Sociological Study Interview Schedule

A. PERSONAL INFORMATION

1. Respondent' sex

2. In what religious group were you raised?

Male.,.1

Buddhist. Catholic.. Christian.

Female... 2

Hindu... Muslim... Other...

3. How often do you go to a Temple/Church/Kovil in Toronto:

a)How many jobs have you done so far: 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8 More

b) Which job gave you the most satisfaction c) Why: Financial...

Fellow ethnic members in the work place... White people in the workplace... Easy to travel... Similar to what you did in Sri Lnaka... Other...

d) What kind of work do you do now e) In what organization f) Would you like to tell us about your total monthly

income $500 - 999.. . .

1000-1499.. . 1500-1999.. . 2000-2499. . 2500-2999. .

3000-3499.. . 3500-3999. . . 4000-4499. . . 4000-4499. . . 4500-4999. . . 5000 >

g) In your last job in Sri Lanka, what was your monthly (Income in SL rupees) Rs. 1000-1999.... 4000-4999.. . .

2000-2999. . . . 5000-5999. . . 3000-3999 6000-6999. . .

7000>... .

5. What is the highest level of education you have Completed:

In Canada InSL Another

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Grade 5 - 1 2 College or Technical University Degree Postgraduate Q. Any Other b) Do you have specialization: c) To what extent do you think your Sri Lankan education was helpful to find a job in Canada:

6. What village/town of SL are you or your parents from:

B. IDENTITY 1. Self identification and ethnic salience

a) How do you usually think of yourself as a: ... Sri Lankan ... Sri Lankan Canadian ... Canadian

Tamil Tamil Canadian Tamil Sri Lankan

... Sinhalese ...Burgher

... Sinhalese Canadian ... Burgher Sri Lankan

... Sinhalese Sri Lankan ... Burgher Canadian

... Any other ... Do not know b) Could you name three typical characteristics that you would find in a person who belongs to the category that you have just identified yourself with:

c) How important is your ethnic identity to you: 1) Only of minor importance for my life, compared to certain other aspects of my

Life 2) Important for my life, but no more important than certain other aspects of my

Life 3) Of central importance for my life, and would, if necessary, come before other

aspects of my life d) Everyone must make many important decisions during his/her life such as whom

to marry and what to teach one's children. When you have made, or do make decisions such as these, to what extent do you make the decisions on the basis of your ethnic background?

1) I seldom if ever base such decisions on my ethnicity 2) I sometimes base such decisions on my ethnicity but

definitely not most of the time. 3) I feel that most of my important decisions are based on my ethnicity, but usually

in a general, unconscious way. 4) I feel that most of my important decisions are based on my ethnicity, and I

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Usually consciously attempt to make them so. e) Without my ethnic background, the rest of my life would not have much meaning

to it. 1) Strongly agree 2) Agree ) Disagree 4) Strongly Disagree

f) People have many social identities. Which of the following is most important to you:

Myself as a male or female person Myself as a ethnic person Myself as a Buddhist/Hindu/Christian Myself as a citizen of this country Myself as a member of company/agency/University Other..i.e. Myself as

g) Other people living in Ontario tend to call everybody coming from Sri Lanka a Sri Lankan.Do you have a problem with that:

h) If born outside of Canada, how did you come to Canada As a sponsored immigrant As an independent immigrant As a student As a visitor As a refugee. Other

i) Are you a citizen of any other country at present? Yes No

j) Are you a citizen of any other country at present? Yes No

k) Any special reasons for you to maintain your original or another citizenship?

1) Could you please provide the following information about your family: Full names Sex Age Born in Marital Status Ethnic

SL or C Backg. Of in-laws

m) How many of you have obtained Canadian Passports: Everybody in the family Father and Mother Children only Father only Mother only

n) What are the special advantages of having Canadian passport for you:

02 USE OF LANGUAGE a) What language did you first learn in childhood and are able to understand now:

Sinhala Tamil English Other

b) How well would you say you speak and understand the following languages: Sinhala Tamil English

Very well Ok Not at all Speak Sinhala Understand Sinhala Speak Tamil Understand Tamil Speak English Understand English

c) How well do you read and write Sinhala/Tamil/English Very well Ok Not at all

Read Sinhala Write Sinhala Read Tamil Write Tamil Read English Write English

d) In what language do you usually converse with the following: Spouse: Children: Parents: Sri Lnkan friends In-laws:

e) How do you feel about your children learning your mother tongue: Strongly agree Agree No comments Disagree Strongly disagree What is your justification for this stand:

f) Do you speak an other languages: French Spanish German Mandarin Bengali Hindi Japanese Swahili Arabic Other

g) Do you read any SL newspapers published in SL? No Yes, once a week Yes, once a month Occasionally

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FOOD HABITS AND ATTIRES a) What meal do you consider to be your major meal on a week day:

Breakfast Lunch Dinner b) What would you usually eat for this meal: describe c) How often do you try to have Sri Lankan meals: d) How do you get SL food items: e) For a Non-Sri Lnkan what items would you recommend as Sri Lankan food:

f) Have you ever worn a Saree of SL national dress in Canada: Discribe the occasion

g) Do you feel that your children should wear SL dresses? Yes No If yes, for what kind of occasions?

INVOLVEMENT WITH OTHER SRI LANKANS a) Who were your contacts in Canada prior to arrival:

b) If Canadian born: Year of Birth c) Describe your experiences during the first year in Canada: (food, weather, jobs, housing, language, children etc.)

d) Was there anyone who helped you in anyway to get your present job:

e) Was he/she: a Sri Lankan East Indian Canadian Other

f) What was his/her exact role or help: g) Have you ever helped a Sri Lankan to find a job:

(describe) why, when etc. h) How many times have you been to Sri Lanka during the past 15 years:

Once 2 - 5 6 - 1 0 More i) Reasons as to why you went to SL:

j) What other countries have you visited/lived in during the past 15 years and for what reasons:

k) What contacts do you have with people in SL: Write letters to friends/relative Send gifts/medicine etc Donate money to SL charities Sponsor SL children

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05 KNOWLEDGE OF SL/ CANADIAN HISTORY/TRADITIONS/VALUES a) What do you know about king Parakramabahu the Great or Elara and John A

MacDonald or the year 1867 in Canada:

b) What is the significance of the temple of Tooth Relic in Kandy:

c) What do you know about the Madu festival:

d) What is the significance about the Madu festival

e) What is the significance of Kataragama festival:

06 OBLIGATIONS TOWARD SRI LANKANS a) Are you a member of any organization at present:

Describe:

b) Have you ever been a member of a SL organization: Describe:

c) Do you feel obliged to assist fellow Sri Lankans: (in finding jobs, loans, in marriage, in crisis etc.)

07 FEELING COMFORTABLE WITH SL CULTURE a) When you encounter an emotional problem what would you do:

Go to a counselor... Go to a Sinhala/Tamil/Burgher/Other friend Listen to Sinhala/Tamil/English music Go for a walk Talk to a family member Any other

b) How trustworthy are your own ethnic group members:

c) Who is your most trustworthy friend: name and ethnicity

d) Do you attend SL musical evenings?

e) When you feel like going dancing you would prefer to go to: Dance club in Ontario Sri Lankan dance Other

f) a. What do you feel about the dating practice of Canadian Children:

b. What do you feel about your sons going out and dating Sri Lankan girls:

c. Non-Sri Lankan girls:

d. What about your daughters: Sri Lankan boys

e. Non- Sri Lankan boys

f. How about marrying Non-Sri Lankans:

g. What do you feel about the Canadian practice of addressing people by first names:

h. What do you feel about your children moving into private apartments at age 18: Strongly agree ...Agree...No comments...Strongly Disagree...Disagree....

a) b) c)

,d) e) f) g) h)

g) If you have any personal experiences about inter-ethnic marriages please describe them:

h) What role would you play in giving your children proper education on sexual matter; and why:

i) What qualities would you aspire in your children when they grow up:

j) What specific Sinhala/Tamil/Burgher values would you expect your children to have

k) Did you ever have any problems with your children/parents here in Canada: describe

1) Are you happy in Canada: describe how and why

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08 COHORT BELONGING TO a) When did you come to Canada: b) How did you come to Canada:

1. Alone 2. With spouse 3. With spouse and children 4. With parents

c) Did you live in any other country prior to your coming to Canada: Yes No

d) If yes., how long: Country

e) Describe your experiences in the country: (what you did, whether you were happy, reason for leaving etc.)

09 INTERNAL ETHNICITY-BOUNDARY MAINTENANCE Which of the following statements would you agree with: a) ....Sinhalese in Canada should have their own associan

....Tamils in Canada should have their own association Burghers in Canada should have their own association

... .All three groups should have one association

.... All three groups should join Canadian associations

.... In Canada there should be only Sri Lankans

b) . . ..Tamils in Sri Lanka need a separate country ....Tamils in Sri Lanka should join the proposed federal state for Sri Lanka ... .Inter-ethnic marriage is the best solution for the ethnic problem in SL

c) What are your justifications for these stands you have taken:

d) How many families or people of other SL sub-ethnic groups of SL origin:

e) Do you have any problems interacting with other sub-ethnic groups of SL origin?

f) When you compare Sri Lanka with Canada what major differences would you find:

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COMMENTS, OBSERVATIONS:

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UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO Inventing the Sri Lankans: by Sarath ...

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