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LETTER FROM THE DAIS

Dear Delegates,

Hello everyone! My name is Wendy and I, along with Emily, am your senior staffer YMUN 39’s Commission on the Status of Women. Currently, I’m a sophomore at Yale, majoring in Psychology with a Neuroscience track with plans to go to graduate school.

Outside of the classroom and YMUN, I am also part of Yale’s Mock Trial team, a mentor in WYSE (Women and Youth Supporting Each Other), a mentoring group for local middle school girls, and I am running a non-profit, Codi’s Hats.

With the ever-evolving policies on reproductive health rights and women’s rights, I’m ex-cited to see the different stances and cultural clashes that the topics may bring out. I look forward to seeing how you all respond in the committee. See you soon!

- Wendy Cai, Yale ‘15

Hi guys! I’m Emily, and I will also be working as one of the directors for CSW. A North-ern California native, I’m currently a sophomore at Yale in Branford College, majoring in Economics with a possible double major in East Asian Studies. After graduation, I hope to live and work in China for several years before pursuing a graduate degree, possibly in business or law.

When not going to classes or preparing for YMUN, I also serve as a mentor in ReadySet-Launch, an organization providing college counseling services to low-income students, participate in Danceworks, a dance group at Yale, and I serve on the alumni fundraising board for my high school. I also enjoy cooking, baking, and playing softball.

I can’t wait to hear your thoughts on the topics we have prepared for committee this year. Women’s rights remain a hotly debated topic globally, and I know you all are going to come up with informed, innovative solutions to these pressing problems. Please don’t hes-itate to email either Wendy or me with any questions or concerns.

- Emily Harris, Yale ‘15

All the best, Wendy Cai (wendy.cai@yale.edu) Emily Harris (emily.harris@yale.edu)

Welcome delegates!

I’m Miranda Melcher, one of your YMUN SC officers! I’m thrilled to be part of this exciting

committee and cannot wait to meet and work with you all. I am a student of Branford College

in the Class of 2016, and am studying international security, focusing on China-Middle East

relations. I grew up in Beijing, China and attended a British school where MUN became my

main extra-curricular activity. Over my six years in MUN, I have participated 20 conferences

as a delegate, Chair, Secretary-General, and Director. One of the reasons I’m so looking

forward to YMUN 2014 is that the Security Council has always been my favourite committee

(even as SG...shhhh, SGs aren’t supposed to have favourites). Outside of YMUN, I’m

involved in experimental theatre, the Party of the Left, the Slifka Center for Jewish Life, the

Women’s Leadership Initiative, and will experience Model Congress for the first time at

YMC 2013. I look forward to meeting you all, reading your position papers, and hearing your

speeches. If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to email me at. See you in January!

- Miranda Melcher, Yale ’16

Hello, delegates! I’m Jonathan Rajaseelan, also one of the YMUN SC officers, and I am so

looking forward to meeting you all! I’m Class of 2015, in Saybrook College, and am double-

majoring in chemistry and music. I am particularly interested in the intersection between

medical science, global health, and foreign policy. MUN has been a significant extra-

curricular for me since high school; I have served in the Secretariat and as a Chair in

local/school conferences, and attended THIMUN 2011 as a delegate to the General Assembly.

At Yale, I work in a chemistry lab that focuses on drug and vaccine synthesis, sing in the Glee

Club and ISM Recital Chorus, study organ at the Institute of Sacred Music, am involved in

Yale’s Cru ministry, and conduct the Berkeley College Orchestra here on campus. Please feel

free to email me at any time with questions, concerns, or even if you just want to introduce

yourself! Looking forward to seeing you in January!

- Jonathan Rajaseelan, Yale ’15

All the best,

Miranda Melcher (miranda.melcher@yale.edu)

Jonathan Rajaseelan (jonathan.rajaseelan@yale.edu)!

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TABLE OF CONTENTS History of the Committee 5 Situation in the Sahara

Topic History 6 Current Situation 11 Questions to Consider 18

Question of Civil Wars Topic History 19 Current Situation 25 Questions to Consider 32

Role of the Committee 33 Structure of the Committee 34 Country Positions 35 Suggestions for Further Research 39 Footnotes 40

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The UN Security Council, the body tasked

with maintaining international peace and security,

held its first formal session on January 17, 1946 at

Westminster House, Londoni. The international

community was worn and fractured by the shadows

of the Second World War, and the stark reality was

that the League of Nations had failed in its most

important mission: to prevent future world wars. It

was time for a new international body to be formed

to deal with the situation. The League was

dissolved in 1946 and its mission handed over to

the UN. For many, the founding of the United

Nations sparked a new hope for a more peaceful,

united, and stable world. Specifically, the UN

Security Council was given both the authority and

the means to accomplish this; from declaring

sanctions, to creating peacekeeping missions, to

authorizing military action, the SC shouldered the

enormous responsibility of promoting and

preserving international peace and security. By the

end of its first year, the council had passed 15

resolutions dealing with issues ranging from Iran to

the International Court of Justiceii.

The structure of the committee is clearly

outlined in Chapter V of the UN Charteriii.

There are 15 members in total. The Five

“permanent members” – the United States of

America, the United Kingdom, the Russian

Federation, the People’s Republic of China, and

France – hold veto power and were the victorious

powers post-World War IIiv. The remaining ten

members are elected on a biannual basis by the

General Assembly according to a formula based on

UN regional blocs.

For YMUN 2014, the countries sitting on

the SC are: US, UK, France, PRC, Russian

Federation, India, Qatar, Czech Republic, Rwanda,

Algeria, Nigeria, Peru, Colombia, Turkey, and the

Netherlands.

2011 meeting of the UNSC over Syria. Photo credit: Reuters.

History of the Committee!

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The Sahara region of Africa has long been

of economic, religious, and political interest. Even

before the discovery of the New World, Timbuktu

(now in northern Mali) was a center for trade and

Islamic thought. Various trans-Saharan trade routes

have long been important in linking West Africa

with the Middle East, Asia, and East Africa. The

term “sahara” has more to do with geography than

politics, and covers quite a few countries including:

Algeria, Chad, Egypt, Libya, Mali, Mauritania,

Morocco, Niger, Sudan, Western Sahara, and

Tunisiav. As the topic is to do with the entire region

and not one country in particular, of special interest

are the countries involved or affected by trans-

border issues, conflicts, and disputes.

Unsurprisingly, because the UNSC does have a

history, duty, and responsibility of tackling the

most difficult and complicated of issues, this region

has a lot of international issues to be resolved.

Many of these problems arise out of the

nature of the term “Sahara” itself; the word is

derived from the Arabic word for “desert” and the

definition is even more accurate all these centuries

later. Due to climate change, increased urbanization

and modernization as well as expanding resource

exploitation, desertification worldwide has been on

the rise. For many countries this is problematic, but

for countries that are comprised either mainly or

entirely of desert, it becomes an insurmountable

problem that gives rise to many morevi.

Map of the Sahara desert region. Photo credit: http://enviro-map.com/sahara-desert-map

While some of these countries, such as

Libya, Egypt, Algeria, and Tunisia have natural

resources and industries that are developed enough

to generate income from them, in Libya and Egypt

especially, recent political and military eventsvii

caused by the “Arab Spring” have superseded

economic concerns leading to financial

difficultiesviii.

TOPIC I.

Situation in the Sahara Topic History !

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Despite this, however, if political stability and

physical security can be improved, these four

countries and Morocco have the ability to increase

revenue and thus deal with economic issues caused

by poverty.

Other countries in the region are not as

lucky. Mali, for example, is the 11th poorest country

in the world while Niger is the 7thix. Both of these

countries are faced with a multitude of complicated

problems; from ethnic tensions to political

instability to very poor economies. In fact, the

Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs’

(OCHA) Central Emergency Response Fund

(CERF) for neglected crises currently uses its funds

on Niger, as well as Chad and Mauritania.x

Mali suffered decades of dictatorship

following independence from France, but after

1991, the country entered a period of stability and

democracy with repeatedly free and fair elections.

Despite this, Mali is one of the poorest countries

partially due to the fact that its landlocked and yet

must rely on exports for its economy. With the help

of the International Monetary Fund, Mali was able

to develop its iron ore industry, but farming

remains the key revenue generator for the entire

country. As 65% of the country is desert and thus

unsuited to farmingxi, this industry has not been

able to move Mali out of the ranks of poorest

countries in the world and food security remains a

concern.xii

Niger is quite similar to Mali in that it was

ruled for decades by a military dictatorship, but

unlike Mali, Niger’s history of democracy is more

or less stable. Following a number of coups from

1991 onwards, Niger has been faced with a very

politically involved military as well as rising Tuareg

ethnic tensions in the North. Niger’s economy rests

almost entirely on subsistence agriculture and the

government has insufficient revenue to develop the

significant oil, uranium, and ore resources or fight

desertificationxiii. After Mali’s former president tried

to change the constitution to keep himself in power

in 2009 and during the rule of the military coup

that deposed him in 2010, most international aid

was cut off from Niger, greatly harming the

economyxiv.

Map of Mali. Photo credit: CIA World Factbook

Chad and Sudan are the 31st and 41st

poorest countries respectively, but face different

challenges than Mali and Niger. Chad and Sudan

have significant environmental problems, as the

northern portions of the two countries are firmly

Saharan, whereas the southern portions are nearly

tropical, and thus much more agriculturally

sustainable. In both countries, however, the ruling

body and power is all located in the north,

exacerbating pre-existing social, religious,

linguistic, and political barriers between north and

south. Chad, which has been ruled by the military

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dictator President Idriss Deby since 1990, has a

barely functioning economy and few resources.

Furthermore, many of the problems in Chad can be

attributed to the decades long Sudanese civil war

that is still going on in the Darfur region that

borders Chadxv. Tensions between the two

countries escalated in 2003, when the Sudanese

government support for the Janjaweed (a Sudanese

militia group officially independent from the

Sudanese governmentxvi) to allow raids on the

eastern Sudanese region of Darfur to encompass

Chad as well. Chad harbors nearly 300,000

Sudanese refugees and has nearly 100,000 of its

own people who have been forced to flee their

homes due to these raids. The overall lack of

economic opportunity and physical security has

compounded Chad’s human trafficking problem as

well.

Despite all of these issues, Chad has one of

the best-trained militaries in Africa, and has

routinely provided assistance to other African

countries. For example, Chadian soldiers were the

most effective part of the African Union mission in

Mali in 2013, but following the death of over 20

Chadian soldiers; President Deby decided to start

pulling all 2,000 of his troops out starting in April

2013.xvii Chadian soldiers, however, may be

contributed to the UN mission in Mali.

Map of Chad. Photo credit: http://www.infoplease.com/atlas/country/chad.html

Sudan’s modern history has been rife with

conflict. Following independence in 1956, Sudan

was ruled by one military-Islamic dictatorship after

another. The southern part of

the country rebelled against the more powerful

north and Sudan endured decades of civil war. The

conflict was finally ended in 2005, and the peace

agreement eventually led to the creation of South

Sudan in July 2011xviii. Since then, however,

hostilities have not ended though full-scale war has

not broken out. While issues between Sudan and

South Sudan are more pertinent to Topic 2, the

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conflict with South Sudan has exacerbated existing

problems in Sudan. Sudan lost most of its oil fields

through the creation of South Sudan, greatly

weakening the economyxix. Starting in 2005, Sudan

played reluctant host to a UN Peacekeeping

Mission (UNMIS)xx to help resolve the civil war

and the creation of South Sudan. But when it was

proposed that the mission extend its duties to

Darfur, the Sudanese government demanded that

any mission working in Darfur included the African

Union as wellxxi. The mission was established, but

the Sudanese government’s relationship with the

rest of the world is not very stable. One reason for

this is that the International Criminal Court wants

the President of Sudan for war crimes and crimes

against humanityxxii. He has evaded arrest so far,

but his ability to travel and influence the rest of the

world is limited. Following the implementation of

two UNSC resolutionsxxiii, in 2006, the US

implemented sanctionsxxiv against the Sudanese

government, finances, and oil industry most of

which are still in place todayxxv.

Map of Sudan. Photo credit: http://wwwnc.cdc.gov/travel/destinations/traveler/none/sudan

Algeria’s 20th century history has mainly

involved warfare; first against the French to gain

independence, and then between the Islamists and

the military. The civil war started in 1991 and ended

in 2000, but the problems did not stop there. In

2006, an anti-government Salafist group allied with

Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and

started launching terrorist attacks on the

governmentxxvi. Algeria’s economy is heavily based

on oil exports and is mainly controlled by the

government. This economic environment gave rise

to protests in 2011 when Egypt and Tunisia were

starting the Arab Spring. Despite these protests,

Algeria did not experience a change of power

during the Arab Spring, though the government

(under the 11 year presidency of Abdelaziz

Bouteflika) did undergo a few reforms such as

lifting the decades old emergency law to pacify

protestersxxvii.

For two decades, Mauritania was ruled by a

military dictator who was deposed in a bloodless

coup in 2005. Although free and fair elections put a

democratic president in charge in 2007, a 2008

military coup came to, and remains, in powerxxviii.

One of Mauritania’s biggest issues is to do

with its mixed population and the tensions between

the Arab-Berbers and Afro-Mauritaniansxxix.

Mauritania is also involved in the situation of

Western Sahara, although Mauritania’s control over

the territory was only for three years from 1976-

1979. Like Algeria, Mauritania faces a threat from

AQIM. Mauritania’s economy relies heavily on iron

ore exports and other minerals, though the

government has been working with the IMF to

expand and diversify the economyxxx.

Morocco, unlike the other Saharan

countries, is a constitutional monarchy and the

royal family dates back to the 17th century. Also

unlike other North African countries, when protests

started in 2011 calling for more transparency and

reform, the king responded quickly with early

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elections and a new constitution. Following the July

2011 election, more power was transferred to the

prime minister and legislature, which was won by

an Islamist partyxxxi. Morocco’s economy is doing

quite well and is very stable, mainly due to the

diversified nature and long-term efforts to create

good trade relationships. Morocco has a Free Trade

Agreement with the USxxxii and favourable trade

agreements with Europe.

Morocco’s source of conflict, however,

comes from the disputed territory of Western

Sahara. While the UN recognizes the territory as

self-governing and the AU recognizes it as a

country, it has been de facto controlled by Morocco

since Spain gave up control of the territory in 1975.

Moroccan royal family. Photo credit: http://rudebutgood.blogspot.com/2011/12/mohammed-vi-of-morocco.html

The Western Sahara is not a formally

African Union, which counts the SADR as a

member, but not Moroccoxxxiii. The conflict started

in 1975 when Morocco gained control through a

mass demonstration called the Green March the

territory from Spain, causing around 165,000

people in the area to flee to Algeria where they

remain todayxxxiv. A ceasefire agreement was enacted

in 1991 and a UN peacekeeping mission was set up.

Although a referendum on independence or

assimilation was agreed upon, due to arguments

about voter eligibility, the referendum has never

been held and the peacekeeping mission remainsxxxv.

Western Sahara is entirely desert, and thus the

territory must import the majority of its food and

relies heavily on Morocco for employment and

revenue. Although Western Sahara does have

natural resources, Morocco and the Polisario Front

cannot agree on who owns the rights to them and

thus the resources have not been touched.

Map of Western Sahara. Photo credit: http://www.infoplease.com/atlas/country/westernsahara.html

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The current situation in the Sahara region

is quite complicated as most of the countries are

involved in both domestic and international

disputes and problems. One of the biggest sources

of tension is the on-going Arab Spring process that

started in Tunisia and spread to Egypt, Libya,

Morocco, and to some extent Algeria as well.

Southern Saharan states are being forced to deal

with much of the fall out of the Arab Spring,

especially from Libya, which is leading to increased

ethnic tensions and violence that cannot be

contained by already porous borders. The situation

of Western Sahara is an on-going problem that has

not be helped by Arab Spring-related instability in

the Moroccan government, and the situation within

Sudan and between Chad and Sudan is being

negatively affected by Sudan and South Sudan’s

fractious relationship.

UN peacekeeping missions are key to this

region; there are already three in place, in the

Western Sahara, Darfur, and as of April 2013, a

mission in Mali. The African Union (AU) also has a

presence in Western Sahara as well as in Chad.

However, as mentioned in the above histories, not

all of the violence in these countries is easily solved;

there are many underlying problems and factors

that must be addressed for a sustainable solution.

One of the key things needed for creative solutions

to be developed is accurate information about both

the historical and current problems in these

Saharan countries. While the following information

is accurate as of summer 2013, this is a constantly

changing situation and will require follow-up

research.

Until 2011, Libya was under the rule of an

oppressive, eccentric, and power-hungry dictator,

Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. Following protests

triggered by the start of the Arab Spring in Egypt

and in Tunisia, a widespread rebellion broke out

against Gaddafi leading to an all-out and brutal civil

war.

After the UNSC approved an intervention,

the rebel government quickly gained control of the

country in October of 2011. With the help of

NATO, the newly formed rebel government

succeeded in defeating the dictator, who was killed

during the violence. However, despite the new

government coming to power, the establishment of

a parliament and elections, as well as a UN

peacekeeping mission (UNSMIL)xxxvi, problems

remain for Libyaxxxvii. One of the biggest issues is

the lack of security as insurgent attacks by Gaddafi

loyalists persist mainly because the new

government does not have a coherent security force

of their own. The majority of the civil war was

fought by civilian militias, formed in individual

villages and not organized in any formal matter

until after the war was over. But the strong loyalties

and ideological differences between the different

militias has made it essentially impossible to form a

state security apparatus, thus leading to the

prevalence of violencexxxviii and extrajudicial security

measuresxxxix. This massive security challengexl was

highlighted when the American ambassador to

Libya was killed in an attack on the Benghazi

consulate in September 2012xli. Furthermore,

political assassinations have increased, as have car

bombsxlii. Aside from security problems, the Libyan

civil war also resulted in a lot of refugees fleeing to

neighbouring countriesxliii and an increase in

violence and illegal arms pouring into other

countries. In fact, it was weapons from former

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Gaddafi soldiers that emboldened members of the

Tuareg ethnic group in northern Malixliv to attempt

to create a breakaway state that resulted in a French

intervention that is now being taken over by the

UN. Libya’s economy struggled in early 2013 as oil

production (Libya’s main source of revenue) had

stopped during the warxlv, but trade and investment

are increasing rapidlyxlvi.

Former Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi. Photo credit: http://chronicle.com/blogs/brainstorm/qaddafis-legacy/32584

Like Libya, in January 2011 Tunisia was

under the 23-year rule of a dictator. Following the

public suicide of a street vendor, protests over

economic and political conditions began and

eventually forced the president to resign and the

former ruling party to be bannedxlvii. Unlike Libya,

however, there was no civil war, and following free

and fair elections in October of 2011, the Islamist

party Ennahda came to power. Despite their

religious nature, the party stated in March 2012 that

sharia will not become the basis of Tunisian law

and instead will stay a secular governmentxlviii. Since

then, there have been some protestsxlix, but the

country was relatively stable until an opposition

leader was assassinated in July 2013 igniting

massive protests and the writing of a new

constitutionl. Tunisia is being forced to deal with

repercussions of Libya’s civil war including

refugeesli, smugglinglii, and a potential increase in

attention from Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb

(AQIM)liii.

Map of Tunisia. Photo credit: http://www.lonelyplanet.com/maps/africa/tunisia/

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Before the Arab Spring, Algeria’s

government and foreign relations were productive

and stable. Since the fall of Libya’s former dictator,

however, Algeria has been suffering from the

increased violence and arms spreading throughout

the region. In January 2013 terrorists captured a gas

field and held over 37 foreign workers hostage

before eventually killing them allliv.

Following this attack, the Algerian

government has committed to working even more

closely with its neighbours and Western powerslv to

stop terrorist attackslvi. The rebel movement in Mali

has also adversely affected Algeria although the

government tried placating the Islamist groups at

first, this backfired and helped contribute to the

terrorist attackslvii.

Given Morocco’s timely answer to their

Arab Spring protests and little development in the

situation in Western Sahara, the current situation

in the country is much like its neighbours. A

willingness to work together to stop terrorist

threats encouraged by the fall of Gaddafi’s Libya, a

desire to increase stability and economic conditions

(especially employment) and also a distinct

preference to continuing the status quo in Western

Sahara while Algeria in particular is occupied with

stopping terrorists and the situation in Mali.

Domestically, there are some in Morocco who are

worried that the recent government changes may

lead to a rise of Islamism in Moroccolviii.

The current situation in the Western

Sahara is mainly unchanged; the territory is still

split between the Polisario Front and Morocco,

with the UN peacekeeping mission in the middle.

Riots in late 2010 have led to worries over increased

violence in the arealix. An increase in terrorist attacks

against the Moroccan government seems to justify

this fear, especially as the suspects who were

arrested are thought to have ties to Al-Qaeda in the

Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)lx. The UN mission in

Western Sahara has an on-going mandate from the

UNSC, but Moroccan allies France and the US has

repeatedly blocked the Council from expanding the

mandate to protect, for example, human rightslxi.

Aside from the conflict itself, Western Sahara still

have thousands of refugees in Algeria and an

unstable economic system that is supported almost

entirely by Morocco.

Map of Morocco. Photo credit: http://www.infoplease.com/atlas/country/morocco.html

Following Libya’s revolution in 2011,

thousands of people originally from Mali fled the

country and returned to Mali. This sparked long-

standing ethnic tensions in the north of Mali,

especially as the civil war in Libya provided rebels

in northern Mali with weapons. In early 2012,

Tuareg Islamists in northern Mali declared the

northern part of the country to be a new state called

Azawadlxii. Mid-level soldiers in the capital city of

Mali say the government’s failure to repress the

rebellion and staged a military coup in March 2012,

deposing the fairly elected president. Following in-

depth mediation led by the Economic Community

of West African States (ECOWAS), the civilian

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government (with a new interim president) came

back to power in April 2012, but the problems of

Mali were far from over. The rebels expanded their

hold on the north, causing thousands of Malians to

flee to the south and to neighbouring countries. At

the urging of its former colony, France launched a

military mission in January 2013lxiii and took back

the north with the help of African forces such as

Chadian soldiers. A UN mission (UNUSMA) took

overlxiv from the French-AU mission in April 2013lxv,

and following a ceasefire agreement in May 2013lxvi

elections are scheduled for later in 2013lxvii, which

may not be possible due to security concernslxviii and

inabilities to accommodate the thousands of Malian

refugees in timelxix. The UN mission has troops

from a wide range of countries including

permanent member China; Nigerialxx has pulled

some their troops from the missionlxxi.

Despite the success of the military

intervention, Islamists remain in the north and are

very difficult to find as the entire northern part of

the country is desert, thus a main concern of the

mission is counterterrorismlxxii. Chadian soldiers in

particular have been helpful as they are some of the

best-trained troops in desert warfare, making their

withdrawal worrying. As one of the poorest

countries in the world, Mali’s recent instability has

exacerbated food securitylxxiii and malnutritionlxxiv

concerns. The thousands of refugeeslxxv that Mali’s

poor neighbouring countries have been forced to

take in have also hindered regional support for

Mali. While billions in aid have been pledged by

outside donorslxxvi, these problems remain to be

solved and stand the best chance of success if done

with regional cooperationlxxvii.

Flag of Azawad. Photo credit: Wikimedia

Niger’s biggest issue, aside from being one

of the poorest countries in the world with an

undeveloped economy, has to deal with spill over

from the conflicts in Libya and in Mali. Niger is

currently hosting around 50,000 Malian

refugeeslxxviii, and violence in the north of Niger is

being fuelled by instability in Libya. Violence from

religious extremists in Nigeria has also been an

issue, though Nigeria’s recently launched military

campaigns against Boko Haram will likely mitigate

the effect on Niger. In July 2013, terrorists in league

with the terrorists who attacked Algeria in early

2013 launched Niger’s first ever suicide attack,

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causing more worries in this incredibly poor

countrylxxix. Security for Niger’s two main sources

of income - a uranium mine and a few oil facilities -

rests in the hands of foreign companies, who may

flee if the violence worsens, greatly harming Niger’s

economylxxx. The country has the fastest growing

population in Africalxxxi, yet suffers crippling lack of

electricitylxxxii and povertylxxxiii.

Malian refugees in Niger. Photo credit: http://www.unhcr.org/4fc8dfa26.html

Chad is currently facing problems caused

by a huge influx of returneeslxxxiv, former Chadian

refugees who are now being forced to flee back to

Chad following conflict in Darfur, Mali, Niger, and

Libya. But as Chad is already suffering from

poverty and malnutrition, these returnees are

greatly straining Chad’s resourceslxxxv and

hampering the government’s ability to assist

neighbouring countrieslxxxvi. Despite this, Chad was

the only regional country that sent troops into Mali

with the French, where they proved their desert

training and became indispensablelxxxvii. Given that

Chad is ruled by an authoritarian dictator, this new

military prominence is a good sign for regional

cooperation on violence in the area, but could lead

to problems later if the forces are not integrated

with UN, AU, or ECOWAS forces. For example,

Chadian troops are only allowed to join the new

UN mission in Mali after its forces have been

screened for child soldierslxxxviii.

Chadian soldiers. Photo credit: http://www.alarabiya.net/articles/2013/02/05/264551.html

Despite the successful establishment of

South Sudan in 2011, conflict within Sudan has

barely decreased. Border skirmishes with South

Sudan over disputed territories are common, and

fighting in Darfur has gone on unstopped (despite

a UN peacekeeping mission) for a decadelxxxix. On-

going and increasingly violent fighting against

peacekeepers in Darfur and on the border with

South Sudan have stretched the two UN

peacekeeping missions to their limits, and often

leave them unable to execute their mandatexc. The

continued fighting in Darfur has repercussions for

the entire country as it greatly threatens Sudan’s

food securityxci.

Furthermore, the conflict in Darfur has

recently seen increases in ethnic violence and a

continued prevalence of rape as a weaponxcii. Sudan

also hosts thousands of refugees from neighbouring

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countries and over two million Sudanese are

internally displaced in their own countryxciii.

Sudan’s economy is suffering as South Sudan now

has most of the formerly united country’s oil

facilities, and disputes between the two countries

have cut off Sudan’s supply of oil. The ICC’s arrest

warrant for Sudan’s president has caused him to

either not attend or leave early from regional

meetingsxciv, making it difficult for Sudan to

contribute regionally to anything.

Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir. Photo credit: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2957965/Sudan-launched-fresh-attacks-on-Darfur-villages-rebels-say.html

Aside from facing similar threats of

terrorism from its neighbours, Mauritania also faces

enormous domestic issues rooted in a regional

tradition of slavery. Despite laws passed against all

forms of slavery (the most recent one of which was

passed in 2007), rights groups have accused the

government of not enforcing these laws for political

reasons.

Although there technically is no longer

slavery in the country, there is widespread

discrimination by Arab/Berber Mauritanians

against southern Afro-Mauritanians that has led to

forced marriages and lack of social mobilityxcv.

Inspired by the Arab Spring protests in Libya,

Mauritanians tried to protest against the

government on the issue of slavery, but were

unsuccessful. Mauritania is also host to 200,000

Malian refugees and 26,000 refugees from Western

Saharaxcvi. However, Mauritania’s agrarian economy

is suffering by the inability to go into northern Mali

to graze cattle, as has been done for hundreds of

years. Thus, refugees in the country face an

increasingly worse situation, as Mauritanians near

refugee camps are so poor that they are trying to

register as refugees to obtain international aid

packagesxcvii.

As has been widely reported for the past

few years, Egypt has been experiencing a very

tumultuous path following Hosni Mubarak’s

overthrow in 2011. Following military rule from

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February 2011 until elections in June 2012 when an

Islamist president named Mohamad Morsi was

electedxcviii. However, despite campaign promises of

secular inclusiveness, Morsi quickly turned against

the public by, giving himself emergency powers in

November 2012. After the largest protests in the

country’s history in June 2013, Morsi was

overthrown by the military, who as of July 2013 is

still in charge, casting grave doubts on Egypt’s hope

for democracyxcix. Riots and attacks have occurred

across Egypt and seem to be getting worse. Egypt’s

economy is failing, and without a massive

International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout, is

unlikely to recoverc. Due to the military coup,

Western economic aid may be withdrawn, making

Egypt as a whole more desperate despite pledges of

aid from Arabian Gulf countriesci. Egypt’s

instability is threatening to spill over into

neighbouring states including Sudan, Libya, and

Israelcii. It is also preventing Egypt, long an Arab

and Maghrebi leader, from influencing any regional

events positively. As of July 21, 2013, Egypt’s new

cabinet was formed and met for the first time.

However, concerns have been raised over the fact

that many prominent leaders under Mubarak’s

regime are on the new cabinetciii.

Protests in Tahrir Square, Cairo. Photo credit: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/feb/01/ahdaf-soueif-egypt-protests

Overall, the Sahara region as a whole is

facing unprecedented security concerns that

transcend national boundariesciv. As many of these

problems have been caused or exacerbated by ethnic

and economic tensions and in some cases already

involve UN peacekeeping troops, resolutions will

have to rely heavily on innovative and regional

solutionscv.

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Questions to Consider!!!As has been made clear in the previous sections, this topic is quite complicated and will require detailed and

wide-ranging ideas for clauses. Delegates should be thinking about the following areas (though this is not an

exhaustive list) for clause development.

How can UN, AU, and ECOWAS cooperation and military involvement contribute and enhance a regional

solution? What other existing or nascent organizations have a role to play?

What solutions can be devised that both contribute to better border control but do not alienate neighbouring

countries? How does human trafficking and weapons trafficking fit in to regional security?

How can transnational solutions for food security and poverty alleviation be implemented in politically unstable

countries? How can these countries achieve economic development that benefits the masses, does not lead to

corruption, and is not exploitative? What can be done for the millions of refugees in the region?

What is the best way forward for Western Sahara? How can the negative consequences of the Arab Spring be

reduced?

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While the United Nations is an

international body with nearly every country in the

world as a member, the purpose of the

organization is still very much to prevent

international conflict; wars between two member

states or even just sovereign states. The UN was

not created to prevent or resolve civil wars. In fact,

Article 2 of the UN Charter states that “nothing

contained in the present Charter shall authorize

the United Nations to intervene in matters which

are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of

any state or shall require the Members to submit

such matters to settlement under the present

Chartercvi. As civil conflicts have become more and

more likely to affect neighbouring countries,

however, civil wars of this kind can fall under the

purview of the United Nations and specifically the

Security Council.

Thus, the task is to devise and implement

measures that can be applied across conflicts so as

to contain, mitigate and potentially improve the

situation of the people and government of any

country embroiled in civil war as well as any

countries affected by the conflict.

The civil war in Sri Lanka, fought between

the Sri Lankan government (mainly of Sinhalese

ethnic origin) and the Tamil-separatist group the

Liberation Tamil Tigers of Eelam (LTTE), is

considered one of the longest on-going conflicts of

the last half-century, lasting upwards of 26

yearscvii. Ethnic tensions between the Sinhalese

majority and Tamil minority had been heated

since the country gained independence from

Britain in 1948, and the ensuing three decades of

violence killed more than 70,000 people and left

many thousands more internally displaced in

extreme povertycviii. The official start of the conflict

in July of 1983 is now infamously remembered as

“Black July.” After the LTTE had killed 13 Sri

Lankan soldiers, there were anti-Tamil pogroms

all over the country. For seven days mobs of

mainly Sinhalese attacked Tamil targets, burning

homes, looting shops, raping women and killing

many innocent people. Estimates of the death toll

range between 400 and 3,000. 8,000 homes and

5,000 shops were destroyed, and 150,000 people

were made homelesscix. In short, the devastation

was incalculable. The economic effects were also

severe: when the riots and violence broke out there

was massive unemployment across the country

and foreign investment steeply declinedcx. Most

significantly, the riots forced thousands of now-

homeless Tamils to either flee the country and go

to Tamil-Nadu in India or to live in refugee camps

(where conditions were so bad that many died of

malnutrition and other diseases)cxi.

Fighting in Sri Lanka. Photo credit: http://newshopper.sulekha.com/sri-lanka-civil-war_photo_816879.htm

Yet, the effects of Sri Lanka’s civil war

stretched beyond its own borders. India was

drawn into the conflict, seeing itself as a potential

mediator between the Sri Lankan government and

the LTTE. However, when Indian troops marched

TOPIC II.

Question of Civil Wars Topic History !

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onto Sri Lankan territory, they ended up killing

many civilians in the northern and eastern regions

of the country and failed in all their attempts to

negotiate a peace agreement between the Sri

Lankan government and the LTTEcxii. The LTTE,

in response to the violence the Indian army had

afflicted on the Tamils of the land, assassinated the

Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991cxiii.

Tensions continued only to escalate, leading to

thousands of deaths on both sides.

During the conflict, the LTTE was

involved in arms smuggling and drug trafficking

in places as far-reaching as Canada. They were also

found guilty of numerous human rights

violations; they recruited over a thousand child

soldiers and used torture against prisoners of war

though they had earlier agreed to abide by the

Geneva conventions. Most significantly, however,

the LTTE is credited with the first-ever use of a

suicide bomb, a form of extreme terrorism soon

exported to many other regions of the world,

particularly the Middle Eastcxiv.

Flag of the LTTE. Photo credit: http://www.lankaeagle.com/?p=5994

Yet the Sri Lankan government was

certainly not without fault; at the official

conclusion of the war in 2009, UN Secretary

General Ban-Ki Moon formed a special

commission to look into the question of whether

Sri Lanka had committed acts of genocide against

its own Tamil people. The report concluded the

Sri Lankan government was indeed guilty of many

human rights violations throughout the

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duration of the conflict, especially in the final

months of 2009cxv. These include intentional

killing of civilians, ethnic cleansing of non-

Sinhalese minorities, abolishing Habeas Corpus,

and abominable conditions in the Tamil refugee

camps such as extreme rationing of food and

medicine, leading to many deathscxvi. Even today,

although the fighting has ceased, more than

70,000 people have died and hundreds of

thousands are left internally displaced. Thousands

of civilians have fled the country, and Sri Lanka’s

economy is shattered.

Unfortunately, for the duration of the

conflict the international community was largely

silent about the atrocities committed in Sri Lanka

on both sides. Had the UNSC intervened to try to

stabilize the situation and maintain Sri Lanka’s

internal security, much violence, weapons

smuggling, poverty, and civilian deaths may have

been prevented.

Another major conflict dominating

headlines in recent decades was the civil war in

Rwanda. Like Sri Lanka, ethnic tensions

reached a boiling point between two tribes: the

Hutus and the Tutsis. In 1959, while Rwanda was

still a Belgian colony, the Hutu majority group

overthrew the ruling Tutsi king. Over the next

several years, thousands of Tutsis were killed and

over 150,000 Tutsis were driven into exile in

neighbouring countriescxvii.

In response, the children of these refugees

and exiles subsequently formed a rebel group, the

Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and began a civil

war against the Hutu government in 1990. The

violence of the civil war only served to exacerbate

ethnic tensions, culminating in 1994 in a state-

orchestrated genocide, in which mainly Hutu-

Rwandans killed up to a million of their fellow

citizens, including approximately three-quarters of

the Tutsi population. The genocide ended several

months later when the predominantly Tutsi

RPF, operating out of neighbouring Uganda and

northern Rwanda, defeated the Rwandan national

army and Hutu militia groupscxviii.

Rwandan refugees. Photo credit: Wikimedia Commons

They then established an RPF-led

government of national unity. At this point,

approximately two million Hutu refugees -fearing

Tutsi retribution for past atrocities – fled the

country to neighbouring Burundi, Tanzania,

Uganda, and what is now the Democratic

Republic of the Congo. Conditions in the refugee

camps were deplorable, and many thousands of

people died in epidemics of cholera and

dysenterycxix. Still, the Rassemblement

Démocratique pour le Rwanda, composed of Hutu

troops and militia members, began to militarize

the camps, using them as bases to overthrow the

new RPF-dominated government. While some

refugees eventually returned to Rwanda, several

thousand stayed in the Democratic Republic of the

Congo and formed an extremist group with the

goal of retaking Rwanda (in the same fashion as

the RPF’s takeover in 1990). The Rwandan

government later partnered with the DRC army to

rout out and destroy pockets of this Hutu

extremist insurgency. The war ended “officially” in

2003cxx.

After the signing of the Arusha accords

between the Rwandan government and the RPF to

end the civil war, the United Nations Assistance

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Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) was established

on October 5, 1993 by Security Council Resolution

872 (1993). Its mandate included "ensuring the

security of the capital city of Kigali; monitoring

the ceasefire agreement, including establishment

of an expanded demilitarized zone and

demobilization procedures; monitoring the

security situation during the final period of the

transitional Government's mandate leading up to

elections; assisting with mine-clearance; and

assisting in the coordination of humanitarian

assistance activities in conjunction with relief

operations"cxxi.

The violent clashes that followed the

establishment of the new government, including

the assassinations of two major political leaders

and the ambush of UNAMIR-led RPF forces led

the UNAMIR forces to shift from offence to

defence. UNAMIR lent its support to the military

and civilian authorities in Rwanda, while the UN

continued to place pressure on President

Habyarimana and the RPF to return to the

principles clearly set forth in the Arusha Accords.

On April 5, 1994 the UN voted to extend

the mandate of UNAMIR to July 29,1994 after

expressing "deep concern at the delay in the

establishment of the broad-based transitional

Government and the Transitional National

Assembly" and "concern at the deterioration in

security in the country, particularly in Kigali”cxxii.

On April 6, 1994, a plane carrying two leaders –

President Habyarimana of Rwanda and President

Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi – was shot down

near Kigali. What followed was utter devastation:

the collapse of the unstable peace in Rwanda and a

resulting genocide, which is estimated to have

claimed between 800,000 and 1,017,100 Tutsi and

Hutu lives over the course of a mere 100 dayscxxiii.

The initial targets of the genocide

campaign included Prime Minister Agathe

Uwilingiyimana and ten Belgian soldiers who were

part of UNAMIR. These troops were murdered

after handing over their weapons to Rwandan

government troops (they were told to do so by

their battalion commander who was unclear on the

legal premise regarding self-defence and the use of

violence, even though they had already been under

fire for approximately two hours)cxxiv.

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This confusion regarding legal limits and

protocols exemplified the ineffective reaction of

UNAMIR to the rapidly escalating chaos. The

mission's vague mandate, created under Chapter

VI of the UN Charter was ambiguous concerning

the right to use force, particularly in defense of

civilianscxxv. The mission's original intention was

to oversee the implementation of the Arusha peace

agreement; however, by the time of the genocide,

the peace agreement had become completely

irrelevant and UNAMIR was, essentially, legally

powerless.

After the withdrawal of several nations'

contingents due to fear of losing troops, UNAMIR

was left with only 270 soldiers supported by less

than 200 local authorities. Head commander

Lieutenant-General Dallaire, despite orders to

withdraw immediately from Kigali, refused to

abandon the country to the genocide and remained

to lead what little forces remained in the country.

UNAMIR did the best it could with what little

resources remained. UNAMIR forces did manage

to save the lives of thousands of Tutsis in and

around Kigali and the few other areas under UN

control. Dallaire requested the immediate insertion

of approximately 5,000 troops, but his request was

promptly deniedcxxvi.

For the next six weeks, UNAMIR

coordinated peace talks between the Hutu

government and the RPF that amounted to

nothing. Eventually, on May 17, 1994, the UN

Security Council adopted a resolution that would

deliver nearly 5,500 troops and other equipment to

UNAMIR. However, this and subsequent

resolutions were still unclear on the right to use

force in stopping the genocide. The UN force, for

the duration of the conflict, was rendered almost

completely ineffective on the groundcxxvii.

All in all, UNAMIR is looked on as a

failure of the UNSC to preserve security in the

region of Rwanda (and its neighbours) and

prevent the deaths of hundreds of thousands of

innocent civilians. There are many lessons to be

learned from the situation, and the UNSC must be

cognizant of the failures of UNAMIR in Rwanda if

there is to be hope at making any positive

difference in the numerous conflicts that plague

the globe today.

UNAMIR Peacekeeper. Photo credit: http://www.flickr.com/photos/un_photo/4417555428/

Such current conflicts are many, and they

spread instability and violence not only internally

but also to many neighbouring states. Examples

include the long-standing civil war in the

Democratic Republic of Congo, and the wars in

Mali, Liberia, and Burundi. Domestic conflicts

that are not quite a full on civil war can also have

international repercussions, such as the split

between Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan and its affect on

Syria and Turkey. Consider also the situation in

Afghanistan, stretching for longer than thirty

years, which now quite obviously includes

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Pakistan as well. A May 2013 coup in the Central

African Republic, a history of violence in Sudan’s

Darfur, and Somalia’s decades of insurgency are

other examples. Finally, perhaps the case receiving

the most notoriety in the international press is the

war in Syria; from the deaths of almost a hundred

thousand civilians, to arms smuggling, to the use

of nerve-agent chemical weapons by the Assad

regime, Syria and the surrounding region has been

plunged into utter chaos.

The problem is no longer one of local

security but of international security. The UNSC

has a duty to tackle these problems with every

resource it has at its disposal.

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The civil wars in Rwanda and Sri Lanka

are now over, but that does not mean that there

are no more civil wars. In fact, some of the

bloodiest conflicts in the world right now are civil

wars. For example, the Middle East has yet again

descended into turmoil with the complication of

the Syrian crisis.

People searching through the debris of destroyed buildings in the aftermath of a strike by Syrian government forces, Jabal Bedro, Aleppo, Syria. Photo credit: AP Photo/Aleppo Media Center AMC

As of June 2013, the death toll in Syria

exceeded 100,000 according to a United Nations

reportcxxviii. Of these casualties, about half were

civilianscxxix. Additionally, this number includes

approximately 61,000-armed combatants

consisting of both the Syrian Army and rebel

forcescxxx, up to 1,000 opposition protesters (many

of whom were tortured to death) and 1,000

government officialscxxxi.

Religious rebels in Syria. Photo credit: http://www.thetimes.co.uk/tto/news/uk/crime/article3723912.ece

By October of 2012, 28,000 people had

been reported missing; including civilians forcibly

abducted by Syrian government troops or security

forcescxxxii. Over 1.8 million civilians have fled to

other countries, and millions more are left in

refugee campscxxxiii. In fact, according to the United

Nations refugee agency, the rate of Syrians fleeing

the country is the worst since the 1994 genocide in

Rwanda. In addition, tens of thousands of

protesters have been imprisoned and there are

reports of widespread torture and terror in an

“archipelago” of state prisons and torture centers

built by Assadcxxxiv. International organizations

have accused both government and opposition

forces of severe human rights violations, including

using children as shields and deploying chemical

weaponscxxxv.

Current Situation

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Syrian refugees. Photo credit: http://www.voanews.com/content/un-reports-1-3-million-syrian-refugees/1637851.html

The refugee problem, however, is not

contained within the borders of Syria itself; for

example, hundreds of thousands have fled to

Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan. For those that fled to

Egypt, however, UN officials are concerned with

the detention of these Syrian refugees given

growing anti-Syrian sentiment in Egyptcxxxvi.

Yemen has also absorbed many Syrian refugees

into an economic and political climate that is not

very promising to begin withcxxxvii.

Syria currently possesses one of the

world’s largest stockpiles of chemical weapons,

which were allegedly used against the Syrian

population, according to British, French, Israeli,

and US intelligence sources, in a March 19 attack

on Aleppocxxxviii. This fact, coupled with the

instability of the region, the unknown location of

Assad’s chemical arsenal, and the possibility of

extremist rebels or terrorists acquiring these

weapons represents an urgent, direct threat to the

Syrian people and the security of its neighbours in

the region.

Syria is one of only six states not party to

the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC),

which outlaws the production, stockpiling, and

use of chemical weaponscxxxix. On July 23, 2012

Syria admitted to having a stockpile of chemical

weapons to be used “strictly and only in the event

of external aggression against the Syrian Arab

Republic”cxl. Syria allegedly produces chemical

agents including mustard gas and nerve agents

(VX, Sarin, and Tabun), classified as Weapons of

Mass Destruction (WMDs) under UNSC

Resolution 687cxli. Most of the weapons are binary

chemical agents, which makes moving the

stockpile relatively easy and safe (e.g. using mobile

labs), ensures the longevity of the chemical

species, and makes it difficult to pinpoint the exact

location of Assad’s arsenal at any given time.

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Chemical weapons in the hands of Assad

pose one of the most direct threats to Syria’s

populace and any peaceful resolution of the

conflict. The Assad government insists that these

stockpiles are secure, but this claim is widely

doubted in the international community and

cannot be verified until UN inspectors are allowed

into the country. Further concerns arise given the

possibility of the arms being stolen by extremist

rebel groups, or transferred to terrorist groups

such as Hezbollahcxlii. Cooperation between Syria

and Iran in WMD development is also a serious

concern. The UNSC is obligated to deal with the

threat of Syria’s chemical arsenal in a swift and

decisive manner.

Animal carcasses lie on the ground, killed by what residents said was a chemical weapon attack, in the Khan al-Assal area near the northern city of Aleppo. Photo credit: George Ourfalian/Reuters

Yet, human rights violations and chemical

weapons stockpiles are only one part of the

problem. Syria’s internal conflict is rapidly

spreading from within its own borders to the rest

of the region, threatening to cripple the already

fragile stability of the Middle East as a whole. And

despite the immense slaughter and torture of

innocents in Syria, the conflict is much more than

just a humanitarian crisis.

The spread of terrorism as a result of the

Syrian conflict is rampant. Al Qaeda forces in Syria

and Iraq have already united, and Hezbollah has

As Syria continues to crumble, Sunnis,

Shiites and Kurds are being drawn into a regional

web of sectarian allegiances. Iran poses a grave

threat to the already dire situation; in its quest for

increasing power in the region and a possible

nuclear weapon, it is desperately trying to spread

its influence among Shiites, uniting them under

the banner of Tehran and destroying the integrity

of Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Lebanon.

Iran uses terrorist groups, specifically

Hezbollah and the Shiite militias in southern Iraq,

to do its bidding. Syria is essentially the “linchpin”

into the Arab Middle East for Irancxliii. Iran’s

security forces are already working in Syria to prop

up Assad. In this context, Tehran’s sprint toward a

nuclear weapon is a problem not just for its

traditional enemy – Israel – but the region as a

whole.

In response, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and other

neighbouring powers are turning to arm and

support Sunni factions. The Turks are also being

drawn into the conflict, desperately fearful that the

Kurds will break away in Syria and incite the same

reaction in Turkey. Missile and mortar strikes are

increasingly common across the borders of both

Israel and Turkey147.

The Syrian civil war has also spread to

neighbouring Lebanon, with numerous incidents

of sectarian violence in the northern part of the

country between supporters and opponents of the

Syrian government, and armed clashes between

Sunnis and Alawites in Tripolicxliv. Additionally,

fighting between the Syrian rebels and Assad’s

government forces has spilled over across the

border into Lebanon on several occasions.

The Syrian Air Force has also conducted

air strikes on targets in Lebanon, while rebels have

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launched rockets on Hezbollah targetscxlv. At least

15 Lebanese army soldiers have been killedcxlvi.

There is clearly a wider regional war

spreading from Syria to Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, and

beyond, creating a corridor of instability. This

“bleeding out” – so to speak – has its own set of

unique consequences: porous borders, illegal drug

trafficking across these borders, and the

smuggling of arms to terrorist and militia group.

The conflict will most likely spread further,

linking to similar areas of violence to the east (in

Afghanistan and Pakistan) or to the west to the

mess in the Saharacxlvii.

Map of Syria and surrounding countries. Photo credit: http://www.pbs.org/newshour/indepth_coverage/middle_east/syria/map.html

The UNSC must deal with the situation in

Syria immediately not only for the sake of violence

and human rights abuses inside Syria’s borders,

but to prevent the entire Middle East region from

collapsing into war.

Moving from the Middle East to Africa,

there are numerous on-going civil conflicts in the

region that the UNSC has the responsibility to

address. In Nigeria, for example, many civilians

are caught in the crossfire in a violent struggle

between the Nigerian military and an Islamic

militant group called Boko Haram. At least 20,000

refugees have fled the country, and there have

been reports that Nigerian troops have, on

multiple occasions, indiscriminately targeted

civilianscxlviii. However, Boko Haram has also been

accused of killing upwards of 1,600 civilianscxlix.

Boko Haram has also been linked to Al-Shabab (a

militant group in Somalia) as well as Al Qaeda in

the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), making Nigeria a

hotbed for terrorism in the regioncl. The most

populous country in Africa, Nigeria is heavily

polarized between its Muslim-north and

Christian-south; the conflict has only served to

exacerbate those religious tensions. Most civilians

are terrified of both sides and face imminent food

shortages (many farmers have been evicted from

their fields by the militant groups in the middle of

harvest season), a problem the government is

doing little to effectively remedycli.

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Boko Haram, Nigeria. Photo credit: http://www.onislam.net/english/news/africa/455146-nigerias-boko-haram-profile.html

The Democratic Republic of the Congo

(DRC) has had a long history of war; including a

brutal five-year conflict that officially ending in

2003, the deadliest war in modern African history,

over four million people were killed. Yet the

fighting still continues, and the consequences of

the war are far reaching. In the years immediately

after 2003, thousands of people died daily in the

DRC due to malnutrition and easily preventable

diseasesclii. Additionally, there was widespread

trade of conflict minerals, a blatant humans rights

violations against the miners, as well as the

depletion of the DRC’s reserves of natural mineral

resourcescliii. The DRC is facing massive security

problems and human rights abuses, yet with weak

government institutions and general political

instability, the country is hardly poised to deal

effectively with the situation. Additionally, the

rebel group M23 (which is fighting against the

Congolese government) has committed many

atrocities against the people of DRC and are

quietly supported by the Rwandan government. It

is this support that has sustained numerous

human rights abuses including torture, rape, and

murder by the M23 rebels.

Specifically, M23 rebels have executed at

least 44 people and raped at least 61 women and

girls since March 2013 in the eastern part of the

DRC. Also, the rate of sexual violence against

women and girls has rose at an alarming rate from

June to July of 2013 in the northeastern region of

DRCcliv. Furthermore, DRC residents and rebel

deserters reported recent forced recruitment of

men and boys by M23 in both Rwanda and the

DRCclv. In July 2013, fighting between M23 and the

Congolese military escalated to unprecedented

levels, prompting upwards of 66,000 refugees to

flee the country to Ugandaclvi. Most are living

without food or adequate shelterclvii.

The UNSC has sent peacekeeping

missions to the DRC to deal with the situation;

most recently, UNSC Resolution 1925 authorized

the United Nations Organization Stabilization

Mission in Congo (MONUSCO). As of July 2013,

blue helmets were on the ground in DRC and for

the first time was authorized to use lethal force

against the rebels in order to protect and defend

civiliansclviii.

The brigade’s priorities were to neutralize

armed groups, reduce the threat posed to the state

authority and civilian security and make space for

stabilization activitiesclix. Yet there is already

controversy regarding the mission, still in its

infancy. Rwanda accused the United Nations' new

intervention brigade (MONUSCO) in eastern

Congo of discussing collaboration with Hutu

rebels linked to the Rwandan genocide of 1994,

thereby jeopardizing peace efforts in the regionclx.

Many are alleging that unless safeguards and

preventative measures are imposed, that the use of

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violence by the UN’s intervention brigade in DRC

will only worsen the human rights crisis, not

improve itclxi.

UN peacekeepers (“blue helmets”) in DR Congo. Photo credit: MONUSCO, United Nations.

Fixing the problems with the current

mission, dealing with the refugee problem, the

spread of terrorism, and stabilizing governmental

institutions must be top priorities in dealing with

the current situation in DRC.

Aside from the situation in the DRC, the

current situation in the Central African Republic

(CAR) emphasizes the need to stabilize

governmental institutions for the sake of

preserving internal security and limiting violence.

State institutions in the CAR remain “close to

collapse” and security is “virtually non-existent” in

the countryclxii. Violence first erupted in December

of 2012 in the CAR – a country with a history of

decades of instability and fighting – when the

Séléka rebel coalition launched a series of attacks

against the government. A peace agreement was

subsequently signed in January, but the rebels

again seized the capital, Bangui, in March, forcing

then-President François Bozizé to flee the country.

As a result, the transitional government that was

set up remains extremely weakclxiii and even the

rebel prime minister admits that his country is in

crisisclxiv. The institutions of government and

government control simply do not exist outside of

the capital and there is no rule of law throughout

the country.

The recent fighting has further eroded

even the most basic services in the country and

worsened an already dire humanitarian situation,

affecting the entire population of 4.6 million

people, half of whom are children. Currently, there

are over 200,000 identified IDPs and 20,000

refugees who have been affectedclxv. There are no

social services for these people, nor any security or

judicial systems in the entire country. The

following statement was issued by UN human

rights experts: “We are seriously concerned over

reported acts of killings, torture, arbitrary

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detention, gender-based violence, enforced

disappearances, 'mob justice' and the pervasive

climate of insecurity and the absence of the rule of

law which have prevailed in the country in the last

five months”clxvi. Furthermore, the International

Criminal Court has recently stated that they are

worried about the possibility of war crimes in the

CARclxvii.

Finally, the situation in Somalia presents a

number of issues that are especially relevant to the

theme of international repercussions of civil

conflicts. The main militant group in Somalia, Al-

Shabaab, is an Al Qaeda linked terrorist group

fighting for a fundamentalist Islamic Somali

stateclxviii. The export of terrorism (explosives,

arms, suicide bombers, etc.) and support from Al

Qaeda has had devastating consequences in terms

of loss of human life and human rights abusesclxix.

Furthermore, there is the problem of

piracy; since the beginning of the 21st century

when the Somali civil war broke out, piracy off the

coast of Somalia has been one of the most potent

threats to international shipping. Perhaps the

incident of most notoriety occurred on April 8,

2009, when four Somali pirates seized the Maersk

Alabama and took hostage its captain, Richard

Phillips. Four days later, United States Navy SEAL

snipers killed the three pirates that were holding

Captain Richard Phillips hostageclxx. All in all, over

half a million people have lost their lives as a result

of the bloodshed in the Somali civil warclxxi.

Somali Pirate Flag. Photo credit: http://blowmy900.info

These are only a small sampling of on-

going civil conflicts around the world and their

devastating consequences. Yet all of these conflicts

ultimately present the international community

with a similar set of issues: civilian deaths, torture

and rape, other human rights abuses (especially

relating to children), refugees/IDPs, poverty,

exacerbation of ethnic and religious tensions, the

spread of terrorism, arms smuggling, drug

trafficking, porous and insecure borders, and

unstable governments and regimes. The task is not

only to end the violence and abuse, but also to

rebuild these countries from the ground up, and to

prosecute those responsible in a weak ICC/judicial

apparatus. The list is certainly daunting, but the

UNSC is directly tasked with dealing with these

problems head-on.

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Questions to Consider!

Civil wars and the violence they perpetrate leave millions of civilians without homes, basic necessities, and

millions more are dead. These conflicts also often tend to strengthen the worst forces in the world and weaken

the good. The United Nations Security Council is the international body best equipped to tackle the global

consequences of civil conflicts head-on; for this topic especially, delegates are encouraged to pursue creative,

bold, out-of-the-box, and vigorous solutions to these very complex problems. The chairs anticipate that clauses

will focus the following general topics and problems (though this is by no means an exhaustive list).

How can peacekeeping missions become more efficient and effective? What can be improved upon and what

lessons can be learned from past mistakes?

What is the best way to deal with human rights violations without violating the UN Charter? How can

negotiations be structured so as to gain the best possible outcome to conflict? What types of solutions create the

best post-conflict results?

What can be done about border security and various forms of illegal trafficking? How might this affect

refugees? How can civilians in war zones (both refugees and IDPs) be guaranteed access to food, medical aid,

and shelter?

How can the international community better respond to civil wars? How can terrorism in civil wars or from civil

wars be mitigated?

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Role of the Committee!

The United Nations Security Council is one of the most powerful organs in the whole United Nations apparatus, and

is tasked with maintaining international peace and security. The UNSC is the only body within the UN that can pass

resolutions binding to all of its member states; its influence therefore extends over assisting in the peaceful settlement

of disputes (through establishment and oversight of peacekeeping services) and enforcing compliance between

member states through the authorization of military action as well as various types of international sanctionsclxxii. Since

its inception in 1946, the council has operated under an open agenda; its scope is therefore ever expanding.

The Security Council is capable of investigating any situation at hand to satisfy their queries as well as any others that

member states may address to them. It may recommend methods of settling an issue to member states and the

international community at large, or the committee may itself formulate the plans necessary to establish sanctions -

which it can also call on member states to impose - in order to coerce the recalcitrant nation they are dealing with to

comply with their demands. Furthermore, the United Nations Security Council is capable of referring the individuals

they deal with to the International Court of Justice, or taking military action against their aggressors if there is no

alternative method of compromiseclxxiii.

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Structure of the Committee The general schedule of the committee will roughly follow the order laid out here. When the committee first

gathers, each delegate will give a short (maximum 90 second) opening speech regarding their country’s position on the

issues to be discussed. Points of information will not be in order for these speeches. Following this, time will be allotted

for an informal lobbying caucus in which delegates will collaborate to write clauses for the resolution. Completed draft

clauses will be submitted to and reviewed by the Chairs at this time. Once lobbying is over, debate will start and will

move clause by clause through the resolution.

The YMUN 2014 SC will use standard parliamentary procedure, with some modifications. For example, due to

the small size of the committee, there will be no speakers’ list.

As clauses are submitted, the submitter of the clause will give the first speech, answer points of information,

and then have the option to yield to a colleague. Following this speech, the floor will be open for speeches for or against

the clause. Once time on the clause has elapsed, the Chair will call a vote before the committee proceeds to debate the

next clause. Clauses may be submitted in note form at any time, but can only be moved once the previously submitted

clauses have been debated. Amendments to the first and second degree will be allowed, though no abstentions on

amendments entertained. Preambulatory clauses will be added and debated on following the vote on the last clause of

the resolution. This general structure will be used for both topics with the goal of passing preferably one resolution on

each issue over the course of the conference.

In terms of general debate style, the Chairs highly encourage concise and precise delegate speeches, and will

likely be implementing a time limit on speakers.

Points of information are at the discretion of the Chairs, but delegates always have the option of yielding to

each other, unless they themselves were just yielded to. Right to reply and vetoing are allowed, but discouraged in the

name of constructive debate. Experts can be called as needed; delegates who wish a particular country or organization

representative to come in as an expert should inform the Chairs during the initial lobbying period; other experts will be

brought in by the Chairs as necessary.

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Country Positions! United States of America (P5):

As a permanent member with veto power and

as one of the foremost countries in the world, the US is

heavily involved in resolving other countries’ disputes.

However, particularly since the 2008-2009 financial

crisis and the ending of the wars in Iraq and

Afghanistan, the US has been putting more of a

priority on international and regional solutions that do

not see the US as the primary intervening countryclxxiv.

For example in the case of the Libyan revolution, the

US was involved with French and British support as

well as full UN and NATO backingclxxv. The US was

not primarily involved with the initial or UN mission

in Mali, and has not (as of July 2013) significantly

involved themselves in the civil war in Syria. While the

current US Ambassador to the UN is a strong

proponent for the “responsibility to protect” doctrine,

it is unclear how this stance will translate into military

or even economic actionclxxvi.

The US is hesitant to stay deeply involved

with Afghanistan following the 2014 finish of the

American war there, the US actions in Iraq in many

ways actually exacerbated current tensionsclxxvii, and the

US seems to be allowing regional actors such as

ECOWAS and the French to take the lead on problems

in the Sahara-Sahel region. In terms of UN

peacekeeping, the US generally does not send a large

number of personnel, but is one of the largest budget

contributorsclxxviii.

United Kingdom (P5) The UK has not been especially involved with

the Saharan region in the past, with the exception of

their former colony of Egypt. Unlike other P5

members, the UK does not contribute a large number

of forces to UN peacekeeping, but is in the lead in

pushing for more effective and efficient UN

peacekeeping operations as well as the responsibility to

protect doctrineclxxix. The UK intervened on the side of

the rebels in the Libyan civil war, and has supported

other interventions in civil conflicts such as in Kosovo

and Cyprusclxxx though the UK has hesitated to become

involved in Syriaclxxxi.

France (P5)

France is heavily involved with the Saharan

region, as many of the countries there were formerly

French coloniesclxxxii. Thus, the French led the charge to

fight the rebels in Mali and have been monitoring the

Arab Spring effects closely. France has demonstrated

in the past that they are quite willing to intervene and

assist former African colonies, and besides sending

troops to Mali, also sent troops as part of the UN

missions in Cote d’Ivoire, Chad, and Liberia. France

was also involved in helping the rebels in Libya

overthrow Qaddafi, and has been arguing, with the

EU for more assistance in Syria. As for other conflicts,

France is among the Top 20 contributors of troops for

UN peacekeeping missions, and, together with the

UK, has led the push for increased cooperation

between UN forces and increased effectivenessclxxxiii.

Russian Federation (P5) The Russian Federation does not have a

history of being very involved in the Sahara, and this

looks unlikely to change in the near future. Russia

does however have a strong respect for the principle of

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national sovereignty and has historically been reluctant

to become involved, or allow the UNSC to become

involved, in conflicts that the Russian Federation see

as being purely domestic concerns. Also, civil conflicts

in Russian allied countries like Syria further encourage

the Russian Federation to call off intervention

attemptsclxxxiv. As one of the Syrian government’s

biggest allies, Russia is strongly against attempts to

intervene in that conflict. For other civil wars, such as

increasing unrest in Iraq, Russia has called for

international support, but what form that should take

is unclearclxxxv. Where Russian interests are not

especially involved, the principle of national

sovereignty remains a cornerstone of Russian foreign

policy, as Russia does not want to create a precedent

for interventionclxxxvi. Russia has never really had a

strong presence in terms of number of UN

peacekeeping troops; as of May 2013, Russia currently

has deployed 80 people to eight UN missionsclxxxvii.

People’s Republic of China (P5) The PRC’s interests have always been in

stability and respect for national sovereignty. In the

cases of these two topics, however, those stances

become more nuanced. In fact, China’s has broken

from a long-standing tradition of only sending non-

combatants on UN peacekeeping missionsclxxxviii by

dispatching 400 troops to be part of the new UN

mission in Maliclxxxix. This signals an increased desire of

the PRC to become more involved in far-flung issues,

to promotecxc and consolidate their own international

political influencecxci. On the issue of civil wars, the

PRC (along with the Russian Federation), have been

the two most influential countries against the

“responsibility to protect” doctrine, and have opposed

stronger UNSC measures regarding intervention in

Syria. In this respect, China’s policies are still quite

firmly affixed to the idea of respecting national

sovereignty.

Rwanda As the site of a horrible civil conflict that led to

genocide, Rwanda has intimate knowledge of how civil

disputes can evolve into region-disrupting conflict. In

fact, the Rwandan conflict in the mid-1990s affected

many of its neighbours, and particularly the

Democratic Republic of the Congo is still feeling the

repercussions. Many Rwandans in opposition to the

post-genocide government fled to the DRC to start

resistance groups. To further complicate matters,

Rwandan government forces have also been involved

in the civil war in the DRC. In fact, the UN has

accused Rwanda of backing the M23 rebels, though the

government denies all claimscxcii. The Rwandan

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government, however, has fiercely opposed the new

UN mission in the DRC, saying it undermines

progress towards peace in the region.

Nigeria Nigeria has been contributing forces to UN

peacekeeping since 1960, starting with the mission in

the DRC. Nigeria has contributed to many African

peacekeeping missions, and currently trains police

forces for AU, UN, and ECOWAS missions. Given

Nigeria’s involvement with the missions in Rwanda,

Yugoslavia, Cote d’Ivoire and DRC, it is clear that

Nigeria supports intervention in the case of long-term

civil strifecxciii. Nigeria’s contributions to missions in

Sudan, South Sudan, and Western Sahara show

commitment to the Sahara region as well, but

Nigeria’s recent troubles have led to issues with their

ability to provide regional help. Nigeria is currently

suffering from an Islamic insurgency called Boko

Haram in the north of the country, and due to the

declared state of emergency, Nigeria has had to

withdraw its peacekeepers from Malicxciv. How long the

insurgency will last now that there are multiple civilian

and police forces fighting in northern Nigeria is

unclear, but it is likely to affect Nigeria’s foreign policy

greatly.

Algeria While nominally supportive of its fellow

Saharan countries, Algeria is very consumed with

domestic worries at home as well as a decades old

disagreement with Morocco over the status of Western

Sahara. Due to the unsuccessful Arab Spring uprising

in Algeria, the government is preoccupied with

consolidating power, particularly as the president

(who has been in power since 1999), is facing health

problemscxcv. The Arab Maghreb Union, which had

potential to strengthen

ties in North Africa never really got off the groundcxcvi

due to Algeria’s support for the Sahwari Democratic

Arab Republic’s independence despite Morocco’s de

facto controlcxcvii.

Qatar

Qatar’s position on the world stage has been

changing since the start of the Arab Spring. As

protests, revolutions, and wars developed, it became

clear that Qatar was financing nearly every Arab

Spring movement. Qatar has long been publically on

the side of the Syrian rebelscxcviii and seems to have few

qualms about interventioncxcix. Qatar has been sending

billions of dollars in aid to the new regimes in Libya,

Egypt, and Tunisiacc and looks to continue to do socci.

In terms of the Sahara, Qatar seems mostly interested

in assisting fellow Arab states, but has the potential to

be a major aid donor to other countries as well.

India India has long been the third largest

contributor of UN peacekeeping forces, and has had a

strong contingent of forces on the various missions to

the Democratic Republic of the Congo since the 1960s.

India also contributed troops and police forces for the

UN mission in Liberia, showing India’s willingness

and ability to contribute to interventions in civil wars.

As for the Saharan region, India has not been too

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heavily involved lately, but does have a major

deployment of forces in the UN mission in South

Sudanccii. India has been pushing for more interaction

between the P5 and troop contributors like themselves,

and is eager to become more involved with the

development of UN peacekeeping mandatescciii.

Czech Republic The Czech Republic (and the former

Czechoslovakia) has contributed to a number of UN

peacekeeping missions, though mainly in Europe. For

example, the Czech Republic was involved in

peacekeeping in the former Yugoslavia from 1992-

1995. The Czech Republic has contributed to the

mission in Western Sahara, and currently is involved

with the mission to the DRCcciv. Aside from Egypt,

with whom the Czech Republic has had formal

relations with since 1920ccv, the Czech Republic does

not have significant relations with any other Saharan

country.

Peru The first contributor to UN peacekeeping

from Latin America, Peru has been involved in over ten

missions to date, and is currently involved in Western

Sahara, DRC, Sudan, and Darfurccvi.

Colombia

Unlike Peru, Colombia has never been heavily

involved in peacekeeping and has so far

only contributed significantly to the controversial

mission in Haiticcvii. Colombia has publically stated

that it wants further collaboration within the UN and

peacekeeping missionsccviii.

Turkey

Turkey has not been a large contributor to UN

peacekeeping, but has been heavily involved with UN-

authorized missions that were carried out by the EU or

NATO. In fact, it is because of these other

organizations that Turkey does not contribute more

than a few police units to UN missionsccix. The

exception is Turkey’s deployment of over 600 troops

to UNFIL, the peacekeeping mission in Lebanonccx.

Netherlands Like Turkey, the Netherlands has lately been

focusing more on UN-authorized EU or NATO

missions. Due to the 1995 Srebrenica massacre, the

Netherlands has been reducing the size of their

contributions to UN peacekeeping and the current

government looks to continue to do soccxi.

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Suggestions for Further Research

UN Office for West Africa: http://unowa.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=706

United Nations Peacekeeping: http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/

Independent university project on UN peacekeeping: http://www.providingforpeacekeeping.org/

UN Peacebuilding Commission: http://www.un.org/en/peacebuilding/

Norwegian Institute of International Affairs’ Program on training peacekeepers:

http://english.nupi.no/Activities/Programmes2/Training-for-Peace

Please also make sure you are registered on the delegate forum, your advisors should provide you with a sign up ink. For the latest information, updates, topic guides and more, visit Yale Model United Nations online at: http://ymun.yira.org

For the second year, YMUN will be offering a competitive essay competition. For the rules and guidelines visit: http://ymun.yira.org/essay-contest/

Interested in participating in a challenging new program for highly motivated and exceptional delegates? Apply for the Global Exchange Program at: http://ymun.yira.org/global-exchange/

Get connected and download the new Yale Model United Nations iPhone application: https://itunes.apple.com/tc/app/yale-model-united-nations/id721125366?mt=8 or search for Yale Model UN

Like Yale Model United Nations on Facebook and receive all the latest updates: https://www.facebook.com/yalemun

Stay up to date and follow Yale Model United Nations both before and during the conference: @YaleModelUN

Find the latest pictures on Yale Model United Nations’s Instagram: ymun: http://instagram.com/ymun

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NOTES

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un-security-council.html. v Encyclopædia Britannica Online, s. v. "Sahara," accessed July 02, 2013,

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/516375/Sahara. vi Renewal, Africa. "Desertification a Threat to Africa's Development." BBC (2012). Published electronically Oct 2 2012.

http://www.un.org/africarenewal/web-features/desertification-threat-africa%E2%80%99s-development. vii "Arab Spring Economies Face Difficulties in the Wake of Anti-Us Protests." Albawaba Business (2012). Published

electronically Sep 19 2012. http://www.albawaba.com/business/arab-spring-economies-442795. viii Sidahmed, Alsir. "Arab Spring Economic Fallout Worries Most of the Population." Arab News (2013). Published

electronically Jun 23 2013. http://www.arabnews.com/news/455879. ix Finance, Global. "The Richest and Poorest Countries in the World - 2013." x Center, UN News. "Un Emergency Fund Allocates $72 Million for Life-Saving Aid in Neglected Crises." UN News Center

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http://www.voanews.com/content/mali-food-security-15feb13/1604505.html. xiii CIA. "Niger." In The World Factbook, 2013. xiv Thurston, Alex. "Niger, Foreign Aid, and the Dilemma of (Certain) Coups." Sahel Blog (2011). Published electronically

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(2007). Published electronically Jan 2 2007. http://www.cfr.org/sudan/sudan-chad-central-african-republic/p12309#p3. xvi Ray, Michael. "Janjaweed." In Encyclopaedia Britannica,

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!xxiv Control, Office of Foreign Assets. "Sudan: What You Need to Know About U.S. Sanctions." United States Department of

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xxvii CIA. "Algeria." In The World Factbook, 2013. xxviii CIA. "Mauritania." In The World Factbook, 2013. xxix Sagna, Souleymane, and Romana Cacchioli. "Mauritania Fights to End Racism." NPR (2008). Published electronically

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agreements/free-trade-agreements/morocco-fta. xxxiii "Country Profiles." African Union (2011). http://www.au.int/en/member_states/countryprofiles. xxxiv UNHCR. "Algeria." UNHCR (2013). http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e485e16.html. xxxv CIA. "Western Sahara." In The World Factbook, 2013. xxxvi "Unsmil Background." UNSMIL (2011). http://unsmil.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=3545&language=en-US. xxxvii Shah, Anup. "Crisis in Libya." Global Issues (2011). Published electronically Apr 4 2011.

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africa/libya/140-trial-by-error-justice-in-post-qadhafi-libya.aspx. xl Zelin, Aaron. "The Terrorist Threat in North Africa: Before and after Benghazi." The Washington Institute for Near East

Policy (2013). Published electronically Jul 10 2013. https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/the-terrorist-

threat-in-north-africa-before-and-after-benghazi. xli Kirkpatrick, Patrick. "Libya Attacks Brings Challenges for Us." The New York Times (2012). Published electronically Sep

12 2012. http://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/13/world/middleeast/us-envoy-to-libya-is-reported-killed.html?pagewanted=all. xlii Eljarh, Mohamed. "The Deepening Crisis in Libya." Foreign Policy (2013). Published electronically July 29 2013.

http://transitions.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/07/29/the_deepening_crisis_in_libya. xliii UNHCR. "Unhcr Country Operations Profile - Libya." UNHCR (2013). http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e485f36.html. xliv Johnson, Glen. "Libya Weapons Funneled to Tuareg Rebellion in Mali." LA Times (2012). Published electronically Jun 12

2012. http://articles.latimes.com/2012/jun/12/world/la-fg-libya-arms-smuggle-20120612. xlv IMF. "Oil, Stability Threaten Libyan Economy." UPI (2013). Published electronically May 24 2013.

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38331369397499/. xlvi Ventures-Africa. "Building the Economy of Post-Qaddafi Libya." Ventures (2013). Published electronically May 2 2013.

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!l "Tunisia Crisis: Tens of Thousands Join Protest." BBC News (2013). Published electronically Aug 6 2013.

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electronically May 2 2012. http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/05/02/us-tunisia-smuggling-idUSBRE8410UL20120502. liii Zelin, Aaron, Daveed Gartenstein-Ross, and Andrew Lebovich. "Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb's Tunisia Strategy." CIC

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and-north-africa.html. lvii Nossiter, Adam. "Algeria Sowed Seeds of Hostage Crisis as It Nurtured Warlord." The New York Times (2013). Published

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antiterror-policy.html. lviii Daley, Suzanne. "Moroccans Fear That Flickers of Democracy Are Fading." The New York Times (2012). Published

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to-disagree/#.Ue1Rm226nD5. lxii Jacobs, Frank. "All Hail Azawad." The New York Times (2012). Published electronically April 10 2012.

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general%20&Cr1=#.UeRILm26nD4. lxiv Diarra, Adama. "UN Takes over Mali Peacekeeping Mission, Doubts after Vote." Reuters (2013). Published electronically

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support-conference. clxxxii Benneyworth, IJ. "The Ongoing Relationship between France and Its Former African Colonies." e-International

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