United Nations Peacebuilding Commissionrefugees, the more than 7,000 living in border camps are not,...
Transcript of United Nations Peacebuilding Commissionrefugees, the more than 7,000 living in border camps are not,...
Director
Simran Tandon
Chair
Benita Samson
AD
Rory McNerney
United Nations Peacebuilding Commission
KINGMUN | 2020
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DIRECTOR’S LETTER.................................................................1
COMMITTEE OVERVIEW ......................................................... 2
TOPIC A | The Papua Conflict TOPIC INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................... 3
HISTORY .............................................................................................................. 3
CURRENT SITUATION ........................................................................................ 5
CASE STUDIES .................................................................................................... 7
BLOC POSITIONS .............................................................................................. 10
GUIDING QUESTIONS ....................................................................................... 11
FURTHER RESEARCH ....................................................................................... 11
TOPIC B | Addressing Organized Crime in Central America’s Northern Triangle TOPIC INTRODUCTION .................................................................................... 12
HISTORY ............................................................................................................ 13
CURRENT SITUATION ...................................................................................... 14
CASE STUDIES .................................................................................................. 15
BLOC POSITIONS .............................................................................................. 17
GUIDING QUESTIONS ...................................................................................... 18
FURTHER RESEARCH ...................................................................................... 19
CITATIONS
TOPIC A ............................................................................................................. 19
TOPIC B .............................................................................................................. 21
Table of Contents
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Dear Delegates, Welcome to King County Model United Nations 2020 and the first iteration of the United Nations
Peacebuilding Commission (UNPBC). My name is Simran Tandon, and I am currently a senior at Interlake
High School. I am honored to be serving as your director, along with my Chair Benita Samson, from the
Bellarmine Preparatory School, and my Assistant Director, Rory McNerney, from the International
Community School.
The UNPBC is the premier body for preventing conflict and maintaining world peace. Its unique
ability to bring all relevant actors together to create sustainable peace goes steps further than other UN
bodies. Not only does the UNPBC address security concerns when guiding countries towards peace, but
they also discuss human rights violations, development, and long-term concerns. As an advisory body, the
UNPBC directly reports to the UNGA and the UNSC, giving it a vital role as a bridge between bodies and as
a consultant regarding areas of conflict.
After researching different topics for hours, we have selected organized crime in Central
America’s Northern Triangle and the Papua Conflict in Southeast Asia to debate at KINGMUN. Both topics
span the globe, giving all delegates influence in the committee, and both have rarely been discussed in the
UN, meaning there is a lot of freedom in how delegates can approach them.
The Northern Triangle consists of three nations, Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras, and is the
home of countless organized crime groups, many linked to narcotics and human trafficking. As an
international issue located relatively near the Pacific Northwest, the conflict impacts our own country more
than we would expect. With the world’s highest youth homicide rate and highest levels of non-political
violence, finding peace in the tumultuous region will be more complex than just confronting one or two
issues.
Moving across the Pacific, we find West Papua, territory that spans half of an island (the other half
being Papua New Guinea), and currently under the control of Indonesia. Following the transfer of
ownership from the Dutch to the Indonesians, the indigenous people of West Papua have protested the
unfairness of the rule, sometimes violently, leading to overwhelming brutality from the Indonesian
government and thousands of refugees in a conflict that has raged on since 1962.
This background guide is the product of countless hours of research intended to provide
contextual information on both topics. While each section is full of details and general overviews, further
research must be completed to fully understand your own country’s stance on each topic. If you ever find
yourself stuck, refer back to the guiding questions to direct your research. As a beginner committee, the
UNPBC will be full of fresh perspectives and exciting discussions. Please take some time to understand
your country’s position and potential solutions they would advocate for.
Please do not hesitate to email us with any questions you may have. As a dais, we are extremely
excited to meet each and every one of you, and can’t wait for the invigorating debate and creative
solutions you will create in the UNPBC at KINGMUN 2020!
Best, Simran Tandon | Previous Director: Megan Wong Director | United Nations Peacebuilding Commission King County Model United Nations 2020
DIRECTOR’S LETTER
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The creation of the United Nations Peacebuilding Commission (UNPBC) was
originally recommended in the Secretary General’s High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges,
and Change 2004 report, A More Secure World: our shared responsibility “to avoid State
collapse and the slide to war or to assist countries in their transition from war to peace”
(A/59/565). The UNPBC would then be founded in 2005, as part of efforts to reform the
United Nations System at the 2005 World Summit. With the passage of both the United
Nations General Assembly Session 60 Resolution 180 and the United Nations Security
Council Resolution 1645, the UNPBC was brought into being and officially opened
proceedings in June of 2006. As of 2015, the UNPBC strives to bring lasting global
attention to sustaining peace and providing political help and advocacy to willing conflict-
stricken countries, promote a coherent multifaceted approach to peacebuilding, bridge the
principal UN organs and relevant actors through peacebuilding advice, and to recommend
and develop the financing and implementation of peacebuilding of any relevant entity or
institution regardless of global stature.
The UNPBC helps sustain peace in countries plagued by or at risk of violence and
conflict primarily through financing from the United Nations Peacebuilding Fund (PBF). The
PBF has allotted 772 million USD to 41 countries in need from 2006-2017 and allows for
quick, flexible, and multiorganizational UN action that is tolerant of risks. In addition, both
the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund can participate in UNPBC meetings.
The Peacebuilding Support Office (PBSO) assists the UNPBC by providing policy and
strategic guidance and managing the PBF. Furthermore, the PBSO helps coordinate UN
agencies in shared peacebuilding projects and engages in cross-pillar UN mechanisms like
the UN Sustainable Development Group. The PBSO is divided into three branches: the
Peacebuilding Commission Support Branch, the Peacebuilding Strategy and Partnerships
Branch, and the Financing for Peacebuilding branch. The UNPBC has two configurations,
the Organizational Committee, and country-specific meetings, which bring together and
consult with specific countries, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and other
relevant parties and present conclusions and recommendations on peacebuilding issues
agreed upon by the committee. The UNPBC is an “intergovernmental advisory body,” who
along with the PBSO, is responsible for funding, strategizing, and organizing cross-organ
efforts to create and sustain peace in consenting conflict-affected countries (UN).
Position papers should be turned in to the committee email address no later than the time listed on the website, unless an extension has been
granted by the dais.
COMMITTEE OVERVIEW
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TOPIC INTRODUCTION
The Papua conflict, while being one of the longest modern conflicts, is mostly
unheard of around the rest of the world. After an unfair referendum placed the land of
West Papua into the hands of the Indonesians, hardly any international intervention has
stepped in to support the West Papuan’s freedom, afraid to lose Indonesia as an ally. The
West Papuans have formed resistance groups, most notably the Free Papua Movement,
which has caused little commotion within the island; however, the Indonesian authority has
violently crushed each protest and suspected sympathizer under the soles of their boots,
leading to unlawful beating and the deaths of up to hundreds of native Papuans.
Indonesia’s Five-Year Plan in 1957 outlined the government’s goal to move families
into West Papua, further forcing the West Papuans out of their homes with threats,
bombings, and burning existing villages. Currently, around 10,500 indigenous West
Papuans live outside of the land’s borders, many fleeing to Papua New Guinea on the other
side of the island or remaining in border camps created to house the refugees. While the
UNHCR and Papua New Guineans recognize those who reside within Papua New Guinea as
refugees, the more than 7,000 living in border camps are not, meaning no medical
assistance or necessities are provided. Other nations, such as Australia, have refused to
accept West Papuan refugees to remain allies with Indonesia.
The United Nations has not responded to any West Papuan cry for help, choosing to
respect Indonesia’s sovereignty instead. With the indigenous people fading from
international concern, Indonesia continues to reject any form of foreign media, making a
media permit impossibly hard to obtain. Journalists who are allowed to enter are often kept
under surveillance and are not able to travel, leaving them unable to report on the current
situation of the conflict. The Indonesian government has also periodically shut off the
internet to prevent the spread of any words against them, another human rights violation
that continues to go widely unaddressed. With the guidance of the United Nations
Peacebuilding Commission, a sustained peace must be built that ties security,
development, and human rights together in a comprehensive solution to the decades' long
conflict that shows no sign of ending.
HISTORY In the era of imperialism and colonialism, many Western Powers vied for resources
and land across the globe. The Netherlands reached its greatest territorial extent in the
The Papua Conflict
TOPIC A
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early 20th century, owning virtually all of current-day Indonesia. One of the most valuable
colonies was the Dutch East Indies, rich in spice and cash crops. However, during World
War II, the Japanese military invaded and occupied the Dutch East Indies for three and a
half years (1942-1945), as the Netherlands had little ability to defend its colony against
the dominant Japanese Army. The Japanese occupants began to spread and encourage
nationalist sentiment, promise to support the Indonesians in independence after they
withdrew the native Indonesians. The Indonesians, encouraged by the Japanese, declared
their independence from the Netherlands shortly after the Japanese retreat. Unfortunately
for the native populations, the Dutch responded with force, pushing the islands into a
bloody four-year conflict (1945-1949). While the Revolution ended in a military stalemate,
the United States, hoping to win Indonesia’s favor during the Cold War, pressured the
Dutch into withdrawing and recognizing Indonesian sovereignty. The only exception was
Western New Guinea, which the Dutch continued to hold on to. The Indonesians argued
that they had the right to the island, while the Dutch argued that the Papuans were
ethnically different and had the ability for eventual self-determination. However, the US,
yet again worried about the intensifying Cold War, secretly pressured the Dutch into
pleasing Indonesia to secure a pro-West sympathizer in Southeast Asia.
Indonesia took its case to the Bandung Conference in April 1955, passing a
resolution supporting its claim to West New Guinea from African and Asian countries. The
USSR and Warsaw Pact allies also publicly announced their support for Indonesia, hoping to
win favor over the US. In 1962, the Dutch finally agreed to sign the New York Agreement,
turning Indonesia into a temporary United Nations administration before a plebiscite in
1969. The referendum, called the “Act of Free Choice” was administered by the Indonesian
military, was far from the truth; only 1,025 tribal leaders, less than one percent of the
population, were able to vote, almost all threatened or held at gunpoint during the
informal hand-raising vote. The “unanimous” decision to remain under Indonesian control
outraged the West Papuan public, but due to the US and Australian support of Indonesia,
84-member states voted to accept the result in the UN.
A large number of Papuans refused to acknowledge the Indonesian’s rigged vote
and formed the Free Papua Movement (OPM) in 1963, a low-level insurgency organization
that continues to this day. Protests erupted from the native Papuans, with demonstrators
waving their flag of the morning star. The Indonesian military responded swiftly, crushing
all protests and those suspected to sympathize with the OPM. The Indonesian government
has constantly been accused of indiscriminate violence and gross human rights abuses,
including forcing entire villages to dig their own graves before shooting and killing each
villager, as well as unjust bombings and destruction of Papuan villages to force the
Papuans out of their homes. While the OPM has picked up arms in the fight as well, the
Indonesians only respond with excessively brutal force, aerially bombing villages and
forcing five OPM leaders to surrender to save their villages. The five OPM leaders were
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beaten with red-hot iron bars before being thrown int a pit latrine, and the villages were
killed anyways.
One of the most horrific Indonesian campaigns was “Operation Clean Sweep”, aimed
to displace West Papuans and to scare OPM sympathizers. Native people were killed, beat,
and raped, with villages bombed and burned with napalm. Many of the displacement
strategies perfectly fit together with Indonesia’s Five-Year Plan, which looked to use West
Papua as the principal location from the transmigration of Indonesians. Not only were
Papuans losing their homes, but they were also losing their majority in the country. Papuan
indigenous populations have halved due to the transmigration policies of Indonesia. By
1984, more than 10,000 West Papuans crossed the border to seek refugee in Papua New
Guinea, with numbers continuing to grow as time passes. It is also important to note that
West Papuans are mostly Christians, while Indonesians are mostly Muslim, adding to the
reasoning behind widespread human rights abuses and leading to what scholars call a
“cold genocide”: the destruction of a group over decades due to supposed inferiority of the
victims.
With estimates ranging between 100,000 to 500,000 West Papuans killed as a result
of Indonesian authorities, one of the world’s longest modern conflicts has hardly been
addressed or even covered. The Indonesian government has denied media access from the
start of the protests, with those that have managed to gain access is closely monitored and
travel restricted within the country. Journalist Mark Worth was murdered in his hotel two
days after ABC announced that his documentary, Land of the Morning Star, was to be aired
a month later. The internet has periodically been shut down in Papua, due to what
Indonesia calls “security concerns”. With continued unrest and Indonesia’s failure to
peacefully discuss the West Papuans’ grievances, the fifty-seven-year conflict has raged on
through to the present day.
CURRENT SITUATION In September 2017, West Papuan leader Benny Wenda traveled to New York to
present an impressive case for West Papuan independence: a petition signed by 1.8 million
West Papuans calling for independence. The signatures, endorsed by over 70% of the
troubled region’s population, were brought to the United Nations decolonization
committee, known as the C24, and responsible for overseeing the rights and political
independence of non-self-governing territories. However, C24 declined to accept the
documents, stating that West Papua was outside of the committee’s jurisdiction. C24 is
only able to supervise seventeen territories recognized by the United Nations General
Assembly; Indonesia has obstructed West Papua’s efforts to be readmitted into the
committee, and thus, the committee was unable to accept the document. However, the
petition, asking for the UN to investigate human rights abuses and the unjust plebiscite of
1969, made it back to the UN in Geneva in January 2019. Wenda returned to give 40kg of
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signatures to U.N. Human Rights chief Michelle Bachelet, speaking of the 11 people killed
and the 22,000 people displaced in the Nduga region alone. Yet, provincial military
spokesman Muhammad Aidi rebuked Wenda’s efforts, stating that the allegations were
false and there was no evidence of his accusations against Indonesia and the
military. Shortly after, the head of the Presidential Palace in Indonesia announced that "The
UN will respect Indonesia's sovereignty", continuing the UN’s non-involvement in the
prolonged Papua Conflict.
Violence would then flare up again in December of 2018 as West Papuan protesters
across the region proclaimed December 1st to be their Independence Day. Mass arrests by
the Papuan police quickly escalated violence, leading to the shooting of up to 31
construction workers and one Indonesian investigator, an attack claimed by the West
Papuan liberation army. However, the separatist military arm argues that events took place
differently, stating that the construction workers were Indonesian military, not civilians and
that the event was in self-defense against the prolonged oppression of the West Papuan
people. However, with a lack of access to the area by the Indonesian government, both
news outlets and human rights groups were unable to verify any claims or numbers, an
issue that has consistently made it harder to even approach the issue. The Indonesian
government has also repeatedly blanketed the voices of the West Papuans by cutting
internet access across entire provinces. Indonesia’s president, Joko Widodo, announced
that the internet blackouts were for “the common good”, in an effort to reduce “false” news
spread by protesters.
The most recent internet block occurred in August 2019, after a series of violent
clashes sparked by racist comments directed towards Papuan students, although the
Indonesian government has disputed this account. In major protest areas, the internet was
quickly cut in an effort to disrupt protests, and gunfights began across the island territory.
Tens of thousands of West Papuans were evacuated from cities threatened by the violence,
including 16,000 from the city of Wamena after several dozen people were killed and
burned alive in buildings. In Sorong, the largest city in West Papua, fifteen government
buildings were burned, and in Manokwari, the capital of the province, ten government
buildings were burned. Additionally, police and armed soldiers stormed a dormitory of
West Papuan students after allegations rose of an Indonesian flag found in the gutter by
the building. Around twenty tear gas canisters were thrown into the building, causing
injuries, before forty-three students were arrested. Further protests gave the Indonesian
military an excuse to send in more than 6000 extra “security personnel” to the region. The
continuous cycle of violence between the Indonesian military and West Papuans shows no
signs of slowing, as innocent lives are lost with each passing month.
In addition to the continuing violence and human rights abuses, the constant stream
of migrants from other parts of Indonesia has widened the divide between ethnic Papuans
and the Indonesian government, with Papuans quickly becoming more of a minority within
their own territory. The migrants, a mass resettlement leftover from Indonesia’s
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Transmigration program, have displaced many Papuans from skilled and unskilled labor
alike. Those that refuse to give up their land are labeled as OPM, meaning they are subject
to future military harassment and abuse. Not only has transmigration added to tensions
between the West Papuans and the Indonesian Government, but it has also limited the
educational and employment opportunities of indigenous people while creating centers of
“Indonesian nationalism” concentrated in urban areas. Researchers from the Australian
National University have also noted an increasing income gap, the widest being between
highly skilled migrants and local Papuan farmers. Although the Papuan economy has been
growing at around the same rate as Indonesia, rural poverty remained at 41% in 2012,
more than double the national average. Indonesia has not provided many rural areas with
adequate education, health, and industry infrastructure, but instead directed most
government spending towards urban areas and industries that continue to drain West
Papua of their resources. With a lack of involvement from the United Nations thus far, it is
imperative that the Peacebuilding Commission works urgently with the Indonesian
government to address the “human rights sore” of the region. Along with halting the long-
lasting violence, the UNPBC must work towards improving conditions in rural areas, as it is
essential to provide greater welfare to Papua-born citizens to produce a more sustained
peace, focusing on both development and the economy.
CASE STUDIES
In 1999, the eradication campaign of the Falun Gong was a concealed attempt of the
Chinese government to regain complete control of their nation. Falun Gong is a mind-
body-spiritual practice that started in 1992 and was widely practiced before the end of the
decade. The practices were rooted in traditional Chinese cultural beliefs, grounded in
Buddhist and Taoist philosophies. The moral principles of Falun Gong appealed to many,
and numerous Western scholars deemed it a new religious movement, for it is “a set of
individuals whose identity is defined by common religious creeds, beliefs, doctrines,
practices, or rituals.” (US Code definition of a religious group). By the mid-1990s, around
seventy million Chinese citizens were practicing Falun Gong for its spiritual teachings,
guiding philosophies, and beneficial health effects.
After the Chinese Communist State discovered the vast population of practitioners,
their policy and attitudes shifted, soon leading to harassment and defamation in the late
1990s. All religious activities and civic activities are highly regulated in China leading to
the detention of forty-five practitioners in Tianjin who had been protesting a defamatory
publication. In response, approximately ten thousand Falun Gong practitioners held a
peaceful gathering at the Government petition office, asking for the freedom to continue
their practice and to release the detained practitioners. While there is no evidence the event
1: The Cold Genocide of Falun Gong
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was centrally planned, Jiang Zemin, then President of China, framed the group as an
ideological challenge to the Party, calling it the “Zhongnanhai Incident” of April 1999. He
quickly called for a nationwide eradication campaign to be quickly organized and initiated
in a formal order to the Politburo.
The goal of the campaign was to convert Falun Gong believers using whatever
means necessary, including torture. However, unexpected resistance from the Falun Gong,
including peaceful protests at Tiananmen Square, pushed the government to increase the
intensity of the campaign. Authorities soon switched to more harmful torture methods,
including forced labor, sexual violence, and medical experimentation. Practitioners were
even killed through torture, including beatings, electric baton application, and suffocation.
Some estimates conclude that 450,000 to a million practitioners were detained in forced
labor camps at any given time between 2000 and 2008.
Most disturbing was information collected regarding forced organ harvesting as part
of the eradication campaign. Organs, including essential organs, were extracted from Falun
Gong prisoners without consent, often resulting in death. The practice and technology
grew and improved largely due to the large population of detained Falun Gong detainees. A
law from 1984 that permits organ sourcing from executed prisoners without consent from
either the prisoners or their families still stands today, and China’s announcement that
voluntary organ donation had increased by 50% from 2015 to 2016 has continued to be
questioned.
The eradication of the Falun Gong is one of the most striking examples of a cold
genocide in history. As a cold genocide, the Chinese government devised more subtle
methods of structural violence to annihilate the Falun Gong. In addition, the eradication
was a success, as the more discreet torture led to the disinterest of most of the world, as
the Communist Party loudly mislabeled the Falun Gong as a violent and unsophisticated
cult. With hundreds of thousands of victims in this cold genocide, it is essential that the
global community understands how easy it is for a similar event to occur again, and how to
prevent it from occurring. Cold genocides are multidimensional: campaigns aim to
eliminate victims in many different ways, and in ways that are subtle or unnoticeable in the
outside world. Both facets contribute to a prolonged conflict, similar to the West Papuan’s
50 year forgotten struggle with the Indonesian government in the present. It is crucial that
the UNPBC takes note of the tragedy of the Falun Gong to prevent the loss of more lives in
West Papua.
Located in Puncak Jaya in the Papua Province, Grasberg Mine is a colossal example
of Western New Guinea’s bounty of resources and foreign investment. Grasberg Mine, the
world’s largest gold mine and second-largest copper mine, Grasberg Mine is as much a
source of controversy as it is a source of wealth. Grasberg Mine is owned by the American
2: Grasberg Mine
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mining firm Freeport McMoRan and began mining operations in Indonesia in 1972.
However, the mine became mostly exhausted in the mid-1980s and would take several
more years for PT Freeport Indonesia to truly discover the size and massive potential
Grasberg had. Today, Grasberg is an instrumental part of Indonesia’s economy as the
mine’s reserves are worth an estimated 100 billion USD, and the site is Indonesia’s largest
taxpayer. However, “all that glitters is not gold”.
Grasberg Mine has been a frequent source of controversy for the harm that it has
done to the local and indigenous Papuans. Local indigenous tribes, namely the Kamoro and
Amungme, have claimed that their peoples have been plagued “with poverty, disease,
oppression and environmental degradation since the mine began operations in 1973”
(Schulman). Moreover, Hironimus Urmani, chief of the Kamoro, claims that tailing sediment
from Grasberg Mine has raised the riverbeds of local rivers, suffocating shrimp, oysters,
and fish, staples of his tribe’s diet and economy. A 2012 report from Earthworks and
MiningWatch Canada found that Grasberg Mine waste had “buried over 166 square
kilometers of formerly productive forest and wetlands, and fish have largely disappeared”
(Earthworks). These damages to traditional fishing grounds, combined with increased
competition from resettled Indonesians have only hurt the increasingly troubled natives.
The environmental damages don’t stop there. Earthworks also estimates that Freeport
dumps 200,000 tons of mine waste directly into the Aikwa delta system daily. Such
dumpings have ruined the local environment with both locals and Earthworks claiming that
hundreds of thousands of acres of forest and mangroves have been reduced to mere
wastelands.
Focusing back to the mine’s beginning, the Indonesian government excluded both
the Amungme and Kamoro tribes from land agreement negotiations. Even though the
Indonesian government and Freeport negotiated extraction rights for the Grasberg site in
1967, land agreements with the Amungme weren’t negotiated till a year after the mine’s
opening in 1974 and then 23 years later for the Kamoro in 1997.
Whilst the Grasberg Mines have never officially been directly linked with human
rights abuses, many unemployed Papuans are forced to work as sex workers for miners
with alleged involvement from the Indonesian military. These sex workers have then helped
spread sexually transmitted infections throughout their indigenous tribes. This has led to
“epidemic level” outbreaks of HIV in West Papua according to the UN. Unfortunately, most
infected Papuans can’t receive the help and treatment they need as there is only one
hospital in the area, which is also built by Freeport.
Violence and protest have become commonplace Grasberg Mine in recent years with
miner strikes in 2017 spanning multiple months and leading to thousands of firings,
violent clashes between protestors and police as well as Indonesian military action. These
strikes stemmed from an ownership dispute between Freeport and the Indonesian
government as well as safety, pay, and medical care crises within the. Grasberg mine-
related violence began as early as 2002 with the killing of 3 schoolteachers in an incident
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allegedly instigated by Indonesian Special Forces. Since then, violence and controversy
surrounding the mine have only increased as dozens of shootings of both Papua protestors
and Indonesian police alike have plagued the mine and surrounding areas. This violence
came to a spearhead in October of 2017 when the West Papua National Liberation Army
(TPNPB), a militant group fighting for the Free Papua Movement (OPM), declared Grasberg
Mine and the surrounding area to be a battle sight in their fight against the Indonesian
police force and military.
BLOC POSITIONS Indonesian Investors and International Friends: Bangladesh, Brunei, East Timor, Laos, Mongolia, Myanmar, Papua New Guinea, and the
Philippines.
These countries do not have a sustainable transportation infrastructure. For these
countries, the majority of transportation occurs through bikes, tuk-tuks, motorbikes, and
other, more local forms of transportation. These are all extremely unreliable, and often,
those who use them complain about the long wait times and unreliable pick-up and drop-
off routes. These countries also tend not to have country-wide transportation programs,
meaning infrastructure like trains and buses. If they do, they are found in the wealthier
areas of the country. This leaves the majority of the citizens behind, forced to use
unreliable methods of transportation. The majority of these countries also have their
infrastructure impacted by the terrain of the country, especially when they have lots of
mountains or water surrounding them. Especially in Southeast Asian countries, the rough
terrain and great environmental diversity poses challenges for transportation. This causes
many to not have adequate access to transportation. On top of that, these countries do not
have the money to pay for transportation, and this causes for the transportation they do
have to be unreliable and often unsafe. Many of these countries want more infrastructure,
they just don’t have the ability to do so. For these countries, it is most important to work
with larger or more developed countries to ensure that their country is able to get what
they need, whether that be money or resources.
Indonesia:
Front and center in the Papua Conflict is Indonesia. It is of paramount importance to
Indonesia that they maintain control over Papua and West Papua. The two provinces
provide and house key economic resources and assets for Indonesia and its allies. If the
provinces were to become independent, Indonesia would suffer a gigantic international
embarrassment, lose power and influence as one of the dominant nations of Southeast Asia
and the Pacific, and potentially destroy many key international relations if the UN were to
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find that Indonesia had committed any human rights violations. Indonesia should try to
minimize the publicity and prevent any UN investigation of this crisis as they attempt to
save their global image and reputation.
Tigers of the Pacific: China and the United States of America.
Indonesia is a key ally for both of these two global superpowers as they vie for
influence and control over the pacific. Both China and the United States are heavily invested
in Indonesian trade as they are the countries 4th and 5th biggest trading partner
respectively. Both countries value Indonesia for its strategic location and strong regional
and global influence. The United States relies heavily on Indonesia for regional security, but
potential human rights violations could force the USA to destroy its partnership. On the
other hand, China and Indonesia are dependent on each other for global expansion and
infrastructural development respectively. With Indonesia's influence over the pacific
slipping, China could use this conflict to carefully gain the upper hand. Much like the
Indonesian Investors and International Friends bloc, these countries should be looking to
quietly protect their most important allies as they fight with each other over Indonesian
influence.
GUIDING QUESTIONS 1. What is your country’s history/policy regarding the treatment of minorities?
2. Should Indonesia’s sovereignty be respected? If not, how would you approach
supporting the West Papuans?
3. Are there any resources that your country could provide the West Papuans?
4. How does your country’s economic relations with Indonesia conflict with your
country’s commitment to human rights?
FURTHER RESEARCH https://www.un.org/peacebuilding/ This is the UNPBC’s official website, where you can find information regarding the UNPBC’s
mandate, goals, and reports. The extent of the PBC’s powers are described, as well as areas
of focus.
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https://thediplomat.com/2019/09/why-is-west-papua-in-constant-turmoil/ The Diplomat offers an in-depth summary of the sixty-year conflict, including multiple
perspectives and describing human rights violations that have occurred. A great place to
start your research.
https://www.ulmwp.org/ The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP)’s official website. The aims of the
ULWMP are described, helpful in understanding the different perspectives of the conflict.
https://www.nonviolent-conflict.org/struggle-self-determination-west-papua-1969-present/ A report by the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict on human rights abuses while
also looking at sources of power for both sides.
TOPIC INTRODUCTION
The Northern Triangle, consisting of Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala, is an
area that is known worldwide for its high rates of organized crime. For decades, gang
violence and drug trafficking in the region have led to increased rates of homicide,
kidnappings, “protection payments,” theft, fraud, and other criminal acts. The scale at
which the criminal organizations running these activities is so large that the effects of their
actions are felt at all levels of society, from the highest of the people in the government to
the common man. Because of this, everyday people feel unsafe in their own homes, as the
violence is so widespread and so out of control that even the police are unable to put even
a small hold on it.
Part of the reason why the violence has grown to such a large scale is corruption in
the government. Many officials, from those in the police force to the presidents of these
countries, are corrupted by the gangs and other criminal organizations carrying out the
unlawful actions that have taken over the region. In Guatemala, the president was widely
condemned for sending out United Nations anti-corruption forces and, in Honduras, the
country’s leader has been scrutinized for his ties to drug cartels, embezzlement, and other
Addressing Organized Crime in Central America’s Northern Triangle
TOPIC B
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criminal activities. Out of the three main countries in the northern triangle, so far only El
Salvador has put forth efforts to fight the corruption plaguing its country, but its efforts
have yet to have any real effects on the problem.
Another reason why violence has gone to this level: drug trafficking. The effects of
drug trafficking have taken these three countries by storm, and coping with the problems
that the drug trade has brought is just as big of a challenge as fighting the trafficking is.
The trafficking ties back to the problem of corruption, as the cartels often pay off
government officials so that it is easier to move products through the country. Often, this
goes all the way up to the president, as can be seen in Honduras through, as stated earlier,
the president’s ties to drug cartels. The crime that accompanies drug trafficking is often in
the form of kidnapping, sometimes for ransom, “protection” payments for everyday
citizens to prevent falling victim to any violence, homicides, and many other serious
criminal actions.
HISTORY
The Northern Triangle is home to some of the world’s highest homicide rates. In
2014, the Honduran city of San Pedro Sula was ranked as the world’s most violent city. In
the same year, El Salvador ranked first in the world for the killing of women, with
Guatemala a mere two places behind it. The violence has been credited to the high cartel
activity in those countries, as their economic instability and corrupt governments make
them prime places for such activity. Gangs have also been attributed to the high violence
rates. Such organizations have been ravaging the country as far back as the 1980s when
they first took root in the vulnerable societies left after years of civil war recovery.
The civil wars in the mid-1900s in the Northern Triangle are the root cause of the
violence in these countries. From 1960-1996, Guatemala experienced one of the most
violent wars in its history, with a multitude of leadership changes and violence that would
have lasting effects on the modern-day. The actions that took place in that period laid the
foundation for criminal organizations there that has allowed them to flourish and terrorize
citizens for decades now. In Honduras, from 1980-1992, a similar war took place that
weakened its economy to where the per capita income was only one-fifth of what it was
before the war. This economic climate allowed for gangs, drug cartels, and criminal
organizations to flood the country and thrive today. On top of that, the result of the civil
war was the militarization of the country, making violence almost the norm. El Salvador’s
civil war (1980-1992) led to a loss of power on the part of the military. Previously, the
military was able to hold a monopoly on the government‘s exercise of its power but lost
that in the war. Because of this, the people felt they had less security and the elite formed
their own political organization, the Nationalist Republican Alliance, and paved the way for
organized crime to make its way into everyday society.
14
Drug trafficking has also been a major contributor to the growth of organized crime
in the Northern Triangle. Starting in the 1970s, drug cartels established themselves and
grew more powerful over time, taking advantage of the economic and societal instability of
the region that has plagued northern triangle nations for decades. The existence of
multiple cartels in the same area is what causes the conflict - they fight for territory and
business - and these conflicts spill over into civilian life, causing an increase in violence
overall in the triangle. Drug trafficking has also been a major contributor to corruption in
the countries, pushing even more violence again due to competition.
Corruption has almost encouraged violence in the northern triangle as a result of the
organizations fighting for a say in the government. Cartels and criminal organizations have
different agendas, meaning that even some influence in the government of a country is
extremely beneficial. This power means that a group has an advantage over rival
organizations, giving them a say both in lenience exercised by local law enforcement and
in having influence in lawmaking decisions that can improve or make harder the public
situation in which a criminal organization or cartel is working.
CURRENT SITUATION Currently, the Northern Triangle is still experiencing mass amounts of violence,
corruption, and a lack of economic opportunities. The region is one of the poorest in the
Americas, with sixty percent of countries' populations such as Guatemala and Honduras,
living below the poverty line. The corruption and imbalance of power in the region also
makes it hard for any of the governments to properly provide aid to their citizens as there
is little money to support social services within each nation. Additionally, there is also a lot
of gang activity in these countries which raises crime rates to some of the worst in the
world. This stems from the region’s violent history which has weakened its economies and
made the governments vulnerable to both international and local powers. Further
destabilizing the economies, population growth and climate change have put further strain
on the governments and their resources.
The Guatemalan, Honduran, and Salvadoran governments have all tried to curb the
violence and corruption in their respective countries, but economic instability means that
the governments do not have the resources to actually do anything that has a lasting
effect. In El Salvador, three former presidents were charged with money laundering and
embezzlement, further discrediting their government's reputation of proper financial
resources use. Also, due to the violence and corruption in the region, foreign investors are
hesitant to fund any sorts of initiatives or private companies due to lack of incentives and
uncertainty in trust in fund allocation from the governments.
To address corruption, the Guatemalan government has created the International
Commission against impunity in Guatemala (CICIG). So far, their efforts have been
successful and have outed 300 corrupt government officials and significantly decreased
15
their homicide rate. Honduras has created a similar committee that worked to an extent,
but its citizens still do not have enough faith in the government for the committee to
positively impact the country quite yet. Such efforts by the region’s governments have not
quite curbed their rates of corruption, though. For example, recently, Honduran officials
tried to pass laws to even protect these corrupt officials, a step in the opposite direction of
progress.
Violence has been in the region’s agenda of topics to address for a long time. Over
time, they have enacted a few policies such as increasing police power, harsher
punishment for gangs, and military introduction in police duties, all with the goal of
reducing rates of violence. However, these efforts have been largely unsuccessful due to
the ongoing police brutality against citizens and only further increasing gang membership.
In El Salvador, the government facilitated a truce between two prominent gangs in the
country. At first, this truce was massively successful and more than halved the murder rate
of the country. However, this quickly fell apart and catapulted the murder rates far above
what they were before, and unintentionally gave the gangs political legitimacy. These failed
attempts, although good in their motives, were not successful due to the years in the
development of mistrust between the people and their governments. Without international
help, these countries will not be able to gain control of their population and gain back the
respect they desire, yet don’t always deserve.
CASE STUDIES
One of the most horrific examples of organized crime’s devastating effects on gang
violence is the extortion of the Guatemalan public transportation system. Between 2010
and 2017, attacks on the Guatemalan public transit system have killed more than “2,000
people, including bus and taxi drivers, bus assistants (known as “brochas”), passengers,
transportation service owners, among others” (Robbins). Such extortion isn’t limited to
large transnational gangs like MS-13 (Mara Salvatrucha) and the 18th Street Gang (Barrio
18), but also smaller local gangs within violence-stricken cities like Quetzaltenango and
Guatemala City. These gangs, who are often helped by brochas, extort bus drivers for
passing through their respective territories, killing them if they refuse to pay. The gangs
have profited an estimated 40 million USD annually from this extortion, wasting 35 million
USD of annual government subsidies which everyday Guatemalans rely on to ride
affordable public transportation to work.
The government’s attempts to counteract such extortion have failed. In 2007,
Guatemala City opened a Bus Rapid Transit System (BRT) called Transmetro or
Transurbano. Unlike other Guatemalan busses, Transmetro busses used a digital payment
system rather than relying on potentially corrupt brochas or bus drivers to collect the fare,
1: Guatemalan Transit System Extortion
16
hindering gang extortion. However, due to corruption between former President Álvaro
Colom, 11 former high-ranking government officials, and Asociación de Empresas de
Autobuses (AEAU), the company contracted to supply Transmetro busses. AEAU was
contracted to supply 3,150 busses, but only 455 busses were ever imported to Guatemala.
Moreover, Guatemalan authorities have attempted to reinforce the transit system by
increasing police patrols on violence-plagued routes. These reinforcements consist of
1,400 police who patrol Guatemala City and protect its busses in the city’s most dangerous
areas. Unfortunately, with a transit system composed of approximately 3,000 public
busses, securing all routes and busses is impossible with the current resources and
personnel at the city's disposal. Furthermore, this system only exists in the capital, leaving
other extortion-stricken cities like Quetzaltenango still lacking much needed protection.
Gang extortion of the Guatemalan transit system isn’t just limited to busses. In
2014 alone, Guatemala’s Inspector General’s Office of Human Rights reported that the 412
transportation system deaths from that year included: “102 bus drivers, 42 mini-bus
drivers, 75 motorcycles taxi drivers, 35 taxi drivers, 33 support staff, 102 public transport
users, 16 suspected robbers, as well as 6 private and public security officers,” almost all of
which involved extortion (Rivera). A continued lack of long-term planning and
policymaking, spurred by constant administration change has impeded efforts to combat
the issue. The Guatemalan government has often been criticized for its reactive policies
and actions as organized crime in their transit sector has gotten increasingly out of hand.
With reported increases in transit extortion by smaller gangs and consistent government
ineptitude, the future and safety of Guatemala’s transit workers and riders are grim.
In recent years, migration from Central America, more specifically the Northern
Triangle, has been one of the primary topics that the United States (U.S.) government has
publicly been addressing. Even more recently, with the 2016 election of current president
Donald Trump, the “migrant crisis” was one of the most prominent topics on his
administration’s agenda. Thus, recent U.S. responses to the Northern Triangle have been
reactive mostly to the migrants coming from this region, but even before the recent influx.
The U.S. government has taken action to halt this migration and additionally has been
providing aid to the region for years.
The U.S. government and the Northern Triangle administrations worked together to
put together a plan in September 2014 called Plan of the Alliance for Prosperity (A4P). This
plan is funded mostly by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and the U.S.
government. The plan has four central goals: fostering the productive sector, developing
human capital, improving citizen security and access to justice, and strengthening
institutions and improving transparency.
2: The United States of America
17
Aid from the United States to the Northern Triangle has helped lower homicide
rates, and this is evidenced by the fact that there was a direct correlation in places that
experienced lowering rates and where the U.S. targeted their aid. The U.S. has also helped
create more efficient agricultural practices and worked to increase farmers’ sales in
Guatemala. After assistance from the U.S. government, farmers increased their sales by 51
percent, and 20,000 new jobs were created in the Western Highlands Region of Guatemala,
a place from which a large portion of migrants come. From 2015 to 2018, the U.S.
government provided 2.6 billion dollars in assistance to the Northern Triangle. However,
the current administration proposed significant cuts in 2016. The proposals were rejected
by congress and the government continued its aid to the Northern Triangle countries until
March 29, 2019, when President Trump announced that all aid to the region would be
halted. This was due to a lack of action by the Northern Triangle’s government in
addressing the number of migrants coming to the U.S. border, seeking asylum. Efforts to
fight this decision within the government were unsuccessful, and the State Department
outlined a series of requirements that needed to be met by the Northern Triangle’s
administrations before aid to the region resumes.
BLOC POSITIONS The Americas: Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, and the United States of America.
These Central, North, and South American neighbors are important and invested
trading partners with the Northern Triangle. Their geographic location and
interconnectivity make them the prime landing spot for Northern Triangle refugees and
asylum seekers. It is vital that these countries assist the Northern Triangle if they value
continuing trading operations, wish to prevent future influxes of refugees and illegal
immigrants, and/or international respect.
International Trading Partners: China, Germany, Belgium, Japan, and the United Kingdom.
The trading partners bloc consist of countries outside of the Americas who are also
heavily invested in Northern Triangle trade. These nations rank amongst the top 10 trading
partners of the Northern Triangle and would lose a valuable economic asset if an organized
crime were to cripple the Northern Triangle even more. These countries have very strong
economies and if given the right incentives could provide significant financial assistance
and rescue the Northern Triangle.
Future International Allies: India and Indonesia.
18
Both India and Indonesia have laid the groundwork for future trade and meaningful
diplomatic relations with Latin America. Indonesia has begun to work with Latin America at
the Forum for East Asia – Latin America Cooperation (FEALAC) but has yet to begin
significant trade and investment. On the other hand, India has been continuously
developing strong economic relations with Latin American countries like Brazil and Mexico.
These countries could use this crisis to continue their development of close diplomatic and
economic relations within Latin America in the Northern Triangle.
International Outsiders: Kenya, Nigeria, Pakistan, Russian Federation, and South Africa.
These countries possess very minimal foreign relations with the Northern Triangle
and economic activity between these countries and the Northern Triangle is scarce. With
almost nothing to lose in the issue, these countries should back the actions of their
respective allies in the committee in order to strengthen their international relations.
El Salvador: El Salvador.
As one of the 3 members of the Northern Triangle, El Salvador is in dire need of
help to stop the violence and organized crime which has plagued the country since 1992.
The country’s gang wars have crippled the nation’s economy, leading to a loss of 4 billion
USD per year. The nation’s future is also crippled as tens of thousands of Salvadoran
children drop out of school each year and around 16,000 flee the country. El Salvador must
prove its potential strategic, diplomatic, and economic value to potential international
aiders if it wishes to solve its violent crime crisis.
GUIDING QUESTIONS 1. What can nations outside of the Northern Triangle do to mitigate drug trafficking in
the region?
2. How has organized violence impacted your country, whether economically,
politically, socially, etc.?
3. What factors exacerbate organized violence in your country and how has your
country addressed them?
4. What diplomatic, strategic, or economic advantage could your country gain from
assisting the Northern Triangle?
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FURTHER RESEARCH https://read.un-ilibrary.org/human-rights-and-refugees/world-humanitarian-data-and-trends-2017_9a5c8513-en#page1 A quick summary in the UN World Humanitarian Data and Trends 2017 regarding the
Impact of violence in the Northern Triangle specifically. Reports cost of violence and
displacement as well.
https://www.refworld.org/pdfid/57a8a8844.pdf Broad report by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in 2016 regarding
protection needs in the Northern Triangle. Includes a detailed description of stakeholders
and those affected.
https://www.crisisgroup.org/latin-america-caribbean/central-america/62-mafia-poor-gangviolence-and-extortion-central-america An excellent think tank report that explains the history, effects, and future of gang
violence in the northern triangle in great detail. This source also has many thoughtful
recommendations on the issue to specific parties involved that you can use to formulate
your own solutions.
CITATIONS TOPIC A
1. http://www.parisglobalist.org/forgotten-land-under-the-sun-the-west-papua-
conflict/
2. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol9/iss2/5/
3. https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/trend-lines/28273/the-entangling-cycle-of-
indonesia-s-papua-conflict
4. https://thediplomat.com/2019/09/why-is-west-papua-in-constant-turmoil/
5. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/aug/23/west-papua-indonesia-claims-
province-has-returned-to-normal-amid-internet-blackout
6. https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-01-30/west-papuans-fight-for-another-
independence-referendum/10584336
7. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/aug/22/west-papua-protests-
indonesia-deploys-1000-soldiers-to-quell-unrest
8. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-indonesia-papua-un/west-papuan-
separatists-hand-petition-to-un-human-rights-chief-idUSKCN1PL0K7
9. https://www.downtoearth-indonesia.org/story/big-plans-papua
10. https://dspace.mit.edu/bitstream/handle/1721.1/85038/42424451.pdf?sequence
=1&isAllowed=y
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11. https://www.cs.utexas.edu/users/cline/papua/refugees.htm
12. http://unsworks.unsw.edu.au/fapi/datastream/unsworks:4276/SOURCE1
13. https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/381108/papuan-petition-for-
independence-vote-handed-to-un-rights-chief
14. https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-08-19/west-papuans-barricaded-arrested-
teargassed-by-indonesian-police/11424990
15. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/30/west-papua-independence-
petition-is-rebuffed-at-un
16. https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/08/23/indonesian-officers-racist-slurs-trigger-
riots-papua#
17. https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/411118/death-toll-from-
papua-2019-protest-month-put-at-59
18. https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=24942&L
angID=E
19. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1513&context=gsp
20. https://www.visiontimes.com/2018/07/20/genocide-of-falun-gong-in-china-
virtually-ignored.html
21. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2016/nov/02/100-bn-dollar-
gold-mine-west-papuans-say-they-are-counting-the-cost-indonesia
22. https://www.miningglobal.com/mining-sites/grasberg-worlds-largest-gold-mine
23. https://www.downtoearth-indonesia.org/story/logging-west-papua
24. https://www.culturalsurvival.org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/west-
papua-forgotten-war-unwanted-people
25. https://www.downtoearth-indonesia.org/story/multinational-corporations-lining-
profit-west-papuas-resources
26. https://www.jamesmorgan.co.uk/resource-extraction-in-west-papua
27. https://asiatimes.com/2019/05/flawed-timber-scheme-hits-indonesian-forests/
28. https://news.mongabay.com/2018/06/india-eyes-coal-reserves-in-indonesian-
papua/
29. http://www.industriall-union.org/violence-breaks-out-at-grasberg-mine-as-
dispute-drags-on
30. https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2011/11/is-a-us-mining-
company-funding-a-violent-crackdown-in-indonesia/249164/
31. https://asiapacificreport.nz/2020/04/04/papuan-mp-calls-for-nz-involvement-
in-independent-shooting-inquiry/
32. https://tpnpbnews.files.wordpress.com/2016/06/38-year-tpn-opm-no-unity-
and-struggle-after-the-reformation.pdf
33. https://theaseanpost.com/article/papua-conflict-two-wrongs-dont-make-right
34. https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/indonesia/indonesia-resources-
and-conflict-papua
21
35. http://www.parisglobalist.org/forgotten-land-under-the-sun-the-west-papua-
conflict/
36. http://www.ipsnews.net/2016/04/west-papuans-turn-to-africa-for-support-in-
freedom-bid-2/
37. https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/405595/africa-caribbean-
pacific-group-seeks-action-on-papua-rights-abuses
38. https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/367641/pacific-leaders-call-
out-indonesia-at-un-over-west-papua
39. https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/geopolitics/article/3024136/chinese-support-
pacific-nations-shaping-their-stance
40. http://theconversation.com/why-do-the-us-china-and-international-community-
remain-silent-on-papua-123291
41. https://wits.worldbank.org/CountryProfile/en/Country/IDN/Year/2018/TradeFlow/
EXPIMP/Partner/by-country
42. https://wits.worldbank.org/CountryProfile/en/Country/IDN/Year/2018/TradeFlow/
EXPIMP/Partner/by-country
TOPIC B 1. https://www.americasquarterly.org/content/us-and-mexico-tighten-borders-
central-american-migrants-increasingly-turn-south
2. https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/india-in-pivotal-geographies-latin-
america-54551/
3. https://ugm.ac.id/en/news/16208-latin-america-is-prospective-market-for-
indonesia
4. https://www.nrc.no/shorthand/fr/fleeing-for-their-lives-in-central-
america/index.html
5. https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/11/30/el-salvador-gang-violence-ms13-nation-
held-hostage-photography/
6. https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/gang-extortion-spurs-deadly-bus-
attacks-guatemala/
7. https://www.insightcrime.org/news/brief/guatemala-authorities-cicig-target-yet-
another-former-president/
8. https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/could-guatemala-city-s-smart-bus-
system-cut-extortion/
9. https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/attacks-on-bus-drivers-in-
guatemala-persist/
10. https://newrepublic.com/article/113293/900-bus-drivers-dead-guatemala-city-
worlds-most-dangerous-job
22
11. https://www.crisisgroup.org/latin-america-caribbean/central-america/62-mafia-
poor-gang-violence-and-extortion-central-america
12. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-
12109840http://www.ipsnews.net/2008/02/guatemala-bus-drivers-targets-of-
organised-crime-killings/
13. http://www.ipsnews.net/2008/02/guatemala-bus-drivers-targets-of-organised-
crime-killings/
14. http://www.laht.com/article.asp?ArticleId=371330&CategoryId=23558