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INTEGRATING THE INFORMALUNDERSTANDING URBANISM IN KATWARAI SARAI

Chaitanya Kanuri | Maria Merchant | Sanaa Degani

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Sadak ke paar khada taaktaMujhe har kadam pe aanktaYeh shaher mera hai

Na paidaish, na purani rihaish haiPhir bhi, yeh shaher mera hai

Ise dost banana khoob aata haiIse kahaniyaan sunana khoob aata haiYe shaher kisson ka dher hai, kahaniyon ka ghar hai

Main bhi, mutthi bhar kisse lekar aaya thaJo ab iski kahaniyon mein ghulne lage hain

Yahan mere sapne khilne lage hainAur khil raha hun mainIs shaher ki raftaar mein, mil raha hun main…

~ Prashant Gautam

To Delhi,

For at every twist and turn we took, you showed us something old, something new, but always something beautiful, so much so that we fell in love with you; the majestic remnants of your past, the realities of your eccentric present and the

spirit of your hopeful future.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSConsidering that most of the material in this book was assembled from scratch, without the benefit of secondary sources or available documentation, we are grateful for the wonderful people who helped us through the process. First and foremost, we would like to thank the Young India Fellowship Pro-gram for giving us the opportunity, and providing us with the multidisciplinary platform and environ-ment which made this project possible. We would like to thank our client, Rajeev Thakker of Studio-X, who saw us through confusing times, always offering encouragement and constructive feedback, and never losing faith in our potential. We would like to thank the inspiring faculty at the fellowship, who broadened our understanding- in particular, we thank the faculty of SciencesPo for the module on ur-ban governance, from which we learnt ways of looking at the city, and which gave us the chance to experience primary data collection methodology. We would also like to thank Mekhala Krishnamurthy, who taught us ethnographic methods, but also taught us to trust in ourselves and our project at a criti-cal time. We would like to thank our co-fellows who have shown interest in our work, and given us their time and feedback- Prashant Gautam, for sharing with us his passion for Delhi and making us fall in love with it; Siddharth Dixit and Ashish Agarwal, for generously sharing their research work; Jayesh Ganesh, for being around whenever we needed to pick his brain. Lastly, and most importantly, we would like to thank the people of Katwaria Sarai, for being our unending source of inspiration and learn-ing- at every stage, you taught us something new, and you showed us new ways of looking at things.

Thank you!

CONTENTSIntroduction

Katwarai Sarai• History• Socio-Cultural Life • Economics of the Sarai• Politics of the Sarai

Analysis• The Resilience of Transitional Space• Syncretism of the Formal and Informal• The Place-Making Potential of the Formal

The Wells of TimeThe Wells of the Sarai• Well no. 1• Well no. 2• Well no. 3• Well no. 4

Conclusion

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INTRODUCTIONThe uniformity of urbanisation is recognisable in its very ubiquity. More and more, cities across the world have begun to resemble one another, and no longer can they be identified by sight. And so it is in India too, where great cities were once distinctive enough to have titles, be it Jaipur, the pink city, or Udaipur, the city of lakes and palaces, or the temple city of Madurai, or the Mughal city of Shahjahanabad. The grandest as well as the most vernacular architecture in a place was indicative of its history, and heritage. Today, as ‘place’ loses its significance in the virtual world of universal connectivity, so are places losing their significance and individuality. The Cyber City of Hyderabad could just as well be the Electronic City of Bangalore or the Gurgaon of New Delhi. The espoused ideal of a world without borders is being realised, if in nothing else, in the banal sameness of cities without identities.

Walking through Delhi, we saw hints of its heritage in the historic monuments that dot the city in the most unexpected places. We admired the distinc-tive grandness of Lutyens’ Delhi, an apt testament to the centre of political power. We absorbed the atmosphere of intellectual sophistication evidenced in the panel discussions, poetry readings and politi-cal debates. But it was in the crowded alleyways of Chandni Chowk and the seedy areas of Paharganj that we caught a real glimpse of the spirit which moves Delhi, its character. The upper echelons of Delhi residents that move in air-conditioned circles, and the ‘world-class’ auditoriums and convention centres which house them, could be from any part of the world, with their cultivated cosmopolitanism. But

the aggressive driver who pulls over for a brawl at the slightest provocation, the thick canopy of il-legal electrical connections that shade the roads, the smoke, sweat and heat of street food joints, the kebabs, the Mughal domes- it is the melding of these kaleidoscopic images that captures Delhi in all its memorable glory.

Spaces need vibrancy, functionality, and action to transform into places, identifiable, useful. It was in the organically developed areas of the city that we saw the liveliest spaces, a melee of people, sights, sounds and smells enough to inundate the senses. And it was here that we saw a remarkably efficient, if chaotic, functioning of systems. This was where the informal sector was in greatest concentration, wiping out the sterilised civility enforced by the regulations of standardised urban planning guidelines. The informal systems in a developing city are essential to bridge the gap between the demand and the supply of resources. They step in when urban infrastructure can no longer bear the load; they offer convenience through their easy adaptability and proximity; they cater to the poorer sections of society that have no safeguards, and provide them livelihoods; they offer variety and choice to the budget consumer. And more intangibly but just as importantly, the infor-mal systems create places that are memorable and unique, because informality by its very nature cannot be standardised or strait-jacketed into regulation uniformity.

Gurgaon

LNJP Market, New Delhi

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Informality and Place MakingIt is this place-making potential of informal systems that we hope to understand through our study, which we have approached through the case study of Katwaria Sarai, an urban village in New Delhi. Urban villages are areas that are undergoing a belated process of urbanization and are of a distinctly differ-ent urban fabric from their surroundings, one which is more organic in nature and more resembling the old city areas than the newer planned city spaces. They function as self-sufficient microcosms with all neces-sary services available within their confines, and the large degree of informal engagement in the place results in a specific, need-based development that reflects the nature of the people and the space.

The informal city in urban centres in India is deeply interwoven with the formal city. And yet, the informal sector is resisted as unlawful and chaotic and faces constant persecution, despite the fact that it arises out of un-serviced needs, and is often more efficient, economic, and organised than the bureaucracy ridden ‘formal’ sector. As centres of informal development begin to get integrated with the urban fabric, the mainstream point of view seems to aim for their ‘rehabilitation’ into the formal city. We would like to question this assumption. By understand the func-tioning of such areas, and analysing the quality of life they offer to the people who live and work there, we hope to make a case for preserving their identity and culture, while at the same time trying to see how these areas can benefit from urban interventions and in which ways the onslaught of relentless urbanism should be curbed.

Jama Masjid, New Delhi

Lal-Qila, New Delhi

10Dariba Kalan Street, New Delhi

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“Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.”

~ Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities

12Katwarai Sarai, New Delhi

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Katwaria Sarai is an urban village located in the Hauz Khas area of South Delhi. It is spread out over 40 acres (or 0.16 sq.km.) and has a population of about 50,000. It is bounded by Shaheed Jeet Singh Marg on one side, and institutional lands (NCERT and IIT) on the others. It is well connected to the rest of the city by local transit- the Katwaria Sarai bus stop connects it to nearby areas like Mehrauli and R.K.Puram, and it is roughly equidistant from two Metro stations on the yellow line of the Delhi Metro, Hauz Khas and Malviya Nagar.

The nature of the development in Katwaria Sarai can be broadly divided into two categories- that of the Delhi Development Authority, which has low-income and middle-income housing schemes, located towards the main road, with better access and more planned layouts, and single-use buildings; as we go deeper into the village, the character of the space becomes more densely-packed and informal, with additions and extensions constructed as required, narrower lanes, slum pockets and a higher concentra-tion of mixed-use buildings, with commercial activity on the ground floor spilling over into the streets, and residential areas on the upper floors. While many of the families of the original settlers of the land con-tinue to reside in the village, there is a large influx of migrants, primarily people coming into Delhi looking for an affordable yet comfortable place to live. The convenience of the central location, the availability of accommodation, the lower rents and cost of living, and the easy access to all necessary services allow Katwaria Sarai to remain highly relevant, and to be an important stop-gap between the higher-end resi-dential projects and the informal settlements.

KATWARAI SARAI

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HISTORYKatwaria Sarai: Pre-1947The word ‘sarai’ is derived from ‘caravanserai,’ a Persian word meaning a caravan station where travellers would rest. It is a word common to many Central Asian and Indian languages, and refers to the shelters for travellers, sometimes large and extrava-gant, often modest and improvised, that tradition-ally dotted the cities and highways of much of the continent including Russia, China, the Indian subcon-tinent, the Middle East and Central Asia, facilitating travel, pilgrimage, commerce and adventure but also enabling the creation of rich, hybrid languages and cultures and the exchange of stories, concepts and ideas across large distances. It is a word that can be tied to the era of Islamic colonisation. The sarais of Delhi were originally 22 in number, and were in exist-ence during the Mughal rule. They were rest stops where soldiers or merchants would take rest on their travels to and from the Mughal capital, at the times of the different capitals established in Delhi under the Mughal rule. Katwaria Sarai was one of the original sarais of the Mughal era, and there are many versions of its history.

One of the stories of Katwaria Sarai starts during the Mughal period, when this area was used as the rest-ing place for the soldiers and merchants who came to Delhi for trade or other commercial and military ac-tivities. This area had small houses and rooms where these soldiers stayed for some time and refreshed themselves before moving onward in their journeys.

This area was not inhabited by people from any specific caste or creed during this time. Most of the people who kept the sarai running were small shop-keepers who provided refreshments to these soldiers and merchants. But these shopkeepers never lived here, and had their permanent homes in Mehrauli or in old Delhi. But things were to change for Katwaria Sarai in the middle of the 18th century.

In 1753, Maharaja Surajmal of Bharatpur, attacked Delhi while the Mughals were engaged in war with the Marathas. After a terrible battle, the army of Surajmal defeated the Nawab of Delhi, Ghazi-ud-din and captured Delhi. Although he won the battle and Delhi, he was not interested in ruling it. As a token of his victory, Maharaja Surajmal took away the gates of Firozshah Kotla to his kingdom at Bharatpur. On his way back to Bharatpur, he with his army, decided to rest for a while at the sarai. Some of the soldiers, mostly Sansanwals, (soldiers who came from San-sanwal village in the Bharatpur kingdom of yore) de-cided to remain in this area as it was fertile land with a good water supply. They started farming the land. In due course of time, one of the Sansanwals married the beautiful daughter of the jagirdaar of Mehrauli. In those days, dowry was an essential custom during marriages. The land on which the Sansanwals had settled was under the jurisdiction of the jagirdaar of Mehrauli, and he gifted it to the groom as dowry. As this piece of land was cut from the area of what was known as Mehrauli, it was named Katwaria Sarai (‘katwaria’ is derived from the Hindi word kaatna, which means ‘to cut’).

It is said that then Katwaria Sarai was a large piece of land which extended from Mehrauli to Hauz Khas, and it became difficult for the handful of Sansanwals

and their families to cultivate it. So the Sansanwals invited Malliks and Katarias, Jats who hailed from nearby Haryana, to help them farm the land. Many of these Katarias and Malliks were initially employed as workers on the lands owned by the Sansanwals. In time, the Malliks and Katarias also purchased land from the Sansanwals and became landlords in their own right. Katwaria Sarai was thus mainly inhabited by the three major castes of Sansanwals, Malliks and Katarias. However, progressive development saw the influx of a large number of migrants as New Delhi grew and became the densely populated capital city that we know today.

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Katwaria Sarai: Post-1947The oldest functional part of Delhi today is the erstwhile Shahjahanabad, the last Mughal capital that was taken over by the British, thereby mark-ing the end of the Mughal rule. The British Raj then established their own capital, New Delhi, adjacent to the old city, razing all existing villages and set-tlements to the ground. This can be thought of as the first wave of urbanisation of Delhi, when most of the central Delhi area we know as Lutyens’ Delhi was established. A second wave of urbanisation overtook Delhi, post-Independence. While the first urban settlement razed existing villages in its forma-tion, the second round of expansion, in the wake of the Partition and as the capital of a newly independ-ent India, engulfed and surrounded the villages in and around the city. This resulted in the creation of urban villages, distinctively rural pockets hemmed in by an urban framework. Many of the extant Mughal sarais located in the city outskirts thus became urban villages, existing to this day. These urban villages flourished as Lal Dora areas- the Lal Dora was estab-lished in 1908, under the British regime, and deline-ated the village habitation areas (abadi areas) from the surrounding agricultural lands. Construction in Lal Dora areas was not regulated by building bylaws and developed organically, without the typical urban planning framework.

Thus, Katwaria Sarai became one of the 135 urban villages of New Delhi.Around 1960, the farmlands surrounding the abadi areas were acquired by the government, primarily for setting up the educational institutes which now demarcate Katwaria Sarai- IIT

Delhi and NCERT. The DDA also acquired land for building apartments at around the same time, and with their advent, infrastructure like roads, electricity and water supply came to Katwaria Sarai, which had until then continued to exist as a rural hamlet amidst its urban surroundings.

Even today, the bustle and informal feel of Katwaria Sarai is reminiscent of its historic and rural roots. The juxtaposition of modernity and tradition evident throughout Katwaria Sarai is best highlighted by the tall buildings that sandwich the gumbad- the historic gate that, in Mughal times, was the only point of entry into the walled sarai. The robust construction of yesteryears has preserved the gumbad, a domed gateway, in nearly pristine condition, making the matter-of-fact treatment of its existence even more surreal. Till date, the gumbad is in use, with people regularly passing through it and taking shelter in its cool interior, immune to its historic charm. In Katwar-ia Sarai, history and tradition are inherent; they are not precious. The extent to which past and present co-exist here can be understood from the fact that many of the older residents still remember a time when the now busy Shaheed Jeet Singh Marg was only a kuchcha road, there was farmland all around, and Katwaria Sarai consisted of nothing more than a few buildings sparsely spread out amidst relative wilderness.

Gumbad, Katwarai Sarai

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SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFEThe socio-cultural life of Katwaria Sarai can be understood from its demographic composition, which plays an important role in shaping the character of the area. Being a space which is under few planning constraints, Katwaria Sarai responds to, and reflects, the needs and aspirations of its residents. Its result-ing organic nature of development then effectively cuts it off from the mainstream of the localities around it, so that it becomes a self-contained micro-cosm of culture and tradition, internally sufficient in its living and commerce. In this way, Katwaria Sarai can be seen as a city within a city, or rather, a village within a city.

The compact spaces, the narrow roads and the proximity of the buildings to one another create a physical structure which facilitates closeness. Much of the life of the sarai is lived out in the streets, which change with the seasons and the festivals and accommodate, in their close confines, the social and cultural exchanges as well as the commerce of the sarai. This prioritisation of people in the public realm of the locality fosters a welcoming atmosphere, one in which even outsiders can take part. This is seen clearly during festivals like Diwali and Holi, when the streets come alive with different groups of people celebrating together. The people form the life of the sarai, and the space allows for surroundings that ac-cept and adapt.The people who live in Katwaria Sarai can be catego-rised into four types, based on the nature and history of their residence.

• the descendants of the original inhabitants, mainly from the Jat families of the Maliks, San-sanwals and Katarias

• the residents of the DDA apartments, who have settled down in Katwaria Sarai despite having no roots in the place

• the students preparing for competitive exams and young professionals just starting out in the city, make up the bulk of the migrants who live in Kat-waria Sarai for its convenience and affordability, until they can move to a better area

• the people who migrated to make their liveli-hood by catering to the commercial needs of the residents- mainly, villagers from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar

These different demographic groups have very dif-ferent lifestyles, which co-exist peacefully in the compact surroundings of Katwaria Sarai. Each group has a distinct role in the socio-cultural life of the sarai, and in the highly responsive space of the sarai, one can distinguish the different influences.

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The Original InhabitantsThe first demographic, that of the settler families, continues to remain a close-knit community which is currently undergoing a period of transformation. While many of the original inhabitants still live as part of joint families, the younger generations are increasingly moving out of the area to seek a more modern and urban quality of life elsewhere in the city, and further away. In Katwaria Sarai, these families enjoy a high standard of living due mainly to the property they own; many of the residential units in Katwaria Sarai are let out on rent, and most buildings have been converted to hostel-style accom-modation, in order to be suitable for the students and young professionals who make up the majority of the migrants. What this has led to is a generous monthly income for the families; however, the downside has been the lack of an incentive for the younger family members, born into wealth, to seek higher education or meaningful employment. The tensions- between tradition and modernity, the lifestyle of the landlord and that of the educated jobholder, the ones who leave and the ones who remain behind, are being played out in this time of flux as the village slowly becomes part of the city.

Nevertheless, what is unquestionable is the clout this demographic has in the daily functioning of the sarai, be it as the permanent residents with historic roots in the locality, as the landlords of all the tenants living in Katwaria Sarai, or as the families that make up the erstwhile Gram Sabha, which still arbitrates on local issues and acts as local counsel for the official governance structure.

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The DDA ResidentsThe counterpoint to the Gram Sabha is provided by the Resident Welfare Associations (RWAs) of the DDA apartments, which are in an infrastructural tussle with the informal sarai over the allocation of resources (the DDA water and electricity connections are often illegally tapped). The RWA represents the interests of the residents of the DDA apartments, and is the other point of contact for the local government bodies. The DDA apartments are distinctly different in char-acter from the rest of the village- they are more struc-tured, more formal and less chaotic in their arrange-ment in comparison to the organic fabric of Katwaria Sarai. They exhibit a wide variety in themselves, ranging from Middle Income Group (MIG) housing, to Lower Income Group (LIG) housing, and Janta hous-ing. The MIG housing is located at the very borders of the sarai, adjoining the main road, and as such, the residents of these flats are both physically and psychologically separated from the sarai, with their livelihoods and lifestyles unconnected to the life of the sarai . The LIG housing and the Janta flats are located in interior areas, leading to their better amal-gamation into the activities of the sarai, with many of the residents running local businesses in the area.

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The Students and Young ProfessionalsIt is the students and young professionals who provide the bread and butter for many of the local businesses and commercial establishments in the lo-cality, which flourish in response to their needs. They come to the city to prepare for competitive exams or to make their living in new jobs; they live in Katwaria Sarai, which allows them the convenience of its central location at a cost affordable to them; they make small circles of friends amongst themselves or with their room-mates, and interact with the other demographics as providers of accommodation and of services. This transitional migrant populace lives in rented hostel-type accommodation either singly, in pairs or groups, as their financial situation permits. Many of the members of this demographic tend to eat out, leading to a large number of eateries be-ing set up in the area, catering to a wide range of cuisines and budgets. In an example of the reflexivity of the commerce to the residents’ needs, a larger number of migrants from Odisha has led to a couple of food joints serving specialty Odisha cuisine.

This group of people also has a higher disposable income, and their presence has led to the advent of many modern amenities to Katwaria Sarai, like the two Laundromats which service the area. At the same time, traditional businesses like the chaiwal-lahs and bhelpuri carts are also frequented and kept in business by the students, who often congregate outside to take a break from the monotony of their studies.

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The Rural MigrantsThe smaller businesses and informal economy is run by migrants from UP and Bihar, who come to the city to seek a better quality of life, and find it in Katwaria Sarai- their children attend schools and have aspi-rations, they do not have to live in slums and are comfortably close to their areas of work, and they form a community within themselves that becomes their support system away from home. Many of these migrants come to the city due to a paucity of employ-ment in their villages, and they come to Katwaria Sarai because they already have family here; some hope to live their days out in the city, while others see this as a temporary residence until they can return to their villages. They live in the deep interiors of the sarai, in a communal atmosphere that is remi-niscent of a rural area- a village chowk with a tree, shared bathrooms, low-rise and compact housing and an absence of privacy characterise these areas that form a unique part of the sarai.

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The electric wires crisscrossed over the park edges, forming a canopy of cables sieving the first rays of the sun. The garden already seemed to be in motion, the benches pushed to the side and fitness enthusiasts making their way round the garden in circles. A little later, from my vantage point in the balcony of a four-floor building, I could see women with large buck-ets of laundry hanging an array of colorful clothes onto the lower plastic cables that they had attached between trees. In the hot summer afternoons, the garden was bare of any movement with an awkward crow squawking from his sheltering branch, while in the winter it became the meeting point for household women, either gossiping or taking an afternoon siesta. Towards evening, the slowness of the afternoon dissolved into the chomping of cows grazing on patches of grass that had not been consumed by the sun while dogs barked around children playing tag. And late at night, under the lone streetlamp in the park, sat young men consumed in phone con-versations with their life back home while romance played a symphony in the shadows. Such is the transformation of movement in the parks of the Sarai.

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The police chowky at the edge of the sarai was only symbolic. One never saw it open and functioning during the day; but at night, large metal barricades came out of it and were aligned in a maze on the main road at the opening of the sarai while the khaki uniformed men smoked one beedi after another, keeping their eyes on the passing cars. Every car that passed swerved through the barricades smiling innocently at the policemen who in-turn looked skeptically, trying to decipher an innocent from a drunk. The silent witnesses to this streetlight drama sat in the corners of the sarai with their cups of midnight chai, puffing smoke out while taking a break from their books. These men aspiring to be government officers are the customers to roadside chai and paratha sellers even at night, keeping the sarai awake as late as 3:00 am.

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The tea was steaming hot, so much so that he could not hold the handle of the ceramic teacup, but the chaiwallah’s fingers seemed to be numb to the heat as he lifted the steel container and poured tea covered in steam into small tea glasses. The glasses were immediately picked up by the usuals, that is the men, back from work or taking a break from their book piles, drink-ing light conversations before they got back to their meals and pillows. Seven o’clock in the evening was always the busiest time. Nearby, the fruit vendor carts were flocked with custom-ers and the traffic moved through, as if dancing mechanically, curving in and out through the crowds of people to the music of voices.

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ECONOMICS OF THE SARAIThe commercial activities of sarais are as distinc-tive and flexible as their changing populace. While the commerce of an area like Connaught Place (Rajiv Chowk) has to negotiate within the confines set by its prime location, and the imposing and rigid planning of its spaces, the sarais have no such presumptions. Thus, we have Jia Sarai and Ber Sarai, where large book markets flourish to cater to the continuous flow of students preparing for various competitive exams who choose to reside in those areas. And we have the newly upscale Shahpurjat, mimicking the pattern followed by its predecessor, Hauz Khas Village, in shedding the village tag and becoming the hotspot for exclusive boutiques and niche restaurants.

Similarly, the commerce of Katwaria Sarai is as dis-tinctive as its character. It caters almost exclusively to the needs of its residents and the area acts as a nearly self-sufficient locality, so much so that even the owners of the commercial establishments are residents of the area. While some of the shop owners are from the original inhabitants’ families who have shifted from being farmers to businessmen, many of them are enterprising entrepreneurs who have come to live in, and make their living in, Katwaria Sarai. Another section of shopkeepers (from the informal sector) are migrants from villages in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, who find Katwaria Sarai a relatively inexpensive place to live in. The majority of the com-merce in the area consists of modest businesses for commodities and services. Most stores are small,

either students or young professionals. There are several street vendors and hole-in-the-wall establish-ments that provide inexpensive food, ranging from Indian junk food like chaat, samosas and sweets to meals like roti-sabzi and dal-chawal. This is for the young people who live in the Sarai without families, many of whom do not cook, or live in rooms which have no provision for cooking. The advent of upscale restaurants like ‘Caffe Bite’ and ‘Chocolate Room’ indicates the higher buying power and the diversi-fied culinary tastes of the job-holders who live in the area. In between, there is a whole range of options, from chai stalls to dabbawalas to small restaurants to juice shops to mini-dhabas. Also, there is a large fruit and vegetable market in the area coexisting with a Safal store that sells the same fruits and veggies in a supermarket format. Here, it is not the cost or quality so much as the nature of the establishment which comes into consideration. While the younger generation may be more comfortable buying produce from a departmental store, the older generation of residents and families may prefer the sabzi mandi (vegetable market) format for making their purchases (here, perceptions of bargaining power, personal rap-port with the vendors, freshness of the produce play a part in the decision-making).

Electrical and hardware stores, shops supplying gas cylinders, shops selling utensils, stoves mattresses and other household items, clothing, accessory and shoe stores, pharmacies, stationeries- everything necessary for daily living is available in Katwaria Sarai. The list of available services is also com-prehensive- dry cleaners and laundromats (another concession to the growing need for conveniences and greater spending power), tailors, beauty parlours, travel agents, photo studios and telecom offices,

with an average area of 200sq.ft., and sell goods that have a high turnover, primarily necessities. In addi-tion to the stores, there is high density of informal commercial activity, especially in the food and service sectors. Street vendors and roadside hawkers form the bulk of the supply in certain cases, as in the fruits and vegetables markets, and add a distinct layer of commerce to other purchase sectors, like the ready-to-eat food market which has a lot of price variance and diversity.

The greater frequency of certain types of estab-lishments is a direct reflection of the needs of the community, and gives us an idea of its demographic composition. There are a disproportionately large number of barbers in the area, outnumbering the beauty parlours, which can be attributed to the large male population that lives in the area, the ‘students’ of the age group 20-30, preparing for competitive exams, and the office-going crowd, in which the men are again in greater proportion. This can be attested to by the number of young men that are seen milling about the tea stalls in the evenings. The many inter-net cafes and printers in the area also indicate the existence of the students; the printers are frequently used for printing and photocopying entire textbooks and other study material. However, since Katwaria Sarai is not known primarily as a student hub, there are only a couple of shops selling reading material, and the majority of the students source their books from nearby Jia Sarai and Ber Sarai.

The nature and quality of the commercial establish-ments acts as an indicator of the preferences and the buying power of the population. Food is one of the most important sectors in Katwaria Sarai, catering mainly to the migrant population of young people,

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even shoe repair shops and watchmakers, all exist within the compact, walkable area, leading to a high degree of convenience and self-sustainability to the area.

An other major economic activity in the sarai is room rentals. Most of the descendants’ of the original in-habitants own property in Katwaria Sarai, which they have converted to, or are in the process of converting to, hostel rooms to cater to the demand for rented accommodation. Rents vary between Rs. 4000- Rs. 12000 for single room sets, depending on size and location, the inclusion of an attached bathroom and pantry, and other luxuries like furniture and refrigera-tors, air-conditioning etc. The rents from these units serve as the main source of livelihood for many of the landlords and their families. The ubiquitous to-let advertisements plastered all over Katwaria Sarai are indicative of the scale of the rental activities.

The economic activities are not only dictated by the needs of the sarai, they also play an important role in shaping the character of the sarai. The informal nature of many of these shops, the walkability in the distances and the mixed-use planning in most of the main streets make Katwaria Sarai a vibrant and bustling area, leading to greater interaction and a more lively streetscape at most times in the day. The importance of this atmosphere cannot be under-estimated- the removal of a line of fruit and vegetable sellers, and some chai stalls from the main road leading into Katwaria Sarai (due to complaints of noise and late-night activity by residents of the adjacent DDA flats) has converted the street into a silent, deserted and more dangerous zone both during the day and in the night, whereas it used to be active until well past 11pm.

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Arun KanojiaProvision store owner, lives in Janta Apartments

Q: How did you come to Katwaria Sarai?A: Forty years ago, my grandfather shifted with his family from East Delhi to the DDA apartment which he was allocated, in Katwaria Sarai (under the LIG and Janta categories, flats are offered for allotment to the applicants who are already registered under its various Housing Registration Schemes).

Q: Why did you choose to continue living in Katwaria Sarai?A: It is safer than most of the other affordable locali-ties in Delhi. Here, my family can walk around even at midnight. I can live close to my business, and there are many facilities available nearby. It is surrounded by national institutions, which helps in improving the overall environment and the quality of available infrastructure like good roads, water supply and electricity.

Q: How is doing business here different from other places?A: We know the customers well here, they become our friends. We give credit to them, and they spend their free time here. My whole family helps run the shop, and we live nearby, so there is much more flex-ibility for all of us. It is overall a more casual atmos-phere, and there is less separation of work and home.

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GopalVegetable vendor from Uttar Pradesh

Q: Why did you come to Delhi, and how long have you been here?A: I came to Delhi 13 years ago, and I have been sell-ing vegetables in Katwaria Sarai ever since. I came because at that time, my sister’s family was living here, and they told me to come, to help them and for a better life.

Q: What about your family?A: I live with my wife and children. My children are in 4th and 5th standards at school, and go to Kendriya Vidyalaya. They got in on merit. My sister’s husband now owns a shoe shop in Kat-waria Sarai, he got it only two years back. So they are doing well now.

Q: How does the mandi work?A: This sabzi mandi has been here for 25 years. Mr. Bablu is the pradhan for the mandi (from the pan-chayat), and I pay him Rs.100 every month as rent for my space.

Everyday, I go at 4am to the Azadpur Mandi, from where everyone gets their fruits and vegetables. A bunch of us transport our supplies back together in a tempo, and we are here from 9 in the morning to almost 11 at night.

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POLITICS OF THE SARAIKatwaria Sarai is located in the Hauz Khas sub-division of the South Delhi administrative district. The erstwhile rural hamlet was part of the original Lal Dora areas; the Lal Dora came into being during the British regime, in 1908. A red line was drawn on maps, delineating the village settlement from the surrounding agricultural lands, for revenue records. The municipal authorities did not have jurisdiction over the lands which came under the Lal Dora clas-sification, nor were the urban development guidelines applicable to them. Lal Dora areas were thus exempt from the building bylaws, requirement of building plan sanctions and other rigid construction and devel-opment norms that were listed in the Delhi Municipal Act. The practice continued and the expansion in the areas which extended beyond the Lal Dora between the initial classification in 1908, and 1952, when the revenue surveys were conducted in newly independ-ent India, were classified as the ‘extended Lal Dora.’

As urbanisation extended outward from central New Delhi, Katwaria Sarai, like many other ‘urban vil-lages,’ was engulfed and surrounded by an urban fabric distinct from its own identity. The farmlands of the people living in the village were acquired by the government, primarily for setting up the educational institutes which now demarcate Katwaria Sarai- IIT Delhi and NCERT, both established in 1961 (the foundation stone for IIT-D was laid in January 1959, thereby tentatively placing the time of the land acqui-sition as 1958, approximate). As it began to be encir-

and individual water connections began proliferating afterwards. However, illegal tapping of these ser-vices by parts of the Katwaria Sarai colony, much of which remains unregularised as part of the extended Lal Dora, have created shortages, leading to tensions between the DDA residents and the residents of the sarai.

The recent government decision to regularise all areas under the extended Lal Dora (April 2013) will go a long way in mitigating these internal conflicts between the ‘illegal’ and ‘legal’ residents of the area, with both sides believing that their claims are more legitimate. One distinct characteristic of areas like Katwaria Sarai is the lack of clarity on issues like legality and ownership. While the DDA flats enjoy the greatest legitimacy, a major part of Katwaria Sarai is also considered legal, despite the lack of adher-ence to bylaws in construction (as a result of the grey space provided by having been a Lal Dora colony). The sections that lie further back, as part of the extended Lal Dora, are yet to be regularised. There is also a distinction between DDA land, MCD land (transferred from the DDA), and Gram Sabha land (over which the community has authority). And it is in the transitioning of these informal arrangements into the framework of a formal structure that the process of urbanisation is seen.

cled by urban development, Katwaria Sarai was notified under section 507 in 1966 (28.05.1966). This meant that the special provisions for rural areas under section 507 would no longer be applicable to Katwaria Sarai which was no longer considered abadi or village land and was declared an urban area. It came under the larger Mehrauli ward, and after the delimitation exercise conducted by the MCD in 2007, it is now part of the Lado Sarai ward (ward no. 169). The municipal councillor of the ward is Anita Chowdhary, who was elected to the seat (reserved as a woman’s seat) in the elections held in April 2012.

The Panchayat that constituted the local governance of Katwaria Sarai before it became an urban area was dissolved once it came under MCD jurisdiction. What is interesting, however, is that it continues to exist as a village council, consisting mostly of the elder-most members of the community. This council, which is only made up of men, continues to hold some sway over the community, albeit mostly with regard to the arbitration of local and domestic mat-ters. And while the municipal councillor does consult with the village council for making decisions on the allocation of funds in Katwaria Sarai, it is the Resi-dent Welfare Association (RWA) of the DDA enclaves which have a greater say as collaborators in local governance.

The DDA flats in the Katwaria Sarai area were al-located in the 1970s, from land acquired by the DDA from the villagers. Infrastructure was provided to the area, sufficing the needs of the ‘legal’ development under the aegis of the DDA. This development gradu-ally expanded to the rest of the village, as in the case of water supply, where a single tubewell was first laid to replace the diminishing water from the wells,

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JohnAssistant to Anita Chowdhary (ward councillor)

Q: How does the councillor’s office decide which developments to undertake and what budget to al-locate, for Katwaria Sarai?A: Katwaria Sarai is part of the Lado Sarai ward, so it is part of a much larger area that needs to be looked after. We have discussions with the panchayat and the RWA, and decide which work needs to be taken care of accordingly. There is no specific budget allo-cation- it is as per need. Also, different departments sometimes look after different developments (the Jal Board is constructing a new community centre in Katwaria Sarai, in addition to the MCD community centre).

Q: What are some of the recent works you have done in Katwaria Sarai?A: You may have noticed that many of the main roads are being relaid. We will be laying new roads as far into the sarai as we can (depending on the narrow-ness of the roads). We have recently undertaken to clean up and repair the entire drainage network, before the rains come. Also, the vacant lot around Well no. 1, we have got it cleaned up, and benches installed, so that it is not a public nuisance anymore. We have plans of converting the area into a garden.

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Naresh GargGeneral Secretary, Resident Welfare Association

Q: What purpose does the RWA serve in Katwaria Sarai?A: We look after the interests of the residents of the DDA apartments in Katwaria Sarai. We also act as representatives to communicate with the ward councillor’s office for any complaints or requests for resources. Since this is not a very organised area, we need to be alert to developments that may adversely affect the needs of the DDA residents.

Q: Can you give us some examples of interventions made by the RWA?A: On the main approach road into Katwaria Sarai, there used to be an informal vegetable market (sabzi mandi) and some chaiwallahs along the road. These used to be open until late at night, and would attract a noisy crowd and cause a general disturbance in the area. Through the correct channels, we complained about these encroachments, which have since been removed- in the process also freeing the road side for some much needed parking space.

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Gulab SinghLandlord, Member of the Vil-lage Association

Q: What are the functions of the panchayat?A: The panchayat was dissolved when the MCD took over the area. Now, it consists mostly of the elders of the community, who solve domestic conflicts between families. We also represent our community concerns to the ward councillor’s office, which makes many decisions based on our recommendations.

Q: How have you seen Katwaria Sarai change over the past 50 years?A: It was a small village with no water or electricity. Then DDA came, and with it, came the amenities. Nowadays, it has developed so much, and we, the original landowners, have become landlords for ten-ants. Now, our children see all the money from the rents, and they don’t want to study, or do small jobs because it is beneath them. It is unfortunate.

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It was mid-afternoon. Scratching his beard he threw two aces, leaned back in satisfaction and yawned. Then they came out, the awaited words, the answers to all the questions we had asked, maneuvered by strings of history and memories. He told us the story of the Sarai through the lens of his own birth and through the instances that changed his own life. In that un-plastered concrete room, midway into the construction of the future community center, several aged men that made up the village council forgot their game of cards while conversations grew louder. The village lo-cals automatically directed us here, as if the community center was their office, with fixed timings and functions!The aces, the high kings, queens and the lonely jacks stood in a haphazard pile as old men straightened their backs with the vigor that argument brings, while the light of the past shone from their eyes.

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ANALYSISIn the recent past, an expert committee on Lal Dora in Delhi had put together a strategy document for the redevelopment of the urban villages that come under the Lal Dora classification. It was meant as reparation to the original owners of the surrounding, once-agricultural lands, which had been usurped from them for urbanisation purposes with little effort made at providing them alternate means of livelihood or improving the infrastructure in their areas. The com-mittee, under the directive of the Ministry of Urban Development, feels that theirs is the noble task of bringing the 135 urban villages in Delhi district aboard the wave of urbanisation, so that they do not suffer any disadvantages due to the continuing ‘rural’ character of their villages. As part of a larger plan to ‘beautify’ Delhi and allow it to take its rightful place as the ‘pride of the nation,’ they propose to integrate the urban villages and the old city areas into the existing paradigm of city planning, with wide roads, vertical growth and ample commercial spaces. The proposals are vague and involve a variety of improve-ments- providing modern, decent, living accommoda-tion to the present residents; enabling painless and desirable, limited segregation of residential and non-residential activities; promotion of trade and com-merce for creation of job opportunities and economic prosperity; quick enrichment of the villagers through optimally intensive utilisation of their land; and the integration of ‘sub-standard’ or ‘decayed’ pockets (Lal Dora/urban villages etc) with the surroundings of planned residential colonies and commercial areas.

While the objective of the developmental initiative is laudable, our concern is that, like every previous

urbanisation plan, this one too, is plunging ahead without sufficient analysis of the existing situation. The current mindset of the urbanisation model fol-lows from the trend of westernization as the known path to development. It assumes that the urban villages are a failure of the city planning process, and that corrective action must be taken to bring these areas up to scratch. This mindset fails to take into ac-count our heritage, in which we had a robust tradition of city planning. In compasison with the current plan-ning model, this is more ‘organic,’ as seen today in the old-city areas of many Indian cities. Considering the many advantages of organic development and its greater assimilability of informal systems, and in turn the many advantages provided by the flexibility of informality, it would make sense to take these factors into account while shaping the formal developmental objectives.

In our project, as we began to comprehend the unique microcosm that was Katwaria Sarai, and when we looked at it in light of its current status, and the various processes that were acting on, and shaping this dynamic area, there evolved in our understanding some of the factors which make Katwaria Sarai work, what was needed for its improvement, and how the two could be syncretised.

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The Resilience of Transitional SpaceThe majority of Katwaria Sarai is informal- the build-ings are built with a view to maximize space without any offsets from the site boundaries, and more often than not, with adjacent buildings in contact with one another; the roads are narrow and winding, and often encroached upon by informal establishments, and with a considerate give-and-take between the pedes-trian users and the vehicular users; the area is com-pact, walkable and mixed-use, with a wide variety of services and facilities available within its boundaries. The fact that there is not much regulation in effect in the area, nor a rigid planning framework, means that the public is an active participant in shaping the spaces, with changes in requirements reflected in the surroundings. What this results in is a space which evolves with time, and with need. The low invest-ment required for many of the informal businesses means that they can be changed according to season, the residents’ needs, according to what sells. So for example, there are more kulfi and ice cream stands in the summer, and a profusion of omelette and maggi stands in the winter. Tea is a year round indispensa-bility, for the social connotations and activity that it represents. Thus, the place is one which is constantly in flux, every moment being one of transition.

At the same time, a sizeable portion of the population residing in Katwaria Sarai is transitive- they are living here until they can afford a better place to live in, because it is well-connected geographically, it has all the conveniences, and it is affordable to live in. Thus, it may not be a coincidence that Katwaria Sarai has become a stop-gap, a bridge in the living arrange

ments of many newcomers to the city. The transi-tional nature of the space is reflected in the tran-sitional nature of its residents and their residency in the space. An informal place like Katwaria Sarai which welcomes, accommodates, and changes is a more natural option for migrants and entrants to the city to gravitate towards, for the hospitality extended, one that is often missing in other parts of the city unless one has the money to buy it. The relationship between the people and the place thereby becomes a complex one, one where the adaptable and tempo-rary nature of the place attracts people of the same nature, which in turn enhances these qualities in the place itself. Combine the dynamism of the space and the population, and you have a space which is changing continuously- in its form, in its services, and in its people. It is this transitional nature that lends flexibility and resilience to the space, and allows it to cater in such a tailor-made fashion, to the needs of its residents, regardless of the ebb and flow of the people through its welcoming atmosphere.

We would like to question the assumption that this place needs to be homogenized with other parts of the city. The city does not take care of every person that enters its boundaries, and places like Katwaria Sarai exist because there is a need for them. In this way, Katwaria Sarai itself is an essentially informal system, which functions so well, and has remained so resilient because it arose or evolved out of a need, and took root because conditions were conducive and adapted to changing circumstances because it was flexible.

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is unregulated, unchecked, and unsafe- all problems which should be, and are being, addressed. There needs to be a syncretism between the informal systems and the formal elements in Katwaria Sarai to improve its standard of living, while maintaining its organic nature. The relationship of the urban villages with the city is essentially a multi-faceted one, where the city cannot disown the urban villages by refusing to provide infrastructure or facilities, but at the same time, for the greater good of the city itself, it cannot forcibly integrate the villages completely into its own fabric and character.

Before road construction: Existance of informal vendors

After road construction: Removal of in-formal vendors

Syncretism of theFormal and InformalWe have spoken to many residents who in the past 50 or so years, have seen tremendous changes hap-pening in Katwaria Sarai. And while the locality is still distinctly organic in the nature of its built fabric, there are sporadic initiatives, in addition to a gradual shift, towards a more homogenized urban form. The recently tarred roads, and the subsequent evacuation of the street vendors, the removal of a sabzi-mandi are signs that this urbanization is bound to adversely affect the thriving informal economy of Katwaria Sarai. Due to saturation in the density of the area, this loss in the informal level of the commerce is not replaceable by an addition to the formal economy- the need the informal economy is serving is for the budget-constrained and the turnover is not high enough in most cases for these small shopkeepers to rent formal shops. The suggestions by the well-mean-ing panel looking after the improvement of the urban villages to rebuild this area as a commercially viable, planned layout is equivalent to the act of razing the village to the ground and building over it, albeit in a more gradual manner. We are not attempting to glorify the informal. The very informality that allows the place to work at one level hampers its cleanliness, effectiveness and degree of integration with the city, at another. There is a definite need for the infrastructure that a formal framework provides. The roads are poorly defined, and often in poor condition; the capacity of the drain-age network needs to be increased and its mainte-nance improved, as there is periodic flooding of the streets in the monsoons; the rampant construction activity in the hope of increased rental incomes

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Place-Making Potential of the InformalThat Katwaria Sarai has a character which is distinct from its surroundings, there is no doubt. When you travel along Shaheed Jeet Singh Marg, the road is a wide one, tree-lined, and with periodic bus stops, but for the most part, deserted. The institutions which lie along the road line its sides with blank walls, inducing no communication between the inside and outside, between the public and the private, making the road a place strictly for travel, to be crossed at the highest speed achievable, whether you are on foot, or in a vehicle. The bus stops, and the juice cen-tre strategically located near a bus stop are the only spots on the road that see any public activity.

All that changes as you come to Katwaria Sarai. While two narrower roads primarily lead from Shaheed Jeet Singh Marg into Katwaria Sarai, the stretch of main road along which Katwaria Sarai is located, is starkly in contrast with the character of the other parts of the road. Here, there is a profusion of shops, both formal and informal. The sidewalk has been appropriated by vendors of various kinds who are considerate enough to leave space for people to walk, the same people who will be tempted to stop and partake of the vendors’ offerings. A variety of sights, smells and sounds allure; the crowds of peo-ple are at ease, for here is a place that has opened itself to the road, is welcoming people to stop for a while, is a destination in itself rather than a forget-table sight on the journey.

The informal is a necessary component of a place which is memorable, which has life and vibrancy.

seen as an evil- it is a reality which is both spurring the growth of the formal city, and humanizing it at the same time. The kind of cities we live in shape the kind of people we become, and the adaptable, ac-commodating and welcoming nature of the informal city is one that should not be lost, for our own good.

The informal is necessary for place-making. Even among the urban villages, each one is distinct, and recognizable at sight by the kinds of establishments that occupy it, and the nature of the people that reside in it. Hauz Khas Village and Shahpurjat are the newly upscale areas with fancy boutiques and restaurants that attract well-dressed and well-to-do crowds from across the city; Ber Sarai and Jia Sarai are student hubs as a result of their proximity to the Indian Institute of Technology and to Jawaharlal Nehru University, recognizable by the many book shops selling study material, the dingy hostels and cheap food joints; Katwaria Sarai caters to students but also to young professionals and more people with a greater disposable income, which is reflected in the greater variety of commercial establishments and modern amenities like the Laundromats.

Each urban village has an identity, and much of its identity is derived from its informal sector. By slowly obliterating the informality and homogenizing the spaces, these identities are being lost. There is great place-making potential in informal systems, one which leads to the formation of livable, human and vibrant city spaces. While the formal approach is often top-down, with regulations and diktats put in place by enforcement agencies forcing people to comply, informality allows people to get actively in-volved in the functioning of the place they live, work, play in. When properly facilitated, this allows people to become more invested in their surroundings, and take better care of it, thereby improving the quality and standard of living. It is a lesson that needs to be incorporated into the formal processes of city plan-ning itself, and one which is catching on, going by the growing popularity of the public-participatory ap-proach to planning. The informal city cannot be Upscale alleyways of Hauz Khas Village

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“The informal city is the bottom of the pyramid that holds up the formal city.”

~ C.K. Prahalad

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THE WELLS OF TIMEFrom the dawn of civilization, water has been an essential element in creating habitable environments. Where sources of fresh water were not available above ground, wells were used to tap the wealth of ground water, for survival. In India, with its hot cli-mate and periodic weather cycle, year-round access to water was a luxury in many parts of the country. Wells were often deified in such a setting, and seen as the harbingers of good fortune, purity, and life. The significance ascribed to wells in India is evident from the rich tradition of stepwells, the remains of which survive to this day. It is said that the stepwells were the property of the royalty, guarded carefully, and opened to the public as a benediction of goodwill when water ran out elsewhere.

While wells are still a common sight, and more often than not still functional, in rural areas, they are a rare find in cities. One of the first casualties of develop-ment, wells are razed to the ground in the process of urbanization, as they run dry and lose their function-ality to piped water. And as wells disappear from the cityscape, so do the many customs and traditions that revolved around them, the rituals of communal life they evoked, the cautious and conscious use of water they engendered.

Panna Meena Kund step-well-Jaipur

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What mystery pervades a well?That water lives so far,

A neighbor from another world,Residing in a jar!

~ Emily Dickinson

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THE WELLS OF KATWARAI SARAIThe wells of Katwaria Sarai were functional until a couple of decades after Independence, at which point the water started drying up. In the early 60s, at the time when electricity and water came to the sarai because of the DDA, the sarai received a single tubewell connection from the MCD to supply water to the village. Around 1967, individual water connec-tions were given to houses in Katwaria Sarai. The wells have long since dried up, and been in disuse. However, they still stand, crumbling, neglected, rem-nants of a past that is slowly being forgotten. They remain of some religious and symbolic importance to the families of the original inhabitants of the sarai- it is considered to be auspicious to perform a puja at the well when a baby is born into the family (harking back to the days when wells were seen as a source of life); conversely, it is traditionally considered bad luck to raze a well to the ground. For these reasons, the wells still stand in Katwaria Sarai, not yet wiped out by inexorable urbanisation. Four wells remain in existence, taken for granted in their surroundings and strangely, at the same time, forgotten. The wells have a history, and they have survived the ravages of time and intense develop-ment and densification. We want to commemorate them, preserve them and beautify them, as symbols of a past which has lived to tell the tale. Through their unique-ness in the present day urban context, and their rootedness in the history of the place in which they stand, we wish to enhance the identity of Katwaria Sarai through the place-making potential of the wells- the Sarai of wells.

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The InterventionThe wells are a striking visual landmark, on the basis of which directions are given in the sarai. Each well is suffixed by a number, and ask any local where ‘kua no. 2’ is and they will give you detailed instructions, down to the last hairpin turn in the narrow alleyways of Katwaria Sarai. However, the wells are also sites of neglect, left to fend for themselves against the elements of nature, and of civilisation. We wish to intervene, to realise the potential of the wells in adding character to their surroundings. By restoring and enhancing the natural structure of the wells to work in their situated context, we aim to make them relevant to the space again, instead of the forgotten relics that they have become.

The ConceptBring the water back to the wells- Drawing inspira-tion from the inherent nature of wells as sources of water, the rejuvenation of the wells by bringing water back to them is in effect, an attempt to bring them back to life. By integrating water elements in the redesign of the four wells and their respective sur-roundings, the idea is to stir a collective conscious-ness of the significance these wells had in the past, and induce a connection with the depth of history Katwaria Sarai contains. At a functional level, the water elements act as aesthetic and cooling features, creating a pleasant atmosphere that fosters interac-tion.

The ElementsAs an ode to the history of Katwaria Sarai, the structural elements resonate with its Mughal past. Pillars and domes in wrought iron jaalis, worked in traditional Mughal patterns, evoke a sense of the beauty and grandeur that Katwaria Sarai must have possessed, in the days when it was a resting place for royalty, merchants and soldiers, from the weari-ness of their travels. The greenery, introduced in the form of creepers and potted plants, adds to the oasis-like feel of the wells, as places for gathering to rest, relax, refresh.

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WELL No. 1The first well is located at the edge of an empty lot, alongside a bustling market street. On three sides, balconies overlook the space, which was once a dumpyard and after a cleaning drive, is now being put to use as a parking lot. The well sits in the shade of a large tree, with a high plinth that is broken and unlevelled. Patches of dying grass can be seen amidst the cars and motorcycles, some coated over with a blanket of dust for not having been touched for months.

We propose, in accordance with the MCD’s long-term plans for the area, to convert the lot into a garden. The inner section provides the green, with trees, grass and benches. The area adjacent to the road, where the well stands, offers space to the street vendors to set up their carts along one side, to reha-bilitate those vendors who have been evacuated from the streets.

The well becomes the focal point, resting on a plinth that acts as seating, shaded by creepers, with a small fountain at the centre. The dome with its intricate fretwork casts shadows and allows sunlight to filter through and fall on the sparkling water.

1- Well2- Paved area3- Vendors’ section4- Park5- Road6- Parking

CONCEPTUAL PLAN

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They sat there discussing the current day, what life was like before and what their grandchildren were doing with their lives. All three old-ladies, sat on the same spot everyday at that same time as if their names were etched onto the concrete of the well. The one with the least wrinkles, probably the youngest, commented on how the best thing the MCD had done in the Sarai was to transform this dump-yard into the garden and that to without demolishing the old well. Instead they had converted it into a fountain. Now her grandchildren can play while she watches them. She waited there everyday until her son came back from office, after which all three

generations walked back home for dinner.

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WELL No. 2‘Kua no.2,’ as it is known, is a well in the interior areas of Katwaria Sarai. It stands as a triangular island, in the middle of an oddly-shaped intersection. The buildings tower around it high enough to provide a sense of enclosure to the space, giving it the feel of a town square or a central courtyard. The exter-nal stairs leading to the upper floor of the nearest building rest freely on the side of the well, uniting it with the structure. The well, dirt-filled, has cultivated a crooked tree that bypasses the rusted pulleys that remain mounted on the rim, and spreads outward from the well structure. The well houses everything from household trash to a litter of puppies.

The MCD has proposed razing the well and erecting a chabutra (a covered area for sitting) in its place. Our proposal allows for the well to be retained, with the well structure providing the seating, and the creeper-covered canopy giving shade. The dirt-filled well is used to grow a mini-garden, and a bird bath mounted onto the tree attracts the fauna. The parking is reor-ganized, and the space is opened up.

1- Well2- Paved area3- Stairs4- Road5- Parking

CONCEPTUAL PLAN

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The tea had finally cooled enough for him to take a sip as the steam from it rose to blur his eyes. He stationed himself at the edge of the well watching the pigeons sip on their own drink of water that hung in the birdbaths from the peepal tree. His cart, brimming with mangoes, was parked on one side, waiting to be seen by the morning customers. This had become his unofficial spot, right in the middle of the commercial junction, seen by everyone, so much so that he didn’t need to scream out to invite people to buy his goods. Yesterday, he was not allowed to sit there; a pooja for a new-born baby had taken place at the well and he could still see the saffron flower

remnants of it inside the niche, but today it was his spot again.

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WELL No. 3The third well captures the easy relationship be-tween public and private that is evident in organic developments like Katwaria Sarai. The well is situ-ated in the private common-area of an apartment complex. However, it also fronts the road, and the beautification of the well done by the ground-floor residents of the apartments is available for enjoy-ment by any passer-by. This well is in relatively good condition, because it is seen as private property and it is located at the entrance to the residential units of families who are owners, not tenants. This allows the people to feel a sense of ownership for the well and it is kept clean and potted plants are hung from its structure.

With the prospect of good care, we propose a water pond feature for this well, where fish may be kept or lotuses grown. The plants are already an element here, and the jaali dome will enhance the beauty of the area by superimposing shadow patterns on the well and its surroundings at all times of the day, depending on the position of the sun.

1- Well2- Paved area3- Seating4- Flat5- Road

CONCEPTUAL PLAN

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It was his day off from college and he had just eaten two aloo parathas, hot from the stove, made by his mother. Tradition in his family was to sit outside after lunch and talk a while so that the food got digested before they went indoors for their afternoon siestas. Even in the hot Delhi summer it was cooler under the shade of the well, probably due to the lotus pond, so he didn’t mind being outdoors. His mother talked enthusiastically about the yatra she was going for in the coming week, modulating her voice every time the children grew excited when the dog barked. His mind wan-dered from her words to his life and what he was going to do after college. His father wanted him to join the government as an officer but all he really wanted to do was play cricket; after all it would be his responsibility as the oldest son of the landlord to

help his father later on with the renters.

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WELL No. 4‘Kua no.2,’ as it is known, is a well in the interior This well is also technically on private property although again, it is along the road, but in a low-income area, with dilapidated surroundings. It is the least articu-lated well, with the surface completely filled in and closed off. The area is cramped, and in its vicinity is a chicken house.

At the thought of development, the people we spoke to were either apathetic or suspicious. More than beautification, they cared about convenience and benefit. Here, we propose that the well be turned into a plinth that works as a chabutra, with fixed seating and shade provided in the form of a creeper-grown wrought iron canopy. In bringing the water back to this well, we have designed a rainwater harvesting system, one that would benefit the residents of the adjoining building units by allowing them to have an alternate source of water in face of the irregular MCD supply. The water shall be stored in a tank that will be constructed under the plinth of the well, thereby allowing us to make good use of the space above and below plinth.

1- Well2- Paved area3- Stairs4- Flat5- Garden6- Chicken coop (existing)7- Road

CONCEPTUAL PLAN

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Knitting was just an act that occupied her hands and gave her a reason to sit and look at the road. There was always something happening at this junction and the well canopy sheltered her, making her a silent spectator to the activity. Today the donkeys distract-ed her; they were being stubborn and refused to move towards the construction site. Their screams were piercing her ears when one of the owners bent down and pulled out some bramble, from under the donkeys’ foot. Reluctantly the donkey moved on as a young man, engrossed in his phone, sat next to her, blind and deaf to everything that happened. Her knitting needles automatically synchronized to the rhythm of his phone

texting as she watched the road, waiting to see what happened next.

60Connaught Place, New Delhi

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“The city is man’s most successful attempt to remake the world he lives in more af-ter his heart’s desire. But, if the city is the world which man created, it is the world in which he is henceforth condemned to live. Thus, indirectly, and without any clear

sense of the nature of his task, in making the city man has remade himself”

~ Robert Park

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CONCLUSIONThrough an immersive process, we have been living in and studying Katwaria Sarai over the course of a year now, by day and by night, during festival times and normal, in the rainy and winter seasons. And while we’ve appreciated its unique character and made note of its shortcomings, there is no doubt that it is moving towards the same urbanization that it is surrounded by. This year has been a snapshot of the transition point that Katwaria Sarai is at, the crossroads in the city’s development process, and it has been our attempt to capture the changes that consist of this transition. By assessing its social role as a transitional space for newly arrived migrants to the city before they can afford better places to live in, we analysed the features that allowed it to function as a bridge into the city, the physical flexibility that shaped itself to the residents’ needs and which made it so sought-after as a place of residence. By under-standing its shortcomings, we examined how urban development could uplift the place into one which is more conventionally respectable, while at the same time trying to understand whether that should be the goal at all, and whether places like Katwaria Sarai in their present avatar were necessary to the city’s functioning. And through our exploration of possibili-ties, we attempted to see how interventions could be used to retain the inherent character of Katwaria Sarai through the process of urbanisation, for a more thoughtful development that firmly juxtaposes the formal with the informal.

Before we hurtle further into the quagmire of unilat-eral development, we need to understand andincorporate the values of informal engagement as a tool for socially inclusive and sustainable urban de-velopment, and for creating places that are rooted in their context. The value of informality is in its social nature, with active public participation that creates and sustains it. The ease of entry facilitates faster development, and more reflexivity in answering to needs. It is a necessary counterpart to the framework of the more permanent and deliberate formal city. It is time we accept the informal city in all its temporal flexibility as an integral part of the urban identity, and learn to harness its power in creating vibrant, resil-ient and holistic city spaces.

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CREDITS

Images Courtesy

Pg.1:Rajeev Thakker

Pg. 2: http://myworld-2005.blogspot.in

Pg. 8a: http://www.thetalkingbrick.com

Pg. 8b: Ville Miettinen

Pg. 9a: http://www.theaustralian.com.au

Pg. 9b: http://sslizonroad.wordpress.com

Pg. 10: http://blog.lib.umn.edu

Pg. 37: Divya Babu

Pg. 40: Claude Renault

Pg. 60: google maps

Research Links

Vohra, Garima (May 14, 2009)- Another Parched Summer in Katwaria Sarai, Hindustan Times/Live South Delhi.

(April 11, 2013)- Delhi Govt to regularise all colonies on Extended Lal Dora, The Economic Times, Delhi/NCR.

MENON, Ramesh 2008. What is Lal Dora Land- Delhi Master Plan. Retrieved from http://www.articlesbase.com/real-estate-articles/what-is-lal-dora-land-delhi-master-plan-513135.html

SHRIVASTAV, P.P. 2007. Report of the Expert Committee on Lal Dora and Extended Lal Dora in Delhi, Govt. report for the Ministry of Urban Development.

(November 19, 2012)- List of Urbanized Villages. Retrieved from http://delhi.gov.in/wps/wcm/connect/doit_land_building/Land/Home/List+of+Urbanized+Village

Soni, Anuj Kumar (January 2011)- Quality of Life in an Urban Village, Shakarpur Khas, New Delhi, dissertation. Retrieved from http://www.academia.edu/

(April 2013)- Allotment of DDA flats. Retrieved from http://dda.org.in/housing/faqs.htm

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