Two Military Orations of Constantine VII

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TWO MILITARY ORATIONS OF CONSTANTINE VII

Eric McGeer

Un empereur doit faire la guerre, comme Basile Ier, ou crire sur laguerre, comme Lon VI so wrote Paul Lemerle in his essay on themilitary encyclopedias produced during the reign of Constantine VII.True to the example of his father, Constantine saw it as his duty to pro-mote the revival of military science by collecting and copying treatiseson warfare in its various aspects, yet he also aspired to lead his armies oncampaign in person, in the pattern of his grandfather and founder of hisdynasty. Although Constantine was never to realise his ambition toaccompany his soldiers in the field, his place in the history of Byzantinemilitary literature is assured, and his reign as sole emperor (945-59)stands out as the pivotal stage in the wars against the Arabs during thetenth century. After ousting his Lekapenid co-rulers with the support ofmilitary aristocrats whose fortunes were intertwined with his own, prin-cipally the members of the Phokas family, Constantine rewarded hisallies by elevating them to the high command and placing the resourcesof the empire at their disposal. The regulation of the soldiers properties,the changes in the military administration, the improvements in training,tactics and equipment, and the increased recruitment of foreign merce-naries combine with the renewed interest in military theory to demon-strate the intensification of the Byzantine military effort during the reignof Constantine VII. At the time of the emperors death in November 959,the Byzantines stood poised to achieve a series of landmark victories the recovery of Crete, the conquest of Cilicia, and the capture of Antioch which would establish them as the dominant power in the easternMediterranean for the next century.

Byzantine supremacy along the eastern frontiers did not come abouteasily or automatically, however. In fact, through much of Constantinesreign the Byzantines lurched from one defeat to another, none more glar-ing than the failure of the expedition sent to take Crete in 949.1 The stingof this disaster, painful to an emperor who had staked the prestige anddivine sanction of his dynasty on the success of this venture, was com-pounded by the humiliations visited upon the Byzantines by a new adver-sary whose rise to power coincided almost exactly with Constantines

1 The lists recording the mobilisation and rates of pay for this expedition have now beenedited by Haldon (2000) 201-352.

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assumption of sole authority. This was Sayf al-Dawla, Hamdanid emir ofAleppo from 944 until his death in 967, reviled in the Greek chroniclesas the foul or impious Hamdan, who in the spirit of the djihad ledyearly raids into Byzantine territory, seizing booty and prisoners andscoring some notable successes against the foremost Byzantine com-manders of the time.2 Much more significant than the material gains andlosses resulting from these campaigns were the reputation and propagan-da value which the Muslim emir acquired from his exploits against theinfidel, and the corresponding damage to Constantines image as thedivinely appointed defender of the Christian realm.3 The Byzantineresponse to the challenge posed by Sayf al-Dawla was therefore not con-fined to the battlefield; it also involved staging triumphs and ceremoniesto promote the aura of imperial victory,4 and bolstering the morale of thehost beloved by Christ sent forth to fight against a foe singled out asthe archenemy of the Christian faith.

Two harangues attributed to Constantine VII record the appeals andthe incentives, spiritual and worldly, by which the emperor sought torouse the martial ardour of his men. Both were composed as circulars tobe read out to the soldiers of the eastern armies, and both refer directlyto Sayf al-Dawla as the enemy they must confront. The first, publishedby Hlne Ahrweiler, comes from the early stages of the Byzantine-Hamdanid conflict when Sayfs reputation was on the rise.5 The second,published by Rudolf Vri, was composed at the moment when the tidehad turned decisively in favour of the Byzantines.6 What follows is atranslation and discussion of the two harangues which will set them intheir historical context and explore them as sources for the study of mil-itary policy and ideology during the reign of Constantine VII.

The two speeches are preserved in a single codex, the Ambrosianus B119 sup., one of the major collections of military works assembled dur-ing the tenth and early eleventh centuries.7 The Ambrosianus has beenstudied in detail by C.M. Mazzucchi whose analysis clarified a numberof points relating to the origin of the manuscript and the chronology ofConstantines speeches.8 From the dedication extolling the military

2 The course of these wars is traced by Canard (1951) 715-863; Vasiliev (1935-1968) II.1311-80. The lan and skill of Sayfs leadership were at their best in the 956 campaign: Howard-Johnston (1983).

3 The poems of Mutanabbi memorably convey the drama and spirit of Sayfs campaigns:see Canard (1973).

4 McCormick (1986) 159-78.5 Ahrweiler (1967) 393-404 (Greek text on pp. 397-9).6 Vri (1908) 75-85 (Greek text on pp. 78-84).7 Dain (1967).8 Mazzucchi (1978) 276-92, 310-16.

achievements of Basil the parakoimomenos and from the presence ofseveral works on naval warfare, Mazzucchi concluded that the manu-script was commissioned by the eunuch and courtier Basil Lekapenossometime between his return from his successful eastern campaign in theautumn of 958 and June of 960, when the large force under NikephorosPhokas set sail for Crete, an expedition which the ambitious Basil hadapparently hoped to lead.9 An inventory of the manuscripts contentsshows that the parakoimomenos had reserved a section for works of mil-itary oratory. The first is a sixth-century manual known as the Rhetoricamilitaris10, which is followed by a collection of military speeches(Conciones militares) drawn from the ancients (Xenophon, FlaviusJosephus, Herodian), and the two harangues of Constantine VII.11

The attachment of the imperial harangues to this small anthology ofmilitary rhetoric has some bearing on the study of the two speeches, par-ticularly the second. It is evident that they were included as contempo-rary models of the protreptikoi logoi, or exhortations, outlined in theRhetorica militaris, and therefore underwent slight revisions to givethem the faceless character proper to literary exemplars. In three placesin the second speech, the copyist replaced the name of a Byzantine com-mander with the elliptic dena (so and so) or a generic plural,12 put-ting us at one remove (at least) from the oration as composed byConstantine or drafted for him by an official.13

The art of inciting men to battle is as old as the Iliad, and the powerof oratory to inspire soldiers could be used to great effect by ancientcommanders, as shown by an Alexander or a Caesar.14 The ability torouse the courage of their soldiers with the spoken word ranked highamong the desirable attributes of Byzantine generals, who could padtheir repertoires with the pithy sayings and beaux gestes of illustrious

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9 Mazzucchi (1978) 292-5, 302-3; Basils interest in the documents pertaining to the 949expedition is noted by Haldon (2000) 236-8. On Basils life and career, see Brokkaar (1972);Bouras (1989).

10 Ed. Kchly (1856); see also Dain (1967) 343-4, and Hunger (1978) II 327-8. Only a por-tion of the text is preserved in the Ambrosianus; the full text is found in the Laurentianus LV,4, the great military manuscript copied during the reign of Constantine VII. Once thought tobe anonymous, the Rhetorica militaris in fact forms part of a larger work attributed to SyrianusMagister: see Zuckerman (1990) 209-24 (in which a forthcoming edition of Syrianuss text isannounced).

11 Dain (1967) 364.12 Cf. Mazzucchi (1978) 303-4, esp. note 110.13 It is possible that Theodore Daphnopates had a hand in the composition of the second

speech, as the parallels between this work and the final portion of Theophanes continuatus,which Daphnopates is thought to have written, suggest; see below, note 79.

14 Alexander the Greats use of oratory, with its dramatic effects of timing, variation of toneand emotion, and performance, is discussed by Keegan (1987) 54-9.

commanders recorded in the military handbooks.15 On a more formallevel, as with other branches of rhetoric, the technique of composing anddelivering military orations was well established, following the designand examples laid out in the aforementioned Rhetorica militaris. The for-mulaic nature of these set pieces, however, should not obscure the valu-able function ascribed to them by Byzantine tacticians. The Strategikonof Maurice (ca. 600) records brief instructions on the useful role of thecantatores, heralds who before the clash of arms should say a few wordsof encouragement [tina ... protreptika] reminding the soldiers of previousvictories.16 The author of the De velitatione (ca. 970) instructs the com-mander to deliver a speech sweet as honey to his men to stir theircourage before they close with the enemy,17 and in his second harangueConstantine himself praises a commander who made effective use ofinspiring speeches (logois protreptikois) as he led his forces on a suc-cessful raid into the regions of Tarsos.18 In a broader sense, the orationsread out to the army also formed, along with acclamations, official salu-tations, and daily religious rituals, an integral part of the imperial propa-ganda which affirmed the armys special status, its loyalty to the emper-or, and the ideals for which it fought.19

A reading of Constantines speeches reveals the influence of theRhetorica militaris, a work he certainly knew,20 and of his father Leo VIsTaktika (extensively reworked during Constantines reign), in which thecontents suitable to an address to soldiers are summarised as follows:

XII. 70. We think that the role of the so-called cantatores is appropri-ate at the time of battle. These are the men who incite the army withspeeches, offering advice, repeating their message, and summoning itto battle. Such a task should be performed, if possible, by men fromamong the soldiers themselves or their officers. The officers selectthose men who are eloquent and capable of addressing the army, for

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15 E.g. Leonis Tactica II.12; Sylloge tacticorum, sections 76-102.16 Strategikon II.19, VII A.4.17 Dagron, Mihaescu (1986), chapter XXIII.20-31, with comments on 284-6.18 The speeches put in the mouths of emperors or commanders lend dramatic effect to the

narratives of campaigns and battles: see Theophanes (Mango and Scott) 436, 439 (recycled inTheophanes continuatus 478.7-18), 441, 442-3, 448; De Creta capta I.59-70, 73-100, II.140-166, IV.45-52, 54-56; Leo the Deacon 12.5-13.10, 21.12-23, 72.23-74.12, 130.19-131.12. Speeches of Arab leaders to theirmen, as recorded in Byzantine sources, make an interesting contrast: Karapli (1993).

19 Koutrakou (1993) 350-86. The salutation recited by the emperor to his soldiers, recordedin the third of the three campaign treatises prepared by Constantine, should be taken in con-nection with our two harangues: Haldon (1990) Text C.466-473, and commentary 284-6.

20 Constantine recommends that the text of Syrianus Magister, to which the Rhetorica mil-itaris belonged, be included in the imperial campaign baggage: Haldon (1990) Text C.196-204, andcommentary 210-12.

the sharing of hardship and the toils of war make the listeners morereceptive to fellow soldiers who accompany them.XII.71 The cantatores should say such words of encouragement asthese to the army facing battle: first, they should remind them of thereward of faith in God, of the emperors benefactions, and of previoussuccesses; that the battle is for the sake of God and for the love ofHim and for the whole nation; moreover, that it is for their brethren ofthe same faith and, as it may be, for their wives and children and theirfatherland; that the memory of those who earn distinction in wars forthe freedom of their brethren remains eternal; that this struggle isagainst the enemies of God, and that we have God as our ally, Whoholds the power to decide the outcome, whereas the enemy, as unbe-lievers, have Him set against them; and thinking of anything else in asimilar vein, [the cantatores] should stimulate morale. This sort ofaddress, delivered at the right moment, can rouse spirits mightily,more than any amount of money can.

These themes all appear, in greater or lesser measure, in both ofConstantines circulars, shaped to the circumstances of the moment. Hewas also the heir to the distinction his father had drawn half a centuryearlier between the Christian empire and the realm of Islam, now mani-fest in the struggle between the heroic defenders of Christian Byzantiumand the forces of Sayf al-Dawla along the eastern frontiers.21 Yet despitethe derivative character of the two harangues, they are more than mererhetorical exercises or a pastiche of clichs. They refer to contemporaryevents, they bear witness to the changes in Byzantine military policy dur-ing the 950s, and they shed light on the question of morale and motiva-tion in the armies of the time. Most importantly, they display the imagewhich Constantine VII an emperor ever mindful of the precariousnessof imperial power and succession sought to promote among his sol-diers, and how he hoped to translate military success into confirmationof the divinely sanctioned legitimacy of his dynasty.

We come now to the translations of the texts themselves.22 The firstharangue can be divided into five main sections:


21 On these and other passages of the Taktika, and Leo VIs reaction to the Arabs, seeDagron (1983), esp. 224-32; Dagron, Mihaescu (1986) 161-2, 284-6.

22 I have taken into account the (minor) corrections made to Ahrweilers Greek text byMazzucchi (1978) 296 note 83, and by Sevcenko (1992) 187 note 49 (who also lists correc-tions to Vris edition of the second harangue). I wish to thank Alice-Mary Talbot and PaulMagdalino for reviewing the translations and suggesting a number of improvements.

1) introduction praising the armys recent victories which have wonfame throughout the empire;

2) exhortation to the soldiers, emboldened by their victories and bytheir faith in Christ, to fight even more eagerly against the enemiesof God;

3) dismissal of Sayfs boasts and posturing as a bluff concealing hisfear and weakness in the wake of his defeat;

4) expression of the emperors longing to be with his soldiers in per-son, among the truly virtuous and worthy;

5) administration of an oath to imperial officials to submit accuratereports of the armys actions and to identify the soldiers and offi-cers deserving of rewards.

Ahrweiler proposed that the speech should be dated to the years 952-3,but Mazzucchis arguments for an earlier dating must be accepted.23 Therecent (prhn) triumphs over the Hamdanids which the emperor lauds insection 1 are without question those achieved by Leo Phokas, strategosof Cappadocia, during the spring and summer of that year. The first washis assault on the small fortress of Buqa when he succeeded in takingNasir al-Dawla prisoner and inflicting heavy losses on the enemy; thesecond, and more spectacular feat of arms, came in October 950 whenPhokass forces ambushed Sayf al-Dawlas army as it returned laden withplunder from a raid into Byzantine territory.24 These achievements wereall the more praiseworthy since they offset the failure of the expeditionto Crete the year before, but for our purposes it is significant to note thatthe Byzantines initially chose to exploit their success not with militaryaction but with the prompt offer of a truce and exchange of prisoners.This offer, however, was defiantly refused by Sayf, who vowed insteadto avenge his defeat by resuming his raids into the realm of the infidelwith even greater zeal.25 This truculent rejection of terms, raising theprospect of further defensive campaigns against Sayf, lies behindConstantines lengthy disparagement of the Hamdanid emirs bluster andtheatrics in section 3 (roughly a quarter of the speech), which follows theappeals to his soldiers in section 2 to return to the struggle against theenemy with the confidence derived from their victory and their hope inChrist. The correspondence between this sequence of events and the con-tents of the speech places its composition and delivery late in the year 950.

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23 Mazzucchi (1978) 296-8.24 Canard (1951) 763-70; Vasiliev (1935-68) II.1 341-6; Dagron, Mihaescu (1986) 301-6.25 Mutanabbis poems recounting the 950 disaster are replete with Sayfs promises of

revenge: Vasiliev (1935-68) II.2 308-14.26 Theophanes continuatus 271.1-2, Skylitzes 137.55-6 (Basil I); Leo the Deacon 53.19-54.4.

Commanders returning from campaign held reviews before disband-ing their armies to take stock of their manpower and equipment, toapportion plunder, and to confer promotion and rewards for valour. BasilI had conducted such ceremonies, and the historian Leo the Deaconrecords that at the end of the 964 campaign, Nikephoros Phokas broughthis army back to Cappadocia and dismissed the soldiers with gifts andrewards, bidding them return in the spring with their weapons and hors-es in good condition.26 We may assume that Constantines speech wasread out in a similar scene, as the soldiers disbanded for the winter andreceived instructions on their mobilisation for the campaign the follow-ing spring.

[MILITARY ORATION OF THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE]271. As I receive word of the surpassing renown of your exploits, men,I do not know what words of praise from the emperors tongue I shallnow fashion for you. What great things I have heard about you, andwhat great tidings have been brought back to me through the reportsof my faithful servants, for they have given me accurate information,they have given me a true account of your valour, the amount ofcourage, the amount of zeal, the amount of spirit you have displayedagainst the enemy, and how you were embroiled in combat not as ifagainst men but as if triumphing over feeble women, succeeding notas in battle or in war, but rather dealing with them as though it werechilds play, even though they were mounted on horses whose speedmade them impossible to overtake,28 even though they were protectedby equipment unmatched in strength, equipment unmatched in crafts-manship, and lacked nothing at all of those things which bring secu-rity and cause astonishment. But since they were without the oneparamount advantage, by which I mean hope in Christ, all of theiradvantages were reduced to nothing and were in vain. And so, saiththe Lord, their carcasses were for an example on the face of the field,like grass after the mower, and there was none to gather them29. Withconfidence in this hope, and after entrusting your souls to it, you haveset up such trophies as these against the enemy, you have striven forsuch victories as these, which have reached every corner of the world,and have made you famous not only in your native lands but also in


27 The title and first letter are missing in the manuscript, for reasons explained byMazzucchi (1978) 303-4.

28 The great speed of the horses ridden by the Bedouin was frequently remarked upon byByzantine observers: cf. McGeer (1995) 238-42.

29 Jeremiah 9: 22

every city. Now your wondrous deeds are on every tongue, and everyear is roused to hear of them.2. I still want you men, my peculiar people30, my strength and myindomitable might, emboldened by this faith, to fight against theenemy more eagerly than before. I know without a doubt that you willfight more eagerly, for the very nature of affairs teaches me. The manwho has engaged his adversary and won does not afterwards regardhim as he did before but, once having dispelled all the fear31 whichtroubled him before the trial, he goes to the attack with great boldnessagainst an opponent now clearly perceived for what he is. All themore so with regard to the enemy we know that they will not comeback with the same zeal now that they have sampled your bravery, butwill hold back and look warily, and they will guard against sufferingthe same fate as before. What now inspires courage in you assuredlydrives fear into them. Therefore have no fear, my men, have no fear,fill your souls with zeal and show the enemy who rely on the help ofBeliar or Muhammad what those who put their faith in Christ canaccomplish. Be the avengers and champions not only of Christians butof Christ Himself, Whom they wickedly deny. What then? Do menknow that those who fight on their behalf are rewarded, and willChrist not stretch forth His hand to those girded for battle against Hisfoes? He is our ally, men, Who alone is strong and mighty in battle32,Whose sword is sharpened like lightning33, Whose weapons are drunkwith the blood34 of those set against Him, Who breaks bows35 andmakes strong cities a heap36, Who brings low the eyes of the over-weening37 and teaches the hands of those who hope in Him to war38,makes their arms as a brazen bow, and gives to them the shield of Hissalvation39. And so let us put all our hope in Him, and instead of ourwhole panoply let us arm ourselves with His cross, equipped withwhich you have lately made the fierce soldiers of the Hamdanid thevictims of your swords, and the others whom, like the Egyptians longago, you consigned to the waters40.

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30 Exodus 19: 531 Reading pan t dow pr tw peraw.32 Psalm 23: 8 (LXX)33 Deuteronomy 32: 4134 Deuteronomy 32: 4235 Psalm 75: 3 (LXX)36 Isaiah 25: 237 Isaiah 5: 1538 Psalm 17: 30, 34 (LXX)39 Psalm 17: 34-35 (LXX)40 The accounts of the 950 campaign record that the last phase of the battle took place along

the shores of Lake al-Hadat.

3. We have heard that the men whom the foul Hamdanid had, the onesin whom he invested his hopes, were his whole arm and might. Youwho have so easily routed those so brave, how will you appear to theones left behind who are unfit for war, who are utterly terrified andintimidated? The words of the holy Isaiah are not inappropriate tothem, they that are left shall be as a fleeing fawn, and as a straysheep, he says41. In truth, the Hamdanid has no power. Do not believein his skills and wiles he is afraid42, he is devious, and without areliable force, in mortal fear of your onslaught and driven back head-long by it, he is trying to put fear in your minds with ruses and decep-tions. One moment he proclaims that another force is on its way tohim and that allies have been despatched from elsewhere, or that fromanother quarter a vast sum of money has been sent to him, while atother times he has exaggerated rumours spread about for the conster-nation of his listeners. All of this is the product of a deeply frightenedmind, not of a confident one, for if he were truly confident he wouldnot resort to these tricks and ruses. Now that he is at a loss for realstrength, he is falling back on artful devices. Do you not see how theking of beasts, the lion, on account of his innate superiority, knows noruses nor devises tricks? Laying aside such worthless trifles, and con-fident in his natural strength, he goes straight for his adversary. Thefox, by contrast, and cowardly creatures like him who lack truestrength, seeks refuge in cunning, hunts with craft, and with craft triesto escape being hunted. Were it possible to look into the mind of theHamdanid, then you would see how much cowardice, how much fearoppresses it, and how as he hears of your power and regards youronslaught with apprehension, he knows not what will become of himand where to turn, even though he is putting up a bold and confidentfront. And so do not let these actions trouble you43, my people, pay noheed to his theatrics, but with confidence in Christ rise up against thefoe. You know how virtuous it is to fight on behalf of Christians, andhow much glory the man who does so achieves for himself. This is moreprofitable than all wealth44, more praiseworthy that all other honour. 4. What great yearning possesses me, what great desire inflames mysoul, I am now consumed by the matter, I dream of those days, Iwould much prefer to don my breastplate and put my helmet on myhead, to brandish my spear in my right hand and to hear the trumpet


41 Isaiah 13: 11.42 Reading deilw for deinw.43 Reading m tata on mw.44 Reading pantw plotou kerdaleteron.

calling us to battle, than to put on the crown and the purple, to wieldthe sceptre, and to hear the imperial acclamations. For the latter aregiven by God in the ways that He knows, and often to those who arenot worthy, whereas the former are for those only who love virtue, forthose only who esteem glory before pleasure. It is not for no reasonthat I have sent out my officials to these places, but because I wantedto use them as my eyes. I shall now bind them with an oath and turnmy address to them.5. I therefore administer this oath to you in the name of God and uponour person and life, that you will esteem nothing before our love, orto say it better, before goodness and truth, but that you will informOur Majesty about all events, just as each of you has the virtue andwill to do. Better yet, you will keep written records, so that when youcome here you may tell us, in order that we will look with favour uponthe men and deem them worthy of our praises and rewards. The strat-egoi who command the smaller themes will be transferred to largerones45, while the strategoi of larger themes will be honoured withgifts and other recompense, whereas the commanders of the tagmataand other units who fight courageously will be rewarded in proportionto their deeds, some to become tourmarchs, others kleisourarchs ortopoteretai. Not only these men, but also the rest, members of thecommon soldiery who display the traits of valour, will receive theirdue reward46. But we who now receive information through you abouteach soldier will soon not have you or any other witness to these men,but our eyes alone, and when we are present in person and beholdingfor ourselves the valour of each man, we will ourselves presentawards to the combatants47.

The victory which prompted Constantines harangue had restored muchneeded prestige to his rgime, and it appears to have been exploited for

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45 In other words, the commanders of the small frontier zones, known as the Armenianthemes (first attested during Constantines reign), will be promoted to command of the larg-er, long established themes lying to the interior. On this new distinction between large andsmall themes, see Oikonomides (1972) 345-6; Haldon (1990) 251.

46 The novel of Nikephoros Phokas dealing with the Armenian themes refers to abandonedmilitary lands being given as rewards to soldiers who had distinguished themselves in battle:McGeer (2000) 86-9. Other rewards will have included cash donatives, promotions, gifts, andthe division of spoils: Haldon (1984) 307-18, 328-37, and note 1016.

47 The gifts bestowed by the emperor and the protocol of such an occasion can beinferred from a passage in the third of Constantines three campaign treatises: Haldon(1990) Text C.502-511.

its propaganda value far out of proportion to its actual gains.48 It also kin-dled the emperors desire to take part in a military expedition, as hedeclares in the concluding portion of his address, and thus to emulate hisgrandfather Basil I who had led his armies to victory against thePaulicians and Arabs in the campaigns recounted in the Vita Basilii.Commentators have tended to take Constantines declaration as morewishful than realistic; but one purpose of this paper will be to demon-strate that he fully intended to go on a campaign when the right opportu-nity presented itself.49 Subsequent events were to conspire against theemperors reprise of dynastic glory, however, for the promise of LeoPhokass victory soon evaporated as Sayf al-Dawla made good histhreats and went on to enjoy his greatest period of success between 951and 956.50 Yet Constantine did not renounce his ambition to accompanyhis army on campaign. As we shall see, he would revive this project inhis second harangue.

Ironically enough, the nearly unbroken string of triumphs won bySayf during the early 950s proved to be his undoing. A recent paper byJonathan Shepard has shown how the aims and methods of Byzantinepolicy along the eastern frontiers shifted during the reign of ConstantineVII.51 The emperor initially pursued a policy that was defensive in pur-pose, directed primarily towards the regions of the Caucasus and theArmenian principalities controlling strategic areas along the upperEuphrates, and designed to deny passage to Arab raiders seeking to breakinto central Anatolia. Only when the raids of Sayf al-Dawla proved toomuch for local Byzantine defensive forces to handle, and when hisintransigence ruled out a diplomatic rapprochement, did Constantinedecide to turn the full might of his armies against the Hamdanids andtheir bases along the southeastern frontiers. The transition which Shepardtraces, from a policy of containment to one of outright conquest, isreflected in our two speeches. Where the first was addressed to a localtheme commander and his men in recognition of a successful defensiveaction, the second is to an army rigorously selected and trained for offen-sive operations, reinforced by units transferred from the westernprovinces of the empire and by contingents of foreign mercenaries, and


48 Cf. the triumphant note struck in the poem composed for Romanos II in 950, in light ofLeo Phokass recent victories: Odorico (1987) 68-9, 76-80, 91-2, and the comments ofSevcenko (1992) 170 note 8.

49 It was at about this time that Constantine began to assemble the materials for his secondtreatise on imperial expeditions to the east: Haldon (1990) 52-3.

50 Canard (1951) 770-93.51 Shepard (2001); see also idem (2002).

succoured from on high through the prayers of holy men and the miracle-working power of the most sacred relics. It displays the full deploymentof the empires military strength for a war in which the aims were no lessthan the subjugation and annexation of the Muslim territories in Ciliciaand northern Syria.

The following summary will help to establish the background of thesecond harangue and its points of interest:

1) introduction expressing the emperors desire to address and inspirehis soldiers, his children with whom he is united in body and soul;

2) his appointment of loyal, competent commanders to select andtrain the most courageous soldiers for the coming expedition;

3) the emperors joy that the army is now ready for battle, and hissolicitation of prayers from monks and holy men for the soldierswelfare;

4) earlier successes owed more to chance than to courage, but thisselect body of men is urged to display its valour to the imperialofficials accompanying the army;

5) the emperors readiness to bring his son on a future campaignshould inspire the soldiers, as should a series of recent successesagainst the Hamdanids and their allies;

6) the soldiers are urged to show their courage and martial prowess tothe foreign contingents present in the ranks;

7) the emperor encourages a spirit of comradeship between the sol-diers of the eastern and western armies brought together for thiscampaign;

8) the emperors love for his soldiers, his despatch of holy water sanc-tified by contact with the True Cross and relics of the Passion, andhis prayers for the armys safe conduct and return.

The events leading up to the occasion for which the speech was com-posed can be retraced from a number of allusions in sections 2, 4, and 5.The remarks on the undeserved successes of earlier years and the purgeof the armys ranks noted in section 4 hearken back to Constantines dis-missal of Bardas Phokas after the rout of the Byzantine army at the bat-tle of Hadat in October 954 and his promotion of Nikephoros Phokas tosupreme command in 955. The Greek chronicles all record the swift revi-talisation of the army under Nikephoross direction, which brought aseries of impressive victories during the late 950s, in contrast to its dis-mal performance under the incompetent Bardas.52 The painstaking

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52 Theophanes continuatus 459.13-460.12; Skylitzes 241.4-18; Zonaras III 492.15-493.13; see alsoDagron, Mihaescu (1986) 275-80.

process of selection and training of the soldiers to which Constantinerefers throughout sections 2 to 4 is fully in keeping with the methodsemployed by Nikephoros to develop battleworthy armies, as is theincreasingly conspicuous presence of foreign soldiers in the the armysranks, a feature noted by contemporary Greek and Arab observers alike.53

References in sections 5 and 7 to recent military activities can be col-lated with contemporary sources to bring the background of the harangueinto sharper focus.54 Two of the campaigns mentioned, a foray into theregion of Tarsos led by Basil Hexamilites and an expedition to southernItaly led by Marianos Argyros, took place in the year 956;55 reference toa more recent campaign clarifies the date and occasion of the speech. Atthe end of section 5, Constantine extols the host despatched a shortwhile ago to Mesopotamia with the patrikios so-and-so which inflicteda crushing defeat on the Hamdanid force sent to oppose it. The com-mander in question was John Tzimiskes, who as patrikios and strategosof Mesopotamia took an army into the area of Amida in June of 958 androuted an enemy force commanded by Sayf al-Dawlas lieutenant Najaal-Kasaki.56 Later that summer, a second Byzantine army under the com-mand of the parakoimomenos Basil Lekapenos joined Tzimiskess forcesfor an assault on Samosata. This combined army took the town in lessthan a day, and went on to annihilate another Hamdanid force, led thistime by Sayf himself, near the fortress of Raban in October or Novemberof 958.57 As Mazzucchi noted, the emperors commendation of his mostworthy servants (yerpontew, in section 2) is a generic plural maskingthe original reference to Basil Lekapenos. It was upon receiving word ofTzimiskess successful operations in June, and as Lekapenoss forcesprepared to embark on the second phase of the campaign in August orSeptember, that Constantine sent his address to be read to the soldiersunder the command of the parakoimomenos.

The setting of the second harangue does much to account for itsimpassioned tone, for the sense that the decisive moment is now at handpervades the speech and lends the emperors appeals an urgency andanticipation not found in the first harangue. The contrast begins with thestructure of the piece which, with its introductory greeting, selection andelaboration of Scriptural passages, and concluding doxology, follows thepattern of a homily and presents the emperor in a more exalted relationto his soldiers. Where in the first harangue Constantine had addressed his


53 See below, note 81.54 The discussion follows Mazzucchi (1978) 299-303, esp. notes 102 and 110.55 See below, note 83.56 Vasiliev (1935-68) II.1 362-4; Canard (1951) 793-6.57 Theophanes continuatus 461.9-462.4.

men as my peculiar people (Exodus 19: 5), an appellation likening thespecial status of the army with the covenant between God and the peopleof Israel,58 he forges closer bonds of unity and kinship between army andemperor in the second. Beginning with a citation from John 3: 16 (forGod so loved the world...) Constantine goes on to declare that out oflove for his soldiers he gives to them his whole being, mixes his flesh andblood with theirs, and considers his body and soul one with theirs. Hiswords recall a number of passages in the New Testament, such asEphesians 5: 30 (for we are members of His body, of His flesh, and ofHis bones), Romans 12: 4-5 (for as we have many members in onebody ... so we, being many, are one body in Christ, and every one mem-bers of another), and the lengthier passage in I Corinthians 12: 12-27which portrays Christ as one body whose parts are all the Christians, andexpresses the unity of the parts acting in harmony for the good of thewhole. Speaking as Christs regent on earth, Constantine frames hisaddress in terms emphasizing the parallel between Christ and Christians,emperor and army, and enjoining the army as an aggregate of differentparts to strive as one body for the same goal. His appeal to the soldiersas his beloved children echoes the words of Paul, who addressed theCorinthians in the same way, and reinforces the image of the soldiersbeing the emperors flesh and blood; but it also confers upon him thepaternal authority to admonish them as his sons, to reassure them of hisconcern for their welfare, and to expect their obedience.

In his role as sovereign and father, Constantine is at pains to assurehis men that he has done all humanly possible to secure their success onthe battlefield, and that his officials have faithfully carried out hisinstructions to prepare a select force made up of proven soldiers and offi-cers. His efforts, however, have not been restricted to earthly measures,for his solicitude has also led him to invoke the aid of higher tutelarypowers through the prayers of monks and holy men. Imperial requests forprayers are are found in official correspondence, such as the followingletter attributed to Symeon the magistros and addressed to the monasticcommunities of Olympos, Kyminas, Latros, and Athos.59 The letter solic-its the monks prayers for the armies gathering for battle against Sayf al-Dawla, and is worth presenting in full:

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58 Koutrakou (1993) 416; see also Haldon (1990) Text C.453-454, and commentary 242-3.59 Darrouzs (1960) 146-7; although the editor puts this letter between 963 and 967, it must

surely date from Constantines reign. By 963 the Byzantines were pounding at Sayfs gates,not the other way around, as the situation is presented in Symeons letter. Another letter seek-ing prayers for a force on its way to Calabria (idem 148) may refer to Marianos Argyross expe-dition in 956: see below, note 83.

I know that I have become a provider of toils and troubles to you, mymost honoured fathers, writing continually and enjoining you to offerprayers and entreaties to the Lord. But when this labour is for thesafety of Christians, I am sure that it is not an unwelcome task but oneyou perform with pleasure. Since we have once again been informedthat an expedition of the impious Hamdan is now at our gates and thatour armies, with the help of God, are about to confront him in battle,we call upon your piety to raise your holy hands to God with greaterearnest and to entreat His goodness not to turn His eyes away fromHis people nor on account of our sins to allow the impious to defileHis holy name, but to remember his compassions, for they are fromeverlasting and to strengthen his chosen people, so that again He maybe glorified upon the rash and hostile soul of Pharaoh and we maysing a hymn of victory and a song of thanksgiving to thy name glori-fied for eternity. We have at the same time written to the most holyand divinely beloved metropolitan of Kyzikos so that he too maydirect you to offer your devout prayers and entreaties on behalf ofChristians.

The supplication of divine intercession through the prayers of monks andholy men is but one aspect of the spiritual comforts the emperor soughtto provide for his army. In his first harangue Constantine had called uponhis soldiers to place their hope in Christ and to arm themselves with Hiscross. The cross was, of course, the pre-eminent symbol of salvation andvictory, the stavros nikopoios long cherished by Byzantine armies, and ithad particular relevance for Constantine VII whose dynastic propagandaemphasized his association with Constantine the Great.60 But the powerof the cross and the presence of Christ, abstract in the first speech, arenow communicated physically to the soldiers by the emperors despatchof holy water sanctified by contact with the fragments of the True Crossand the relics of the Passion. The combination is significant, since thesymbol of imperial victory was now accompanied by the symbols of thetriumph over death and the redemption from sin. The soldiers were to beanointed with the holy water to invest them with divine power from onhigh and to furnish them with confidence and might and dominationagainst the enemy, in other words, to strengthen them in body and souland to protect them in battle.61


60 Cheynet (1993); Luzzi (1991); Markopoulos (1994); Thierry (1981).61 On the translation and use of relics in this period, see Mergiali-Sahas (2001); Kalavrezou

(1994), James (2001), Flusin (1999), and Barker (1993). See also McCormick (1986) 237-52,on the rituals of purification before battle.

The list of Passion relics which Constantine gives in his harangue isof particular interest. It comes nearly two centuries before the invento-ries of relics in pilgrim itineraries and other sources begin to appear,62and it is the first list to identify a set of relics which at an unknown time,and in unknown circumstances, were grouped with the True Cross andthe Lance, both known to have been transferred to Constantinople in theearly seventh century. As to the location of the relics mentioned in thespeech, we know from the De cerimoniis that by the mid-tenth centurythree fragments of the True Cross were kept in the palatine chapel of theTheotokos tou Pharou.63 Where the other relics were kept at this time isnot stated, but as the Mandylion was deposited in the chapel of thePharos upon its arrival in Constantinople in 944, it is most likely that thePassion relics were stored there.

The gift of holy water is also offered in compensation for the emper-ors absence. As a final incentive to his men, however, Constantineannounces that success in the coming expedition will prepare the way forhim and his son to accompany the army on a future campaign as fellowcavalrymen, fellow infantrymen, and comrades in arms. He thus reiter-ates the promise made in his first harangue, but I would argue that thefavourable military situation and the accompaniment of his son, co-emperor, and heir Romanos, now of an age to go on campaign, set thestage for the realisation of a grander purpose. The Vita Basilii recordsthat Basil I took his eldest son and heir Constantine with him on theexpedition to Syria in 878 so as to instruct the young man in the art ofwar and to inure him to the hardships of campaigning. The account of thecampaign goes on to list the towns and fortresses brought under imperi-al control, and concludes with the triumph celebrated by Basil andConstantine upon their return to the City.64 This triumph is described atlength in the third treatise on imperial expeditions, composed about theyear 95865, and appears to have furnished the script which Constantinewished to follow upon returning with his son from a tour of the frontierin his grandfathers footsteps. The first triumph held in Constantinople

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62 Cf. the studies of the contemporary Limburg Staurothek by Sevcenko (1994), Bouras(1989), and Koder (1989). The most recent survey of the relics of the True Cross and of thePassion in Constantinople is in Durand, Lafitte (Paris: 2001) 20-36; see also Gould (1981)336-41.

63 Haldon (1990) Text C.487, with comments on the protocol for display of the True Cross inmilitary processions, 245-7 (with further references); on the Theotokou tou Pharou, seeJenkins, Mango (1956); Janin (1969) 232-6; Kalavrezou (1994) 55-7.

64 Theophanes continuatus 277.18-279.13; see also Lemerle (1973) 104-10.65 Haldon (1990) Text C.724-807, with commentary 268-85; see ibid. 52-3 for the date of the trea-

tise. The problem of legitimation was not unknown to Basil I: see McCormick (1986) 152-7.

during Constantines reign was staged largely to prop up the sagging rep-utation of his dynasty; another celebrated the combined achievements ofTzimiskes and Lekapenos in 958;66 but a triumphal entry of his ownwould have made manifest the divine sanction of his rule and, muchmore importantly, helped to secure the succession of Romanos.Constantine was old and infirm by 958, and as events were to prove, notlong for this world. The spectre of assassination, regency, usurpation,and palace coups which hung over his dynasty could hardly have set hismind at ease as he contemplated the prospects for his own sons uncon-tested accession to power. Now, on the brink of success against theMuslim archenemy, the opportunity beckoned to go to war at the head ofhis army and to embody the legitimating principle of imperial victory.

That Constantine did in fact intend to go to Syria in 959, an intentionwhich the victories won by Tzimiskes and Lekapenos could only haveaffirmed, is supported by evidence from three sources.67 But as the dirgecomposed for the emperor laments, I set my foot upon strange ground ...and right away I must begin an even stranger journey death inter-vened on 9 November 959, and his plans to lead his armies on campaigncame to nothing.

ADDRESS OF THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE VII TO THE STRATEGOIOF THE EAST

1. To speak to you often, even without a proper occasion, is my heartsdesire and dear to me, just as to be deprived of conversing with you isin my judgement distressing and painful. For I do not so love andcherish my soldiers and deem you worthy of every address and salu-tation as not to carry out this very act in writing to you, whom the soleeternal and immortal sovereign has in His boundless compassiongranted to me as my legacy, a host assembled by God, and the mostexcellent share of the lordly inheritance; but to exhort your good willand obedience with my tongue is most pleasing of all to me and eager-ly sought, while to teach and instruct you in the art of war through mywords, and, as to courage, to make those so inclined more brave, andto inspire the more sluggish and to rouse them to boldness and hardi-ness is familiar to me and has become more pleasing than all enjoy-ment and all delight. The sacred words of the holy Gospel, wishing toexpress the greatness of God the Fathers love for mankind, say ForGod so loved the world that he gave his only begotten Son68 unto


66 McCormick (1986) 159-67.67 Skylitzes 246.66-247.83; McGeer (2000) 82-5; Sevcenko (1969-70) 213, 214, 221.68 John 3: 16.

death, whereas I give not my only begotten son but my whole being,in body and soul, and I link and mix my flesh with your flesh and mybones with your bones, and I consider each one of my limbs unitedwith and of common origin with you, and my very soul, one though itis, I distribute and divide among all of you, and I want my host assem-bled to be made animate and to be brought alive by me in the part thatis mine. Children, whom I have begotten through the Gospel69 andimplanted in the inheritance of God70, whom God has raised to matu-rity and brought to the full measure of youthful vigour, accept thepresent exhortation issued to you from the very depth of my soul andthe hidden chambers of my heart. For my heart and my flesh, in thewords of the psalmist David among the prophets, hath rejoicedexceedingly71 in you. How indeed could one not exult and rejoice andbe gladdened when God has bestowed upon His inheritance sucharmies, such a courageous and valiant host, such champions anddefenders of the Byzantines? Many times through written memorandahave we roused you to courage, very often have we given you ourguidance, yet we have no surfeit of communication with you. Why isthat? In our wish to present the zeal and ardour and warmth of ouryearning for you, we do not take this moment lightly, as not to take upthe wings of a dove and to come to rest72 among you, and to displayour affection for you.2. Now, as if unsatisfied with our previous endeavours and judgingthem meagre in comparison to the fiery heat of our love for you, wehave despatched to you these men, whom we have come to regard asthe more excellent of our servants, the most obedient, the most loyal,the most worthy, distinguished by wisdom and experience, and heldby us in greater esteem than the others, so that you can see that afterwrenching them away from the seat of our affections and our heart wehave set them over you as your leaders and commanders.73 Their firsttask is to pick out the most courageous and valiant among you and toseparate these men from the others so that your virtue will not remainunnoticed and unremarked because the cowardice of the latter hasovershadowed and obscured your courage, and they will replace themwith the men whom they choose. With this kind of preparation, selec-tion, toil, and painstaking effort, let them bring our Christ-loving tag-

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69 cf. I Corinthians 4: 14-15.70 cf. Exodus 15: 17.71 cf. Psalm 15: 9 (LXX)72 cf. Psalm 54: 6 (LXX)73 Generic plurals covering the original reference to Basil Lekapenos.

mata and themata to a stronger and better state, so that by their reputealone they will intimidate their adversary.3. Since we have learned through despatches from the same mostillustrious men and our most worthy attendants that in accordancewith my command, or rather in accordance with the inclination andinfluence of God, they have already rejected all that is useless andunsuited to war, while the valiant and serviceable element that bearsthe brunt of battle they have selected and set aside for combat, thatthey have exercised all their diligence and care, and unceasing toil,with regard to your battle order and worthiness, and that these ser-vants of Our Majesty are about to take you, now that you are equippedand prepared, to embark on campaign and to set out against the enemyin the areas where they have been assigned by Our Majesty, our joyhas been increased a thousand-fold. Suffused with tears and delight atthe same time, we have considered ourselves unworthy of offeringprayers of supplication to God, and after appealing to the most vener-able and saintly fathers who dwell in mountains, and in dens and incaves of the earth74 and enjoining them to offer prayers of supplica-tion, we have appointed them to pray incessantly and unstintingly onyour behalf; but we have also directed those in the churches of theCity guarded by God and the pious monasteries to perform the sametask, so that as the entreaty of all those holy men rises up to the earsof the Lord God of hosts and is blended and united with your fervourand trust in us, the route before you may be easy and smooth75. Andso, since we take courage from the providence and help of our benev-olent God, from the sacred prayers of the holy and hallowed fathers,and from your praiseworthy bravery and audacity, accept our exhor-tation as though from an affectionate father who has ardent affectionfor you and is occupied every day with his innumerable cares for yourwelfare.4. Children faithful and beloved, army sacred and assembled by God,now, if ever, the time has come for your bravery to be displayed, foryour audacity to be made known, for your praiseworthy courage tobecome clear to all. For even if many times in past years you foughtbravely against the enemy and prevailed against them, some of theseexploits were accomplished by accident and by unstable and capri-cious chance, others by design and skill decorated by the name ofcourage but recognised as cowardice in fact. The deeds of the bravewere not clearly remarked, nor were those of the cowardly discerned,


74 Hebrews 11: 38.75 Reading pstei for pptei, and prskoptow for prskopow.

but your actions were dimmed and hidden as though in a welter ofconfusion, a moonless night, or a battle in the dark. Since the processof selection which has now taken place through our most faithful ser-vants and genuine attendants has made manifest the courage and val-our of each one of you, while those men previously hidden andignored because of envy (I cannot speak other than truthfully) cancome forward into the light, and the courage, the audacity, and theendurance of each one of you have been acknowledged, and you havebeen picked out for selection like pure wheat, whereas the others, justas the tares grown with the wheat76, have been cast away and let loose,show your irresistible onslaught against the enemy and your hardi-hood. Advance against them, and advance without wavering, notskulking and withdrawing to the rear, but drawn up in the frontranks.77 You have as witnesses of your courage the representatives ofOur Majesty who are taking my place. You have them to arouse yourzeal with their words and deeds. Show them the most noble andsteadfast determination innate in you. Let them see your sturdy armsfighting against the enemy, let them marvel, and let them glorify Godfor it. For wholly devoted to you, as one entering and dwelling inyour hearts, so greatly have I been moved and stirred by love andyearning for you that, with Gods approval and sanction, I have pre-pared and readied myself to accompany you on campaign and to beconvinced by my own eyes of what in times past I used to learn andhear by report.5. If, then, there is any longing in you to see us and our son as yourfellow cavalrymen, fellow infantrymen, and comrades in arms, con-firm this longing now by your very deeds, strengthen the love in yourhearts for us by your exploits, so that, invigorated and emboldened byyour heroism, your victories and dominance against the enemy, andby your unconquerable monuments of triumph, I may become moreeager to embrace the idea of taking part with you on campaign. Forearlier, some rumour concerning the most impious Hamdanid and theChrist-hating Tarsiots was going around, to the effect that they arebrave and have acquired a host invincible in war, wherefore out of ter-ror and weakness you avoided engaging them in combat; but this isnot now the case, for as you yourselves know, some time ago so-and-

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76 Matthew 13: 29-30.77 Perhaps echoing Theophanes continuatus 459.13-460.12, especially where the chronicler

relates that the reformed armies of Nikephoros Phokas neither hid themselves, indulged inpleasures, nor turned in flight, as had been their habit beforehand....

so78 was sent out with the rest of the strategoi against the lands andfortresses of the accursed Tarsos and penetrated deep within their ter-ritory, and after arming his host with the utmost zeal and inspiringspeeches, the kind of campaign he conducted and the number of offi-cers79 and the huge host of Tarsiots he took prisoner has not escapedthe notice of any of you. Moreover, the host despatched a short whileago to Mesopotamia with the patrikios so-and-so80 and the others,which descended on the valiant and unbeatable as was thought corps of the Hamdanids army and effortlessly subdued it, will nodoubt convince your souls to become more bold and more confidentin combat with the enemy.6. The great and widespread report of your courage has reached for-eign ears, to the effect that you have an irresistible onslaught, that youpossess incomparable courage, that you display a proud spirit in bat-tle. When several contingents of these foreign peoples recently joinedyou on campaign, they were amazed to see with their own eyes thecourage and valour of the other soldiers who performed heroically inearlier expeditions; let them now be astonished at your audacity, letthem marvel at your invincible and unsurpassable might against thebarbarians.81 Be for me the wonder and amazement of the nations, andthe might and strength of our people. Brace your souls, strengthenyour arms, sharpen your teeth like wild boars, let no one attempt toturn his back to the enemy, as the man who takes this thought into hismind will soon give up his own life. Let your heroic deeds be spokenof in foreign lands, let the foreign contingents accompanying you beamazed at your discipline, let them be messengers to their compatri-


78 Constantine refers to the naval battle and raid conducted by Basil Hexamilites, patrikiosand strategos of the Kibyrrhaiotai, in September/October 956, during which he defeated anArab fleet and ravaged the environs of Tarsos, taking many prisoners: Theophanes continua-tus 452.20-453.19; Vasiliev (1935-68) II.1 360; Mazzucchi (1978) 299-301. A ray of light after aseries of demoralising defeats at the hands of Sayf, this otherwise minor success was celebrat-ed with a triumph in Constantinople: McCormick (1986) 165-6.

79 psouw ... kataw: kathw is an Arabic word, listed by E.A. Sophocles and Du Cange(katow), which also appears in the account of Hexamilitess raid in Theophanes continuatus(453.17): cf. the parallel passages noted by Mazzucchi (1978) 300 note 102. On the unresolvedquestion of Theodore Daphnopatess authorship of the last book of Theophanes continuatus,see Darrouzs, Westerink (1978) 6-10.

80 i.e. John Tzimiskes; see note 56 above.81 The presence of foreign soldiers in Lekapenoss army is confirmed by a poem of Abu

Firas who records his encounter with a Khazar warrior during the battle at Raban; the com-mentary preceding the poem states that in preparation for the campaign Constantine soughtsoldiers from the Bulgars, Russians (Rhos), Turks (Hungarians), and Franks: Vasiliev (1935-68) II.2 368-70; see also McGeer (1995) 200-201.

ots of your triumphs and symbols which bring victory, so that theymay see the deeds you have performed.7. We say this both to the Christ-loving and divinely assembled armiesof the East and to the forces from Macedonia and Thrace which havejoined you on campaign. This we declare and make known: these mentoo have been your comrades in arms and companions, and they havedemonstrated their valour in war on many occasions. When82 theywere sent to Longobardia, they won victories against the enemy take our word for it that they mastered and subdued those whoopposed Our Majesty.83 And so, as servants and soldiers of one realmand emperor, eagerly undertake the present campaign with them, dis-posed towards them as brothers and tending like fathers to their safe-ty. They have been sent to share your labours, and they have becomeyour partners in dangers and heroic exploits.8. In addressing this to you all, as to my vitals and my limbs, andspeaking to you through the present letter, I have placed my trust inChrist the true God, the sole immortal king, and I am bolstered by thehope that you will not dishonour my expectation of you, that you willnot extinguish my hopes, that you will not dull my consideration, thatyou will not debase your service; but because as true and most faith-ful servants and subjects of Our Majesty, as sturdy and invinciblechampions of the Byzantine people, you have now shown this kindand this degree of courage and all manner of audacity and valour, wewill embrace you as victors appearing as triumphant conquerorsagainst the enemy and receive you with joyful acclamations as youreturn. We will kiss your bodies wounded for the sake of Christ inveneration as the limbs of martyrs84, we will pride ourselves in thedefilement of blood, we will be glorified in you and your valorousaccomplishments and struggles. So that you may know how much Iam on fire in my soul for you, that I am completely consumed, that Iburn all over as I devote my exertions to your salvation and to pros-

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82 Reading nka for lka.83 Referring to the expedition (which included contingents from Thrace and Macedonia)

sent to southern Italy in 956 under the command of Marianos Argyros, anthypatos patrikiosand strategos of Calabria and Longobardia. Argyros succeeded in regaining control of Naplesand Salerno in 956 and campaigned against the Arabs until a truce was arranged in 958:Theophanes continuatus 453.20-454.21; Vasiliev (1935-68) II.1 371-8; von Falkenhausen (1978)39, 83-4, 132. On Argyross career, see Vannier (1975) 30-2.

84 In kissing the wounds of his soldiers Constantine is perhaps recasting himself asConstantine the Great, who kissed Paphnoutios and other confessors on their eyes that hadbeen gouged out and their limbs that had been mutilated in the persecution, receiving a bless-ing from them: Theophanes (Mango and Scott) 36.

pering you85, behold, that after drawing holy water from the immacu-late and most sacred relics of the Passion of Christ our true God86 from the precious wooden fragments [of the True Cross]87 and theundefiled Lance88, the precious Titulus89, the wonder-working Reed90,the life-giving blood which flowed from His precious rib91, the mostsacred Tunic92, the holy swaddling clothes93, the God-bearing windingsheet94, and the other relics of His undefiled Passion95 we have sentit to be sprinkled upon you, for you to be anointed by it and to garbyourselves with the divine power from on high. For I trust in my trueGod and Saviour Christ, that just as He restored and endowed thehuman race with life through the blood and water which flowed fromHis precious rib, so will He through the sprinkling of this holy waterquicken and restore you and furnish you with confidence and mightand domination against the enemy. Christ, the creator of the ages andupholder of all creation, our true God, Who is worshipped and glori-fied with His eternal Father and with the life-giving Spirit of the samenature, Who strengthens feebleness and invigorates the lowly, Whoengulfed the army of Pharaoh in the depths of the sea and saved thelowly people96, Who alone is lofty and master, Who sits upon thecherubs97 and looks upon low things98, Who girds the sword99 for the


85 Psalm 67: 19 (LXX)86 pomursantew: in other words, the condensation was rubbed from the relics (or the reli-

quaries) with a cloth; this extract was called myron, or holy oil.87 tn te timvn jlvn: on the history of the True Cross in Constantinople, see Frolow

(1961) 73-94, 238, and no. 143; Durand, Lafitte (2001) 20-4, 61-6.88 tw xrntou lgxhw (cf. John 19: 34): known to have been in Constantinople since 614;

see Sevcenko (1994) 290-1; Durand, Lafitte (2001) 24.89 to timou ttlou (cf. John 19: 19): a rare attestation of the Titulus, which is absent from

the table of relics in Durand, Lafitte (2001) 32-3, and from the inventories in Gould (1981)335-41.

90 to yaumatourgo kalmou: the reed by which the sponge was held up to Christ on thecross (cf. Mark 15: 36); but note that kalamos is also the word used for the mock sceptre putin Christs hands by the Roman soldiers (cf. Matthew 27: 29), and the rod used by the Romansoldiers to beat Christ (Mark 15: 19).

91 John 19: 34; see Durand, Lafitte (2001) 67-8.92 to pansptou xitnow: Christs tunic for which the Roman soldiers cast lots; cf. John

19: 23-24.93 tn ern spargnvn (cf. Luke 2: 7, 12): kept in the High Altar in Hagia Sophia accord-

ing to the De cerimoniis; see Vogt (1935/40) vol. 1, part 1, 11; vol. 2, 61, and Durand, Lafitte(2001) 68.

94 tw yeofrou sindnow (cf. Matthew 27: 59, Luke 23: 53): not to be confused with theMandylion. Cf. Durand, Lafitte (2001) 87.

95 Conspicuous by their absence from the list are the Crown of Thorns and the Sponge; onthese relics, see Durand, Lafitte (2001) 55-60, 87.

96 cf. Psalm 17: 27 (LXX)97 Psalm 79: 1; Psalm 98: 1 (LXX)98 cf. Psalm 112: 6; Psalm 137: 6 (LXX)99 Psalm 44: 3 (LXX)

mighty in war and provides help from on high to those who call uponHim, Who resists the proud100, Who brings sinners down to theground101, Who instructs hands to war102, Who makes the arms of themwho hope in Him as a brazen bow103, Who has given the shield of sal-vation104 to pursue the impious enemies until they are consumed105,Who girds strength for war106, Who beats down all that rose107 againstthose who fight for Him, beating them small as dust before the wind108,may He in His infinite and ineffable goodness and in His immeasura-ble and incomprehensible compassion watch over you with mercy andfavour, may He look upon you from above with a kindly eye. May Heprepare your route before you; He Himself will send His angel and Hewill guide your journey109, and may He help to surround you withhosts of angels and to keep you safe from harm at the hands of theenemy, so that through His power and might you may have upon yourreturn to us in victory and triumph praise everlasting in memory ofmen, remaining indelible and spoken of from generation to genera-tion, so that you may cause Our Majesty to be joyful and to rejoice inyour achievements, and to be embellished by your heroic deedsthrough the intercession of the immaculate Mother of God, His moth-er, and all the incorporeal angelic powers, and the saints who haveserved Him from eternity and been martyred for His sake. Amen.

It remains to offer some thoughts by way of conclusion. One is thatConstantines two speeches are of greater historical interest than has usu-ally been supposed. They are rare examples of formal imperial militaryrhetoric which, although based on long established models, neverthelesshave an immediacy and intensity which set them apart from mostByzantine orations. They present the time-honoured images and themesof imperial propaganda, but these acquire an added significance whenviewed against the insecurity of Constantines reign and the problem ofdynastic legitimacy he had to contend with. They cast further light on a

134 ERIC MCGEER

100 cf. Proverbs 3: 34.101 cf. Psalm 146: 6 (LXX)102 Psalm 17: 34 (LXX)103 Conflating Psalm 17: 30, 35 (LXX)104 Psalm 17: 35 (LXX)105 Psalm 17: 37 (LXX)106 Psalm 17: 39 (LXX)107 Psalm 17: 40 (LXX)108 Psalm 17: 42 (LXX)109 John Tzimiskes likewise called for an angel to be given to him who would go ahead of

the army and guides its way as he prepared to go to war against Svendoslav in 971: Leo theDeacon 129.6-7.

little known project which Constantine ultimately did not achieve, but itwould now appear that his efforts to compile military manuals and trea-tises on imperial expeditions were more than just didactic or antiquarianin purpose.

The two harangues also present valuable evidence on the subject ofreligion and morale in the Byzantine wars against the Hamdanids. Therecan be no doubting the force of the emperors appeals to his soldiers tofight against the infidel with the conviction that they were fighting onbehalf of Christs people; but we should take into account what theharangues do not say before we adduce them as evidence for the conceptof holy war in tenth-century Byzantium.110 Nowhere does the emperorproclaim that these wars are fought at Gods command or at the behest ofthe Church, or that death in battle confers instant spiritual reward to thefallen soldier. The wars are fought in defence of the Christian realm, notto propagate the Christian faith, and there is no word in the speeches thatthe goal of the wars is the recovery of a sacred place or object. The needto match their Muslim foes on the level of ideology as well as in thephysical contest of battle certainly escalated the religious motivation ofByzantine armies during the tenth century, but as Nicolas Oikonomidesobserved, when religious differences were at stake, the arguments andthe propaganda would change accordingly, but this would be a differencein intensity, not a basically different approach.111


110 Kolia-Dermitzaki (1989), (1991); whether one agrees or disagrees with her conclusions,it must be acknowledged that her work has led Byzantinists to examine the question of war inByzantium in greater depth and detail; cf. Laiou (1993), Kolbaba (1998), and Haldon (1999)13-33. For an examination of popular attitudes to war, see the interesting study of Trombley(1998).

111 Oikonomides (1995) 86.

Two Military Orations of Constantine VII

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