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Transparency and
accounTabiliTy
NPT RepoRting 2002-2007
TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY
NPT Reporting 2002-2007
Project Ploughshares
About this Publication As agreed in 2000, States Parties to the Non-Proliferation Treaty are called to submit regular reports on their efforts to implement Article VI of the NPT – nuclear disarmament and the eventual elimination of nuclear weapons. This paper tabulates and summarizes reporting at the five NPT review process meetings since then – the three Preparatory Committee sessions leading up to the 2005 Review Conference (2002-4), the 2005 Review Conference itself, and the 2007 Preparatory Committee for the 2010 Review Conference. The paper briefly reviews the background to the reporting obligation and offers recommendations for enhanced reporting that would more effectively reflect the “permanence with accountability” framework that is at its core. The paper, prepared by Project Ploughshares staff Adam Parsons, Jessica West, and Ernie Regehr, has benefited from a review provided at a roundtable attended by Canadian government officials and civil society representatives. Prepared for International Security Research and Outreach Program (ISROP) International Security Bureau, Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada Disclaimer: The views and positions expressed in this report are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada or the Government of Canada. The report is in its original language. Préparé pour le programme de recherche et d’information dans le domaine de la sécurité internationale (PRISI), Direction générale de la sécurité internationale, Affaires étrangères et Commerce international Canada Déni de responsabilité : Les vues et opinions exprimées dans le présent rapport appartiennent exclusivement aux auteurs, et ne reflètent pas nécessairement celles du ministère des Affaires étrangères et du Commerce international, ou celles du gouvernement du Canada. Le rapport est présenté dans la langue de rédaction. Project Ploughshares Project Ploughshares is the ecumenical peace centre of The Canadian Council of Churches established to work with churches and related organizations, as well as governments and nongovernmental organizations, in Canada and internationally, to identify, develop, and advance approaches that build peace and prevent war. Project Ploughshares is affiliated with the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, Conrad Grebel University College, University of Waterloo. Project Ploughshares 57 Erb Street West Waterloo, Ontario N2L 6C2 Canada 519-888-6541 Fax 519-888-0018 [email protected] www.ploughshares.ca © Project Ploughshares 2008 First printed April 2008 Printed by Pandora Press, Kitchener, Ontario. Pandora Press prints on 100% recycled Eco-Logo certified paper. ISBN 978-1-895722-62-8
Table of Contents Preface 5 Introduction 7 Background to the Reporting Provision 9 Reporting to Date 14 NNWS Reporting 16
Support for the NPT and the nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation regime 16 Strategic reductions 17 Tactical or non-strategic reductions 18 Irreversibility 18 The CTBT and a testing moratorium 19 Fissile material controls 19 Security assurances 20 Verification 20 The Conference on Disarmament 21 Nuclear energy 21 Export controls 22 Safeguards 22 Nuclear-weapon-free zones 23 International cooperation 24 Transparency 24 Reporting 25 NWS Reporting 25 Warhead and delivery vehicle holdings 26 Operational status 28 Strategic reductions 29 Tactical reductions 30 Affirmation of Article VI 30 Doctrine 30 Security assurances 32 Fissile material control 32 Policy Considerations 34 Objective and Participation Rate 34 Frequency 35 Structure 36 Scope 37 Notes 39 Acronyms and Abbreviations 40 Table 1: Tabulation 2002–2007 41 Table 2: Article VI Reporting by NWS 47
Preface The indefinite extension of the NPT in 1995 was agreed in the context of a collective commitment by States Parties to strengthening the Treaty’s review process and, in particular, with a heightened sense of the need for mutual accountability in the implementation and furtherance of the aims of the Treaty. In 2000 states agreed (in step 12 of the 13 practical steps) that such accountability would be advanced by a more formalized approach to reporting by each State Party to its Treaty partners, providing regular information on the actions taken and policies followed to meet the requirements of the Treaty and to implement additional measures agreed to in the review process. The framers of the reporting obligation understood reporting―as they understood the review process itself―to be a potential prod to the more effective pursuit of nuclear disarmament. This paper reviews the frequency, format, and content of reporting to date and considers whether this experience offers guidance for the future elaboration and clarification of the Article VI reporting requirement. In the review of early drafts of this paper there was support for an annual update of the tabulations and summaries in the paper and for the development of a comprehensive online database of all reports submitted—including the reports made available by NWS that they do not formally designated as reports under the 2000 Review Conference step 12 agreement. We welcome further suggestions along those lines, as well as corrections of the current paper, to help make future editions and a companion database as useful and informative as possible.
Transparency and Accountability 5
Introduction States Parties to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) have now had five specific occasions to submit the “regular reports” that were agreed to in the Final Document of the 2000 Review Conference (RevCon). Some 48 states have used at least one of those opportunities and have together submitted 112 reports (see Table 1). This paper summarizes the reporting to date, provides background to the reporting commitment, reviews the continuing discussion of the appropriate scope and format of reports, broadly surveys the content of reports submitted, and recommends ways in which reporting can be strengthened and thus better meet the principle of accountability that was emphasized as part of the 1995 indefinite extension of the Treaty. As shown in Figure 1, just over one-quarter of the 189 States Parties to the NPT have reported at least once since 2000, and one in six submitted reports to the 2005 RevCon. At the 2007 Preparatory Committee (PrepCom) one in 20 reported. Figure 1 48 States have submitted at least one report
11 States reported in 2002
28 States reported in 2003 (20 for the first time)
29 States reported in 2004 (8 for the first time)
35 States reported in 2005 (9 for the first time)
9 States reported in 2007 (none for the first time)
5 States have submitted reports all five years
16 States have submitted only once
It is noteworthy that a relatively high proportion, almost two-thirds, of the 44 states in Annex 2 of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) reported at some point in the past seven years (see Figure 2, which identifies reporting by states within various groupings). Annex 2 lists states with some nuclear technology capability, all of which must ratify the CTBT before it can enter into force, of which three (India, Israel, and Pakistan) are not parties to the NPT. Only two nuclear weapon states (NWS) are included among the 48 states reporting. Russia and China each submitted formal reports in 2005. The three non-NPT states in possession of nuclear weapons—India, Israel, and Pakistan—are not under any reporting requirement because they are not NPT signatories. All of the NWS that are party to the NPT have reported informally through a variety of statements and background materials (the selected contents of which are surveyed in Table 2). For the most part, however, NWS have chosen not to provide formal reports, in defiance of the promise made when they agreed to the 2000 reporting provision.
Transparency and Accountability 7
Figure 2 6 New Agenda Coalition States reported: Brazil, Ireland, Mexico, New Zealand, South Africa, Sweden (Egypt, also a member, has not reported). 12 Non-Aligned Movement States reported: Cuba, Guatemala, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Mongolia, Morocco, Nigeria, Peru, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Thailand (NAM membership is now at 118,1 106 of which have not reported). 19 NATO States reported: Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Czech Republic, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Turkey (of NATO’s 26 members, the following seven did not report: Denmark, Estonia, France, Iceland, Slovenia, UK, US). 19 EU States reported: Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, Finland, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden (the following EU states did not report: Bulgaria, Cyprus, Denmark, Estonia, France, Malta, Slovenia, UK). 30 CTBT Annex 2 States reported: Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, China, Finland, Germany, Hungary, Indonesia, Iran, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Netherlands, Norway, Peru, Poland, Republic of Korea, Romania, Russia, Slovakia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, Ukraine (of the 44 Annex 2 states, three—India, Israel, and Pakistan—are not signatories to the NPT, and 11 others that are parties to the NPT have not reported—Algeria, Bangladesh, Chile, Colombia, DPRK, DRC, Egypt, France, UK, US, Vietnam). 2 Nuclear Weapon States formally reported: Russia, China (France, UK, US have not submitted formal reports).
8 Transparency and Accountability
Background to the Reporting Provision “Permanence with accountability” was the central equation of the 1995 NPT Review and Extension Conference. The indefinite extension of the treaty was accompanied by a commitment to strengthen the review process, focused on the Preparatory Committee and Review Conferences. The 2000 RevCon then elaborated on the accountability commitment through the provision of a specific reporting requirement. The Final Document included a list of 13 Practical Steps toward the implementation of the Treaty, among which was the Step 12 agreement to submit:
Regular reports, within the framework of the strengthened review process for the Non-Proliferation Treaty, by all States parties on the implementation of article VI and paragraph 4(c) of the 1995 Decision on “Principles and Objectives for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament”, and recalling the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 8 July 1996.2
The term “regular reports” was not defined, but it was accepted as a compromise and an alternative to “annual reports.” The call for reports “within the framework of the strengthened review process for the NPT” suggests that states are expected to report to each PrepCom and RevCon, the central features of the strengthened review process. The reporting requirement applies to all States Parties, as all signatories share in the responsibility to implement the Treaty. The reporting requirement is framed by the objectives of three internationally agreed nuclear disarmament decisions:
“cessation of the nuclear arms race” (Article VI of the NPT)3; “reduction of nuclear weapons globally, with the ultimate goals of eliminating those
weapons” (Paragraph 4[c] of the 1995 Decision on “Principles and Objectives for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament”);4 and
the “obligation to achieve a precise result—nuclear disarmament in all its aspects”
(the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 8 July 1996).5 Beyond these references, there is no further definition or elaboration of the reporting requirement. Some States Parties and NGOs have called for a standard reporting format to allow comparability of information among states and over time, while others, including the NWS, are opposed to any enforced or even agreed structure. Since the NPT has no permanent secretariat, there is in effect also no central entity to receive the reports and perhaps to compile and analyze them. The recipients of the reports are other States Parties (currently the reports are at least posted and maintained, and thus remain accessible, on the website of the UN Office of Disarmament Affairs). The reluctance of some states to accept the 2000 RevCon decision as adding a special obligation to report was reflected in disputes over the annotated agenda during the
Transparency and Accountability 9
preparatory lead-up to the 2005 RevCon. In addition to dividing the PrepCom’s program of work into three clusters (Cluster One, nuclear disarmament; Two, safeguards and nuclear-weapon-free zones; and Three, the peaceful use of nuclear energy), the Chair’s annotated agenda for the 2002 PrepCom included two specific items with reference to the reporting obligation:
Implementation of Article VI, including the 2000 Final Document requirement for reporting;
Regional issues, including the 2000 Final Document requirement for reporting on a
Middle East Zone of Peace. The US and France in particular rejected the references to required reporting, while Egypt, on behalf of the New Agenda Coalition (NAC), submitted a short working paper to argue the importance of retaining a separate reporting item: “the reporting requirements of paragraph 12 of the nuclear disarmament part of the Final Document [2000] are an integral part of the language in the indicative timetable that we have just taken note of.” Ultimately the following compromise language was agreed for the agenda item:
Implementation of article VI of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and paragraphs 3 and 4 (c) of the 1995 Decision on “Principles and objectives for nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament”, as well as the agreements, conclusions and commitments listed under the section entitled “Article VI and eighth to twelfth preambular paragraphs” contained in the Final Document of the 2000 NPT Review Conference [emphasis added].
Regional issues, including with respect to the Middle East and the implementation of
the 1995 Middle East resolution and the commitments, conclusions and follow-up submissions to the United Nations Secretary-General, the President of the 2005 Review Conference and the Chairpersons of the Preparatory Committee meetings, in accordance with the relevant subparagraphs listed under the section entitled “Regional issues: The Middle East, particularly implementation of the 1995 Resolution on the Middle East”, contained in the Final Document of the 2000 Review Conference [emphasis added].
Canada presented a working paper on “Reporting by States Party to the NPT” to the 2002 PrepCom which called for “a common understanding of the reporting requirements agreed at the NPT 2000 Review Conference” and for a standardized reporting format. In its formal report in fulfillment of the reporting obligation, Canada offered a model for comprehensive reporting on an article-by-article basis, a format also used by New Zealand. Canada summarized its approach as supporting “a loosely-defined and relatively simple common approach that balances the need for adequate and meaningful content with the desirability of keeping the procedure simple enough to facilitate compliance.” Canada submitted its second Working Paper on Reporting at the 2003 PrepCom, in which it reviewed the 2002 experience of reporting and presented the results of informal consultations with states. The paper concluded that the value to be gained from reports
10 Transparency and Accountability
would only be realized through greater participation in reporting and wider use of the reports. Canada urged States Parties to draw on the body of information from reports to the first and second PrepComs to inform dialogues and discussion at the next PrepCom and the RevCon in 2005. The New Agenda Coalition 2002 working paper also offered reporting format and content suggestions:
The reports on Article VI should cover issues and principles addressed by the 13 steps and include specific and complete information on each of these steps (inter alia, the number and specifications of warheads and delivery systems in service and number and specifications of reductions, de-alerting measures, existing holdings of fissile materials as well as reduction and control of such materials, achievements in the areas of irreversibility, transparency and verifiability.)
The reports should address current policies and intentions, as well as developments
in these areas.6 The NPT review process has not produced a consensus document since the 2000 review conference, but the results of the 2002 and 2003 PrepComs were reviewed in “factual summaries” compiled by the chair in each case. The issues of transparency in general and reporting in particular featured in both. The Chair’s summary of 2002 reflects the PrepCom’s broad support for reporting as an instrument of accountability and confidence-building. It also accurately notes the absence of consensus on the question of whether a specific new requirement exists and the extent to which reporting should be standardized:
The importance of increased transparency with regard to the nuclear weapons capabilities and the implementation of agreements pursuant to article VI and as a voluntary confidence-building measure to support further progress on nuclear disarmament was stressed. It was emphasized that accountability and transparency of nuclear disarmament measures by all States parties remained the main criteria with which to evaluate the Treaty’s operation.
States parties recalled that regular reports should be submitted by all States parties on
the implementation of Article VI as outlined in paragraph 15, subparagraph 12 of the 2000 Final Document. It was stressed that such reporting would promote increased confidence in the overall NPT regime through transparency. Views with regard to the scope and format of such reporting differed. Some States parties suggested that such reports should be submitted, particularly by the nuclear-weapon States, at each session of the Preparatory Committee, and should include detailed and comprehensible information, e.g. in a standardized format. Several States parties expressed interest in open-ended informal consultations on reporting to prepare proposals for consideration for subsequent sessions of the Preparatory Committee. Other States parties advocated that the specifics of reporting, the format and frequency of reports, should be left to the determination of individual States parties.
Transparency and Accountability 11
The chair’s summary of the 2003 PrepCom repeated the points made in 2002, but added two important observations:
The nuclear-weapon States were called upon to increase transparency and accountability with regard to their nuclear weapons arsenals and their implementation of disarmament measures. (para 10)
It was also expressed that such transparency provides valuable means to address and
respond to compliance concerns. States parties recognized the value of reports and used them in substantive deliberation, in line with their wish for enhanced interaction. (para 21)
The reference to making use of the reports to support discussion (“interactivity”) echoes the Canadian Working Paper’s plea to States Parties to allow the reports to stimulate greater debate. During the PrepComs for the 2005 Review Conference there were frequent references to reports and some significant requests for clarification or elaboration. If the pursuit of a culture of transparency, in which information is freely given and through which States Parties acknowledge that they are accountable to their Treaty partners, is advancing, it must be said that it is doing so only cautiously. Nevertheless, some states continue to call for States Parties to recognize and meet their obligations. In its 2007 report, the Republic of Korea said “that national reporting on the implementation of nuclear disarmament measures enhances transparency and builds confidence, and therefore should be encouraged.” It “encourage[d] both nuclear weapon States and non-nuclear-weapon States to submit regular reports to the Preparatory Committee and the Review Conference” and noted, “While there is no consensus on the content and format of national reports, more detailed information contained in them will instill greater confidence in the States’ nuclear policies and disarmament efforts.” In its 2007 report Ireland described “regular reporting” as “a key element of the 13 steps” and saw reporting “not as an end in itself but as an important tool in strengthening the NPT process, through greater transparency.” The Islamic Republic of Iran in 2007 called for the “adoption of a format properly defining categories of information required within the review strengthening process.” In its 2007 report Canada recalled its 2005 working paper on the concept of “permanence with accountability” and its call for reports to be submitted prior to each set of meetings in the review process. Canada “commend[ed] the nuclear-weapon States for the information they have provided to date” and encouraged them to “submit information about their efforts and activities as an official report.” As part of their participation in the 2002 PrepCom, NGOs prepared “Shadow Reports” on 44 States Party to the NPT,7 in a sense offering another variation on reporting models. The NGO reports assessed national positions on a variety of issues, including stated nuclear doctrine, transfer or acquisition of nuclear materials, fissile material holdings and nuclear
12 Transparency and Accountability
facilities, nuclear weapons holdings, and assessments of NWS efforts to fulfill Article VI. In 2003 the shadow report was updated to include a discussion of NWS compliance with the 13 Practical Steps.
Transparency and Accountability 13
Reporting to Date A decline in attention to reporting is reflected in the fact that 2007 was the first year since the 2000 agreement on reporting in which no new states were added to the list of reporting states—in other words, the first year in which no state submitted a report for the first time. Indeed, 2007 saw the lowest level of reporting since the obligation to report was undertaken. A decline from the level of reporting to the 2005 RevCon was perhaps to be expected, but a 75 per cent drop should be taken as a worrying sign about the level of commitment to transparency and accountability. To date the greatest increase in levels of reporting occurred in 2003, when 20 states submitted reports for the first time. The highest level of reporting occurred at the 2005 RevCon when 34 states reported, 11 for the first time. Of the 48 States that have submitted a report to date, 34 have reported more than once, and of these, only Australia, Canada, Ireland, Japan, and New Zealand have reported at all meetings of the review process since 2000. There is not yet wide agreement on the format of reporting. There are many variations, but they can be divided into three basic categories, as shown in Figure 3. The “General” format refers to reports that tend to focus on Article VI issues and describe broadly the reporting state’s activities in support of disarmament. The “Articles” format refers to submissions that report on activities related to each article of the Treaty, generally on the grounds that the Treaty is an integrated whole and that all its articles are relevant to the implementation of nuclear disarmament. The “13 steps” approach reports on each element of the widely agreed disarmament agenda outline in the 2000 RevCon 13 practical steps. Some states, notably Canada and New Zealand, have reported in two formats: article-by-article and the 13 steps. Most states still prefer the general format of reporting on their disarmament activities, responding to the particular language of the 2000 Final Document to entitle their reports “Implementation of article VI and paragraph 4(c) of the 1995 Decision on Principles and Objectives for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament.” Some states refer simply to reporting on the implementation of Article VI, without mentioning the 1995 Decision. Others use the title, “Implementation of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons,” broadening the reporting mandate to the entire Treaty.
14 Transparency and Accountability
Figure 3
Report Formats 2002 - Total 10
6
3
1
GeneralArticles13 Steps
Report Formats 2003 - Total 29
15
5
9
GeneralArticles13 Steps
Report Formats 2004 - Total 28
14
6
10GeneralArticles13 Steps
Report Formats 2005 - Total 36
17
9
10
GeneralArticles13 Steps
Report Formats 2007 - Total 9
6
2
3
GeneralArticles 13 Steps
These charts examine the breakdown of the various reporting formats since 2002: the article-by-article (Articles) and 13 Steps formats, and the overview of activities relevant to Article VI reports. In 2003, 2004, 2005, and 2007 New Zealand is counted twice, while Canada is counted twice in 2007, both due to the fact that theses States used two formats in the years listed. The general narrative format consistent with the 1995 Principles and Objectives and Article VI continues to be the most widely used, although increasingly states are exploring other formats.
Transparency and Accountability 15
NNWS Reporting Table 1 provides a list, by country and year, of all reports submitted to date and tabulates the major and recurring disarmament themes referred to in each. All except two of the 112 reports tabulated are from non-nuclear weapon states (NNWS). While the reports cover a wide range of themes, activities, and concerns, Table 1 identifies 16 issues that most often receive explicit and repeated attention. These 16 issues can be taken as reflecting key concerns of states and the priorities of the international nuclear disarmament agenda. The following elaboration on each of the issue areas includes excerpts from reports that are illustrative of overall reporting, but far from exhaustive.
Support for the NPT and the nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation regime
It is no surprise that states that have reported are strong supporters of the NPT and disarmament, and they use their reports to reaffirm that commitment and to express concerns or assessments of the overall health of the regime. Of the 112 reports submitted 91—or well over three-quarters—made explicit reference to the well-being of the NPT and the broader regime that it anchors. Turkey (2005): “Turkey favours global overall disarmament and supports all efforts in the field of sustaining international security through arms control and disarmament…. Turkey does not possess any weapons of mass destruction and has no intention to develop programmes for acquiring weapons of this kind. In this spirit, Turkey became a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in 1979 and to the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty in 2000…. Non-proliferation and disarmament are mutually reinforcing processes that require continuous and irreversible progress on both fronts. Turkey remains fully committed to the implementation of article VI of the Treaty and of the 1995 decisions and the Final Document of the 2000 Review Conference, in particular the 13 Practical Steps.” Australia (2007): “The current intense international concern about weapons of mass destruction proliferation, including potentially non-State groups, has added to the importance of the nuclear non-proliferation regime based on the Treaty. Universality remains a key objective. Australia calls upon the countries yet to join to accede to the Treaty as non-nuclear-weapon States.” Cuba (2005): “Over the years, Cuba maintained reservations regarding the Treaty, which it considered to be a discriminatory international regime conductive to the existence of a club of nuclear-weapons-States… On becoming a State party to the Treaty Cuba’s position of principle did not change. Our country has decided to work from within the Treaty in order to further what we regard to be our priority in the area of disarmament, namely, achieving the total elimination of nuclear weapons…. The only way of overcoming the built in flaws of the NPT, and its selective and discriminatory nature, is by attaining the objective of the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, thereby guaranteeing the security of all countries on an equal footing.”
16 Transparency and Accountability
Strategic reductions One-half of all reports by non-nuclear weapon states referred to strategic reductions. This relatively low level of attention to the central Article VI obligation may in part reflect a NNWS assumption that this is obviously a NWS responsibility, even though the obligation to report applies to all states and provides an opportunity for NNWS to report on their activities and policies in support of nuclear disarmament. It could also reflect a sense that the arsenals of the two leading NWS are declining, although a number of the references to reductions deplore what they see as ongoing NWS commitments to the modernization of their arsenals as well as the failure to make reductions irreversible. In 2005, for example, Brazil noted: “Particularly disturbing are new approaches concerning the role of nuclear weapons in security strategies, especially studies on the possible development of low yield nuclear weapons and plans related to their tactical uses, including countering conventional forces. The ‘unequivocal undertaking’ agreed upon in 2000 should be demonstrated by further, stronger nuclear disarmament measures. Little has been done since 2000 by the 5 NWS to reduce the importance of nuclear weapons at their defence and strategic doctrines. The continuous importance attached by the 5 NWS to nuclear weapons suggests to the rest of the world that such weapons are indeed relevant to security needs. This perception may generate genuine interest in such an option in other Parties, which would in turn stoke the flames of nuclear proliferation.” In 2007 Ukraine drew attention to its own successful program of disarmament: “From 1992 to 1996 all tactical nuclear warheads and more then 1,600 strategic warheads were transferred from Ukraine to the Russian Federation. By October 2001 all those warheads were eliminated at the relevant facilities of the Russian Federation under the monitoring of Ukrainian representatives.” The Republic of Korea said in its 2007 report that it “hopes for deeper cuts and further engagement by nuclear-weapon States. The Republic of Korea recognizes that there is a perception gap between the record of nuclear-weapon States and the level of expectations held by non-nuclear-weapon States. Closing this perception gap will certainly provide nuclear-weapon States with the moral authority and the political legitimacy to strengthen non-proliferation norms while maintaining the delicate balance among the three pillars of the Treaty.” Also in 2007, Ireland emphasized that “developments since 2000 have not removed the need for a basis for further reductions of strategic offensive weapons. Ireland notes the conclusion of the Moscow Treaty between the United States and the Russian Federation but questions its contribution to effective nuclear disarmament. As we have emphasized, through the New Agenda Coalition, reductions in the number of deployed strategic nuclear warheads, while welcoming, are not a substitute for irreversible cuts in, and the total elimination of, nuclear weapons.”
Transparency and Accountability 17
Tactical or non-strategic reductions Only slightly more than a third of the reports referred to reductions on non-strategic nuclear weapons. This may in part reflect the regional character of this issue, with NATO and European states being more inclined to address it. The Netherlands report of 2004 is indicative of the approach: “As party to the NPT and as a member of NATO, we feel a special responsibility in relation to the issue of non-strategic nuclear weapons. Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has significantly reduced the numbers of tactical nuclear weapons in its arsenal. What remains deployed in Europe is only a very small amount of the original numbers that were there 10 or more years ago. More than 80 percent of these weapons were actually eliminated. Their readiness is presently measured in weeks and months rather than in hours and days. The purpose of NATO’s remaining non-strategic nuclear weapons is fundamentally political. Within NATO, a process has started between the Alliance and the Russian Federation to give appropriate attention to the question of non-strategic nuclear weapons. The dialogue, which is now starting will hopefully lead to measures that will promote mutual confidence, transparency and stability.” Sweden’s 2005 Report continued “to press for progress regarding reductions of non-strategic nuclear weapons.” “Sweden believes that it is essential that non-strategic nuclear weapons be included in international arms control and disarmament efforts. Non-strategic nuclear weapons are a global concern. Against this background, Sweden together with the other States in the New Agenda Coalition, have presented resolutions on the reduction of non-strategic nuclear weapons, which were adopted by the fifty-seventh and fifty-eighth United Nations General Assembly. At the second session of the Preparatory Committee for the 2005 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Sweden together with Austria and Mexico, submitted a working paper on non-strategic nuclear weapons, and at the third session a second working paper on reduction of non-strategic nuclear weapons together with Austria and Ukraine. Sweden will continue to work on this issue at the NPT Review Conference.” The 2007 report of the Republic of Korea called for “progress toward reducing non-strategic nuclear weapons, as part of overall nuclear disarmament,” and also proposed that “nuclear-weapon States should diminish the role of nuclear weapons in their nuclear doctrines.”
Irreversibility Step 5 of the 2000 RevCon’s 13 practical steps called for “the principle of irreversibility to apply to nuclear disarmament, nuclear and other related arms control and reduction measures” and roughly half of all reports stressed its importance. For example, “Argentina hopes that such principle will be explicitly included in all the bilateral and multilateral instruments that are negotiated pursuant to Article VI of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty; clearly, this is vital for the credibility of such arrangements” (2005). In 2005, Spain said, “Spain believes that the principle of irreversibility should be considered as an essential principle of arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation. The credibility of bilateral and multilateral agreements on disarmament and arms control depends very strongly on their
18 Transparency and Accountability
irreversibility. Spain calls upon all nuclear-weapon States to reflect the concept of irreversibility in their agreements on the reduction and elimination of nuclear weapons.” Netherlands described “irreversibility [as] important for multilateral and bilateral arms control alike. Although agreeing on bilateral nuclear arms reductions is primarily the responsibility of the nuclear-weapon States, international stability and security are best served by irreversible reductions. It has been a consistent element in the approach of the Netherlands towards nuclear reduction talks to emphasize the importance of irreversibility.”
The CTBT and a testing moratorium The most referenced item within national reports has been support for ratification of the CTBT and reiterations of the need to uphold the testing moratorium. The 2005 report from Morocco reflects the approach and concern that states regularly convey: “The Kingdom of Morocco, which supports a total ban on nuclear tests, has signed and ratified the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. It deplores the fact that this Treaty, which was opened for signature on 24 September 1996, has still not entered into force. In this respect, it reiterates its appeal to all States which have not yet done so to accede to the Treaty without delay. It stresses the importance of respect for the moratoriums on nuclear tests and of the convening of conferences in order to facilitate the entry into force of the Treaty.” Norway reminded NPT states parties that “the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty establishes a far-reaching global monitoring and verification system, capable of detecting all relevant nuclear explosions. The verification system is thus at the core of the Treaty. The full implementation of the International Monitoring System as soon as possible, without waiting for the entry into force of the Treaty, would represent a significant confidence and security-building measure. Six monitoring stations comprising altogether 119 field instruments are located on Norwegian territory as part of the International Monitoring System. With the ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty 1999, the Norwegian Seismic Array (NORSAR) was established as the Norwegian National Data Centre for verification of compliance with the Treaty” (2005). Brazil’s 2005 report pointed out that it “has consistently called for the universalization of the CTBT. Furthermore, [Brazil] continues to call for signatories that have not done so, particularly those 11 States listed in Annex 2 of the Treaty, to ratify it with a view to its early entry into force” (2005).
Fissile material controls The prominence given to the need to end production of fissile material for weapons purposes is also reflected in more than three-quarters of the reports. In 2005 Lithuania declared, “A fissile material cut-off Treaty constitutes the next logical step on the multilateral nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament agenda. Lithuania calls upon the immediate commencement of negotiations without preconditions on a non-discriminatory, multilateral and internationally and effectively verifiable fissile material cut-off treaty.” Japan’s 2005 report also linked the issue of the Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT) to the stalemate in the Conference on Disarmament (CD): “Japan regards it as a primary task to
Transparency and Accountability 19
reach an agreement on a programme of work at the Conference on Disarmament, thereby bring about the early commencement of negotiations on the Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty. Japan has been making utmost efforts to break the current stalemate at the Conference on Disarmament and has redoubled its endeavours to that end during its Presidency of the Conference on Disarmament from 29 August to December 31 2003.”
Security assurances Given the importance of negative security assurances in the stalemate at the CD it is perhaps surprising that less than a quarter of the reports made reference to the issue. “Indonesia emphasizes the paramount importance of providing security assurances to the non-nuclear-weapon States against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons through a legally binding international instrument. This will constitute a critical element to maintain the norms of the non-proliferation regime” (2005). Turkey’s 2005 report described such assurances as supporting the overall effectiveness of the NPT: “As pointed out in Security Council resolution 984 (1995), Turkey recognizes the legitimate interest of non-nuclear weapon States parties to the Treaty to receive security assurances. As also pointed out in the same resolution, Turkey believes that the concerns of non-nuclear-weapon States are legitimate, and that, in conjunction with adherence to the Treaty, further appropriate measures [should] be undertaken to safeguard their security. While recognizing the continuing value of confidence-building-measures such as unilateral declarations of nuclear-power States, Turkey believes that the further measures mentioned above should be largely binding security assurances and that these measures will complement and strengthen the Non-Proliferation Treaty regime.”
Verification Verification concerns are also reflected prominently in the reports, with two-thirds of the reports including a reference; in most case the issue is raised in several contexts, including reductions, fissile material controls, and safeguards. In its 2007 report Canada referred to its working paper on “An FMCT Scope-Verification Arrangement” (CD/1819, 21 March 2007) “discussing the interrelationship between the scope and verifiability of an FMCT and suggesting an approach for cost effective verification of an eventual treaty.” The principles of verification and irreversibility were of major concern for states in 2003, particularly in response to the Moscow Treaty, which does not require that reductions are made irreversible or are verified. In 2005 Norway reported that it “supports the further development of and strengthening of verification capabilities, which is clearly linked to the issue of compliance. We have taken a number of steps to support verification regimes under various arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation agreements, including the above-mentioned International Monitoring System for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. Norway co-sponsored the resolution entitled ‘Verification in all its aspects, including the role of the United Nations in the field of Verification’, which was adopted at the fifty-ninth session of the United Nations General Assembly.”
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The Conference on Disarmament The stalemate in the Conference on Disarmament (CD) was also addressed in two-thirds of the reports. In its 2007 report Japan recounted its efforts to end the CD stalemate: “Japan has been making its utmost effort to break the current stalemate at the Conference on Disarmament, thereby realizing the early commencement of negotiations on an FMCT. Japan has redoubled its endeavours for this purpose through the dispatch of high-level representatives to the Conference on Disarmament on various occasions. During the 2006 session, both the then Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs, Akiko Yamanaka, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yohei Kono, delivered speeches stressing the need and the urgency for the commencement of negotiations on an FMCT. On 13 March 2007, Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs Masayoshi Hamada also made a statement at the Conference on Disarmament, urging the members to commence negotiations on an FMCT in the second part of the current session, building upon the positive results in the first part.” Nigeria reported in 2005 that it “has supported all General Assembly resolutions calling on the Conference on Disarmament to agree to commence work on substantive issues before it as soon as possible. Nigeria has continued to reiterate its full support for the Five Ambassadors Proposal as a mechanism for breaking the existing impasse in reaching a work programme for the Conference on Disarmament.” Argentina pointed out in 2005 that it “favours establishing a subsidiary body on nuclear disarmament, which would help to advance the issues that Argentina would like the Conference on Disarmament to address pursuant to Article VI.”
Nuclear energy Fewer than half the states referred directly to nuclear energy. States reporting in the article-by-article format are most likely to address the issue under Article IV. In its 2005 report Brazil emphasized the right to peaceful uses of nuclear energy as existing outside the NPT: “The NPT clearly recognizes the inalienable right to the development and use of nuclear energy for peaceful ends, which predated the Treaty. This recognition of this inalienable right was a central part of the bargain that was struck at the creation of the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime. This bargain was at the core of the creation of the IAEA, and it was later to prove instrumental in establishing the NPT and in making it a permanent, quasi-universal regime…. The development and uses of nuclear energy for exclusively peaceful purposes is a fundamental principle of our national policy, which is enshrined in our Constitution. We remain convinced of the potential benefits of the responsible use of nuclear technologies and of the synergies fostered by international cooperation in the nuclear field, for which the work of the IAEA is of great importance.” Canada’s 2005 report also recognized the inalienable right to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, emphasizing the responsibilities that attend such use: “In view of the inherent relationship between States’ inalienable rights to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, and the obligations contained elsewhere in the Treaty, cooperation by Canada with other countries in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy takes fully into account the non-proliferation credentials of the recipient country. Canada is committed to working with other States and relevant
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international organizations on new arrangements for the supply of nuclear items, consonant with the balance of rights and obligations agreed to in the Treaty and in particular in articles II, III and IV. In this regard, a Canadian expert participated in the recent IAEA ad hoc experts group studying new multilateral nuclear fuel cycle initiatives.” In 2007 Malaysia reported that it “is deeply concerned with the practice of selectivity and discrimination, as well as the trend towards unilateralism in dictating the limits of research, production and use of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. Malaysia calls upon NPT States parties, particularly the advanced States parties in terms of nuclear technology development, to live up to their obligations in upholding the principles of transparency and non-discrimination, to ensure that all NPT States parties can benefit from the peaceful application of nuclear technology.”
Export controls Export controls are referred to in fewer than half of the reports, but are especially addressed by states reporting in the article-by-article format. Hungary’s 2005 report focused its attention on controls and declared support for, and the importance of, control of fuel cycle technologies: “Hungary regards the introduction and application of appropriate export control measures as an important tool for stemming the risk of clandestine nuclear programmes. As a participating State of the Zangger Committee, the Nuclear Suppliers Group and the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI), Hungary maintains and operates an effective national system of export controls and contributes to international efforts in this field. Hungary welcomes the adoption of Security Council resolution 1540 (2004), requiring States to adopt domestic controls to prevent and preclude the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Hungarian experts participate regularly in interdiction exercises organized in the Proliferation Security Initiative framework (e.g., in Germany, Italy and Poland). Hungary has taken stock of the available administrative structure and the legislative instruments necessary for Hungary’s participation in cooperation activities within the Proliferation Security Initiative framework…. Hungary follows with great interest the new initiatives aimed at preventing the proliferation of sensitive elements of the nuclear fuel cycle in a multilateral and non-discriminatory framework. The dual-use technologies, such as those related to uranium enrichment and reprocessing, are a source of concern.” In 2005 New Zealand reported that “in implementing its national export controls, New Zealand seeks to restrict trade related only to unsafeguarded nuclear facilities or nuclear weapon programmes in non-nuclear-weapon States. New Zealand advocates cooperation only with States in compliance with obligations under safeguards agreement.”
Safeguards Wide support for the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards regime is a prominent feature of the reports, with more than 80 per cent of reports addressing the issue. In 2003, Mongolia and Morocco announced entry into force of Additional Protocols, and in 2004 several EU states reported on the entry into force of the Additional Protocol between Euratom and the IAEA. A number of States Parties including Australia (2004), Canada
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(2007), Croatia (2005), the Czech Republic (2004), Finland (2005), Hungary (2004, 2005), Indonesia (2005), Italy (2005), Lithuania (2005), Luxembourg (2004), Netherlands (2005), Norway (2003), Republic of Korea (2005, 2007), and Sweden (2003, 2004, 2005) called for the Additional Protocol to be the verification standard and a condition of supply for transfer of nuclear and dual-use items. In 2007 Australia noted that “International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards are not static and have undergone considerable evolution since the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons entered into force in 19 70. The Additional Protocol and the development of strengthened and integrated safeguards are the most recent manifestation of that evolution. Australia played a prominent role in negotiation of the Additional Protocol and was the first country to ratify such a protocol…. It is of concern that seven non-nuclear-weapon State NPT parties with significant nuclear activities have yet to conclude an Additional Protocol.” Finland’s 2005 report said: “The international safeguards system of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is a fundamental pillar of the nuclear-non-proliferation regime. Finland considers that the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement together with the Additional Protocol, represent the verification standard pursuant to Article III.1 of the Treaty. Finland calls upon all states that have not yet done so, to sign and ratify the Additional Protocol without delay.” Latvia‘s 2007 report says that “Latvia considers the IAEA safeguards system as an essential mechanism of verifying compliance with the obligations of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Latvia favours the universalization of the Additional Protocol and urges all countries who have not yet signed this document to do so.”
Nuclear-weapon-free zones Just over one-half of all reports included references to nuclear-weapon-free zones (NWFZ). Malaysia reported in 2007 that it “signed the Treaty on the South-east Asia Nuclear Weapons-Free-Zone (SEANWFZ) on 15 December 1995, and ratified it on 11 October 1996. Malaysia is also continuing to work actively with other member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to this treaty, particularly in encouraging the nuclear-weapon States to accede as parties to the Protocol to the Treaty at an early date. Malaysia is also of the view that the accession to the Protocol to the Treaty by nuclear-weapon States would effectively constitute a negative security assurance to the regional States parties of such nuclear-weapons-free zones.” Croatia welcomed “the creation of nuclear-weapons-free zones recognizing them as important complementary instruments to the NPT and appreciating the role they play in promoting regional and global peace and security. Croatia believes that the establishment of nuclear-weapons-free-zones must be based on arrangements freely made among the States of the region in question, and should not interfere with the existing or evolving security arrangements to the detriment of regional and international security” (2005).
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International cooperation Several states reported on disarmament measures they took in cooperation with other states. Canada (2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2007), Japan (2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2007), Germany (2002), Kazakhstan (2004), Norway (2003, 2004), Sweden (2002), and Ukraine (2004) all reported on specific programs to assist in securing former Soviet nuclear facilities, weapons, and materials. In 2007 Japan reviewed the Global Partnership program: “At their Summit in Kananaskis, Canada, in June 2002, the leaders of the Group of Eight announced the ‘G-8 Global Partnership against the Spread of Weapons of Materials of Mass Destruction’ to address non-proliferation, disarmament, counter-terrorism and nuclear safety issues. Japan committed itself, for the purpose of the Partnership to make a contribution amounting to a little more than $200 million United States dollars, of which $100 million is to be allocated to the G-8 disposition programme for Russian surplus weapon-grade plutonium and the rest to projects for dismantling Russian decommissioned nuclear submarines. Meanwhile, with the cooperation of Japan, for the first time, 20 kilograms of weapon grade plutonium, equivalent to two to three nuclear warheads, was successfully disposed of with the aid of advanced technology developed by Russian scientists. Under the same partnership, in December of 2003, Japan and the Russian Federation launched the first cooperation project to dismantle a Victor III class decommissioned nuclear submarine, a project which was successfully completed in December of 2004. At present, Japan and the Russian Federation are making great efforts to conclude an implementing arrangement for dismantling five additional decommissioned nuclear submarines.”
Transparency Transparency was referred to by just over half of all reports. The 2005 report of the Netherlands noted: “The Netherlands has been strongly advocating increasing accountability and transparency with regard to nuclear arsenals. At the last NPT Review Conference, in 2000, the Netherlands introduced proposals in this respect, together with Belgium, Germany, Italy and Norway. Regarding transparency, according to the original proposals, such measures could include a commitment by the nuclear-weapons States to make known periodically the aggregate numbers of warheads, delivery systems, and stocks of fissile material for military purposes in their possession and their nuclear policies.” Sweden’s 2005 report linked transparency and confidence building: “Steps to increase transparency regarding nuclear weapons capabilities and the implementation of agreements pursuant to article VI serve as a confidence building measure and should be strongly supported. The principle of transparency should be applicable to all disarmament and arms controls efforts, unilateral, bilateral or multilateral. It is also of particular importance that nuclear-weapon States diminish the role of nuclear weapons in their security policies, do not increase the number or types of nuclear weapons deployed, and do not develop new types of nuclear weapons or rationalizations for their use.” Spain (2005) offered specific suggestions for NWS to use their reporting obligation to enhance transparency: “It would be desirable that nuclear-weapon States submit regular
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reports on their arsenals, delivery systems, fissile-material stocks, and exports of technology for military use. Although it must be emphasized that some nuclear-weapon States have shown considerable proof of transparency, it should be borne in mind that any confidence-building measure and any progress made in this area is of particular importance and urgency. More specifically, one cannot ignore the risk that weapons of mass destruction may be used by terrorist organizations. This leads to the realization that non-nuclear weapon States also have important responsibilities with respect to verification and transparency: in this regard, it is essential inter alia to strengthen the role played by the IAEA.”
Reporting The reporting obligation was itself a feature of more than half of the reports. Reporting was identified as both a transparency and accountability mechanism. Mexico in its 2005 report emphasized “the principle of an acceptable balance of mutual responsibilities and obligations of the nuclear-weapon and nonnuclear- weapon States” and went on to make the point “that the five nuclear-weapon States have a greater responsibility for submitting information about steps taken to comply with the obligation to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures for nuclear disarmament, in accordance with article VI of the Treaty.” In 2007 Canada referred to its working paper submitted to the 2005 Review Conference on the concept of “permanence with accountability” for the NPT, which, it said, among other proposals, supported the practice of submitting annual reports on treaty implementation prior to such meetings. This followed up on a number of previous papers submitted by Canada at earlier Preparatory Committee meetings on this topic. “Canada commends the nuclear-weapon States for the information they have provided to date, and would encourage them to submit information about their efforts and activities as an official report.” Indonesia noted in 2007 that “the 1995 decisions included a Strengthened Review Process and an indefinite extension of the Treaty that was intended to ensure accountability, inter alia, by submitting annual reports on the implementing of its provisions. Such reporting, called for in the 2000 document, would contribute substantively to the regime’s credibility and acceptance.” Ireland’s 2007 report noted that “Ireland considers regular reporting to be a key element of the 13 practical steps and presented reports during the last NPT review cycle. Ireland views reporting not as an end in itself but as an important tool in strengthening the NPT process, through greater transparency.” NWS Reporting China and Russia both submitted formal reports in 2005. Beyond that, NWS have not submitted reports that they specifically identify as being in response to the 2000 agreement on reporting. At the same time, all five NWS regularly report to NPT review process meetings and it must be said that such reporting, while it varies considerably, has increased in detail and scope since 2000. It comes in the form of national statements, working papers, fact sheets, and other background material, some of which is distributed informally at review process meetings.
Table 2 attempts to summarize information provided on eight selected issues drawn from this broad range of formal and informal documents:
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Warhead and launch vehicles holdings, both tactical and strategic; Operational status of weapons held; Progress on strategic reductions; Progress on non-strategic reductions; Affirmation of Article VI; Strategic doctrine; Security assurances; and Fissile material control.
The sources are listed and, as in the case of reporting by NNWS, the excerpts and summaries provided are illustrative rather than exhaustive. The basic guideline has been to include materials that the NWS made a point of distributing at NPT review meetings. It is clear that there is a great deal more information relevant to NWS arsenals, disarmament efforts, strategic doctrine, and security assurances available, both from the NWS governments themselves and from independent sources. The focus here is to review the information that the NWS have made a point of sharing with other States Parties to the NPT in the context of NPT review process meetings. There is, in fact, a sense in which other sources represent a means to verify the accuracy and completeness of reporting to the NPT (but the present report does not include references to such external sources). The reporting to the NPT review process provides a reading of the extent to which NWS regard themselves as accountable to other States Parties to the Treaty and the extent to which they regard the reporting provision as a firm obligation. By refusing, for the most part, to submit formal reports, the NWS seem to be asserting a basic unwillingness to accept Step 12 of the 13 practical steps set out in the 2000 RevCon as a clear obligation linked to their accountability to other States Parties of the NPT. On the other hand, their informal reporting suggests a measure of openness to meeting the reporting requirement and giving account of themselves to the international community represented by the NPT. Generally, the documents provided range from the reasonably detailed—particularly in the case of the UK, which has provided numbers of nuclear weapons in its stockpile, their operational status, and details about disarmament and verification programs, fissile material stocks, and other policy commitments—to the generally opaque, as in the case of some of China’s statements and documents, which provided virtually no quantitative detail at all. Without a standardized format or more detailed reporting guidelines, NWS reporting will likely continue to be mixed. The following reviews the reporting under each of the eight categories referred to above.
Warhead and delivery vehicle holdings Most of the reporting on warheads and delivery vehicles has focused on past reductions rather than on current holdings. Russia, the UK, and the US have provided some information on both warheads and launch vehicles; France has reported only on delivery vehicles; and China, in 2004, reported that it “possesses the smallest nuclear arsenal” of all NWS, while in the same year the UK reported that “we hold less than 200 operationally available warheads.”
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The UK has consistently provided information on current holdings, reporting a “reduction of more than 70% in the potential explosive power of our deterrent” to “fewer than 200 warheads” in 2002. The information was repeated in 2003–2005. In 2003, the UK noted that it has “dismantled our last Chevaline warhead—part of our commitment to irreversibility in reductions in the UK’s nuclear weapons.” The UK updated the statistic on its warhead holdings in 2007, stating that “the UK has…decided to reduce its stockpile of operationally available warheads by a further 20% to fewer than 160.” The UK has also provided details on current delivery vehicle holdings, stating in 2002 that “only a single Trident submarine is now on deterrent patrol, carrying 48 warheads” and maintaining this report in 2003–2005. In 2007 the UK referenced its Trident renewal program, indicating that “the UK has decided to begin the concept and design work required to make possible a replacement for our current ballistic missile submarine fleet; and to maintain the option of using the D5 missile beyond its current life expectancy.” It also stated that “the UK is retaining not modernizing its deterrent. There is no change in the capabilities of the system, no move to produce more useable weapons and no change in nuclear posture or doctrine.” China, France, and the UK all report their holdings as the minimum needed for national security. France uses the term “strict sufficiency”; China describes its arsenal as the “minimum level for self defense”; and the UK refers to “the minimum level necessary for the UK’s national security.” The US and Russia supply data on deployment (not total holdings) that is frequently in reference to requirements under current treaties, including the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF), START, and the Moscow Treaty. In a 2002 Information Paper the US reported “dismantling over 13,000 nuclear weapons since 1998,” including a reduction to “a level of less than 6,000 deployed warheads” by December 2001, also indicating that its arsenal would be further reduced to “a level between 1,700 and 2,200 warheads over the next decade.” In 2007 the US reported that, “as of December 31, 2006, the United States had 3,696 operationally deployed strategic nuclear warheads.” In response to claims that the US 2001 Nuclear Posture Review called for new nuclear weapons, a paper titled “The Commitment of the United States of America to Article VI of the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons” clarified that “there are two activities that have been debated extensively: a modest research effort on advanced nuclear-weapon concepts that Congress recently redirected to study technologies to enhance confidence in warhead reliability without testing; and a study on whether—without testing—an existing weapon could be adapted to hold at risk hardened, deeply buried targets…. There has been no decision to move beyond the study stage, which will require Presidential and congressional action.” This stance was clarified in 2007 when the US reported that it has “decided to go forward with developing the Reliable Replacement Warhead (RRW)…. The Reliable Replacement Warhead will not provide any new or improved military capabilities compared to the older warheads it replaces in the United States arsenal.” Russia has also reported holdings statistics that correspond to targets in the INF, START I, and Moscow Treaty, stating in 2002 that “on the deadline date December 5, 2001 [Russia] has actually lowered the number of her deployed strategic delivery systems (ICBM, SLBM
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and strategic bombers) down to 1136 units, and the number of the reentry vehicles accounted with them down to 5518 units.” In 2007 Russia provided specific updates on START reductions, indicating that “as of January 1, 2007, Russia possessed no more than 900 deployed strategic offensive delivery vehicles and 4200 warheads accountable under the START 1 Treaty.” France and China report the fewest details. France focuses its information on holdings on delivery systems, and a chart provided in 2005 appears to show holdings of about 105 nuclear delivery vehicles, but the precise figure is not provided. Finally, in 2007 France added that the number of nuclear submarines carrying ballistic missiles has been reduced from six to four. China, on the other hand, has only recently referenced its nuclear warhead holdings, indicating for the first time in 2004 that it “possesses the smallest nuclear arsenal” of all the NWS states. This detail was not published in its official report submitted in 2005 and no references to holdings were made in 2007. The most consistent indication of China’s nuclear holdings has been the statements that China “has exercised utmost restraint in developing nuclear weapons” and that its weapons are for “self-defence purposes only.” It has no reporting on holdings of delivery vehicles. Both the UK and the US have reported on new programs, noting that these are not designed to produce new capabilities. Upgrades in missile, submarine, and bomber delivery systems have not been reported to other NPT states parties. Russia and China have not reported to the NPT on any of their delivery vehicle upgrade programs.
Operational status All of the NWS have reported that their nuclear arsenals have been detargeted. China has provided the fewest details on the operational status of its nuclear arsenals, first mentioning in 2004 that “China and Russia, China and the United States declared that they would not aim nuclear weapons at each other” and adding in 2005 that “in April 2000, the five nuclear-weapon states issued a joint statement announcing that they would not target their nuclear weapons at any countries.” The readiness of China’s weapons for launch has not been indicated. France has similarly focused on detargeting measures, reporting in 2002 that “as far back as 1997 France announced that none of its nuclear weapons was henceforth targeted” and repeating that information in 2004 and 2005. In 2007, however, France added the statement that “the alert status of French nuclear forces has been downgraded on two occasions, in 1992 and 1996. Those reductions applied to both the response times and the number of weapons on alert.” Russia reported in 2002 that “detargeting of strategic nuclear weapons has become one of Russia’s steps in the area of reducing the nuclear threat. At present as a result of implementation of that initiative all Russia’s ballistic missiles are equipped with a so-called ‘zero’ launch mission.” In 2004 Russia added that, “as a result of this initiative, the launch of
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missiles becomes technically impossible in the absence of a real flight mission plan”; these statements were repeated in 2005. The only mention of operational status in 2007 was that Russia “continues steadily reducing strategic delivery means and the related warheads.” The UK has consistently provided information on the targeting and readiness status of its Trident nuclear weapons system from 2002–2007, indicating that “only a single Trident submarine is now on deterrent patrol at any one time, normally at several days ‘notice to fire’ and with its missile detargeted.” The US reported in 2002 that “U.S. nuclear forces are not targeted on any state on a day-to-day basis” and that “NATO has ceased to maintain standing peacetime nuclear contingency plans, and its nuclear forces no longer target any country. NATO has taken a number of steps to reduce the number and readiness of its dual-capable aircraft; readiness of these aircraft is now measured in weeks and months compared to minutes and hours as in the past. U.S. reliance on the forward deployment of non-strategic nuclear weapons has been dramatically curtailed.” The statement on the increase of NATO’s launch time from “minutes to months” was repeated in 2003. In 2004 and 2005 the US reported that it “no longer targets any country with nuclear weapons on a day-to-day basis. Strategic bombers are no longer on alert. Dual-capable aircraft no longer operate on a high-alert basis, and their readiness requirements now are measured in weeks and months, rather than minutes.” There was no clear indication of the operational status of US nuclear weapons in 2007, however, aside from reports on nuclear warhead and delivery vehicle reductions.
Strategic reductions
China reports no reductions, insisting that “the two countries possessing the largest nuclear arsenals bear special responsibility and should take the lead in nuclear disarmament.” In 2007 the UK committed to reduce “operationally available warheads by 20% to fewer than 160.” France, Russia, and the United States tend to focus on reductions from the 1990s. France says the number of “warheads held by France has never exceeded a few hundred” and that “the number of delivery vehicles has been reduced by over half.” The United States reports that “we have reduced the explosive power of our nuclear forces by over 70 per cent since the end of the Cold War.” The general approach of Russia and the United States is to report on the implementation of START I and draw on major reductions undertaken in the 1990s. At the RevCon of 2005 Russia submitted its first formal report and gave specific strategic reduction numbers: “over the five year period that elapsed between the previous and today’s NPT Review Conference the Russian Federation reduced its strategic nuclear force by 357 delivery vehicles and 1740 nuclear warheads.”
The Moscow Treaty between Russia and the United States commits both states to reduce strategic nuclear weapons holdings to between 1,700–2,000; both states have emphasized and repeated the reduction targets without regularly reporting the details of progress made to date—that is, the specific deployment reductions toward those goals in each reporting period.
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Tactical reductions NWS reporting on tactical reductions tends to focus on total tactical reductions undertaken since the Cold War. Russia reported in 2002 that, “in accordance with statements made by the President of the U.S.S.R. on Oct. 5, 1991 and the President of the Russian Federation on January 29, 1992 Russia consistently fulfills the initiatives, which she declared unilaterally. We would like to remind at this juncture that all nuclear weapons deployed outside of Russia, have been brought back to her territory and are in the process of liquidation.” The US reported that non-strategic weapons deployed in support of NATO have been reduced by more than 90 per cent and that all have been removed from ground forces and naval surface ships and its carrier-dual capable aircraft. “In sum, the Army, Marine Corps, and surface and air components of the Navy have been denuclearized.”
The United Kingdom reported that it had dismantled the last of its freefall Chevaline warheads in 2002. In 2004 France drew attention to the withdrawal of its short-range Pluton surface-to-surface missiles and AN-52 bombs.
Affirmation of Article VI All NWS have declared themselves to be in complete support of Article VI and committed to its implementation.
China declares support for the “elimination of nuclear weapons.” France affirmed in 2002 the “ultimate goal of eliminating [nuclear weapons] altogether” and in 2003 emphasized that “nuclear disarmament presupposes a context of undiminished international stability and security for all.” Russia declared in 2003 that it is committed “to the complete elimination of nuclear weapons” and in 2007 reaffirmed the NPT as being “at the core of nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament.” The UK declared in 2003 its “commitment to verifiable nuclear disarmament.” In 2007 the UK stated that, “in the absence of further measures being agreed in 2005, the UK continues to implement the decisions taken in previous review cycles.”
The United States regularly affirms its support for Article VI, but in 2003 pointed out that: “[w]e think it is a mistake to use strict adherence to the 13 Steps as the only means by which NPT parties can fulfill their Article VI obligations.” In 2005 the United States reaffirmed that it is “fully committed to fulfilling our obligations under Article VI,” but “there can be no artificial timetable for progress in realizing our common Article VI objectives.” In 2007 the US stated in a working paper on disarmament that it “seeks to build a new global environment in which disarmament can become a realistic possibility.”8
Doctrine China’s doctrinal statements tend to focus on its non-first-use commitment, its “utmost constraint towards developing nuclear weapons,” and its commitment to keeping its arsenal “at the minimum level for self-defense.” In 2005 China added that “no efforts should be made to develop and deploy missile defence systems detrimental to the global strategic balance and stability, and no weapons systems should be deployed to outer space.”
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France describes its policy of nuclear deterrence as based on the “principle of strict sufficiency,” stating in 2005 that “France considers that the purpose of its deterrent forces is to guarantee that its vital interests will never be threatened by any other power” and that “French nuclear weapons form no part of any strategy based on the military use of such weapons and have never been considered by France to be war-fighting assets.” In 2007 its document on nuclear disarmament measures quotes the President as saying: “Our doctrine has been adapted taking account of the new threats and our international commitments: faced with a major power, to be able to inflict damage of any kind, and, faced with a regional power, to exercise our response on its centres of power and capacity to act so that the risk of unacceptable damage deters any potential aggressor.” Russia makes several references to maintaining a nuclear arsenal at “minimum levels corresponding to requirements of strategic stability,” or “in accordance with the idea of ‘minimum sufficiency.’” In 2004 it explained that “nuclear disarmament…may not be pursued in isolation from other types of weapons or outside of the overall political situation in the world and Europe.” In 2002 the UK stated that, “having reduced our nuclear weapons to a single system at the minimum level necessary for the UK’s national security, further unilateral steps we can take now without compromising that security are limited.” This reference to a “minimum level” was repeated in 2003. In 2005 the UK referenced its 1998 Strategic Defence review and the 2003 Defence White Paper, which “noted that due to the continuing risk of nuclear proliferation and the retention by other countries of substantial nuclear arsenals, Trident was likely to remain a necessary element of our security…we are continuing the policy we have had since the 1998 Strategic Defence Review of taking appropriate steps to ensure that the range of options for maintaining a minimum nuclear deterrent capability are kept open.” The US reported the outcome of the 2001 Nuclear Posture Review, that “the new U.S. defense strategy increases the role of advanced conventional forces, missile defenses, intelligence capabilities and the defense infrastructure. This approach is designed to provide the President with a broad array of options to address a wide range of contingencies. It will increase the nuclear threshold by giving U.S. Presidents additional non-nuclear options and defenses to deter an enemy attack.” In 2003, it added that “there has been no change in U.S. nuclear declaratory policy and…the United States has not lowered the threshold for nuclear weapons use. Indeed, by strengthening non-nuclear forces…we will be able to hold targets at risk with an advanced conventional system that heretofore required a nuclear weapon. The result is an increase in the threshold for nuclear use.” This line of reporting is consistent between 2002 and 2007. (The US also calls for “general and complete disarmament.”) In 2002 the US also reported on NATO’s nuclear doctrine, indicating that “the United States and its NATO allies over the past decade have adapted NATO’s defense posture to the new security environment. NATO has radically reduced its reliance on nuclear weapons. Its strategy is no longer dominated by the possibility of nuclear escalation, and the circumstances in which NATO might have to contemplate the use of nuclear weapons are considered to be extremely remote.”
Transparency and Accountability 31
Security assurances China’s declared determination “not to be the first to use nuclear weapons” represents a general security assurance to NNWS when joined by its commitment “not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapons states and nuclear-weapon-free-zones.” France reaffirmed its commitment to negative security assurances provided in UN Resolution 984 in 2002–2005, stating in 2002 that its commitments made in Resolution 984 “remain valid” and in 2003 that “France has made absolutely no change to its policy in this area.” This policy was qualified in 2003, however, by the statement that “states in breach of their commitments on non-proliferation cannot invoke the benefit of those safeguards,” and again in 2004 by reference to “the natural right of legitimate self-defense.” France also reports the security assurances it provides to members of NWFZs by signing onto supporting Protocols, indicating in 2003 and 2004 that it has extended these “to over 100 countries” and in 2005 that “among NWS, France is party to the greatest number of protocols to treaties establishing nuclear-weapon-free zones.” The UK reports that it is “fully committed to negative security assurances” and also supports the establishment of NWFZ and security assurances to their members. Russia’s statements in 2002 and 2003 indicate that the “unconditional fulfillment of negative security assurances” provided in the 1995 resolution are “fixed in the military doctrine of the Russian Federation.” In 2004, while maintaining the right of NNWS to security assurances and continuing to support NWFZ, Russia began to call for a global, binding negative security assurance (NSA) agreement, “provided it contains reservations concerning cases in which nuclear weapons may be used.” This statement was continued in 2005 and 2007, with the added clarification that the instances when nuclear weapons may be used would be based on the military doctrines of NWS. The US stated in 2002–2004 that “there remains no change in US negative security assurances policy toward NPT non-nuclear-weapon states.” In 2004 this statement was qualified insofar as the US does not see “any justification for expanding NSAs to encompass global-legally binding assurances”; that “these assurances are applicable only to NPT non-nuclear-weapon states in compliance with the Treaty”; and that “in this security environment [of nuclear proliferation], it is apparent that NSAs by the NPT nuclear weapon states are of diminishing importance as a possible remedy to the security concerns of NPT non-nuclear-weapon states,” calling instead for “strict compliance with the NPT by all states.” Similar statements were repeated in 2005, but security assurances were not mentioned in 2007.
Fissile material control In their 2007 statements, working papers, and reports submitted to the NPT, each of the NWS has indicated support for a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty. China says that it “attaches great importance to the recent proposals submitted by parties concerned regarding the program of work of the CD,” but refers to the need for “substantive work on the FMCT,” rather than negotiations.
32 Transparency and Accountability
France declares itself “ready to initiate, without preconditions, negotiations on a treaty banning the production of fissile material for use in nuclear-weapons at the Disarmament Conference.” It reports that it announced in 1996 “a definitive halt to the production of fissile weapons material and closed down the relevant facilities,” making it the “first State to take and implement a decision to dismantle its facilities for the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons.” Russia also declares that “it is high time for the CD in Geneva to start negotiations on elaboration of the FMCT. We reaffirm our support for this idea. The sooner the deadlock situation at the CD is broken and the programme of work is agreed, the earlier it could undertake negotiating the FMCT.” The United Kingdom “reiterates its commitment to abide by its …moratorium on the production of fissile material for weapons purposes…. We hope…that the recent positive indicators that the 10 year long blockage at the Conference on Disarmament may be broken herald a new phase of consensus building in that forum. In the first instance we would like to see the early negotiation, of a Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty—an issue that would represent an important and concrete step towards disarmament and one that is ripe and ready to be taken forward.” The United States declares itself a “staunch advocate of a treaty to ban any further production of fissile material for use in nuclear weapons or nuclear explosive purposes,” and reported on its May 2006 draft FMCT submitted to the United Nations Conference on Disarmament (CD) in Geneva. The draft treaty reflects US opposition to FMCT verification measures.
Transparency and Accountability 33
Policy Considerations Though reporting is in its infancy in the sense that only a minority of NPT states report and the amount of detail varies considerably, it can still be said that formal reports submitted in response to the 2000 reporting agreement have already begun to demonstrate their value. In them each State Party offers its own account of its disarmament commitments and activities. These accounts are not offered in a vacuum but are subject to at least an informal level of verification inasmuch as it is possible in most cases to check a State Party’s reporting against independent sources. That is particularly true for NWS reporting. Formal reports by NNWS, it is probably fair to say, tend to be more descriptions than national statements, and they generally contain more detail about specific initiatives undertaken to pursue the goals of Article VI than do other statements. In addition to stating policy and making general assessments about the state of disarmament, States Parties use the reports to note resolutions they supported in the First Committee, the signing and ratification of relevant treaties, initiatives such as national and regional technical meetings, and to confirm their compliance with IAEA safeguards, export controls, and nonproliferation mechanisms. NWS reporting remains largely informal and some of it has the character of promotional material designed to build the political case for NWS commitment to disarmament.
Some states have suggested that the practice of reporting could become repetitive over time. Reporting in 2003 for the first time, South Africa noted that “the Preparatory Committee should make every endeavor to ensure that this does not take place as a matter of rote. The Preparatory Committee should endeavor to ensure that a seemingly endless procession of largely repetitive prepared statements and reports does not lull us into a sense of complacency in which we would come to believe that all is well.” As South Africa notes, its comment is relevant to all statements to the review process. Germany, in its opening statement of 2003, explained: “We have at this time decided not to submit a national report, which would have repeated in essence our last year’s contribution.”
The following addresses recommendations regarding the objective, frequency, structure, and scope of NPT reporting in light of the experience to date. Objective and Participation Rate To be a tool for accountability, reporting must become detailed, systematic, universal. It is clear that in the case of NWS in particular, reporting will have to become a formal expression of their accountability to other States Parties to the NPT and will also need to become much more detailed and systematic for it to mature into an effective tool for States Parties to assess the compliance of other states with Treaty obligations. Accountability is the fundamental purpose or objective of reporting, and reporting even at current minimal levels has begun to help states to better understand the approaches and activities of other States Parties and has helped to generate a general attitude that each owes the others an accounting
34 Transparency and Accountability
of what it is doing to implement and strengthen the disarmament and nonproliferation regime. There may well be a temptation for states to drift toward either minimalist, pro forma statements or toward overly self-serving assessments that do not yield any significant information. The intent of the reporting mandate is just the opposite—that is, it anticipates reports that are regular, systematic, and detailed accounts that make a significant contribution to transparency and confidence-building. While the overall rate of explicit responses to the reporting requirement remains low, many States Parties that have formally responded have pursued a significant level of detail that suggests that reporting states accept the obligation as a serious one. That in turn suggests that overall transparency and accountability could be significantly enhanced through a determined effort to increase the response rate to the reporting requirement. The general quality of formal reports suggests that if enhanced transparency is the primary objective of reporting, it might now be useful to focus attention on increasing the response or participation rate rather than negotiating a common format. Simply achieving higher levels of participation would substantially contribute to the purpose of the reporting mandate, enhanced transparency and accountability, since it seems the very act of entering into a formal reporting mode encourages higher levels of quality and thoroughness. Of course, as the reporting experience develops, states are likely to find it useful to follow common reporting formats. But the primary objective of enhanced transparency depends more on increasing the participation rate than on the pursuit of standardized formats for reporting. In that regard, it is critically important that NWS begin to submit formal reports and thus to acknowledge and act on the fundamental principle of accountability that they agreed to in 1995. Frequency Reporting should occur at all substantive meetings of the NPT. The 2000 RevCon reporting requirement, as already noted, is for “regular reports” to be provided “within the framework of the strengthened review process” agreed to at the 1995 Review and Extension Conference. And that review process, it was noted in turn, was to include the PrepComs as substantive meetings designed “to promote the full implementation of the Treaty” and “to make recommendations” to the RevCon. Since the PrepComs and RevCons are not annual events, it is logical to conclude that the decision to mandate “regular” reporting, rather than “annual” reporting, is based on the assumption that States Parties should be reporting to all PrepComs and RevCons. This would mean that states would be reporting four out of five years. Only a very small handful of states currently meet that standard. If NPT States Parties were to move to annual decision-making meetings, as has been proposed in the context of discussions of the NPT’s “institutional deficit,” it would follow that reporting would then become an annual requirement.
Transparency and Accountability 35
Structure Common categories that have emerged should form the basis of more uniform reporting formats. In the absence of any agreed structure, the reports that have been submitted broadly followed the themes that dominate international disarmament discourse. The reports did not uniformly follow any discernable standard or model, although most reflected one of three basic formats (article-by-article, the 13 steps, and general information on activities related to implementing Article VI). Notwithstanding the suggestion above that the current priority should be to increase the reporting participation rate rather than to negotiate a common reporting format and structure, certain common or generic categories of reporting have emerged over two years, and could in the long run form the basis of more uniform reporting formats.
General Assessments of Developments and Trends relevant to the implementation of the Treaty – Most of the reports include statements or comments on certain developments and trends within the broad nonproliferation regime. Such comments are frequently accompanied by explicit statements of “welcome” or “regret” and amount to broad assessments of the arms control and disarmament landscape.
Information on National Nuclear Holdings and Doctrines – Most of the NWS
statements include some information on holdings and more extensive information on reductions of nuclear arsenals. They also include direct or implicit statements of doctrine, including information on operational status. While the UK statements have offered the most explicit detail, in all cases there is room for substantial elaboration. At the same time, with the exception of China, all NWS have included hard information on at least some elements of their holdings, reductions, doctrine, and operational status of their arsenals. In other words, the principle of reporting on these elements is accepted; now the priority must be further progress toward comprehensive and formal reporting on each of those categories. NWS should thus be encouraged to provide much more detailed reporting on their basic nuclear weapons facilities and on holdings in materials, warheads, and delivery systems, for example: • The transfer or acquisition of nuclear materials; • Holdings of fissile materials; • Nuclear facilities of all kinds; • Holdings and production of nuclear weapons (including the numbers, types, and
yields of warheads, as well as numbers and types of delivery vehicles); • The operational status of all weapons held; and • Nuclear weapons doctrines (including security assurances) and policies to govern
the use of those weapons.
Descriptions of Disarmament Policies, Initiatives and Programs (national as well as cooperative bilateral and multinational efforts) – Reports also include information on national measures undertaken in support of the objectives of the
36 Transparency and Accountability
Treaty, including references to studies commissioned and research undertaken in support of efforts, for example, related to verification. States also use the reports to provide information on their efforts in cooperation with other states to achieve specific implementation objectives, for example, plutonium disposition efforts, NWFZ discussions, multinational seminars, and so on.
Identification of Advocacy and Diplomatic Priorities – States also report on
states’ efforts to engage other states and forums on Treaty implementation issues, and on efforts to encourage other states to take specific actions in support of implementation and compliance. Thus, the reports could be used to identify priority items for international attention and action. In some instances states used the reports themselves as advocacy tools, calling on other States Parties to take particular actions, although, in the context of the Review Process, it might be useful to regard Reports as vehicles for reporting actions taken, including the policies on which those actions are based, and to use national statements as vehicles for advocacy.
Information on Agreements Reached and Commitments Undertaken – States
also report on a broad range of international agreements and Treaties to which they adhere in support of NPT implementation objectives (ranging from the CTBT to IAEA safeguards and Additional Protocols, to other weapons of mass destruction [WMD] agreements and conventional arms control and disarmament efforts).
Regular Declarations of Compliance – Some states make specific statements of
compliance with the Treaty, or specific elements of it. It would be useful for States Parties to the NPT to regularly provide public assurances to other signatories, on an Article-by-Article basis, of their full compliance with the Treaty, and provide information on national mechanisms and policies relied on to assure such compliance.
Scope States should report on all elements of the Treaty, as all are relevant to the implementation of Article VI. The scope or content of reporting, as distinct from the format, has been understandably guided by the international action agenda identified in the 2000 RevCon 13 steps. This focus has influenced the format of some reports as some states choose to use the 13 steps as the outline for their submission. Whether states report specifically on Article VI, on the 13 steps, or on an Article-by-Article basis, they implicitly acknowledge that all elements of the Treaty are relevant to the goal of implementing Article VI. Any reporting mechanism should serve as an enabling tool―one that first of all encourages transparency in principle and practice, and then serves to shape information into helpful and useable forms. Thus States Parties should be encouraged to report on any and all issues important to their national and cooperative efforts toward Treaty implementation.
Transparency and Accountability 37
Given the range of priorities and preoccupations of individual states, it might not be practical or useful to attempt to pre-define, through the establishment of a highly structured or standardized reporting form, the range of issues on which reporting is sought; nevertheless, the practice to date suggests a compelling format. Since all elements of the Treaty are relevant in achieving the objectives of Article VI paragraph 4(c) of Decision 2 of the 1995 Principles and Objectives for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, the most appropriate current format for reporting would be to report on each Article of the Treaty and then use the 13 steps as a means of organizing the reporting on Article VI. As noted above, NWS have an additional requirement to report on all relevant holdings. The principle of mutual accountability has been a long time in developing within the NPT, but it became explicit in the 1995 decision to indefinitely extend the NPT. In the 2000 decision reporting became a particular mechanism for operationalizing that accountability. The degree to which the mechanism of reporting is accepted by States Parties will reflect the degree to which the principle of mutual accountability is accepted.
38 Transparency and Accountability
Transparency and Accountability 39
Notes
1 See NAM News Network, http://www.namnewsnetwork.org/mempro.php. 2 2000 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Final Document (Volume I, Part I), “Review of the operation of the Treaty, taking into account the decisions and the resolution adopted by the 1995 Review and Extension Conference Improving the effectiveness of the strengthened review process for the Treaty,” New York, 2000, NPT/CONF.2000/28 (Parts I and II), http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/453/64/PDF/N0045364.pdf?OpenElement. 3 Non-Proliferation Treaty, Article VI: “Each of the Parties to the Treaty undertakes to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament, and on a Treaty on general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control.” 4 1995 NPT Decisions and Resolution, Decision 2: Principles and Objectives for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament: 4(c): “The determined pursuit by the nuclear-weapon States of systematic and progressive efforts to reduce nuclear weapons globally, with the ultimate goals of eliminating those weapons, and by all States of general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control.” 5 The Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice of 8 July 1996 [relevant excerpts]: Paragraph 99: “The legal import of the (Article VI) obligation goes beyond that of a mere obligation of conduct [of negotiations in good faith]; the obligation involved here is an obligation to achieve a precise result – nuclear disarmament in all its aspects – by adopting a particular course of conduct, namely the pursuit of negotiations in good faith. Paragraph 100: This two-fold obligation to pursue and to conclude negotiations formally concerns the [then] 18 States parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, or, in other words, the vast majority of the international community.” 6 Statement by Egypt on behalf of the New Agenda Coalition, Special Time on Nuclear Disarmament, 2002. 7 The Reaching Critical Will Shadow Report examined holdings, policies, and activities of the 44 States identified by the IAEA as possessing nuclear weapons and/or nuclear power. 8 Working Paper Submitted on May 3, 2007 by the United States of America, “Disarmament, the United States, and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons,” p. 7.
Acronyms and Abbreviations
CD Conference on Disarmament CTBT Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty EU European Union FMCT Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency INF Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty NAC New Agenda Coalition NAM Non-Aligned Movement NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NGO Nongovernmental organization NNWS Non-nuclear weapon state NPT Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty NSA Negative security assurance NWFZ Nuclear-weapon-free zone NWS Nuclear weapon state PrepCom Preparatory Committee RevCon Review Conference START Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty
40 Transparency and Accountability
Country Year Format NPT
Regi
me
Stra
tegi
c Red
uctio
ns
Tact
ical R
educ
tions
Irrev
ersib
ility
CTBT
/Mor
ator
ium
FMCT
Secu
rity A
ssur
ance
s
Verif
icatio
n
CD Nucle
ar E
nerg
y
Expo
rt Co
ntro
ls
Safe
guar
ds/A
dditi
onal
Prot
ocol
NWFZ
Inte
rnat
iona
l Coo
pera
tion
Tran
spar
ency
Repo
rting
Argentina 05 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x
02 General x x x x x x x03 General x x x x x x x x x x04 General x x x x x x x x x05 General x x x x x x x x x x x07 General x x x x x x x x x x x
04 Articles x x x x x x x05 Articles x x x x x x x x x x x
03 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x04 13 Steps x x
03 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x05 Articles x x x x x x x x x x x
Bulgaria 03 General x x x x x x x x x x x x x
02 Articles x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x03 Articles x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x04 Articles x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x05 Articles x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x07 Articles/Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x
China 05 General x x x x x x x x x x x x x
03 General x x x x x x x x x05 Articles x x x x x x x x x x
Cuba 05 General x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x
Czech Rep 04 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x
TABLE 1: Tabulation of NPT Reports since the 2000 RevCon agreement on reporting
Australia
Austria
Belgium
Croatia
Brazil
Canada
Transparency and Accountability 41
Country Year Format NPT
Regi
me
Stra
tegi
c Red
uctio
ns
Tact
ical R
educ
tions
Irrev
ersib
ility
CTBT
/Mor
ator
ium
FMCT
Secu
rity A
ssur
ance
s
Verif
icatio
n
CD Nucle
ar E
nerg
y
Expo
rt Co
ntro
ls
Safe
guar
ds/A
dditi
onal
Prot
ocol
NWFZ
Inte
rnat
iona
l Coo
pera
tion
Tran
spar
ency
Repo
rting
03 General x x x x x x04 General x x x x x05 General x x x x x x x x
Germany 02 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x
Greece 04 General x x x x x x x
Guatemala 05 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x
03 General x x x x x x x x04 General x x x x x x x x05 General x x x x x x x x
02 General x x x x x x03 General x x x x x x x x x x x05 Articles x x x x x x x x x x x
03 General x x x x x x x x x04 General x x x x x x x05 General x x x x x x07 General x x x x x x x x x x
02 Articles x x x x x x x x x x03 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x04 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x05 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x07 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x
Italy 05 General x x x x x x x x x
02 General x x x x x x03 General x x x x04 General x x x x x05 General x x x x07 General x x x x x x
Japan
Hungary
Ireland
Finland
Indonesia
Iran
42 Transparency and Accountability
Country Year Format NPT
Regi
me
Stra
tegi
c Red
uctio
ns
Tact
ical R
educ
tions
Irrev
ersib
ility
CTBT
/Mor
ator
ium
FMCT
Secu
rity A
ssur
ance
s
Verif
icatio
n
CD Nucle
ar E
nerg
y
Expo
rt Co
ntro
ls
Safe
guar
ds/A
dditi
onal
Prot
ocol
NWFZ
Inte
rnat
iona
l Coo
pera
tion
Tran
spar
ency
Repo
rting
Kazakhstan 04 General x x x x
Latvia 05 General x x x x x x x x
03 Articles x x x x x x x x x x x x04 Articles x x x x x x x x x x x05 Articles x x x x x x x x x x x x
04 Articles x x x x x x x x05 Articles x x x
03 General x x x x x x04 General x x x x x x05 General x x x x x x x07 General x x x x x x x x x
03 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x04 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x05 General x x x x x x x x x
02 Activity x x x x03 Articles x x x x x x x x x
03 General x x x x x x x x x04 General x x x x x x x x x05 General x x x x x x x x x x
03 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x04 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x05 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x
02 Articles x x x x x x x x x x x x03 Articles/Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x x x04 Articles/Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x x x05 Articles/Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x07 Articles/Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x
Luxembourg
Malaysia
Morocco
Lithuania
New Zealand
Mongolia
Mexico
Netherlands
Transparency and Accountability 43
Country Year Format NPT
Regi
me
Stra
tegi
c Red
uctio
ns
Tact
ical R
educ
tions
Irrev
ersib
ility
CTBT
/Mor
ator
ium
FMCT
Secu
rity A
ssur
ance
s
Verif
icatio
n
CD Nucle
ar E
nerg
y
Expo
rt Co
ntro
ls
Safe
guar
ds/A
dditi
onal
Prot
ocol
NWFZ
Inte
rnat
iona
l Coo
pera
tion
Tran
spar
ency
Repo
rting
Nigeria 05 General x x x x x x x x x x x
03 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x x04 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x05 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x07 General x x x x x x x x x x x
03 Articles x x x x x x x x x05 General x x x x
04 General x x x x x x x x05 General x x x x x x x x x x x
02 General x x x x x x x04 General x x x x x x x
03 General x x x x x x x x x x04 General x x x x x x x x x05 General x x x x x x x x x x x x07 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x
03 General x x x x x04 General x x x x x x
Russia 05 Articles x x x x x x x x x x x x x x
03 General x x x x x x x x x x04 Articles x x x x x x x x x x
04 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x05 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x
Sri Lanka 03 General x x x x x x x x x x x
13 Steps x x x
Spain
xx x xxxSouth Africa
Peru
Portugal
Slovakia
03
Rep of Korea
Poland
Norway
x
Romania
x
44 Transparency and Accountability
Country Year Format NPT
Regi
me
Stra
tegi
c Red
uctio
ns
Tact
ical R
educ
tions
Irrev
ersib
ility
CTBT
/Mor
ator
ium
FMCT
Secu
rity A
ssur
ance
s
Verif
icatio
n
CD Nucle
ar E
nerg
y
Expo
rt Co
ntro
ls
Safe
guar
ds/A
dditi
onal
Prot
ocol
NWFZ
Inte
rnat
iona
l Coo
pera
tion
Tran
spar
ency
Repo
rting
02 General x x x x x x x x x x x x x x03 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x04 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x05 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x x
03 General x x x x x x04 General x x x x05 General x x x x x
Thailand 02 General x x x x x x
Turkey 05 13 Steps x x x x x x x x x x x x x
04 General x x05 General x x
Total Reports 112 81 72 44 57 104 88 27 84 81 49 50 93 64 44 58 63Total Countries 48
Sweden
Ukraine
Switzerland
Transparency and Accountability 45
TABLE 2
Article VI Reporting by NWSNPT PrepComs 2002–2007
Although only China and Russia to date have submitted formal reports, all five NWS provide information, through various national statements, fact sheets, and working papers, on their efforts to implement Article VI. The following summary of selected reporting is based on these documents. The references included in the Table are illustrative of such reporting and are certainly not intended to be exhaustive or comprehensive. Sources for the years 2004 and following are indicated below. Evidence for 2002 and 2003 are based on similar documents.
China: Information for 2004: the opening statement of April 26, a Fact Sheet on “Nuclear Disarmament and Reduction of the Danger of Nuclear War,” a statement on “Security Assurances for Non-Nuclear-Weapon States,” a Working Paper on Security Assurances, a Working Paper on NWFZs, and a Working Paper on “prevention of the proliferation of nuclear weapons.” Information for 2005: China’s Contribution to Nuclear Disarmament; “Nuclear Disarmament and Reduction of the Danger of Nuclear War,” a Working Paper submitted April 26; “Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons,” a Working Paper submitted May 4; “Security Assurances,” a Working Paper submitted May 4; “NWFZ”, a Working Paper Submitted April 26; General Debate Statement of May 3; National Report of May 11. Information for 2007: “Security Assurances,” a Working Paper submitted May 7; “NWFZ,” a Working Paper submitted May 7; “Nuclear Disarmament and Reduction of the Danger of Nuclear War,” a Working Paper submitted May 7; “Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons,” a Working Paper submitted May 7; General Debate Statement of May 1; Cluster 1 Statement of May 1; Cluster 2 Statement of May 9; Cluster 3 Statement of May 10.
France: Information for 2004: General Debate statement of April 26, Cluster 1 statement of April 29. Information for 2005: Fighting Proliferation, Promoting Arms Control and Disarmament: France’s Contribution, General Debate statement of May 5. Information for 2007: Nuclear Disarmament Measures Implemented by France, General Debate Statement of May 1, Cluster 1 Statement of May 8, Cluster 2 Statement of May 9, Cluster 3 Statement of May 10.
Russia: Information for 2004: Opening Statement of April 27, Statement on Article VI of the Treaty, Statement on negative security assurances. Information for 2005: Practical Steps Taken by the Russian Federation in the Field of Nuclear Disarmament, May; General Debate Statement of May 3; National Report of May 11. Information for 2007: General Debate Statement of April 30, Statement on Nuclear Disarmament and Security Assurances of May 9, Cluster 2 Statement of May 9, Cluster 3 Statement of May 10.
United Kingdom: Information for 2004: General Debate Statement, April 26; Cluster 1 Statement, April 30; Cluster 1: Specific time: Disarmament/NSAs, May 3. Information for 2005: Strengthening Non-Proliferation: The 2005 Review Conference, April; “Verification of Nuclear
Transparency and Accountability 47
Disarmament: Final Report on Studies into the Verification of Nuclear Warheads and their Components,” a Working Paper submitted April 18; General Debate Statement of May 5. Information for 2007: General Debate Statement of April 30; Cluster 1 Statement of May 8; Cluster 2 Statement of May 9; Cluster 3 Statement of May 10; Working Paper on Cluster II Issues, submitted May 9.
United States: Information for 2004: Opening statement by Under Secretary of State on “The NPT: A Crisis of Non-Compliance,” April 27; “Article VI: The US Record of Compliance,” statement by Assistant Secretary of State, May 3. Information for 2005: Statement by Assistant Secretary of State Rademaker, May 2; Article VI of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, United States Department of State, April 20; The Commitment of the United States of America to Article VI of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Information for 2007: General Debate Statement of April 30; Cluster 1 Statement of May 8; Cluster 2 Statement of May 9; Cluster 3 Statement of May 10; “Challenges of Non-Proliferation Compliance,” a Working Paper submitted May 3; “Disarmament, the United States, and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons,” a Working Paper submitted May 3; “Achieving and Sustaining Nuclear Weapons Elimination,” a Working Paper submitted May 3; “Safeguards and Nuclear Security,” a Woking Paper submitted May 3; “Facilitating Disarmament,” a Working Paper submitted May 3.
The following table summarizes information supplied by NWS through these various statements and documents on a set of issues particularly relevant to Article VI implementation:
1. Holdings2. Operational status of weapons held 3. Progress on strategic reductions4. Progress on non-strategic reductions 5. Affirmation of Article VI 6. Strategic doctrine 7. Security assurances 8. Fissile material control.
48 Transparency and Accountability
1.Ho
ldin
gs
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Hold
ings
20
02No
numb
er, “m
inimu
m lev
el for
self d
efens
e”No
numb
erNo
med
ium- o
r sho
rt-ra
nge m
issile
s, 1,1
36 st
rateg
ic de
liver
y unit
s, 5,5
18 re
-entr
y veh
icles
Avail
able
stock
pile f
ewer
than
20
0 war
head
s, sin
gle Tr
ident
subm
arine
on pa
trol w
ith 48
wa
rhea
ds
Fewe
r tha
n 6,00
0 dep
loyed
stra
tegic
warh
eads
Hold
ings
20
03No
numb
er, “C
hina h
as
exer
cised
utmo
st re
strain
t tow
ards
deve
loping
nucle
ar
weap
ons.”
No nu
mber
(see
redu
ction
s),
“prin
ciple
of str
ict su
fficien
cy
…de
termi
nes t
he fo
rmat
of the
Fr
ench
nucle
ar ar
sena
l”
Fulfil
led S
TART
I req
uirem
ents
– 1,13
6 dep
loyed
str
ategic
deliv
ery s
ystem
s, 5,5
18 w
arhe
ads,
no
infor
matio
n on s
tockp
iled w
eapo
ns
Avail
able
stock
pile f
ewer
than
20
0 war
head
s, sin
gle Tr
ident
subm
arine
on pa
trol w
ith 48
wa
rhea
ds
As a
resu
lt of S
TART
I it n
ow ha
s few
er th
an 6,
000 d
eploy
ed st
rateg
ic wa
rhea
ds; n
o info
rmati
on on
deliv
ery
syste
ms or
stoc
kpile
.
Hold
ings
20
04Ch
ina “p
osse
sses
the
small
est n
uclea
r arse
nal” o
f all
the N
WS.
No nu
mber
s
“Sinc
e 199
0, Fr
ance
has h
alved
the
numb
er of
nucle
ar de
liver
y ve
hicles
in its
force
, and
the
numb
er of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns
syste
ms is
down
from
6 to
2. Th
e sha
re of
nucle
ar fo
rces i
n tot
al Fr
ench
defen
ce sp
endin
g ha
s dro
pped
from
17%
in 19
90
to be
low 9
.5% in
2004
.”
“As o
f Jan
uary
1, 20
04, R
ussia
poss
esse
d 103
1 de
ploye
d stra
tegic
offen
sive d
elive
ry ve
hicles
and
4978
wea
pons
acco
untab
le un
der t
he S
TART
1 Tr
eaty.
”
“We h
old le
ss th
an 20
0 op
erati
onall
y ava
ilable
wa
rhea
ds.”
The U
nited
Stat
es pr
ovide
s inf
orma
tion o
n exe
cuted
and
plann
ed re
ducti
ons b
ut pr
ovide
s no
infor
matio
n on c
urre
nt ho
lding
s.
Hold
ings
2005
“Chin
a kee
ps a
very
limite
d nu
clear
arse
nal o
nly fo
r self
-de
fense
purp
oses
.”
Total
holdi
ngs o
f just
over
10
0, sp
lit be
twee
n sea
-to-la
nd
miss
iles a
nd nu
clear
-capa
ble
aircra
ft.
“As o
f Jan
uary
1, 20
05 R
ussia
poss
esse
d 981
de
ploye
d stra
tegic
offen
sive d
elive
ry ve
hicles
and
4732
war
head
s acc
ounta
ble un
der t
he S
TART
.”
“Hav
e a st
ock p
ile of
less
than
20
0 ope
ratio
nal w
arhe
ads a
nd
only
one T
riden
t Sub
marin
e is
on de
terre
nt pa
trol a
t one
time,
carry
ing a
redu
ced l
oad o
f 48
war h
eads
.”
The U
nited
Stat
es pr
ovide
s inf
orma
tion o
n exe
cuted
and
plann
ed re
ducti
ons b
ut pr
ovide
s no
infor
matio
n on c
urre
nt ho
lding
s.
Hold
ings
20
07No
refer
ence
“In
total
, takin
g all c
ompo
nents
tog
ether,
the n
umbe
r of d
elive
ry ve
hicles
has b
een e
limina
ted by
mo
re th
an ha
lf sinc
e 198
5.”
Nucle
ar su
bmar
ines c
arryi
ng
ballis
tic m
issile
s hav
e bee
n re
duce
d fro
m 6 t
o 4.
“The
numb
er of
Fre
nch n
uclea
r we
apon
s sys
tems h
as be
en
redu
ced f
rom
6 to 2
.”
“As o
f Jan
uary
1, 20
07, R
ussia
poss
esse
d no m
ore
than 9
00 de
ploye
d stra
tegic
offen
sive d
elive
ry ve
hicles
and 4
200 w
arhe
ads a
ccou
ntable
unde
r the
ST
ART
1 Tre
aty.”
Redu
cing s
tockp
iles b
y 20%
to
fewer
than
160
“UK
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns no
w ac
coun
t for le
ss th
an 1%
of th
e glo
bal in
vento
ry.”
“As o
f Dec
embe
r 31,
2006
, the
Unite
d Stat
es ha
d 3,69
6 ope
ratio
nally
de
ploye
d nuc
lear w
arhe
ads,
which
is
signifi
cantl
y low
er by
40 pe
r cen
t than
the
total
numb
er of
attrib
uted n
uclea
r wa
rhea
ds pe
rmitte
d und
er S
TART
.”
Transparency and Accountability 49
2. Op
erat
iona
l Sta
tus
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Oper
atio
nal
Stat
us 20
02No
refer
ence
No
wea
pons
targ
eted s
ince
1997
Comm
itted t
o deta
rgeti
ng st
rateg
ic nu
clear
we
apon
s, ba
llistic
miss
iles h
ave ‘
zero
’ laun
ch
miss
ion
Only
patro
lling s
ubma
rine o
n se
vera
l day
s’ ‘no
tice t
o fire
’, mi
ssile
s are
de-ta
rgete
d
Force
s not
targe
ted on
day-t
o-da
y ba
sis, d
oes n
ot be
lieve
gene
ral ‘d
e-ale
rting’
contr
ibutes
to st
abilit
y, wi
th Ru
ssia
worki
ng on
early
war
ning d
ata
shar
ing
Oper
atio
nal
Stat
us 20
03No
refer
ence
No re
feren
ceNo
refer
ence
Sing
le Tr
ident
subm
arine
on
deter
rent
patro
l; it is
norm
ally
on se
vera
l day
s’ ‘no
tice t
o fire
’; its
miss
iles a
re de
-targ
eted
Laun
ch tim
e of N
ATO’
s nuc
lear-
capa
ble de
liver
y airc
raft i
ncre
ased
fro
m mi
nutes
to m
onths
Oper
atio
nal
Stat
us 20
04In
1994
Chin
a and
Ru
ssia
anno
unce
d the
“n
on-ta
rgeti
ng” o
f nuc
lear
weap
ons a
gains
t eac
h oth
er. In
1998
Chin
a and
US
anno
unce
d mutu
al no
n-tar
getin
g, an
d in 2
000
all fiv
e NW
S iss
ued a
joint
de
clara
tion “
anno
uncin
g the
no
n-tar
getin
g of th
eir nu
clear
we
apon
s at a
ny co
untrie
s.”
1997
– An
noun
ceme
nt tha
t no
part
of the
Fre
nch n
uclea
r de
terre
nt for
ces w
as an
y lon
ger
targe
ted
“One
of th
e step
s tak
en by
the R
ussia
n Fed
erati
on
to re
duce
the n
uclea
r thr
eat w
as th
e stat
emen
t by
the R
ussia
n Pre
siden
t of M
ay 27
, 199
7, on
de
targe
ting s
trateg
ic nu
clear
wea
pons
. As a
resu
lt of
this i
nitiat
ive, th
e lau
nch o
f miss
iles b
ecom
es
techn
ically
impo
ssibl
e in t
he ab
senc
e of a
real
flight
miss
ion pl
an.”
“[O]ur
nucle
ar fo
rces p
atrol
on re
duce
d rea
dines
s; on
ly a s
ingle
Tride
nt su
bmar
ine is
no
w on
deter
rent
patro
l at a
ny
one t
ime,
norm
ally a
t sev
eral
days
‘noti
ce to
fire’
and w
ith its
mi
ssile
de-ta
rgete
d.”
Does
not ta
rget
any c
ountr
y with
nu
clear
wea
pons
Stra
tegic
bomb
ers a
re no
long
er on
ale
rt
Dual-
capa
ble ai
rcraft
no lo
nger
op
erate
on a
high-
alert
basis
(re
adine
ss m
easu
red i
n mon
ths)
NATO
no lo
nger
main
tains
nucle
ar
conti
ngen
cy pl
ans a
nd as
socia
ted
targe
ts for
its N
SNW
“It is
true
that
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns ca
n be
re-ta
rgete
d with
relat
ive ea
se,…
but U
S co
nscio
usly
has c
hose
n not
to tar
get a
ny na
tion.
This
is an
impo
rtant
symb
olic a
nd co
nfide
nce-
build
ing
meas
ure.”
Oper
atio
nal
Stat
us 20
05“In
Sep
tembe
r 199
4, the
Pr
eside
nts of
Chin
a and
Ru
ssia
made
a ple
dge i
n the
ir join
t stat
emen
t on n
o-firs
t-use
and d
e-tar
getin
g of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns ag
ainst
each
othe
r. In J
une 1
998,
China
and t
he U
nited
Stat
es
decla
red d
e-tar
getin
g of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns ag
ainst
each
othe
r.”
“Fre
nch d
eterre
nt is
not d
irecte
d ag
ainst
any p
artic
ular c
ountr
y.”
“All n
uclea
r wea
pons
of th
e for
mer U
SSR
that
were
outsi
de R
ussia
at th
e end
of 19
91 ha
ve be
en
withd
rawn
to its
terri
tory f
or el
imina
tion.”
“Trid
ent S
ubma
rine i
s nor
mally
at
a red
uced
aler
t stat
us an
d its
miss
iles a
re no
t targ
eted a
t an
y Stat
e.”
“US
strate
gic bo
mber
s are
no lo
nger
on
aler
t. The
US
no lo
nger
targ
ets
any c
ountr
y with
Nuc
lear w
eapo
ns.
NATO
no lo
nger
main
tains
nucle
ar
conti
ngen
cy pl
ans a
nd as
socia
ted
targe
ts for
its no
n-str
ategic
nucle
ar
weap
ons.
US du
al-ca
pable
aircr
aft no
lon
ger o
pera
te on
a hig
h-ale
rt ba
sis,
and t
heir r
eadin
ess r
equir
emen
ts no
w me
asur
e in w
eeks
and m
onths
, ra
ther t
han m
inutes
.”
50 Transparency and Accountability
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Oper
atio
nal
Stat
us 20
07No
refer
ence
“The
aler
t stat
us of
Fre
nch
nucle
ar fo
rces h
as be
en
down
grad
ed on
two o
ccas
ions,
in 19
92 an
d 199
6. Th
ose
redu
ction
s app
lied t
o both
the
resp
onse
times
and t
he nu
mber
of
weap
ons o
n aler
t.”
No nu
clear
comp
onen
t of
the F
renc
h dete
rrent
force
co
ntinu
es to
have
desig
nated
tar
gets.
No re
feren
ce.
“Our
Tride
nt su
bmar
ines
are n
orma
lly at
seve
ral d
ays
‘notic
e to fi
re.’ T
heir m
issile
s ar
e not
targe
ted at
any o
ne
coun
try.”
No re
feren
ce
3. St
rate
gic R
educ
tions
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Stra
tegi
c Re
duct
ions
20
02
No re
feren
ce, th
ose w
ith
large
st ar
sena
ls ha
ve
grea
test r
espo
nsibi
lity to
re
duce
Halve
d its
deliv
ery v
ehicl
es, n
o gr
ound
-to-g
roun
d com
pone
nt,
scale
d bac
k othe
r pro
gram
s, dis
mantl
ed te
sting
and fi
ssile
ma
terial
prod
uctio
n site
s
Elim
inated
mor
e tha
n 1,20
0 ICB
M/SL
BM la
unch
ers,
2,350
ICBM
/SLB
Ms, 4
0 sub
marin
es, 6
0 bom
bers;
pr
oduc
tion p
otenti
al ha
lved;
prep
ared
to fu
rther
re
duce
arse
nal to
mini
mum
levels
for s
ecur
ity
Unila
terall
y red
uced
force
to
fewer
than
200 w
arhe
ads,
withd
rew
freefa
ll nuc
lear
bomb
, last
Chev
aline
war
head
dis
mantl
ed (2
002)
Stra
tegic
redu
ction
s to 1
,700-
2,200
ov
er th
e nex
t dec
ade w
ith re
tireme
nt of
ICBM
Pea
ceke
eper
s, fou
r Trid
ent
subm
arine
s, eli
mina
tion o
f B-1
’s nu
clear
capa
bility
; has
dism
antle
d 13
,000 w
eapo
ns si
nce 1
988
Stra
tegi
c Re
duct
ions
20
03
No re
feren
ce to
its ar
sena
l; “e
xistin
g arse
nals
must
be
redu
ced i
n an i
rreve
rsible
, eff
ectiv
ely ve
rifiab
le an
d leg
ally b
inding
man
ner.
Coun
tries p
osse
ssing
the
large
st nu
clear
arse
nals
bear
spec
ial an
d prim
ary
resp
onsib
ility i
n this
rega
rd.”
Elim
inated
surfa
ce-to
-surfa
ce
weap
ons,
redu
ced n
umbe
r of
nucle
ar su
bmar
ines,
halve
d tota
l nu
mber
of de
liver
y veh
icles
, dis
mantl
ed te
sting
site
in Pa
cific,
fissil
e mate
rials
prod
uctio
n site
s at
Pier
relat
te an
d Mar
coule
clo
sed a
nd be
ing di
sman
tled
Unde
r STA
RT I a
rsena
l redu
ced t
o lev
els lis
ted
abov
e, Oc
tober
2001
last
nucle
ar w
arhe
ad re
turne
d to
Russ
ia fro
m Uk
raine
elim
inated
, exp
ress
ed
supp
ort fo
r Mos
cow
Trea
ty an
d agr
eed r
educ
tions
to
betw
een 1
,700-
2,200
units
by 20
12, u
ntil 2
009
STAR
T I w
ill re
main
in for
ce, “
doub
le mu
tually
re
infor
cing l
imita
tions
by tw
o tre
aties
”
redu
ction
s to f
ewer
than
200
warh
eads
repr
esen
t red
uctio
ns
to les
s tha
n 70 p
er ce
nt of
the
poten
tial e
xplos
ive po
wer o
f UK
’s nu
clear
deter
rent
since
the
end o
f the C
old W
ar
Mosc
ow Tr
eaty
repr
esen
ts a 2
/3 re
ducti
on fr
om S
TART
I lev
els of
6,0
00 w
arhe
ads –
50 P
eace
keep
er
ICBM
s are
being
retire
d and
dis
asse
mbled
, 2 of
plan
ned 4
Tride
nt su
bmar
ines r
emov
ed fr
om st
rateg
ic se
rvice
, enti
re B
-1 bo
mber
force
is
now
dedic
ated t
o con
venti
onal
miss
ions;
furthe
r red
uctio
ns w
ill re
sult
in few
er w
arhe
ads o
n ball
istic
miss
iles
and f
ewer
oper
ation
ally d
eploy
ed
weap
ons a
t bom
ber b
ases
Transparency and Accountability 51
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Stra
tegi
c Re
duct
ions
20
04
No re
feren
ce to
redu
ction
s, on
ly tha
t it ha
s the
small
est
arse
nal o
f the N
WS
“Fro
m 19
64 to
1996
, Chin
a co
nduc
ted 45
nucle
ar te
sts.
Amon
g the
nucle
ar w
eapo
n sta
tes, C
hina h
as pe
rform
ed
fewes
t nuc
lear t
ests
and
poss
esse
s the
small
est
nucle
ar ar
sena
l. It h
as ne
ver
taken
part
in an
y nuc
lear
arms
race
or de
ploye
d any
nu
clear
wea
pons
outsi
de its
ter
ritory.
”
Sinc
e the
1990
s, Ch
ina
has g
radu
ally c
ut ba
ck
on its
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns
deve
lopme
nt pr
ogra
m. T
he
rese
arch
and d
evelo
pmen
t sit
e in Q
ingha
i was
clos
ed…
[and]
was r
eturn
ed to
civil
ian
use i
n May
1995
….”
“[T]he
end o
f the c
old w
ar
set th
e sce
ne fo
r effe
ctive
im
pleme
ntatio
n of A
rticle
VI…
.”
“Fra
nce h
as …
cut it
s nuc
lear
arse
nal, e
limina
ting a
ll of it
s su
rface
-to-su
rface
nucle
ar
weap
ons;
redu
cing t
he nu
mber
of
its ba
llistic
miss
ile nu
clear
su
bmar
ines;
and h
alving
its to
tal
numb
er of
deliv
ery v
ehicl
es…
,[and
] has
dism
antle
d its
nucle
ar
testin
g cen
tre in
the P
acific
.”
1991
– an
noun
ceme
nt of
the
early
with
draw
al, ah
ead o
f sc
hedu
le, of
Plut
on su
rface
-to-
surfa
ce m
issile
s and
AN-
52
bomb
s
1996
– Fr
ance
’s las
t and
final
nucle
ar te
st
1996
– An
noun
ceme
nt of
redu
ction
in th
e num
ber
of ba
llistic
miss
ile nu
clear
su
bmar
ines f
rom
5 to 4
, the
end o
f the M
irage
IV’s
nucle
ar
miss
ions,
the ab
ando
nmen
t of
the su
rface
-to-su
rface
co
mpon
ent o
f the n
uclea
r for
ces
throu
gh th
e stan
ding d
own a
nd
destr
uctio
n of th
e Had
es an
d S3
D su
rface
-to-su
rface
miss
iles
“[R]at
ificati
on of
the R
ussia
n-US
Trea
ty on
Stra
tegic
Offen
sive R
educ
tions
callin
g for
recip
roca
l cuts
in
the ag
greg
ate nu
mber
of st
rateg
ic nu
clear
wea
pons
by
each
side
down
to 17
00-2
200 b
efore
Dec
embe
r 31
, 201
2. In
other
wor
ds, th
ese w
eapo
ns w
ill be
re
duce
d app
roxim
ately
three
fold a
gains
t the l
evel
envis
aged
unde
r the
STA
RT I T
reaty
.”
“To da
te, R
ussia
has e
limina
ted 12
50 IC
BM an
d SL
BM la
unch
ers,
2580
ICBM
and S
LBM
deliv
ery
vehic
les, 4
3 Stra
tegic
nucle
ar-p
ower
ed su
bmar
ines
and 6
5 hea
vy bo
mber
s.”
“[F]or
the p
urpo
ses o
f imple
menta
tion o
f the
Mosc
ow Tr
eaty
the B
ilater
al Co
mplia
nce
Comm
ission
was
estab
lishe
d und
er th
e Tre
aty’s
prov
ision
s, an
d its
first s
essio
n was
held
in Ge
neva
on
Apr
il 8-9
, 200
4.”
Willi
ng to
redu
ce st
rateg
ic ar
sena
l well
below
SOR
T pr
ovisi
ons –
cons
isten
t with
the “
notio
n of m
inimu
m su
fficien
cy”
70%
redu
ction
in th
e ex
plosiv
e pow
er of
UK
nucle
ar
weap
ons s
ince e
nd of
the
Cold
War
Polar
is, su
perse
ded b
y Tr
ident,
the o
nly nu
clear
sy
stem;
sinc
e 200
0 hav
e co
mplet
ed th
e dism
antlin
g of
the C
heva
line (
Polar
is)
warh
eads
“The
Unit
ed S
tates
has b
een r
educ
ing
its nu
clear
force
s and
nucle
ar
weap
ons s
tockp
iles i
n a co
nsist
ent
fashio
n thr
ough
both
unila
teral
and
bilate
ral in
itiativ
es, m
ost r
ecen
tly
unde
r the
Mos
cow
Trea
ty.”
Dism
antle
d mor
e tha
n 13,0
00 nu
clear
we
apon
s sinc
e 198
8
Draw
ing do
wn op
erati
onall
y dep
loyed
str
ategic
nucle
ar w
arhe
ads t
o the
lev
el of
1,700
-2,00
0, ab
out o
ne-th
ird
of the
2002
leve
l
By 20
12, w
ill ha
ve re
duce
d stra
tegic
warh
eads
deplo
yed b
y 80%
sinc
e 19
91
From
1994
-199
7 elim
inated
near
ly 1,0
00 st
rateg
ic nu
clear
miss
iles a
nd
bomb
ers
Sinc
e 199
9 elim
inated
64 he
avy
bomb
ers,
150 m
issile
silos
, take
n ou
t of s
trateg
ic se
rvice
4 mi
ssile
su
bmar
ines (
and m
issile
remo
ved)
, an
d dea
ctiva
ted 28
“pea
ceke
eper
” IC
BMs (
the re
maini
ng 22
sche
duled
for
deac
tivati
on by
Octo
ber 2
005)
Nucle
ar fo
rces d
eclin
ed fr
om 7%
of
DOD
budg
et to
less t
han 3
% to
day
52 Transparency and Accountability
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Stra
tegi
cRe
duct
ions
2005
No re
feren
ce
“Chin
a is t
he on
ly nu
clear
-we
apon
state
to ad
voca
te a c
omple
te pr
ohibi
tion a
nd
thoro
ugh d
estru
ction
of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns.”
“Fra
nce h
as th
erefo
re
aban
done
d and
dism
antle
d the
su
rface
-to-su
rface
wea
pons
sy
stems
on th
e Plat
eau d
’Albi
on
and t
he sh
ort-r
ange
surfa
ce-
to-su
rface
wea
pons
syste
ms
Pluto
n and
Had
es. T
he nu
mber
of
nucle
ar su
bmar
ines c
arryi
ng
ballis
tic m
issile
s (SS
BNs)
has
been
redu
ced f
rom
six to
four.
To
day,
one S
SBN,
at le
ast, i
s at
sea a
t all t
imes
, com
pare
d wi
th thr
ee un
til 19
90. L
astly
, the
airb
orne
comp
onen
t has
als
o bee
n red
uced
. In to
tal th
e nu
mber
of de
liver
y veh
icles
has
been
redu
ced b
y ove
r half
.”
“Fra
nce a
nnou
nced
on 20
Ja
nuar
y 199
6 the
cess
ation
of
all nu
clear
testi
ng fo
llowi
ng
comp
letion
of a
final
serie
s of
tests.
This
decis
ion to
ok
prac
tical
shap
e in t
he co
mplet
e dis
mantl
ing of
testi
ng fa
cilitie
s in
the P
acific
, whic
h was
an
noun
ced a
s ear
ly as
22
Febr
uary
1996
and c
omple
ted
by th
e end
of Ju
ly 19
98. T
his
mean
s sinc
e the
end o
f the C
old
War
and o
penin
g of th
e (CT
BT)
for si
gnatu
re in
1996
, Fra
nce i
s the
only
NWS
to ha
ve cl
osed
do
wn an
d dism
antle
d its
nucle
ar
testin
g fac
ilities
.”
“The
INF
Trea
ty of
unlim
ited d
urati
on re
mains
an
esse
ntial
contr
ibutio
n to t
he nu
clear
disa
rmam
ent.
Unde
r this
Trea
ty tw
o clas
ses o
f land
-bas
ed
miss
iles w
ith a
rang
e of 5
00 to
1000
and 1
000 t
o 55
00 km
– a t
otal o
f 184
6 inte
rmed
iate-
rang
e and
sh
orter
-rang
e miss
iles a
nd 82
5 of th
eir la
unch
ers
were
comp
letely
destr
oyed
, whil
e fur
ther p
rodu
ction
an
d tes
ting o
f suc
h miss
iles w
as ba
nned
.”
“Ove
r the
five y
ear p
eriod
that
elaps
ed be
twee
n the
pr
eviou
s and
toda
y’s N
PT R
eview
Con
feren
ces t
he
Russ
ian F
eder
ation
redu
ced i
ts str
ategic
nucle
ar
force
by 35
7 deli
very
vehic
les an
d 174
0 nuc
lear
warh
eads
.”
“In ac
cord
ance
with
the T
reaty
(STA
RT),
as of
De
cemb
er 5,
2001
, the s
trateg
ic off
ensiv
e arm
s lev
el sh
ould
not h
ave e
xcee
ded 1
600 c
arrie
rs an
d 60
00 nu
clear
war
head
s. As
of th
at tar
get d
ate
the ac
tual le
vels
reac
hed 1
136 a
nd 55
18 pi
eces
co
rresp
ondin
gly.”
“The
Trea
ty on
Stra
tegic
Offen
sive R
educ
tions
(M
osco
w Tr
eaty)
calls
for t
he ob
ligati
on by
Rus
sia
and t
he U
S to
redu
ce an
d lim
it by D
ecem
ber 3
1, 20
12, th
eir re
spec
tive s
trateg
ic nu
clear
war
head
s to
the ag
greg
ate nu
mber
not e
xcee
ding 1
700-
2200
.”
“The
Pre
siden
t of th
e Rus
sian F
eder
ation
Vlad
imir
V. P
utin h
as tim
e and
again
reite
rated
our c
ountr
y’s
comm
itmen
t to re
duce
, on a
mutu
al ba
sis, it
s nu
clear
arse
nals
envis
aged
by th
e Mos
cow
Trea
ty – n
amely
to 15
00 w
eapo
ns an
d les
s.”
“Elim
inatio
n of 1
328 I
CBM
and S
LBM
launc
hers,
26
70 IC
BMs a
nd S
LBMs
, 45 s
trateg
ic nu
clear
su
bmar
ines a
nd 66
heav
y bom
bers
“We h
ave r
educ
ed th
e ex
plosiv
e pow
er of
our n
uclea
r for
ces b
y ove
r 70 p
er ce
nt sin
ce th
e end
of th
e Cold
War.
”
“Sinc
e 200
0 we h
ave
comp
leted
the d
isman
tling o
f all
our r
emain
ing C
heva
line
(Pola
ris) w
arhe
ads.
The U
K ma
intain
s a m
inimu
m de
terre
nt at
the lo
west
level
cons
isten
t wi
th ou
r nati
onal
secu
rity, a
s ou
tlined
in th
e 199
8 Stra
tegic
Defen
ce R
eview
and 2
003
Defen
ce W
hite P
aper.
Tride
nt is
our s
ole nu
clear
wea
pons
sy
stem,
mak
ing th
e UK
the
only
NWS
to ha
ve re
duce
d to
a sing
le sy
stem.
On t
his po
int
we ar
e pro
ud to
be th
e mos
t for
ward
-lean
ing of
the N
WS.
”
Tride
nt su
bmar
ine ca
rries
“4
8 war
head
s com
pare
d to a
pr
eviou
sly pl
anne
d tota
l of 9
6”
“Sinc
e the
last
revie
w co
nfere
nce
the U
nited
Stat
es an
d the
Ru
ssian
Fed
erati
on co
nclud
ed
our im
pleme
ntatio
n of S
TART
I re
ducti
ons,
and s
igned
and b
roug
ht int
o for
ce th
e Mos
cow
Trea
ty 20
02.
Unde
r the
Mos
cow
Trea
ty, w
e hav
e ag
reed
to re
duce
our o
pera
tiona
lly
deplo
yed s
trateg
ic nu
clear
war
head
s to
1700
-220
0, ab
out a
third
of 20
02
levels
and l
ess t
han a
quar
ter of
the
level
at the
end o
f the C
old W
ar.
Whe
n this
Trea
ty is
fully
imple
mente
d by
the e
nd of
2012
, the U
nited
Stat
es
will h
ave r
educ
ed th
e num
ber o
f str
ategic
war
head
s it h
ad de
ploye
d in
1990
by ab
out 8
0%.”
“[W]e
have
elim
inated
thou
sand
s of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns, e
limina
ted
an en
tire cl
ass o
f inter
media
te-ra
nge b
allist
ic mi
ssile
s, tak
en B
-1
bomb
ers o
ut of
nucle
ar se
rvice
, re
duce
d the
numb
er of
ballis
tic
miss
ile su
bmar
ines,
dras
ticall
y re
duce
d our
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns-re
lated
do
mesti
c infr
astru
cture
, and
are n
ow
elimi
natin
g our
mos
t mod
ern a
nd
soph
istica
ted la
nd-b
ased
ballis
tic
miss
ile. W
e hav
e also
spen
t billi
ons
of do
llars,
thro
ugh p
rogr
ams s
uch a
s Nu
nn-L
ugar,
to he
lp oth
er co
untrie
s co
ntrol
and e
limina
te the
ir nuc
lear
mater
ials.
We a
re pr
oud t
o hav
e pla
yed a
lead
ing ro
le in
redu
cing
nucle
ar m
ateria
ls.”
“We h
ave a
lso re
duce
d the
role
of nu
clear
wea
pons
in ou
r dete
rrenc
e str
ategy
and a
re cu
tting o
ur nu
clear
sto
ck pi
le alm
ost in
half,
to the
lowe
st lev
el in
deca
des.”
Transparency and Accountability 53
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Stra
tegi
cRe
duct
ions
2007
No re
feren
ce
“Chin
a main
tains
that
the
two c
ountr
ies po
sses
sing
the la
rges
t nuc
lear a
rsena
ls be
ar sp
ecial
resp
onsib
ility
and s
hould
take
the l
ead i
n nu
clear
disa
rmam
ent.”
“Aba
ndon
ment
of the
stra
tegic
surfa
ce-to
-surfa
ce S
45 m
issile
pr
ogra
mme d
estin
ed to
repla
ce
the S
3D m
issile
s on t
he P
latea
u d’A
lbion
”
“Clos
ure o
f the P
latea
u d’A
lbion
fac
ility”
“Dec
ision
to di
sman
tle th
e Had
es
shor
t-ran
ge su
rface
-to-su
rface
mi
ssile
s sys
tem”
“Ear
ly wi
thdra
wal o
f the P
luton
sh
ort-r
ange
surfa
ce-to
-surfa
ce
miss
iles”
“Ear
ly wi
thdra
wal fr
om se
rvice
an
d dism
antlin
g of th
e AN
52
nucle
ar bo
mbs c
arrie
d by J
agua
r an
d Mira
ge III
aircr
aft”
“With
draw
al of
the M
irage
IV
strate
gic ai
rcraft
from
nucle
ar
miss
ions”
Russ
ia ful
filled
its ob
ligati
ons c
omple
tely a
nd ah
ead
of the
STA
RT, a
nd co
ntinu
es st
eadil
y red
ucing
str
ategic
deliv
ery m
eans
and t
he re
lated
war
head
s.”
“We a
re fu
lfillin
g obli
gatio
ns un
der t
he R
ussia
n-US
Tr
eaty
on S
trateg
ic Of
fensiv
e Red
uctio
ns w
hich
prov
ides f
or re
ducti
on of
the n
umbe
r of s
trateg
ic nu
clear
wea
pons
down
to 17
00-2
200 b
y eac
h side
be
fore D
ecem
ber 3
1, 20
12.“
“The
Joint
decla
ratio
n of th
e Pre
siden
ts of
Russ
ia an
d the
Unit
ed S
tates
whic
h was
sign
ed up
on
conc
lusion
of th
e Mos
cow
Trea
ty an
d whic
h stat
es
the in
tentio
n of th
e two
natio
ns to
redu
ce th
eir
strate
gic of
fensiv
e pote
ntial
to the
mini
mal p
ossib
le lev
els co
rresp
ondin
g to t
heir n
ation
al se
curity
and
ally o
bliga
tions
as w
ell as
refle
cting
the n
ew na
ture
of re
lation
s betw
een R
ussia
and t
he U
nited
Stat
es
in the
stra
tegic
sphe
re.”
“We w
ill no
w cu
t our
stoc
kpile
of
oper
ation
ally a
vaila
ble
warh
eads
by 20
per c
ent
to few
er th
an 16
0. Th
is am
ounts
to a
total
redu
ction
of
explo
sive p
ower
of th
e Unit
ed
King
dom
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns by
75
per c
ent s
ince t
he en
d of
the co
ld wa
r.”
“The
Unit
ed K
ingdo
m is
the
only
nucle
ar w
eapo
n Stat
e tha
t has
redu
ced i
ts de
terre
nt ca
pabil
ity to
a sin
gle nu
clear
we
apon
syste
m.”
“Buil
ding n
ew su
bmar
ines
for ou
r exis
ting T
riden
t D5
miss
ile sy
stem
does
not
reve
rse or
unde
rmine
any o
f the
se po
sitive
disa
rmam
ent
steps
. Any
sugg
estio
n tha
t the
Unit
ed K
ingdo
m is
furthe
r de
velop
ing nu
clear
wea
pons
is
a misu
nder
stand
ing.”
“Dra
matic
redu
ction
s are
in fa
ct un
derw
ay in
stra
tegic
warh
ead
numb
ers.
The U
nited
Stat
es is
now
in the
proc
ess o
f dra
wing
down
its
oper
ation
ally d
eploy
ed st
rateg
ic nu
clear
war
head
s to b
etwee
n 170
0-22
00 by
the y
ear 2
012.
The d
ecisi
on
made
by P
resid
ent G
eorg
e W. B
ush
in 20
01 to
do th
is wa
s refl
ected
in
the M
osco
w Tr
eaty
he si
gned
with
Ru
ssian
Pre
siden
t Puti
n in 2
002.”
“Sinc
e the
end o
f the C
old W
ar th
e Un
ited S
tates
has c
ance
lled t
he
mode
rn, h
ighly
soph
istica
ted M
GM-
134 ‘
Midg
etman
’ miss
ile, a
nd ha
lted
prod
uctio
n of o
ther m
ajor w
eapo
n sy
stems
such
as th
e B-2
‘Stea
lth’
bomb
er. U
nder
Pre
siden
t Geo
rge
H.W
. Bus
h, the
Unit
ed S
tates
took
out
of nu
clear
wea
pon s
ervic
e fou
r Ohio
-cla
ss nu
clear
powe
red b
allist
ic mi
ssile
su
bmar
ines c
arryi
ng th
e Trid
ent C
-4
subm
arine
-laun
ched
ballis
tic m
issile
s, an
d mod
ified t
hese
vess
els fo
r othe
r us
es.”
“Whe
n this
ongo
ing pr
oces
s of
warh
ead r
educ
tions
has b
een
comp
leted
, the U
nited
Stat
es w
ill ha
ve re
move
d abo
ut 80
per c
ent
of the
numb
er of
stra
tegic
nucle
ar
warh
eads
deplo
yed i
n 199
1, lea
ving
the to
tal at
abou
t one
-third
of th
e Un
ited S
tates
2002
leve
l. Whe
n this
po
int is
reac
hed i
n 201
2, in
fact,
the nu
mber
of su
ch w
eapo
ns w
ill ha
ve re
ache
d its
lowes
t leve
l sinc
e the
admi
nistra
tion o
f Unit
ed S
tates
Pr
eside
nt Dw
ight E
isenh
ower.
”
54 Transparency and Accountability
4. No
n-St
rate
gic R
educ
tions
Ch
ina
Fran
ceRu
ssia
UKUS
Tact
ical
Redu
ctio
ns
2002
No re
feren
ceNo
refer
ence
All n
uclea
r wea
pons
deplo
yed o
utside
Rus
sia ha
ve
been
retur
ned,
more
than
30 pe
r cen
t of ta
ctica
l se
a-lau
nche
d miss
iles e
limina
ted, p
rodu
ction
of
tactic
al nu
clear
mun
itions
ceas
ed, d
estru
ction
co
ntinu
es
No re
feren
ceNo
n-str
ategic
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns
redu
ced b
y mor
e tha
n 85 p
er ce
nt,
remo
ved f
rom
grou
nd fo
rces a
nd
nava
l sur
face s
hips;
grav
ity bo
mbs
redu
ced b
y 50 p
er ce
nt; A
rmy,
Marin
e Cor
ps, a
nd su
rface
and a
ir co
mpon
ents
of Na
vy de
nucle
arize
d
Tact
ical
Redu
ctio
ns
2003
“[N]o
rese
arch
and
deve
lopme
nt wo
rk sh
ould
be co
nduc
ted in
to low
-yield
nu
clear
wea
pons
or ‘m
ini-
nuke
s’ aim
ed at
prob
able
battle
field
use”
No re
feren
ceW
hole
class
of no
n-str
ategic
offen
sive w
eapo
ns
was e
limina
ted ac
cord
ing to
INF
Trea
ty; re
mova
l of
tactic
al nu
clear
wea
pons
from
Eur
ope a
n “im
porta
nt pr
actic
al ste
p to u
ltimate
ly ov
erco
me th
e rem
nants
of
the co
ld-wa
r per
iod”
With
draw
n fre
efall n
uclea
r bo
mb (W
E177
); in
2002
las
t of C
heva
line w
arhe
ads
disma
ntled
In Ja
nuar
y the
US
finish
ed
disma
ntling
the n
uclea
r wea
pons
it p
ledge
d to u
nder
the 1
991 P
NI;
all bu
t one
nucle
ar de
liver
y sys
tem
in Eu
rope
elim
inated
(90 p
er ce
nt re
ducti
ons);
Arm
y, Ma
rine C
orps
, su
rface
and a
ir com
pone
nts of
Nav
y all
denu
clear
ized;
NATO
and R
ussia
en
gage
d in f
urthe
r disc
ussio
ns;
legal
agre
emen
t on t
actic
al we
apon
s ca
lled ‘
not p
ossib
le’ be
caus
e sy
stems
mor
e diffi
cult t
o ver
ify
Tact
ical
Redu
ctio
ns
2004
No re
feren
ce
1991
– an
noun
ceme
nt of
the
early
with
draw
al, ah
ead o
f sc
hedu
le, of
Plut
on su
rface
-to-
surfa
ce m
issile
s and
AN-
52
bomb
s
No nu
mber
s
“We h
ave p
racti
cally
comp
leted
our in
itiativ
es
conc
ernin
g non
-stra
tegic
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns
redu
ction
s, ex
cept
for el
imina
ting t
he A
rmy’s
nu
clear
wea
pons
. Elim
inatio
n of n
uclea
r war
head
s of
land-
base
d tac
tical
miss
iles,
nucle
ar ar
tiller
y sh
ells a
nd nu
clear
mine
s is p
ursu
ed on
the b
asis
of tec
hnolo
gical
capa
bilitie
s of th
e nuc
lear w
eapo
n co
mplex
and a
ctual
finan
cing.”
Revie
w of
INF
Trea
ty
All n
uclea
r wea
pons
of fo
rmer
Sov
iet U
nion
retur
ned t
o Rus
sian t
errito
ry. “T
he la
st nu
clear
wa
rhea
d pull
ed ba
ck fr
om th
e ter
ritory
of Uk
raine
to
Russ
ia wa
s elim
inated
in O
ctobe
r 200
1.”
“[M]or
e tha
n 50%
of th
e tota
l num
ber o
f nuc
lear
weap
ons f
or se
a-lau
nche
d, air
-laun
ched
tacti
cal
miss
iles,
air de
fense
miss
iles a
nd nu
clear
air
bomb
s hav
e bee
n elim
inated
.”
Over
the p
ast d
ecad
e the
UK
ha
s ach
ieved
:“▪
the w
ithdr
awal
and
disma
ntling
of ou
r mar
itime
tactic
al nu
clear
capa
bility
;▪ t
he w
ithdr
awal
and
disma
ntling
of th
e RAF
’s W
E177
nucle
ar bo
mb;
▪ the
term
inatio
n of th
e nuc
lear
Lanc
e miss
ile an
d artil
lery
roles
that
we un
derto
ok w
ith
US nu
clear
wea
pons
held
unde
r dua
l-key
arra
ngem
ents.
”
90%
of U
S NS
NW el
imina
ted si
nce
fall o
f Ber
lin W
all
Remo
ved n
uclea
r wea
pons
from
all
surfa
ce sh
ips an
d atta
ck su
bmar
ines
Redu
ced t
he nu
mber
of ty
pes o
f nu
clear
syste
ms in
Eur
ope f
rom
9 in
1991
to ju
st 1 t
oday
With
draw
n mor
e tha
n 3,00
0 tac
tical
nucle
ar w
arhe
ads (
artill
ery s
hells
, sh
ort-r
ange
miss
iles,
Navy
depth
bo
mbs),
the l
ast o
f thes
e dism
antle
d in
2003
.
“The
numb
er of
stor
age s
ites i
n NA
TO fo
r non
-stra
tegic
nucle
ar
weap
ons h
as be
en re
duce
d by
80%
.”
Transparency and Accountability 55
Ch
ina
Fran
ceRu
ssia
UKUS
Tact
ical
Redu
ctio
ns
2005
No re
feren
ceNo
refer
ence
“By n
ow th
e Rus
sian T
NWs a
re de
ploye
d only
wi
thin n
ation
al ter
ritory
and c
once
ntrate
d at c
entra
l sto
rage
facil
ities o
f the M
inistr
y of D
efenc
e.”
“It is
impo
rtant
to no
te tha
t Rus
sia’s
non-
strate
gic
nucle
ar ar
sena
l has
been
redu
ced b
y fou
r tim
es
as co
mpar
ed to
wha
t the S
oviet
Unio
n pos
sess
ed
in 19
91. W
e will
furthe
r red
uce t
he le
vel o
f thes
e we
apon
s. Th
is pr
oces
s will
certa
inly b
e pur
sued
wi
th du
e acc
ount
for th
e milit
ary a
nd st
rateg
ic sit
uatio
n and
our n
ation
al se
curity
inter
ests.
”
“With
draw
n and
dism
antle
d the
RAF
’s W
E 17
7 nuc
lear
bomb
so th
at Tr
ident
is ou
r on
ly nu
clear
syste
m”
“[W]e
have
redu
ced o
ur no
n-str
ategic
nu
clear
wea
pons
by 90
% si
nce t
he
end o
f the C
old W
ar, di
sman
tling
over
3000
such
wea
pons
pursu
ant to
the
Pre
siden
tial N
uclea
r Init
iative
s of
1991
and 1
992.”
“The
US
has r
emov
ed nu
clear
we
apon
s fro
m all
surfa
ce sh
ips
and a
ttack
subm
arine
s, an
d NAT
O ha
s red
uced
the n
umbe
r of ty
pes
of nu
clear
syste
ms in
Eur
ope f
rom
five i
n 199
1 to j
ust o
ne to
day.
The
numb
er of
NAT
O sto
rage
sites
for
NSNW
has b
een r
educ
ed by
80
perce
nt. T
he U
S ha
s with
draw
n wo
rldwi
de an
d elim
inated
mor
e tha
n 30
00 ta
ctica
l nuc
lear w
arhe
ads,
cons
isting
of ar
tiller
y she
lls,
warh
eads
for s
hort-
rang
e miss
ile
syste
ms, a
nd N
avy d
epth
bomb
s.”
Tact
ical
Redu
ctio
ns
2007
No re
feren
ce
“Red
uctio
n of th
e num
ber o
f we
apon
s car
ried b
y the
airb
orne
co
mpon
ent”
“Red
uctio
n of th
e num
ber o
f nu
clear
subm
arine
s car
rying
ba
llistic
miss
iles (
SSBN
s) fro
m 6 t
o 4”
“To da
te, R
ussia
has e
limina
ted its
non-
strate
gic
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns by
thre
e qua
rters
again
st the
ar
sena
ls ha
nded
down
to us
by th
e USS
R.”
“In to
tal, in
comp
ariso
n with
1991
, the t
otal a
moun
t of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns st
ockp
iles h
as be
en re
duce
d mo
re th
an fiv
efold.
”
Sinc
e the
Cold
War
– “
withd
rawa
l and
dism
antlin
g of
our m
aritim
e tac
tical
nucle
ar
capa
bility
; the w
ithdr
awal
and d
isman
tling o
f the R
AF’s
WE1
77 nu
clear
bomb
; and
the
term
inatio
n of th
e nuc
lear
Lanc
e miss
ile an
d artil
lery
roles
that
we un
derto
ok w
ith
the U
nited
Stat
es of
Ame
rica
unde
r dua
l-key
arra
ngem
ents”
“Dism
antle
d mor
e tha
n 3,00
0 non
-str
ategic
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns nu
mber
s, an
d red
uced
non-
strate
gic w
eapo
ns
deplo
yed i
n sup
port
of NA
TO in
Eu
rope
by 90
per c
ent. I
n add
ition,
the U
nited
Stat
es ha
s rem
oved
all
non-
strate
gic nu
clear
wea
pons
from
su
rface
ships
and n
aval
aircra
ft.”
5. Af
firm
atio
n of
Arti
cle V
I Com
mitm
ents
Ch
ina
Fran
ceRu
ssia
UKUS
Affir
mat
ion
of A
rticle
VI
Com
mitm
ents
2002
“[F]irm
and s
acre
d as
pirati
on to
elim
inate
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns”;
NPT
princ
iples
a glo
bal n
orm
appli
cable
to al
l stat
es
“Fra
nce h
as m
ade c
lear it
s de
termi
natio
n to c
ontrib
ute to
sy
stema
ticall
y and
prog
ress
ively
movin
g to r
educ
e the
glob
al lev
el of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns w
ith th
e ult
imate
goal
of eli
mina
ting t
hem
altog
ether.
”
Stro
ng su
ppor
t for N
PT, n
o refe
renc
e to e
limina
tion
of nu
clear
wea
pons
“[R]em
ains f
ully c
ommi
tted t
o the
ultim
ate go
al of
verifi
able
globa
l disa
rmam
ent …
activ
e in
worki
ng to
ward
s cre
ating
the
cond
itions
nece
ssar
y for
the
globa
l elim
inatio
n of n
uclea
r we
apon
s”
No re
feren
ce to
elim
inatio
n of n
uclea
r we
apon
s
“The
US
gene
rally
agre
es w
ith th
e co
nclus
ions o
f the 2
000 N
PT R
eview
Co
nfere
nce a
nd w
ill co
ntribu
te to
their i
mplem
entat
ion.”
56 Transparency and Accountability
Ch
ina
Fran
ceRu
ssia
UKUS
Affir
mat
ion
of A
rticle
VI
Com
mitm
ents
2003
“Chin
a rem
ains c
ommi
tted
to nu
clear
disa
rmam
ent
and t
horo
ugh e
limina
tion o
f nu
clear
wea
pons
.”
State
d its
conti
nued
comp
lianc
e wi
th Ar
ticle
VI, b
ut it “
will
also c
ontin
ue to
emph
asise
tha
t nuc
lear d
isarm
amen
t pr
esup
pose
s a co
ntext
of un
dimini
shed
inter
natio
nal
stabil
ity an
d sec
urity
for a
ll. In
other
wor
ds, th
e pro
lifera
tion o
f we
apon
s of m
ass d
estru
ction
an
d the
ir deli
very
vehic
les is
a f
actor
whic
h may
hold
back
dis
arma
ment.
”
“Our
coun
try no
t only
decla
res i
ts co
mmitm
ent –
as
the ul
timate
goal
– to t
he co
mplet
e elim
inatio
n of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns an
d to t
he co
nclus
ion of
a tre
aty
on co
mpre
hens
ive an
d com
plete
disar
mame
nt un
der s
trict a
nd ef
fectiv
e inte
rnati
onal
contr
ol,
but a
lso ta
kes s
teps i
n the
sphe
re of
nucle
ar
disar
mame
nt.”
“[T]he
UK
rema
ins co
mmitte
d to
verifi
able
globa
l nuc
lear
disar
mame
nt …
[and
] has
alr
eady
take
n sign
ifican
t ste
ps to
ward
s this
goal
and
conti
nues
to w
ork a
ctive
ly to
that e
nd.…
”
US st
ated t
hat it
no lo
nger
supp
orts
all of
the 1
3 Pra
ctica
l Step
s: “W
e thi
nk it
is a m
istak
e to u
se st
rict
adhe
renc
e to t
he 13
Step
s as
the on
ly me
ans b
y whic
h NPT
pa
rties c
an fu
lfill th
eir A
rticle
VI
oblig
ation
s.” U
S sta
ted th
at it
conti
nues
to “u
namb
iguou
sly su
ppor
t Ar
ticle
VI an
d the
goal
of nu
clear
dis
arma
ment.
”
Affir
mat
ion
of A
rticle
VI
Com
mitm
ents
20
04
“Chin
a stan
ds fo
r the
co
mplet
e pro
hibitio
n and
tho
roug
h des
tructi
on
of nu
clear
wea
pons
an
d the
conc
lusion
of
an in
terna
tiona
l lega
l ins
trume
nt for
this
purp
ose.”
“In or
der t
o adv
ance
the
nucle
ar di
sarm
amen
t pr
oces
s, Ch
ina su
bmitte
d to
the G
ener
al As
semb
ly at
its 49
th sess
ion a
prop
osal
for a
comp
rehe
nsive
an
d inte
rlinke
d nuc
lear
disar
mame
nt pr
oces
s, wh
ich ca
lled o
n the
nucle
ar-
weap
on st
ates,
inter
alia,
to
nego
tiate
imme
diatel
y an
d sign
a tre
aty on
mutu
al no
-first-
use o
f nuc
lear
weap
ons;
to un
derta
ke no
t to
use o
r thr
eaten
to us
e nu
clear
wea
pons
again
st no
n-nu
clear
-wea
pon s
tates
an
d nuc
lear-w
eapo
n-fre
e zo
nes;
to co
nclud
e and
ra
tify C
TBT;
to ne
gotia
te an
d con
clude
FMC
T; to
nego
tiate,
conc
lude a
nd
sign a
conv
entio
n on t
he
comp
rehe
nsive
proh
ibitio
n of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns.”
“The
NPT
conti
nues
to be
a v
ital in
strum
ent in
the
pres
erva
tion o
f pea
ce an
d int
erna
tiona
l sec
urity
.… F
ranc
e wi
shes
to re
affirm
here
its
comm
itmen
t to th
e Tre
aty on
the
Non
-Pro
lifera
tion o
f Nuc
lear
Wea
pons
, and
its co
nvict
ion th
at the
re is
no su
bstitu
te ca
pable
of
guar
antee
ing a
comp
arab
le lev
el of
secu
rity fo
r the
inter
natio
nal
comm
unity
.”
“Des
pite a
ll the
chan
ges h
appe
ning i
n the
wor
ld,
the N
PT re
mains
a ma
jor pi
llar o
f the i
ntern
ation
al se
curity
syste
m.”
“The
prac
tical
steps
that
Russ
ia is
taking
de
mons
trate
its co
ntinu
ed co
mmitm
ent to
str
ict co
mplia
nce w
ith its
nucle
ar di
sarm
amen
t ob
ligati
ons,
partic
ularly
thos
e con
taine
d in A
rticle
VI
of the
Trea
ty.”
“The
NPT
is th
e cor
nerst
one
of the
nucle
ar no
n-pr
olifer
ation
re
gime.
It reta
ins th
e wh
olehe
arted
supp
ort o
f the
Unite
d King
dom
and t
he va
st ma
jority
of th
e inte
rnati
onal
comm
unity
.”
“The
Unit
ed S
tates
supp
orts
the N
on-
Proli
ferati
on Tr
eaty
and i
s com
mitte
d to
its go
als.”
“The
Unit
ed S
tates
is m
eetin
g its
Artic
le VI
oblig
ation
s und
er th
e NPT
.”
Transparency and Accountability 57
Ch
ina
Fran
ceRu
ssia
UKUS
Affir
mat
ion
of A
rticle
VI
Com
mitm
ents
20
05
“Chin
a stric
tly ab
ides b
y the
prov
ision
s of th
e NPT
an
d has
been
mak
ing
unre
mittin
g effo
rts in
pr
omoti
ng th
e thr
ee N
PT
goals
of: n
on-p
rolife
ratio
n of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns, p
rogr
ess
in nu
clear
disa
rmam
ent, a
nd
prom
otion
of pe
acefu
l use
s of
nucle
ar en
ergy
.”
“Fra
nce p
layed
a ma
jor ro
le in
the 19
95 N
PT R
eview
and
Exten
sion C
onfer
ence
at
which
it ex
pres
sed i
ts re
solut
e co
mmitm
ent in
favo
ur of
ind
efinit
e and
unco
nditio
nal
exten
sion o
f the T
reaty
.”
“Fra
nce p
romo
tes th
e pr
eser
vatio
n and
unive
rsality
of
the N
PT. It
belie
ves t
hat th
e NPT
is
indisp
ensa
ble to
main
tenan
ce
of int
erna
tiona
l pea
ce an
d se
curity
.”
“Fra
nce a
ttach
es pa
rticula
r im
porta
nce t
o the
centr
al ro
le of
the IA
EA’s
syste
m of
safeg
uard
s, on
e of th
e pilla
rs of
the nu
clear
no
n-pr
olifer
ation
regim
e. Un
der
the sy
stem
of sa
fegua
rds,
the
imple
menta
tion o
f an A
dditio
nal
Proto
col, c
ombin
ed w
ith th
at of
a Com
preh
ensiv
e Safe
guar
ds
Agre
emen
t, is e
ssen
tial to
ob
tain c
omple
te as
sura
nce o
f ad
here
nce t
o non
-pro
lifera
tion
comm
itmen
ts.”
“The
Rus
sian F
eder
ation
is st
rictly
comm
itted
to ful
filling
its ob
ligati
ons u
nder
Artic
le VI
of th
e Tr
eaty.
”
“The
Rus
sian F
eder
ation
is co
nvinc
ed th
at the
inde
finite
ly ex
tende
d NPT
is a
time-
tested
ins
trume
nt an
d sou
nd pi
llar o
f inter
natio
nal
secu
rity. D
uring
the 3
5 yea
rs aft
er its
entry
into
force
the T
reaty
has p
rove
d to b
e viab
le an
d stoo
d ma
ny di
fficult
tests
. It co
ntinu
es to
succ
essfu
lly
perfo
rm its
role
as th
e mos
t impo
rtant
instru
ment
prev
entin
g nuc
lear w
eapo
ns pr
olifer
ation
, ser
ve as
a f
ound
ation
for t
he pr
ogre
ss to
ward
s irre
versi
ble
nucle
ar di
sarm
amen
t and
prov
ide fo
r inter
natio
nal
coop
erati
on in
the p
eace
ful us
es of
nucle
ar en
ergy
.”
“To ac
hieve
unive
rsality
Rus
sia is
activ
ely w
orkin
g bo
th in
bilate
ral a
nd m
ultila
teral
forma
ts to
have
Ind
ia, P
akist
an an
d Isra
el joi
n the
NPT
as no
n-nu
clear
-wea
pon S
tates
.”
“The
Unit
ed K
ingdo
m firm
ly be
lieve
s tha
t the N
uclea
r Non
-Pr
olifer
ation
Trea
ty re
mains
the
fund
amen
tal un
derp
inning
of
the nu
clear
non-
proli
ferati
on
regim
e. Th
e tre
aty is
as
nece
ssar
y as i
t eve
r has
been
. W
e mus
t ens
ure t
hat S
tates
Pa
rties r
espo
nd ef
fectiv
ely
and w
ith de
termi
natio
n to t
he
diver
se ra
nge o
f con
tempo
rary
chall
enge
s to t
he re
gime.”
“The
UK
supp
orts
effec
tive
mech
anism
s to e
nsur
e full
co
mplia
nce w
ith th
e obli
gatio
ns
unde
r the
NPT
. One
of th
e mo
st im
porta
nt iss
ues f
acing
thi
s Rev
iew C
onfer
ence
is
how
we ca
n ver
ify co
mplia
nce
more
effec
tively
and t
here
fore
incre
ase t
he di
since
ntive
of
those
who
migh
t con
sider
non-
comp
lianc
e.”
“The
Unit
ed S
tates
rema
ins fu
lly
comm
itted t
o fulfi
lling o
ur ob
ligati
ons
unde
r Artic
le VI
.”
“The
Unit
ed S
tates
prov
ides w
orld
leade
rship
in re
alisin
g Artic
le VI
ob
jectiv
es th
roug
h dee
p red
uctio
ns
in nu
clear
force
s und
ertak
en in
ST
ART
and t
he M
osco
w Tr
eaty,
as
sistan
ce fo
r Rus
sian d
isarm
amen
t thr
ough
the N
unn-
Luga
r Coo
pera
tive
Thre
at Re
ducti
on P
rogr
am an
d othe
r ac
tions
. The
U.S
. con
tinue
s to b
e a
leade
r in th
ese a
reas
and o
n man
y oth
er fr
onts
in su
ppor
t of th
e NPT
.”
“The
re ca
n be n
o artifi
cial ti
metab
les
for pr
ogre
ss in
reali
sing o
ur co
mmon
Ar
ticle
VI ob
jectiv
es. D
etails
and
dates
cann
ot an
d sho
uld no
t be
pred
icted
or fo
reor
daine
d.”
58 Transparency and Accountability
Ch
ina
Fran
ceRu
ssia
UKUS
Affir
mat
ion
of A
rticle
VI
Com
mitm
ents
20
07
“As a
Stat
e Par
ty to
the N
PT, C
hina h
as al
l alo
ng co
mmitte
d itse
lf to
enha
ncing
the a
uthor
ity,
effec
tiven
ess a
nd
unive
rsality
of th
e Tre
aty.
China
has f
aithfu
lly fu
lfilled
its
oblig
ation
s, an
d has
be
en ac
tively
prom
oting
the
three
goals
of th
e Tre
aty.”
“Chin
a atta
ches
grea
t im
porta
nce t
o and
ac
tively
partic
ipates
in
inter
natio
nal e
fforts
of
non-
proli
ferati
on, a
nd ha
s ac
cede
d to a
ll rele
vant
treati
es an
d reg
imes
. Chin
a ha
s com
mitte
d itse
lf to
multil
atera
l and
bilat
eral
exch
ange
s and
coop
erati
on
on no
n-pr
olifer
ation
and
is str
ictly
imple
menti
ng
Reso
lution
1540
of th
e UN
Secu
rity C
ounc
il as w
ell as
oth
er re
solut
ions r
elated
to
non-
proli
ferati
on.”
“The
inter
natio
nal
comm
unity
shou
ld ad
vanc
e wi
th the
times
and s
eek
a fair
, rea
sona
ble an
d eff
ectiv
e way
to en
hanc
e the
nucle
ar no
n-pr
olifer
ation
pr
ogra
m re
gime t
hrou
gh
exten
sive c
onsu
ltatio
ns.”
“Fra
nce i
s wor
king t
o imp
lemen
t the
1995
prog
ramm
e (Ar
ticle
VI).
In 19
96 it
signe
d, an
d rati
fied i
n 19
98, th
e CTB
T. Fr
ance
was
, alo
ng w
ith th
e Unit
ed K
ingdo
m,
the fir
st NW
S to
ratify
the C
TBT.
Fran
ce di
sman
tled i
ts nu
clear
tes
t facil
ity in
the P
acific
. It
anno
unce
d, as
long
ago a
s 199
6, a d
efinit
ive ha
lt to t
he pr
oduc
tion
of fis
sile w
eapo
ns m
ateria
l an
d clos
ed do
wn th
e rele
vant
facilit
ies fo
r the
prod
uctio
n of
fissil
e mate
rials
in Pi
erre
latte
and
Marco
ule.”
“The
NPT
, whic
h was
agre
ed
forty
year
s ago
next
year,
is
an in
valua
ble in
strum
ent fo
r co
llecti
ve se
curity
and i
t is ou
r du
ty to
pres
erve
its in
tegrity
in
the fa
ce of
the c
halle
nges
to
which
it is
subje
ct, no
table
since
the
prev
ious r
eview
cycle
. We
must
all be
awar
e of th
e lev
el of
se
curity
it off
ers u
s by l
imitin
g the
risk o
f the p
rolife
ratio
n of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns, b
y fos
tering
nu
clear
disa
rmam
ent w
ithin
the fr
amew
ork o
f gen
eral
and
comp
lete d
isarm
amen
t and
by
prov
iding
for m
echa
nisms
int
ende
d to a
llow
acce
ss to
pe
acefu
l use
s of n
uclea
r ene
rgy
while
at th
e sam
e tim
e avo
iding
the
use f
or no
n-pe
acefu
l end
s of
nucle
ar go
ods a
nd te
chno
logies
int
ende
d for
civil
purp
oses
.”
“NPT
rema
ins at
the c
ore o
f nuc
lear n
on-
proli
ferati
on an
d disa
rmam
ent. I
t has
succ
essfu
lly
serve
d the
task
of m
inimi
zing n
uclea
r con
flict.
No m
atter
how
comp
licate
d the
situa
tion i
s, no
on
e dou
bts th
at we
need
and c
an fin
d way
s to
resp
ond t
o the
chall
enge
s and
thre
ats to
the
non-
proli
ferati
on re
gime b
ased
on th
e NPT
. With
18
9 mem
ber S
tates
the T
reaty
has b
ecom
e the
un
iversa
l one
.”
“The
Rus
sian F
eder
ation
stric
tly ab
ides b
y its
oblig
ation
s und
er th
e Tre
aty.”
“Rus
sia st
eadil
y pur
sues
stre
ngthe
ning a
nd
unive
rsaliz
ation
of th
e NPT
.”
“The
Unit
ed K
ingdo
m re
mains
co
mmitte
d to o
ur nu
clear
dis
arma
ment
oblig
ation
s und
er
artic
le VI
of th
e NPT
and
conti
nues
to m
ake p
rogr
ess t
o thi
s end
.”
“We b
eliev
e tha
t the N
PT
rema
ins a
corn
ersto
ne of
the
nucle
ar no
n-pr
olifer
ation
re
gime a
nd th
e fra
mewo
rk for
nucle
ar di
sarm
amen
t. It
retai
ns ou
r who
lehea
rted a
nd
uneq
uivoc
al su
ppor
t. In t
he
abse
nce o
f furth
er m
easu
res
being
agre
ed in
2005
, the U
K co
ntinu
es to
imple
ment
the
decis
ions t
aken
in pr
eviou
s re
view
cycle
s. W
e abid
ed by
the
unde
rtakin
gs w
e hav
e giv
en to
non-
proli
ferati
on, to
the
peac
eful u
ses o
f nuc
lear
ener
gy an
d to t
hose
on
disar
mame
nt.”
“The
Unit
ed S
tates
has m
ade
clear
its co
mmitm
ent to
nucle
ar
disar
mame
nt an
d to t
he go
al of
gene
ral a
nd co
mplet
e disa
rmam
ent
since
long
befor
e the
adop
tion o
f the
NPT
. Inde
ed, th
e sub
stanti
al pr
ogre
ss of
the U
nited
Stat
es
towar
ds th
e goa
ls of
artic
le VI
and
the pr
eamb
le, pa
rticula
rly in
rece
nt ye
ars,
gives
it an
unsu
rpas
sed r
ecor
d in
this r
egar
d. Th
e Unit
ed S
tates
is
justifi
ably
prou
d of it
s disa
rmam
ent
relat
ed re
cord
, and
look
s for
ward
to
discu
ssing
and e
xplai
ning t
his re
cord
du
ring t
he cu
rrent
NPT
revie
w cy
cle.”
“The
Unit
ed S
tates
welc
omes
dis
cuss
ion of
the s
ubjec
t of
disar
mame
nt. O
pen a
nd ho
nest
discu
ssion
of th
is su
bject
is pa
rticula
rly im
porta
nt tod
ay, in
lig
ht of
the de
gree
to w
hich t
he
Unite
d Stat
es re
cord
on en
durin
g co
mmitm
ent to
the g
oals
expr
esse
d in
artic
le VI
and t
he pr
eamb
le of
the N
PT se
ems t
o be s
o poo
rly
unde
rstoo
d by m
any,
and p
artic
ularly
be
caus
e som
e hav
e sou
ght to
mak
e the
ill-fo
unde
d arg
umen
t that
an
alleg
ed la
ck of
prog
ress
on nu
clear
dis
arma
ment
excu
ses v
iolati
ons o
f the
non-
proli
ferati
on ob
ligati
ons o
f the
NPT
.”
Transparency and Accountability 59
60 Transparency and Accountability
6. St
rate
gic D
octri
ne
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Stra
tegi
c Do
ctrin
e 200
2No
-first-
use c
ommi
tmen
t, ar
sena
l kep
t at m
inimu
m lev
el for
self-d
efenc
e
Base
s “its
polic
y of n
uclea
r de
terre
nce o
n the
princ
iple o
f str
ict su
fficien
cy”
“The
logic
of st
rict s
ufficie
ncy h
as
cons
isten
tly di
ctated
the f
orma
t of
its de
terre
nt for
ce, a
key p
illar o
f Fr
ance
’s se
curity
.”
“[P]re
pare
d to f
urthe
r red
uce h
er nu
clear
arms
…
down
to m
inimu
m lev
els co
rresp
ondin
g to
requ
ireme
nts of
stra
tegic
stabil
ity”
“The
UK
has l
ed th
e way
in
taking
mea
sure
s to r
educ
e its
relia
nce o
n nuc
lear w
eapo
ns to
the
mini
mum
level
nece
ssar
y co
nsist
ent w
ith na
tiona
l se
curity
.”
New
conc
ept o
f dete
rrenc
e not
base
d on
nucle
ar re
taliat
ion. “
The n
ew U
S de
fense
stra
tegy i
ncre
ases
the r
ole of
ad
vanc
ed co
nven
tiona
l force
s, mi
ssile
de
fence
s, int
ellige
nce c
apab
ilities
an
d the
defen
se in
frastr
uctur
e….
Adop
ting t
his ne
w ap
proa
ch re
quire
s no
chan
ges i
n cur
rent
polic
y, do
ctrine
an
d stra
tegy.”
Stra
tegi
c Do
ctrin
e 200
3Re
itera
tion o
f no-
first-
use
polic
y.“[N
]uclea
r disa
rmam
ent
pres
uppo
ses a
conte
xt of
undim
inish
ed in
terna
tiona
l sta
bility
and s
ecur
ity fo
r all.…
[T
]he pr
olifer
ation
of w
eapo
ns
of ma
ss de
struc
tion a
nd th
eir
deliv
ery v
ehicl
es is
a fac
tor w
hich
may h
old ba
ck di
sarm
amen
t.”
Princ
iple o
f ‘stric
t suffi
cienc
y’ de
termi
nes f
orma
t of F
renc
h nu
clear
arse
nal
“[I]t i
s imp
ossib
le to
reso
lve pr
oblem
s of
disar
mame
nt an
d stre
ngthe
ning n
on-p
rolife
ratio
n re
gimes
by m
ilitar
y mea
ns.”
Nucle
ar w
eapo
ns w
ill be
re
taine
d unti
l it is
safe
to ma
ke re
ducti
ons “
witho
ut en
dang
ering
our s
ecur
ity
inter
ests.
”
Repo
rted o
n the
Nuc
lear P
ostur
e Re
view,
calle
d it le
ss re
liant
on
deter
renc
e: “[T
]his ‘
New
Triad
’ will
redu
ce ou
r dep
ende
nce o
n nuc
lear
weap
ons f
or de
terre
nce t
hrou
gh
mode
rniza
tion o
f con
venti
onal
force
s, the
addit
ion of
miss
ile de
fense
s, an
d oth
er m
easu
res…
.The
resu
lt is a
n inc
reas
e in t
he th
resh
old fo
r nuc
lear
use.”
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Stra
tegi
c Do
ctrin
e 200
4“C
hina h
as pl
edge
d not
to be
the fi
rst to
use n
uclea
r we
apon
s at a
ny tim
e or
unde
r any
circu
mstan
ces.”
Calls
“upo
n all n
uclea
r-we
apon
state
s to r
enou
nce
the po
licy o
f nuc
lear
deter
renc
e”
Prov
ides h
istor
y of C
hina’s
pu
rsuit o
f a no
-first-
use
agre
emen
t amo
ng N
WS
“Chin
a’s de
velop
ment
of a l
imite
d nuc
lear f
orce
is
pure
ly for
the p
urpo
se of
se
lf-defe
nce.”
“Fra
nce h
as co
nsist
ently
defin
ed
the fo
rmat
of its
nucle
ar ar
sena
l at
a lev
el of
strict
suffic
iency
.”
[R]ed
uctio
ns ha
ve be
en po
ssibl
e be
caus
e of th
e cha
nged
post-
Cold
War
stra
tegic
clima
te
“Willi
ng to
redu
ce st
rateg
ic we
apon
s belo
w SO
RT
prov
ision
s in a
ccor
danc
e with
the i
dea o
f ‘mini
mum
suffic
iency
’”
“[T]he
UK
rema
ins co
mmitte
d to
worki
ng to
ward
s a sa
fer w
orld
in wh
ich th
ere i
s no r
equir
emen
t for
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns.”
“The
UK’
s nuc
lear p
olicy
re
mains
‘mini
mum
deter
renc
e’ an
d has
not c
hang
ed. T
he
only
role
for nu
clear
wea
pons
in
nucle
ar de
fence
polic
y is
politi
cal. T
heir p
urpo
se is
to
deter
aggr
essio
n, ra
ther t
han
to be
used
on th
e batt
lefield
to
gain
milita
ry ad
vanta
ge.
Nucle
ar w
eapo
ns w
ould
only
be
used
in ex
treme
circu
mstan
ces
of se
ll defe
nce a
nd in
ac
cord
ance
with
inter
natio
nal
law.”
“The
Unit
ed S
tates
has a
new
strate
gic de
terre
nce c
once
pt, th
e New
Tr
iad…
: nuc
lear a
nd no
n-nu
clear
off
ensiv
e strik
e sys
tems;
activ
e an
d pas
sive d
efens
es; a
revit
alize
d de
fense
infra
struc
ture t
hat w
ill pr
ovide
ne
w ca
pabil
ities t
o mee
t eme
rging
thr
eats.
T
he ad
dition
of de
fense
s and
non-
nucle
ar st
rike f
orce
s mea
ns th
at the
Un
ited S
tates
will
be le
ss de
pend
ent
than b
efore
on nu
clear
wea
pons
to
prov
ide de
terre
nce.…
Whe
n de
velop
ed, th
e adv
ent o
f the N
ew
Triad
will
mean
that
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns
will p
lay a
small
er ro
le in
US se
curity
tha
n at a
ny ot
her t
ime i
n the
nucle
ar
age.”
US ha
s had
low-
yield
nucle
ar
weap
ons i
n stoc
kpile
for d
ecad
es, s
o a n
ew lo
w-yie
ld we
apon
wou
ld no
t low
er nu
clear
thre
shold
Transparency and Accountability 61
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Stra
tegi
c Do
ctrin
e 200
5“C
hina w
ill no
t be t
he fir
st to
use n
uclea
r wea
pons
at
any t
ime a
nd un
der a
ny
circu
mstan
ces.”
“Chin
a has
been
prom
oting
the
NW
S to
conc
lude a
mu
ltilate
ral tr
eaty
on no
-firs
t-use
of nu
clear
wea
pons
ag
ainst
each
othe
r.”
“No e
fforts
shou
ld be
mad
e to
deve
lop an
d dep
loy
miss
ile de
fence
syste
ms
detrim
ental
to th
e glob
al str
ategic
balan
ce an
d sta
bility
, and
no w
eapo
n sy
stems
shou
ld be
de
ploye
d to o
uter s
pace
.”
“As a
NW
S, F
ranc
e con
sider
s tha
t the p
urpo
se of
its de
terre
nt for
ces i
s to g
uara
ntee t
hat it
s vita
l int
eres
ts wi
ll nev
er be
thre
atene
d by
any o
ther p
ower.
As s
uch,
the
Fren
ch de
terre
nt is
not d
irecte
d ag
ainst
any p
artic
ular c
ountr
y. Fr
ench
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns fo
rm no
pa
rt of
any s
trateg
y bas
ed on
the
milita
ry us
e of s
uch w
eapo
ns an
d ha
ve ne
ver b
een c
onsid
ered
by
Fran
ce to
be w
ar-fig
hting
asse
ts.”
“The
form
at of
Fran
ce’s
deter
rent
force
s, the
esse
ntial
found
ation
of
its se
curity
, is an
d alw
ays
has b
een b
ased
on th
e prin
ciple
of ‘st
rict s
ufficie
ncy’.
Fra
nce
has s
ough
t to m
aintai
n its
nucle
ar ar
sena
l at th
e low
est
level
requ
ired t
o ens
ure i
ts ow
n sec
urity
, in th
e ligh
t of th
e str
ategic
conte
xt.”
“Rus
sia ha
s rep
eated
ly sta
ted th
at it w
ould
not b
e the
first
to de
ploy w
eapo
ns of
any k
ind in
outer
sp
ace.”
“The
1998
Stra
tegic
Defen
ce
revie
w an
d the
2003
Whit
e Pa
per a
ffirme
d tha
t the U
K re
mains
comm
itted t
o wor
king
towar
ds a
safer
wor
ld in
which
ther
e are
no nu
clear
we
apon
s. W
e beli
eve t
hat
stren
gthen
ing th
e inte
rnati
onal
non-
proli
ferati
on re
gime i
s an
impo
rtant
eleme
nt of
our w
ork
towar
ds th
is go
al.
How
ever,
the W
hite P
aper
sta
ted th
at the
conti
nuing
ris
k fro
m the
proli
ferati
on
of nu
clear
wea
pons
due t
o nu
clear
proli
ferati
on m
eant
that
Tride
nt wa
s like
ly to
rema
in a n
eces
sary
eleme
nt of
our
secu
rity. D
ecisi
ons o
n whe
ther
to re
place
Tride
nt ar
e not
need
ed in
this
UK P
arlia
ment
but a
re lik
ely to
be re
quire
d in
the ne
xt on
e. W
e will
there
fore
conti
nue t
o tak
e app
ropr
iate
steps
to en
sure
that
the ra
nge
of op
tions
for m
aintai
ning a
mi
nimum
nucle
ar de
terre
nt ca
pabil
ity is
kept
open
until
that
decis
ion po
int.”
“We h
ave a
lso re
duce
d the
role
of nu
clear
wea
pons
in ou
r dete
rrenc
e str
ategy
and a
re cu
tting o
ur nu
clear
sto
ckpil
e alm
ost in
half,
to the
lowe
st lev
el in
deca
des.”
“The
end o
f the C
old W
ar ha
s pr
ovide
d the
oppo
rtunit
y for
the U
nited
St
ates t
o mov
e bey
ond o
ld str
ategic
do
ctrine
s tha
t reli
ed so
heav
ily on
nu
clear
wea
pons
.”
“[N]uc
lear d
eterre
nce r
emain
s a
nece
ssar
y fac
t of li
fe.…
”
The N
PR “f
ores
ees t
he po
tentia
l for
a fur
ther r
educ
ed ro
le for
nucle
ar
weap
ons.”
The U
S “co
ntinu
es to
mak
e pro
gres
s in
creati
ng a
resp
onsiv
e nuc
lear
weap
ons i
nfras
tructu
re as
part
of the
ne
w tria
d call
ed fo
r in th
e NPR
.”
“Res
pons
ive nu
clear
infra
struc
ture
refer
s to t
he ab
ility o
f the U
S to
resp
ond t
o una
nticip
ated e
vents
or
emer
ging t
hrea
ts, an
ticipa
te inn
ovati
ons b
y an a
dver
sary,
and
coun
ter th
em be
fore t
he U
S de
terre
nt is
degr
aded
.”
“By e
nsur
ing th
at a r
espo
nsive
nu
clear
infra
struc
ture i
s in p
lace,
the U
S ca
n red
uce t
he nu
mber
of
deplo
yed n
uclea
r war
head
s, an
d ca
n fur
ther r
educ
e non
-stra
tegic
warh
eads
.…”
62 Transparency and Accountability
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Stra
tegi
c Do
ctrin
e 200
7“C
hina u
ncon
dition
ally
unde
rtake
s not
to be
the
first
to us
e nuc
lear
weap
ons a
t any
time a
nd
in an
y circ
umsta
nces
, not
to us
e or t
hrea
ten to
use
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns ag
ainst
non-
nucle
ar w
eapo
n stat
es
and n
uclea
r-wea
pons
-free
-zo
nes.”
“Chin
a will
alway
s be a
firm
supp
orter
and a
ctive
pr
omote
r to t
he re
aliza
tion
of a w
orld
free o
f nuc
lear
weap
ons.”
“Our
doctr
ine ha
s bee
n ada
pted
taking
acco
unt o
f the n
ew
threa
ts an
d our
inter
natio
nal
comm
itmen
ts: fa
ced w
ith a
major
powe
r, to b
e able
to in
flict
dama
ge of
any k
ind, a
nd, fa
ced
with
a reg
ional
powe
r, to e
xerci
se
our r
espo
nse o
n its
centr
es of
po
wer a
nd ca
pacit
y to a
ct so
that
the ris
k of u
nacc
eptab
le da
mage
de
ters a
ny po
tentia
l agg
ress
or.”
“We s
trong
ly be
lieve
that
no S
tate,
whate
ver
powe
rful a
nd in
fluen
tial it
is, c
an so
lve th
e tas
k of
pres
ervin
g and
stre
ngthe
ning t
he nu
clear
non-
proli
ferati
on re
gime,
more
over,
by re
lying
on fo
rce.
The n
egati
ve de
velop
ments
can o
nly be
prev
ented
by
joint
effor
ts us
ing po
litica
l and
diplo
matic
mea
ns
and p
rove
n mec
hanis
ms of
the U
nited
Nati
ons,
first
and f
orem
ost, i
ts Se
curity
Cou
ncil.”
“We h
ave w
ithdr
awn a
nd
disma
ntled
our t
actic
al ma
ritime
an
d airb
orne
capa
bilitie
s. W
e ha
ve te
rmina
ted th
e nuc
lear
Lanc
e miss
ile an
d artil
lery
roles
that
we un
derto
ok w
ith
US nu
clear
wea
pons
held
unde
r dua
l-key
arra
ngem
ents.
As
a co
nseq
uenc
e we h
ave
redu
ced o
ur re
lianc
e on n
uclea
r we
apon
s to o
ne sy
stem,
su
bmar
ine-b
ased
Tride
nt. W
e ar
e the
only
nucle
ar w
eapo
n St
ate to
have
done
this.
We
have
also
sign
ifican
tly re
duce
d the
oper
ation
al sta
tus of
our
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns sy
stem
– our
Tride
nt su
bmar
ines a
re
norm
ally a
t sev
eral
days
’ noti
ce
to fire
. The
ir miss
iles a
re no
t tar
geted
at an
y cou
ntry.”
“The
Unit
ed S
tates
is al
so m
oving
to
redu
ce its
relia
nce u
pon n
uclea
r we
apon
s in i
ts mi
litary
doctr
ine. A
s an
noun
ced i
n the
Pos
ture r
eview
of
2001
, the U
nited
Stat
es is
mov
ing
away
from
the c
old w
ar nu
clear
‘Tr
iad’ a
s the
corn
ersto
ne of
its
strate
gic po
sture
. Pur
suan
t to th
is pla
n, str
ategic
deter
renc
e no l
onge
r re
lies e
xclus
ively
upon
nucle
ar
weap
ons.
Instea
d, to
maint
ain an
d en
hanc
e dete
rrenc
e, the
Unit
ed
State
s reli
es up
on a
comb
inatio
n of
nucle
ar an
d non
-nuc
lear o
ffens
ive
striki
ng ca
pabil
ities (
includ
ing ba
llistic
mi
ssile
defen
ses),
and a
robu
st an
d res
pons
ive de
fense
indu
strial
str
uctur
e.”
Transparency and Accountability 63
64 Transparency and Accountability
7. Se
curit
y Ass
uran
ces
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Secu
rity
Assu
ranc
es
2002
“[U]nd
ertak
en
unco
nditio
nally
… no
t to
use o
r thr
eaten
to us
e nu
clear
wea
pons
again
st no
n-nu
clear
wea
pon S
tates
or
NW
FZ”
Comm
itmen
ts ma
de in
de
clara
tion o
f 6 A
pril 1
995 r
emain
va
lid; e
ndor
sed N
WFZ
Trea
ties
of Tla
telolc
o, Ra
roton
ga, a
nd
Pelin
daba
The a
ssur
ance
s give
n in 1
995 a
re “fi
xed i
n the
mi
litary
doctr
ine of
the R
ussia
n Fed
erati
on”
Supp
ort a
lso ex
pres
sed f
or N
WFZ
s
Comm
itmen
ts ma
de in
Apr
il 19
95 re
main
valid
, poli
cy ha
s no
t cha
nged
; agr
eeme
nts
with
NWFZ
prov
ide ad
dition
al se
curity
assu
ranc
es
“The
re ha
s bee
n no c
hang
e in U
S ne
gativ
e sec
urity
assu
ranc
es po
licy
towar
d NPT
non-
nucle
ar-w
eapo
n sta
tes.”
Secu
rity
Assu
ranc
es
2003
“[U]nd
ertak
en …
not to
use
or th
reate
n to u
se nu
clear
we
apon
s aga
inst n
on-
nucle
ar-w
eapo
ns st
ates o
r nu
clear
-wea
pon-
free-
zone
s at
any t
ime a
nd in
any
situa
tion”
Reite
rates
comm
itmen
t to
NWFZ
and w
illing
ness
to
sign r
eleva
nt pr
otoco
ls
“Fra
nce h
as gi
ven n
egati
ve
secu
rity as
sura
nces
in
conv
entio
nal fo
rm to
over
one
hund
red c
ountr
ies …
[and]
to all
St
ates P
arty
to the
NPT
.” “F
ranc
e has
mad
e abs
olutel
y no
chan
ge to
its po
licy i
n this
area
.”
Quali
fied t
hat “
State
s in b
reac
h of
their c
ommi
tmen
ts on
non-
proli
ferati
on ca
nnot
invok
e the
be
nefit
of tho
se sa
fegua
rds”
“Rus
sia st
ill att
ache
s an e
xclus
ive im
porta
nce
to an
unco
nditio
nal im
pleme
ntatio
n of n
egati
ve
secu
rity as
sura
nces
to no
n-nu
clear
wea
pons
sta
tes th
at nu
clear
wea
pon s
tates
prov
ided i
n 19
95. T
his pr
ovisi
on is
fixed
in th
e milit
ary d
octrin
e of
the R
ussia
n Fed
erati
on.”
No re
feren
ce“T
here
has b
een n
o cha
nge i
n US
nega
tive s
ecur
ity as
sura
nce p
olicy
. In
addit
ion, th
e US
does
not ta
rget
any
coun
try on
a da
y-to-
day b
asis.
”
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Secu
rity
Assu
ranc
es20
04
“Chin
a has
…un
derta
ken
unco
nditio
nally
not to
use
or th
reate
n to u
se nu
clear
we
apon
s aga
inst n
on-
nucle
ar-w
eapo
n stat
es
and n
uclea
r-wea
pon-
free
zone
s.”
In 19
95 “C
hina i
ssue
d a
statem
ent r
eaffir
ming
its
unco
nditio
nal n
egati
ve
secu
rity as
sura
nces
to
all no
n-nu
clear
-wea
pon
states
and i
ts co
mmitm
ent
to off
ering
posit
ive se
curity
as
sura
nces
.”
“Chin
a has
sign
ed an
d ra
tified
the r
eleva
nt pr
otoco
ls to
nucle
ar-
weap
on-fr
ee zo
ne tr
eatie
s tha
t hav
e bee
n ope
n to
signa
ture a
nd as
sume
d the
re
levan
t obli
gatio
ns.”
A sp
ecial
state
ment
and
worki
ng pa
per o
n sec
urity
as
sura
nces
wer
e sub
mitte
d.
“It is
legit
imate
and
reas
onab
le for
non-
nucle
ar-
weap
on st
ates t
o clai
m as
sura
nces
that
they b
e fre
e fro
m thr
eat o
f nuc
lear
weap
ons w
hile g
iving
up
the nu
clear
wea
pon o
ption
, an
d tha
t suc
h ass
uran
ces
be af
firmed
in a
legall
y-bin
ding f
orm.
”
1996
– ra
tifica
tion o
f the
Proto
cols
of the
Trea
ties o
f Ra
roton
ga an
d Peli
ndab
a
NWFZ
s “ar
e an e
ffecti
ve
instru
ment”
and F
ranc
e is p
arty
to the
proto
cols
of Tla
telolc
o, Ra
roton
ga, a
nd P
elind
aba,
and
is aw
aiting
prog
ress
in S
E As
ia NW
FZ, a
nd su
ppor
ts pla
n for
Ce
ntral
Asia
NWFZ
.
Thro
ugh t
he pr
otoco
ls “F
ranc
e ha
s give
n neg
ative
secu
rity
assu
ranc
es to
mor
e tha
n on
e hun
dred
coun
tries i
n a c
onve
ntion
al for
m. It
has
also g
iven n
egati
ve se
curity
as
sura
nces
to al
l of th
e Stat
es
partie
s to t
he N
PT, th
roug
h a
unila
teral
decla
ratio
n on A
pril 6
, 19
95, a
s note
d by t
he S
ecur
ity
Coun
cil in
its R
esolu
tion 9
84…
.Th
is co
mmitm
ent is
cons
isten
t wi
th the
natur
al rig
ht of
legitim
ate se
lf-defe
nse…
, [and
] sta
tes th
at vio
late t
heir n
on-
proli
ferati
on co
mmitm
ents
cann
ot cla
im pr
otecti
on un
der t
hese
as
sura
nces
.”
Supp
orts
NWFZ
s and
look
ing fo
r pro
gres
s in a
ll of
them
Supp
orts
NSAs
. Rus
sia ha
s alre
ady p
rovid
ed su
ch
assu
ranc
es to
mor
e tha
n 100
state
s tha
t joine
d the
re
levan
t nuc
lear-w
eapo
n-fre
e zon
e agr
eeme
nts.
“We a
re al
so in
favo
ur of
deve
loping
a glo
bal
nega
tive s
ecur
ity as
sura
nces
agre
emen
t pro
vided
it c
ontai
ns re
serva
tions
conc
ernin
g cas
es in
wh
ich nu
clear
wea
pons
may
be us
ed. It
is tim
e to
resto
re th
e Ad H
oc C
ommi
ttee o
n neg
ative
se
curity
assu
ranc
es w
ithin
the C
D fra
mewo
rk wi
th a n
egoti
ating
man
date.
”
“The
UK
conti
nues
to su
ppor
t the
princ
iple o
f Nuc
lear W
eapo
n Fr
ee Z
ones
.”
Refer
ence
to su
ppor
t for C
entra
l an
d SE
Asian
zone
s, as
well
as
ME zo
ne.
“Our
posit
ion on
NSA
s has
not
chan
ged.
We r
emain
comm
itted
to ou
r neg
ative
secu
rity
assu
ranc
es as
we g
ave i
t in
1995
, as n
oted i
n UN
SC R
es.
984.”
Also
gave
NSA
s thr
ough
NW
FZs a
nd si
nce 2
000 h
as
ratifi
ed pr
otoco
ls to
Raro
tonga
an
d Peli
ndab
a zon
es.
“We b
eliev
e tha
t thes
e co
mmitm
ents
alrea
dy gi
ve N
on-
Nucle
ar W
eapo
ns S
tates
the
assu
ranc
es th
ey se
ek.”
“We a
ffirm
that th
ere h
as be
en no
ch
ange
in th
e US
polic
y tow
ard
nega
tive s
ecur
ity as
sura
nces
(NSA
) an
d pos
itive s
ecur
ity as
sura
nces
(P
SA).
The s
ubsta
ntial
initia
tives
of
the P
-5 in
1995
led t
o nati
onal
decla
ratio
ns an
d the
pass
age o
f UN
Sec
urity
Cou
ncil R
esolu
tion
984.
Thes
e acti
ons r
eflec
t a st
rong
re
spon
se to
the c
once
rns o
f NPT
no
n-nu
clear
-wea
pon s
tates
. Of
cour
se, th
ese a
ssur
ance
s are
ap
plica
ble on
ly to
NPT
non-
nucle
ar-
weap
on st
ates i
n com
plian
ce w
ith th
e Tr
eaty.
”
Give
n the
chan
ges i
n the
glob
al se
curity
situa
tion,
and t
he th
reats
fro
m N.
Kor
ea an
d NPT
viola
tions
by
Iran,
“In th
is se
curity
envir
onme
nt,
it is a
ppar
ent th
at NS
As by
the
NPT
nucle
ar w
eapo
n stat
es ar
e of
dimini
shing
impo
rtanc
e as a
poss
ible
reme
dy to
the s
ecur
ity co
ncer
ns of
NP
T no
n-nu
clear
-wea
pon s
tates
.”
Transparency and Accountability 65
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Secu
rity
Assu
ranc
es
2005
“Chin
a has
pled
ged
unco
nditio
nally
not to
use
or th
reate
n to u
se nu
clear
we
apon
s aga
inst n
on-
nucle
ar-w
eapo
n stat
es or
nu
clear
-wea
pon-
free z
ones
. Ch
ina is
the o
nly st
ate
amon
g the
five n
uclea
r-we
apon
state
s tha
t has
do
ne so
.”
“Chin
a sup
ports
the
re-e
stabli
shme
nt of
an
ad-h
oc co
mmitte
e on
NSA
at the
CD
and t
he
imme
diate
comm
ence
ment
of su
bstan
tive w
ork a
nd
nego
tiatio
n.”
“Amo
ng N
WS,
Fra
nce i
s par
ty to
the gr
eates
t num
ber o
f pro
tocols
to
treati
es es
tablis
hing n
uclea
r we
apon
free
zone
s. Fr
ance
is
party
to th
e pro
tocols
to th
e Tr
eaty
of Tla
telolc
o, the
Trea
ty of
Raro
tonga
and t
he Tr
eaty
of Pe
linda
ba. A
s of 2
005,
the
Trea
ty of
Bang
kok r
emain
s the
subje
ct of
cons
ultati
ons
betw
een N
WS
and m
embe
rs of
ASEA
N, as
is th
e dra
ft tre
aty
to es
tablis
h a N
WFZ
in C
entra
l As
ia. F
ranc
e, lik
e othe
r NW
S,
has c
ommi
tted i
tself t
o refr
ain
from
deplo
ying e
xplos
ive nu
clear
de
vices
in th
ese t
reati
es’ a
reas
of
appli
catio
n, fro
m co
nduc
ting
nucle
ar te
sts th
ere o
r fro
m us
ing
or th
reate
ning t
o use
nucle
ar
weap
ons a
gains
t Stat
es P
artie
s to
such
trea
ties o
r aga
inst th
ose
territo
ries i
n the
zone
belon
ging
to the
Stat
es P
artie
s to t
he
relev
ant p
rotoc
ol.”
“In Ju
ne 19
82, fo
r the
first
time,
Fran
ce ga
ve ne
gativ
e sec
urity
as
sura
nces
to al
l NNW
S in
a sta
temen
t by t
he M
iniste
r of
Fore
ign A
ffairs
to th
e Unit
ed
Natio
ns G
ener
al As
semb
ly. O
n 6 A
pril 1
995,
Fran
ce re
affirm
ed
and c
larifie
d the
se ne
gativ
e as
sura
nces
and,
for th
e first
time,
gave
posit
ive se
curity
assu
ranc
es
to all
NNW
S pa
rties t
o the
NPT
.”
“The
Rus
sian F
eder
ation
will
not u
se nu
clear
we
apon
s aga
inst n
on-n
uclea
r-wea
pon S
tates
pa
rties t
o the
NPT
, exc
ept in
the c
ase o
f an
invas
ion or
any o
ther a
ttack
on th
e Rus
sian
Fede
ratio
n, its
terri
tory,
its ar
med f
orce
s or o
ther
troop
s, its
allie
s or o
n a S
tate t
owar
ds w
hich i
t has
se
curity
comm
itmen
ts, ca
rried
out o
r sus
taine
d by
such
a no
n-nu
clear
-wea
pon S
tate i
n ass
ociat
ion or
all
iance
with
a nu
clear
wea
pon S
tate.”
“Rus
sia ha
s con
sisten
tly su
ppor
ted no
n-nu
clear
we
apon
Stat
es se
eking
to ob
tain l
egall
y bind
ing
guar
antee
s aga
inst th
e use
or th
reat
of us
e of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns.”
“We c
onfirm
our c
ommi
tmen
ts ar
ising
from
the U
N Se
curity
Cou
ncil r
esolu
tion 9
84 (1
995)
. Rus
sia ha
s pr
ovide
d the
lega
lly bi
nding
secu
rity as
sura
nces
to
all st
ates,
which
acce
ded t
o the
resp
ectiv
e NW
FZ ag
reem
ent. W
e inte
nd to
follo
w the
same
pa
ttern
as ne
w nu
clear
wea
pon-
free z
ones
are
estab
lishe
d.”
“We d
o not
objec
t to th
e esta
blish
ment
at the
CD
in G
enev
a of a
n Ad H
oc C
ommi
ttee w
ith
the m
anda
te to
nego
tiate
the ag
enda
item
titled
‘E
ffecti
ve in
terna
tiona
l arra
ngem
ents
to as
sure
no
n-nu
clear
wea
pon S
tates
again
st the
use o
r thr
eat o
f use
of nu
clear
wea
pons
’, pro
vided
that
the po
sition
state
d in t
he m
ilitar
y doc
trine o
f Rus
sia
in re
lation
to ca
ses w
hen s
uch w
eapo
ns m
ay be
us
ed w
ill be
take
n into
acco
unt.”
“We r
emain
fully
comm
itted
to the
nega
tive s
ecur
ity
assu
ranc
es w
e hav
e give
n to
non-
nucle
ar w
eapo
n Stat
es
in ou
r lette
r to t
he S
ecre
tary-
Gene
ral in
1995
, sub
sequ
ently
no
ted in
the U
nited
Nati
ons
Secu
rity C
ounc
il Res
olutio
n 98
4.”
“We r
ecog
nise t
he gr
eat
impo
rtanc
e of N
uclea
r Wea
pon
Free
Zon
es as
regio
nal
initia
tives
that
can b
uild s
tabilit
y an
d sup
port
wide
r inter
natio
nal
objec
tives
of pr
even
ting
the pr
olifer
ation
of nu
clear
we
apon
s. As
a NW
S we
have
ra
tified
the r
eleva
nt Pr
otoco
ls to
the Tr
eatie
s of T
latelo
lco,
Raro
tonga
, and
Peli
ndab
a. Ma
ny st
ates a
re cu
rrentl
y be
nefiti
ng fr
om th
e add
itiona
l se
curity
assu
ranc
es of
fered
by
these
Pro
tocols
.”
No re
feren
ce.
66 Transparency and Accountability
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Secu
rity
Assu
ranc
es
2007
“Chin
a unc
ondit
ionall
y un
derta
kes n
ot to
be
the fir
st to
use n
uclea
r we
apon
s at a
ny tim
e and
in
any c
ircum
stanc
es, n
ot to
use o
r thr
eaten
to us
e nu
clear
wea
pons
again
st no
n-nu
clear
wea
pon s
tates
an
d nuc
lear-w
eapo
ns-fr
ee-
zone
s.”
No re
feren
ce.
“We r
aise n
o obje
ction
to w
orkin
g out
a glob
al ag
reem
ent o
n pro
viding
non-
nucle
ar w
eapo
n St
ates w
ith se
curity
assu
ranc
es th
at wo
uld ex
clude
us
e or t
hrea
t of u
se of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns ta
king i
nto
acco
unt c
ases
stipu
lated
in de
fence
doctr
ines o
f the
nucle
ar w
eapo
n Stat
es w
hen s
uch a
wea
pon
could
be us
ed. R
ussia
is re
ady t
o emb
ark o
n suc
h wo
rk.”
“Esta
blish
ing N
WFZ
is an
effec
tive m
easu
re of
str
ength
ening
nucle
ar no
n-pr
olifer
ation
regim
e an
d enh
ancin
g reg
ional
and i
ntern
ation
al se
curity
. Ru
ssian
initia
tive p
ropo
sing t
o con
centr
ate nu
clear
we
apon
s with
in the
natio
nal te
rritor
ies of
the
nucle
ar w
eapo
n Stat
es re
mains
high
ly re
levan
t. Its
imple
menta
tion w
ould
resu
lt in m
axim
al ex
pans
ion
of ge
ogra
phica
l sco
pe of
area
s com
pletel
y fre
e of
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns.”
“The
Unit
ed K
ingdo
m re
affirm
s its
supp
ort fo
r Nuc
lear W
eapo
n Fr
ee Z
ones
. The
se zo
nes
prom
ote no
n-pr
olifer
ation
and
reinf
orce
regio
nal s
tabilit
y. Th
e UK
has n
ow si
gned
and
ratifi
ed pr
otoco
ls in
resp
ect o
f 3 N
uclea
r Wea
pon F
ree Z
ones
an
d has
as a
cons
eque
nce,
agre
ed tr
eaty-
base
d neg
ative
se
curity
assu
ranc
es to
over
100
coun
tries.”
“In ad
dition
to se
curity
as
sura
nces
mad
e in c
onne
ction
wi
th Nu
clear
Wea
pon F
ree
Zone
s, we
rema
in co
mmitte
d to
the se
curity
assu
ranc
es w
e ga
ve to
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns st
ates
in 19
95, a
s note
d in U
NSCR
98
4.”
No re
feren
ce
8. Fi
ssile
Mat
erial
Con
trol
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Fiss
ile M
ater
ial
Cont
rol 2
002
“[A]ct
ively
partic
ipated
in
amen
ding t
he C
onve
ntion
on
Phy
sical
Prote
ction
of
Nucle
ar M
ateria
l.”
State
d sup
port
for
nego
tiatio
n of F
MCT
in CD
ac
cord
ing to
the S
hann
on
Mand
ate
No re
feren
ce to
stoc
kpile
d ma
terial
State
d com
mitm
ent to
im
media
tely r
esum
e neg
otiati
ons
of FM
CT in
CD;
is “c
ontin
uing
the di
sman
tling o
f its f
acilit
ies fo
r pr
oduc
ing fis
sile m
ateria
ls for
use
in nu
clear
wea
pons
”
Supp
orts
‘begin
ning o
f neg
otiati
ons’
on th
e FMC
T; pr
oduc
tion o
f ura
nium
for nu
clear
wea
pons
dis
conti
nued
; coo
pera
tive p
rogr
am w
ith U
S to
stop
indus
trial u
raniu
m-gr
aphit
e rea
ctors
that p
rodu
ce
weap
ons-g
rade
Plut
onium
; 200
0 agr
eeme
nt to
dispo
se of
34 to
ns of
wea
pons
-gra
de pl
utoniu
m;
MOX
rese
arch
and j
oint p
rojec
t to us
e ura
nium-
pluton
ium fu
el in
CAND
U re
actor
s
In 19
95 pr
oduc
tion o
f fiss
ile
mater
ial fo
r nuc
lear w
eapo
ns
ceas
ed: ”
We c
all up
on th
ose
who h
ave n
ot ye
t don
e so t
o fol
low ou
r exa
mple.
”
Endo
rsed C
D ne
gotia
tions
on
FMCT
, acc
ordin
g to S
hann
on
Mand
ate: “
shou
ld no
t be h
eld
hosta
ge to
othe
r issu
es”
Bush
Adm
inistr
ation
reaffi
rmed
US
effor
ts to
dispo
se of
fissil
e mate
rial;
US-R
ussia
agre
emen
ts tot
al mo
re
than 7
00 to
ns (m
ost s
ubjec
t to
trans
pare
ncy m
easu
res);
conv
ertin
g plu
tonium
into
reac
tor fu
el; su
ppor
t for
prog
ram
to co
nver
t 500
tons
of
Russ
ian w
eapo
ns-g
rade
uran
ium
for sa
le to
US ut
ilities
; exp
andin
g pr
ogra
ms to
secu
re R
ussia
n sto
ckpil
e; su
ppor
ts ne
gotia
tion o
f FM
CT
Transparency and Accountability 67
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Fiss
ile M
ater
ial
Cont
rol 2
003
State
d its
comm
itmen
t to
nego
tiatio
ns in
the C
D of
the F
MCT;
desc
ribed
its
nucle
ar m
ateria
ls se
curity
sy
stem
to pr
otect
nucle
ar
mater
ials
State
d sup
port
for ne
gotia
tions
of
FMCT
at th
e CD
on ba
sis
of the
Sha
nnon
Man
date;
has
comp
letely
ceas
ed pr
oduc
tion
of fis
sile m
ateria
ls at
Pier
relat
te an
d Mar
coule
and d
isman
tling o
f fac
ilities
unde
rway
.
Comm
itmen
t to sa
fegua
rds,
expo
rt co
ntrols
, and
the
IAEA
’s eff
orts
to cu
rb ill
icit tr
affick
ing; li
ttle
detai
l abo
ut sp
ecific
initia
tives
to co
ntrol
stock
piled
ma
terial
Comm
itmen
t to
trans
pare
ncy r
egar
ding
stock
piled
mate
rial; I
AEA
safeg
uard
s app
lied;
Addit
ional
Proto
col p
endin
g entr
y into
for
ce w
ith ot
her E
U sta
tes;
begu
n nati
onal
histor
ical
acco
untin
g stud
y for
fissil
e ma
terial
prod
uced
for d
efenc
e pu
rpos
es; c
ommi
tmen
t to F
MCT
nego
tiatio
ns in
CD
Exten
sive d
etail a
bout
coop
erati
on
with
Russ
ia to
redu
ce pr
olifer
ation
ris
k of s
tockp
iled fi
ssile
mate
rial b
y de
stroy
ing 70
0 ton
s, an
d con
vertin
g Ru
ssian
HEU
into
non-
weap
ons-
grad
e rea
ctor f
uel (3
0-33
tons
to be
co
nver
ted by
2007
); 19
96 Tr
ilater
al Ini
tiativ
e in f
orce
; IAEA
verifi
catio
n of
redu
ction
s, inc
luding
safeg
uard
s
Fiss
ile M
ater
ialCo
ntro
l 200
4“C
hina s
uppo
rts th
e co
nclus
ion of
a mu
ltilate
ral,
non-
discri
mina
tory a
nd
verifi
able
treaty
bann
ing
the pr
oduc
tion o
f fiss
ile
mater
ial fo
r nuc
lear
weap
ons o
r othe
r exp
losive
de
vices
(FMC
T).”
Prov
ides h
istor
y of C
hines
e su
ppor
t of S
hann
on
Repo
rt, F
ive A
mbas
sado
rs’
Prop
osal,
and G
A re
solut
ions.
“[A]s
early
as 19
96 [F
ranc
e] an
noun
ced t
he ce
ssati
on of
pr
oduc
tion o
f wea
pons
fissil
e ma
terial
s and
shut
down
the
corre
spon
ding fi
ssile
mate
rials
prod
uctio
n plan
ts at
Pier
relat
te an
d Mar
coule
, whic
h are
now
being
dism
antle
d.
1992
– ce
ssati
on of
prod
uctio
n of
pluton
ium fo
r nuc
lear w
eapo
ns
1996
– ce
ssati
on of
prod
uctio
n of
highly
enric
hed u
raniu
m for
nu
clear
wea
pons
“Fra
nce c
ame o
ut in
favou
r of
the la
unch
of ne
gotia
tions
on
the F
issile
Mate
rial C
utoff
Trea
ty at
the C
onfer
ence
on
Disa
rmam
ent.”
At th
e “ea
rliest
poss
ible b
eginn
ing, w
ithin
the fr
amew
ork o
f the C
D, ne
gotia
tions
on a
non-
discri
mina
tory,
multil
atera
l and
effec
tive
inter
natio
nally
verifi
able
treaty
bann
ing th
e pr
oduc
tion o
f fiss
ile m
ateria
l for n
uclea
r wea
pons
or
othe
r nuc
lear e
xplos
ives.”
“Toge
ther w
ith th
e Unit
ed S
tates
we a
re w
orkin
g tow
ard s
huttin
g dow
n the
Rus
sian i
ndus
trial
uran
ium-g
raph
ite re
actor
s for
the w
eapo
n-gr
ade p
luton
ium pr
oduc
tion.
The m
ateria
l pr
oduc
ed by
thos
e fac
ilities
is no
t use
d for
mi
litary
purp
oses
. The
prod
uctio
n of u
raniu
m in
Russ
ia for
man
ufactu
ring n
uclea
r wea
pons
was
ter
mina
ted lo
ng ag
o. W
e atta
ch gr
eat im
porta
nce
to the
earlie
st sta
rt of
dispo
sition
by R
ussia
and
the U
nited
Stat
es of
34 to
ns of
wea
pon-
grad
e plu
tonium
for e
ach s
ide th
at is
no lo
nger
requ
ired
for de
fensiv
e pur
pose
s. Th
is wo
uld en
sure
the s
tart
of the
proc
ess o
f the i
rreve
rsible
tran
sform
ation
of
exce
ssive
amou
nts of
wea
pon-
grad
e plut
onium
int
o for
ms un
usab
le for
man
ufactu
ring n
uclea
r we
apon
s.”
“In 19
95 [U
K] an
noun
ced t
hat
we ha
d stop
ped t
he pr
oduc
tion
of fis
sile m
ateria
l for n
uclea
r we
apon
s and
othe
r nuc
lear
explo
sive d
evise
s. In
1998
we
were
the fi
rst N
WS
to de
clare
the
total
size
of th
ese s
tocks
. W
e the
n volu
ntarily
plac
ed al
l ou
r fiss
ile m
ateria
l no l
onge
r re
quire
d for
defen
ce pu
rpos
es
unde
r inter
natio
nal s
afegu
ards
wh
ere t
hey a
re lia
ble to
ins
pecti
on by
the I
AEA.
”
“Plut
onium
histo
rical
acco
untin
g re
cord
”
Supp
ort F
MCT
“and
call u
pon
other
s to j
oin us
in a
mora
torium
on
prod
uctio
n”
“We b
eliev
e tha
t glob
al nu
clear
dis
arma
ment
is a p
roce
ss, a
nd
that a
n FMC
T is
the ne
xt ste
p in
that p
roce
ss.”
Verifi
catio
n of n
uclea
r war
head
s wo
rk.
“All U
S plu
tonium
prod
uctio
n rea
ctors
at Ha
nford
and S
avan
nah R
iver h
ave
been
shut
down
. The
Oak
Ridg
e K-2
5 pla
n was
comp
letely
shut
down
in
1987
. The
Unit
ed S
tates
ceas
ed H
EU
prod
uctio
n for
any p
urpo
ses a
t the
Ports
mouth
Gas
eous
Diffu
sion P
lant
in 19
92.”
“The
US
has n
ot pr
oduc
ed hi
ghly
enric
hed u
raniu
m for
nucle
ar
weap
ons s
ince 1
964.
The U
S ha
lted t
he pr
oduc
tion o
f plut
onium
for
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns in
1988
. The
US
has r
emov
ed 17
4 ton
s of h
ighly
enric
hed u
raniu
m fro
m its
milit
ary
stock
pile,
place
d som
e of th
is ma
terial
unde
r IAE
A sa
fegua
rds,
and
conv
erted
sign
ifican
t qua
ntitie
s of
this m
ateria
l to ci
vil re
actor
fuel.
The
Ad
minis
tratio
n has
soug
ht fun
ds in
its
FY20
05 bu
dget
to be
gin co
nstru
ction
of
US fa
cilitie
s for
disp
osing
of
pluton
ium so
that
it is n
o lon
ger
usab
le for
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns.”
In 19
97 U
S an
d Rus
sia re
ache
d a
bilate
ral a
gree
ment
to pe
rman
ently
sh
ut do
wn re
actor
s pro
ducin
g plu
tonium
for m
ilitar
y pur
pose
s.
68 Transparency and Accountability
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Fiss
ile M
ater
ialCo
ntro
l 200
5“T
he ne
gotia
tions
on F
MCT
shou
ld be
comm
ence
d as
early
as po
ssibl
e.”
“Chin
a sup
ports
the e
arly
nego
tiatio
n of a
FMC
T. In
1993
, Chin
a sup
porte
d the
UNG
A re
solut
ion
on co
nclud
ing a
non-
discri
mina
tory,
multil
atera
l, an
d inte
rnati
onall
y and
eff
ectiv
ely ve
rifiab
le tre
aty
bann
ing th
e pro
ducti
on of
fis
sile m
ateria
l for n
uclea
r we
apon
s or o
ther n
uclea
r ex
plosiv
e dev
ices.
Sinc
e the
n, Ch
ina ha
s vote
d in
favou
r of th
e res
olutio
n on
FMCT
at ea
ch se
ssion
of
the U
NGA.
In A
ugus
t of
2003
, in or
der t
o fac
ilitate
the
early
nego
tiatio
n of
the F
MCT
China
took
a fle
xible
posit
ion an
d was
re
ady t
o join
the c
onse
nsus
on
the fi
ve am
bass
ador
s’ pr
opos
al on
the C
D wo
rking
pr
ogra
m.”
“Fra
nce f
avou
rs the
resu
mptio
n of
work
relat
ing to
the n
egoti
ation
of
a FMC
T. W
hile a
waitin
g the
en
try in
to for
ce of
such
a Tr
eaty,
Fr
ance
calls
for s
trict c
ompli
ance
wi
th a m
orato
rium
on pr
oduc
tion.”
“In 19
96, F
ranc
e bec
ame t
he
first s
tate t
o dec
ide on
, and
be
gin, th
e pro
cess
of di
sman
tling
its fa
cilitie
s for
the p
rodu
ction
of
fissil
e mate
rial fo
r nuc
lear
weap
ons a
t Pier
relat
te an
d Ma
rcoule
.”
“Rus
sia re
affirm
s its
comm
itmen
t to di
spos
e 34
tones
of w
eapo
n-gr
ade p
luton
ium in
acco
rdan
ce
with
the bi
later
al Ag
reem
ent w
ith th
e Unit
ed S
tates
of
Septe
mber
1, 20
00. R
ussia
has t
aken
step
s to
begin
imple
menta
tion o
f the p
rogr
amme
of
pluton
ium di
spos
ition.
Suffic
ient m
ultila
teral
fundin
g of
the R
ussia
n pro
gram
me re
mains
an im
porta
nt pr
ereq
uisite
for t
he be
ginnin
g of d
epos
ition.
“Rus
sia ca
rries
out a
n irre
versi
ble an
d lar
ge-sc
ale
conv
ersio
n of h
ighly
enric
hed u
raniu
m, le
ft afte
r the
nucle
ar ar
ms re
ducti
on, in
to re
actor
fuel
– low
en
riche
d ura
nium,
that
is in
non-
weap
on fo
rm.
Sinc
e 199
5 we h
ave c
onve
rted 2
30 to
ns of
high
ly en
riche
d ura
nium
into f
uel fi
t for n
uclea
r pow
er
statio
ns.”
“The
UK
made
clea
r in
1995
that
it had
ceas
ed th
e pr
oduc
tion o
f fiss
ile m
ateria
l for
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns an
d othe
r nu
clear
explo
sive d
evice
s. Al
l ou
r fiss
ile m
ateria
l no l
onge
r re
quire
d for
defen
ce pu
rpos
es
is no
w un
der in
terna
tiona
l sa
fegua
rds.
We h
ave l
ong
supp
orted
a FM
CT to
halt t
he
prod
uctio
n of fi
ssile
mate
rial
for nu
clear
wea
pons
and o
ther
nucle
ar ex
plosiv
e dev
ices a
nd
would
like t
o see
the i
mmed
iate
comm
ence
ment
of ne
gotia
tions
at
the C
D in
Gene
va.”
“[W]e
have
calle
d upo
n the
Co
nfere
nce o
n Disa
rmam
ent to
ini
tiate
nego
tiatio
ns on
a Fis
sile
Mater
ial C
ut-off
Trea
ty (F
MCT)
. We
belie
ve th
at an
FMC
T wo
uld he
lp to
prom
ote nu
clear
non-
proli
ferati
on
by es
tablis
hing t
he un
iversa
l nor
m tha
t no s
tate s
hould
prod
uce fi
ssile
ma
terial
for w
eapo
ns. F
or its
part,
the
Unite
d Stat
es ce
ased
prod
uctio
n of
fissil
e mate
rial fo
r wea
pons
purp
oses
ne
arly
two d
ecad
es ag
o. To
day w
e re
itera
te the
call w
e iss
ued l
ast y
ear
at the
CD
for al
l nati
ons c
ommi
tted
to the
FMC
T to
join u
s in d
eclar
ing
a mor
atoriu
m on
fissil
e mate
rial
prod
uctio
n for
wea
pons
purp
oses
un
til a b
inding
FMC
T ha
s bee
n co
nclud
ed an
d ente
red i
nto fo
rce.”
Transparency and Accountability 69
Chin
aFr
ance
Russ
iaUK
US
Fiss
ile M
ater
ial
Cont
rol 2
007
“Chin
a atta
ches
grea
t im
porta
nce t
o the
rece
nt pr
opos
als su
bmitte
d by
partie
s con
cern
ed
rega
rding
the p
rogr
am
of wo
rk of
the C
D. It
is ou
r hop
e tha
t all p
artie
s ca
n rea
ch co
nsen
sus o
n it o
n the
basis
of bo
ard
cons
ultati
on, s
o as t
o br
eak t
he de
adloc
k, cre
ate co
nditio
ns fo
r the
comm
ence
ment
of ne
gotia
tions
as w
ell as
su
bstan
tive w
ork o
n the
FM
CT.”
“We a
re re
ady t
o init
iate,
witho
ut pr
econ
dition
s, ne
gotia
tions
on a
treaty
bann
ing th
e pro
ducti
on of
fis
sile m
ateria
l for u
se in
nucle
ar-
weap
ons a
t the D
isarm
amen
t Co
nfere
nce.”
“Ann
ounc
ed, a
s lon
g ago
as
1996
, a de
finitiv
e halt
to th
e pr
oduc
tion o
f fiss
ile w
eapo
ns
mater
ial an
d clos
ed do
wn
the re
levan
t facil
ities f
or th
e pr
oduc
tion o
f fiss
ile m
ateria
ls in
Pier
relat
te an
d Mar
coule
.”
“Fra
nce w
as th
e first
Stat
e to
take a
nd im
pleme
nt a d
ecisi
on
to dis
mantl
e its
facilit
ies fo
r the
pr
oduc
tion o
f fiss
ile m
ateria
l for
nucle
ar w
eapo
ns.”
“It is
high
time f
or th
e CD
in Ge
neva
to st
art
nego
tiatio
ns on
elab
orati
on of
the F
MCT.
We
reaffi
rm ou
r sup
port
for th
is ide
a. Th
e soo
ner t
he
dead
lock s
ituati
on at
the C
D is
brok
en an
d the
pr
ogra
mme o
f wor
k is a
gree
d, the
earlie
r it co
uld
unde
rtake
nego
tiatin
g the
FMC
T.”
“The
Unit
ed K
ingdo
m re
mains
co
mmitte
d to a
bide b
y its
mora
torium
on nu
clear
testi
ng,
and i
ts mo
rator
ium on
the
prod
uctio
n of fi
ssile
mate
rial
for w
eapo
ns pu
rpos
es. T
he
Unite
d King
dom
conti
nues
to
work
towar
ds th
e entr
y into
for
ce of
the C
TBT
as so
on as
po
ssibl
e. W
e hop
e too
that
the
rece
nt po
sitive
indic
ators
that
a 10 y
ear lo
ng bl
ocka
ge at
the
Confe
renc
e on D
isarm
amen
t ma
y be b
roke
n her
ald a
new
phas
e of c
onse
nsus
build
ing in
tha
t foru
m. In
the fi
rst in
stanc
e we
wou
ld lik
e to s
ee th
e ear
ly ne
gotia
tion,
of a F
issile
Mate
rial
Cut-O
ff Tre
aty –
an is
sue t
hat
would
repr
esen
t an i
mpor
tant
and c
oncre
te ste
p tow
ards
dis
arma
ment
and o
ne th
at is
ripe a
nd re
ady t
o be t
aken
for
ward
. We u
rge a
spirit
of
comp
romi
se to
be di
splay
ed
by M
embe
r Stat
es in
the C
D to
allow
this
work
to co
mmen
ce.”
“The
Unit
ed S
tates
is a
staun
ch
advo
cate
of a t
reaty
to ba
n any
fur
ther p
rodu
ction
of fis
sile m
ateria
l for
use i
n nuc
lear w
eapo
ns or
othe
r nu
clear
explo
sive p
urpo
ses.
Indee
d, in
May 2
006,
the U
nited
Stat
es
beca
me th
e first
(and
so fa
r, the
only)
na
tion t
o intr
oduc
e a dr
aft fis
sile
mater
ial cu
t-off t
reaty
at th
e Unit
ed
Natio
ns C
onfer
ence
on D
isarm
amen
t in
Gene
va.”
70 Transparency and Accountability
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