Transgenerational and Latina Mothers

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TRANSGENERATIONAL EDUCACIÓN: LATINA MOTHERS’ EVERYDAY PEDAGOGIES OF CULTURAL CITIZENSHIP IN SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH by Judith Flores Carmona A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Education, Culture, and Society The University of Utah August 2010 PREVIEW

Transcript of Transgenerational and Latina Mothers

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TRANSGENERATIONAL EDUCACIÓN: LATINA MOTHERS’ EVERYDAY PEDAGOGIES

OF CULTURAL CITIZENSHIP IN SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH

by

Judith Flores Carmona

A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

Department of Education, Culture, and Society

The University of Utah

August 2010

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UMI Number: 3413558

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Copyright Judith Flores Carmona 2010

All Rights Reserved

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T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f U t a h G r a d u a t e S c h o o l

STATEMENT OF DISSERTATION APPROVAL

The dissertation of Judith Flores Carmona

has been approved by the following supervisory committee members:

Dolores Delgado Bernal , Chair 06/01/2010

Date Approved

Audrey Thompson , Member 06/01/2010

Date Approved

Roderic Land , Member 06/01/2010

Date Approved

Enrique Aleman , Member 06/01/2010

Date Approved

Rina Benmayor , Member 06/01/2010

Date Approved

and by Harvey Kantor , Chair of

the Department of Education, Culture, and Society

and by Charles A. Wight, Dean of The Graduate School.

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ABSTRACT

This critical ethnographic study used Chicana/Latina feminist theory and Latina/o

cultural citizenship to explore and examine how Latina mothers (their epistemologies,

bodies, and lived experiences serve as pedagogical devices) transmit and co-create

knowledge intergenerationally for and with their children. The primary focus of the study

was to find out how Latina mothers enact their responsibility to fight for basic social needs

and the various forms of activism that take place through their participation in their

children’s education and educación in their community, school, and homes. Understanding

how teachable moments spring from the mothers’ everyday rituals, from their practices,

silences, the mystery of their lives, and their doing, was foundational to this critical

ethnography. Latina mothers’ bodies become a pedagogical device as they negotiate what

knowledge to pass on to their children and with/among each other. Latina mothers inculcate

more holistic forms of education (educación) to their children through pedagogies of the

home. Enacting cultural signifiers and practices of [in]formal education that take place in

Latina/o homes through Latina mothers’ bodies demonstrated how everyday teachings

through their quotidian doing are passed on to their children. Latina mothers’ stories and

lessons are taught to their children through oral histories, their everyday rituals and practices,

the stories that arise from interactions entre mujeres (among women), and in sharing their

own testimonio. The findings from this study acknowledge how Latinas’ everyday cultural-

familial-communal practices serve to inculcate sobrevivencia (survival) lessons and

transgenerational knowledge, education, and educación, that can serve their children to claim

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rights and create spaces of belonging in Salt Lake City, Utah. The findings elaborated and

expanded the concepts of trangenerational educación and pedagogies of cultural citizenship.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………………….iii LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………………….viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS…………………………………………………………………..ix Chapter ONE INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………….…1

My Mother…………………………………………………………………….1 Background and Setting…………………………………………………….....5 Salt Lake City, Utah: The Jackson and Guadalupe Communities.……………7 Previous Studies……………………………………………………………....9 Statement of the Problem………………………………………………….....11 Focus of the Study…………………………………………………………............16 Significance: Building on Previous Studies...………………………………..21

TWO REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE……………………………………………...26

Introduction…………………………….…………………………………….26 Overview: Chicana/Latina Feminist Theory, Theory in the Flesh.….……….28 Situating Chicana/Latina Feminist Theory Constructs…………..…………..32 The Land and the Brown Body’s Facultad in the Borderlands…………..….32 Educación of Sobrevivencia and Supervivencia Through Testimonio………39

Testimonio…………………………………………………………....40 Introduction to Latina/o Cultural Citizenship………………………………..46 Overview: Latina/o Cultural Citizenship Practices………………………......48 Latina Mothers’ Pedagogies of Cultural Citizenship………………………...50 Latina/o Cultural Citizenship and Chicana/Latina Feminist Theory………...52

THREE METHODOLOGY ….…………………………………………………………….59

Introduction: Research Questions, Approach, and Rationale.……………….59 Research Design……………...………………………………………………61 Population Selection: Participants..……….………………………...……….62 Data Gathering Methods……………………………………………………. 66

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Interviewing: Testimonio as Reciprocal Process ……………………71 Observations and Thick Description ………………………………...75 Portraiture …………………………………………………………...76

Data Analysis Procedures……………………………………………………78 Portraiture and Latina Motherist Portraits…………………………...79 Angela………………………………………………………………..79 Portrait Analysis……………………………………………………..80

The Researcher’s Positionality ...……...…………………………………….83 Reflexivity…………………………………………………………...85 Ethical and Political Considerations…………………………………………86 Rationale for Qualitative Research…………………………………………..86

FOUR LATINA MOTHERIST PORTRAITS IN THE WEST SIDE OF SALT

LAKE CITY, UTAH….……...…....…………………………………….......88

West Side, Salt Lake City, Utah: The Jackson and Guadalupe Communities and Latina Homes……………………………………………………………89 Latina Motherist Portraits.…………………………………………………...92 Ángela………………………………………………………………………..96 Maite………………………………………………………………………..100 Patty: Esta es Mi Historia...………………………………………………...105 Viviana……………………………………………………………………...116 Montserrat…………………………………………………………………..120 Lourdes...…....................……...…………………………………………....124 Knowledge Shared Across Generations……………………………………129

FIVE TRES GENERACIONES OF TRANSGENERATIONAL EDUCACIÓN….131 Aprendi Todo lo Bueno Pero lo Malo No: Mujer-oriented Teaching and Educación.………………………………………………………………….135 Teaching Through Silence and by Doing: “Hacemos Cosas Para Salir Adelante…………………………………………………………………….144 Transgenerational Educación: “I Write in a Notebook”…………………....151 Mothers’ Consejos…………………………………….……………161

Valerse Por Sí Misma y Por Si Mismo……………………………..165

SIX LATINA MOTHERS’ PEDAGOGIES OF CULTURAL CITIZENSHIP: SOBREVIVENCIA AND SUPERVIVENCIA.………………………………172 Sobrevivencia and Supervivencia: The Body as a Pedagogical Device……173 Latina Mothers: Supervivencia and Their Facultad…..……………………179 Pedagogies of Cultural Citizenship: Latina Motherist Practices and Gendered Citizenship……………………….……….……..................................…….184

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Discussion: Oral Histories and What the Daughters and Sons of Immigrant Mothers Learn………………………………………………………………197

SEVEN CONCLUSION: UNFINISHED TESTIMONIOS AND LATINA MOTHERIST PORTRAITS: “TIENE QUE DARNOS COPIAS”…….……200

Mi Madre: Las Madres……………………………………………………..200 Transformations in Me and in the Mothers…………………………………204 Looking Forward: Possibilities and Implications…………………………..207 May 7, 2010: An Act of Reciprocity and Community Care………………..208

APPENDICES

A: BACKGROUND: ADELANTE: A COLLEGE AWARENESS AND PREPARATORY PARTNERSHIP………………………………………...211

B: GOOGLE MAP OF JACKSON AND GUADALUPE

NEIGHBORHOODS……………………………………………………….216

C: THE COMMUNAL TEACHING CHEST ACTIVITY………………........217 D: TWO TESTIMONIOS…………………………………………………........223 E: INTERVIEW PROTOCOLS..……………………………………………...227

REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………………..231

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LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1: Organizational Data Chart………………………………………………………….79

2: Ángela…………………………………………………………..…………………100

3: Maite………………………………………………………………………………104

4: Patty……………………………………………………………………………….115

5: Viviana…………………………………………………………………………….119

6: Montserrat…………………………………………………………………………124

7: Lourdes…………………………………………………………………………….127

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I must first thank the Latina mothers in this study (Angela, Viviana, Montserrat,

Lourdes, Maite, and Patty) for sharing their wisdom and for allowing me to learn from and

about them and their families. Muchas gracias. The Latina mothers and their families

became my community and support system during my graduate studies at the University of

Utah. I owe much of my community connections to them and to the Adelante partnership.

I have truly been blessed to have the support and love of my two mothers, Josefina

and Dee. Mike has been a father and a friend. I love them immensely. My siblings,

Carmelo, Matt, José G. José, Ninfa, Rosalia, Edith, and Junior, I love you and I thank you for

caring and loving me. Gracias, to my sister [in law] Jenny. I left my home in Los Angeles

in 1997 to undertake a life in academia. My familia in Los Angeles and in Texas have

constantly welcomed me back home to offer me their unconditional love and support. Mi

familia, who at times didn’t understand why I needed so much school, kept me inspired and

forced me to push forward to finish. I apologize for missing out on births, birthdays,

graduations, first steps, first words, and much more. My nieces, Adriana, Gabriela, Johanna,

Jasmine, Jeidy, Jennine, and Brianna, may you continue la fuerza de la mujer in our family.

Vincent, Brandon, Issa, Serafin, and Andres hechenle ganas, please persevere and succeed.

A ti tambien te doy las gracias Travis for always being there when I needed you. I thank my

aunts, my mother’s sisters, for their unconditional love, for caring about me and for being so

giving.

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I thank mi querida mentor, Cecilia Burciaga, who was instrumental in getting me into

academia. You are a force in my life and you continue to be a role model for me and for

many others across the country. Thank you for teaching me to stay strong en este mundo

academico. While at California State University, Monterey Bay, I am grateful to have met

many good friends and mentors who continue to offer me guidance, support, and love,

including Dr. Rina Benmayor, Dr. Christine Sleeter, Dr. Pamela Motoike, Debra Busman

(MFA), Dr. Rebeca Burciaga, and Dr. Maria Villaseñor. I shared with Rina, who was on my

committee, that I have been so fortunate throughout my educational career, at CSUMB in the

BA and in the MA program. I was very well prepared to take on the arduous, satisfying,

fulfilling, painful, stressful, and loving task of completing the Ph.D. I wouldn't change a

thing from this experience.

I want to thank all the professors I have had the privilege of meeting and learning

from. Thank you for believing in my work, for the B+ or A-, for the feedback on my writing,

for pushing and enforcing the critical thinking boundaries and compassionate understanding,

for encouraging me to reflect and connect across differences in genuine ways, for allowing

my voice in your courses, for listening, caring, mentoring, and most importantly, for teaching

me. Gracias. When my dear Cecilia welcomed my mother and me on Fort Ord, for the first

time in spring 1997, I hadn't yet grasped the immensity of the academic world and the

satisfaction of accomplishing this by your side and with your guidance. Much love to you,

dear faculty, friends, colegas, allies, and mentors! I must thank my friends Vania, Axil,

Ellen, Bethtina, Christina, Marcella, Alicia, and Norma—muchas gracias por su amistad

incondicional.

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I extend my gratitude to the supportive staff and students in the Department of

Education, Culture, and Society (ECS); I especially thank Hannah, Marty, and Daryl. I am

indebted to my dear friends who allowed me to vent, to create spaces, to engage in critical

dialogues, to learn from each other in panel presentations, those who helped me in and with

my work in Adelante, and those of you who helped me escape from my academic world.

Thank you Debra and Glenda (WoCG), Latinas Telling Testimonios (LTT) mujeres, Mujeres

Activas en Letras y Cambio Social (MALCS), Women of Color group, Adelante coworkers,

teachers, and colleagues. Finally, thank you friends in the Department of Educational

Leadership and Policy (ELP). Muchas gracias Dr. Octavio Villalpando.

My sincere gratitude and appreciation goes to Kim and Ruth, Sundy, Barbara,

Belinda, and DeeDee; your work inspires me and allows me to see theory and praxis come

together as well as camaraderie, friendship, mentorship, and collegiality—all in the same

space. I cannot thank you enough for our Study-Writing-Support Group and for allowing

room to vent, release, and exhale during our sessions. You are in my heart and I hope we

continue on this journey together.

I extend my sincere gratitude to my fabulous, supportive, committed, incredible,

loving committee members, Dr. Dolores Delgado Bernal, Dr. Audrey Thompson, Dr. Rina

Benmayor, Dr. Enrique Alemán, Jr., and Dr. Roderic Land. Thank you. As codirectors of

the Adelante partnership, Drs. Delgado Bernal and Alemán, allowed me to be part of the

partnership on so many levels but most importantly to create and foster the relationships with

the families and students. Gracias. Without the unconditional wisdom, feedback, and

suggestions from Dr. Delgado Bernal, this study would not be completed. Dr. Aleman, mil

gracias for your optimism and for being there to listen, to allow me to share my work, and

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for believing in me. The theoretical feedback from Drs. Rina Benmayor and Audrey

Thompson is immensely appreciated. I always learn something new from you. Dr. Roderic

Land, thank you for allowing me to express my fears and doubts and for letting me know this

was normal. Every time I stopped by your office or when you noticed I was second-guessing

myself—you always motivated me. I thank all of you from the bottom of my heart. Mil

gracias de corazón.

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

My Mother

I did not know my birth story until I was about 7 years old. This story, often told to

me by tia Alberta, was not told to me so I could feel proud of myself. Rather, when she would

say to me “tu naciste en el monte/you were born in the fields” it was to ridicule and

humiliate me, to make me feel ashamed and inferior. On September 15, 1978, close to

midnight, I was born in the middle of sugar cane fields. My mother and father were not

allowed to live together even though they had been married since my mom was 15 years old

and my dad was 19. Friction and tensions between my maternal grandparents and my father

impeded them living together. I have two older brothers, Carmelo, 40 years old and José G.,

33 years old; Rosa, my younger sister, is a year younger than me. There is a 9-year gap

between Carmelo and me. My mother tells me that she and my dad saw each other “a

escondidas/ hiding and in secretive meetings”; their connections resulted in pregnancies and

then the chastising of my mom’s behavior at home by my grandparents.

Learning the story of how and where I was born, not from my mother but from an

aunt, made me feel embarrassed to discuss my origins. As a child, I never had the courage to

ask my mother about my birth—my family members’ illustration of it to belittle me had

worked. As a consequence, I began rejecting my mother. It was also around this time that

my mother migrated to the United States. The mother-daughter connection, along with

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silence or lack of communication between us, widened with the distance. When I finally

joined my mother in Los Angeles, California, at almost 11 years old, I hardly had anything to

say to my mother. I did want to know why she had migrated to the U.S. leaving us behind,

and about my father and whether all the horrible stories I had heard about him were true. It

wasn’t until I was a college undergraduate and read and connected with readings that spoke

to my life experiences that I had the courage to talk more with my mother and began asking

questions about her life, her migration to the U.S., and the story of my birth.

My mother’s story begins, “Papá Domingo y Mamá Carmen no dejaron que tu papá

y yo viviéramos juntos.” It had been almost 10 years since my parents got married and had

not been allowed to live together. My maternal grandparents did not like my father but had

allowed my mother to get married because she was pregnant. My father and mother decided

they would move away and try to make a life with their two sons and the baby that was

coming. They walked through the fields of Tierra Blanca, Veracruz in Mexico and my

mother gave birth to me in the middle of sugar cane fields. My grandparents and a couple of

workers followed my parents, eventually catching up to them. A fight ensued between my

father and grandfather. While my parents were allowed to be together after that night, a

month and 6 days after my birth, my grandfather was murdered. My aunts and uncles, when

they would tell me this story, would always end with, “Papá Domingo se fue a la tumba con

moretones y mordidas que tu papá le dejo la noche que naciste/ Papá Domingo was buried

with bruises and bites your father left him the night you were born.”

My mother began to open up and tell me more about my father, about how much he

loved me and called me his reina (queen), and how much they loved each other. My father

was murdered when I was about 3 years old; I don’t remember him but I cherish knowing

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how much he loved me. After the death of my father and grandfather, my family moved to

Puebla, Mexico and from there, my mother was the first in our family to migrate to the U.S.,

leaving five of us behind. My oldest brother Carmelo and aunts, uncles, and cousins soon

joined her in Los Angeles, California. My brother José and I were the last of her children to

arrive to live with her.

When we arrived in the U.S., my mother had recently moved from her one bedroom

apartment to a three bedroom, two baths, and big yard house one block away. As the oldest

daughter-sister, I had grown accustomed to having responsibilities in the house. My mother

worked hard to maintain the home as a single mother. There were five of us children, our

grandmother, an aunt, and an uncle. My younger sister and I were bused to school for

several years. Our days were long but not longer than our mom’s long hours at two jobs.

Because I attended a school in an affluent community west of the inner city, the elementary

school we attended had many resources and we began to learn English right away.

As soon as I learned basic conversational English, I was helping translate documents,

set up services for relatives, and even translating at parent-teacher conferences. I knew our

mother made many sacrifices and we grew tired of eating instant cup noodles and drinking

Sunny Delight. Our mother is a talented seamstress; we would often go shopping for

material for her to makes us original, one-of-a-kind outfits late at night. These garments put

together carefully were a reminder of “seremos pobres pero limpios/we might be poor but

neat/clean.” My peers at school could still mark us as inferior and not belonging to their

class status. Perhaps it was the Payless shoes. Migrating, making ends meet, stretching

money as far as it could go, teaching me the value and tool of communicating with adults,

learning to speak with teachers, making sure that I learned where we came from and to be

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proud, are all things my mother did. When I was younger, I resented not having had a

childhood like other children but later in life and even now, I understand my mother’s

“doing” and the lessons that spring from her practices and rituals in the everyday (Villenas,

2006).

Every time I hear the story of my birth, of her crossing the border or other of my

mother’s memories, I learn something new. My mother actually experienced the night of my

birth, not my aunts and uncles. I have learned to love and appreciate the story of my birth, to

value my mother’s courage and strength to fight for what she wants. I continue to learn from

my mother’s actions, from her silence, from her eyes filled with wisdom and pain, from the

many experiences she has yet to share with me, and especially from all her doing—what she

does for us and all her sacrifices.

On one of my visits to California State University, Monterey Bay, Dr. Rina

Benmayor, one of my committee members, said to me, “this study is as much about you and

your mother as it is about the Latina mothers and the students you work with.” Her words

left me thinking about what this study means to me and it led me to remember how it is that

my mother has taught me lessons of sobrevivencia (survival) through her silence, el misterio

(the mystery), and her everyday actions and her doing (Villenas, 2006). While my story is

unique to my experiences, it is a collective story of many. Indeed, many children of

immigration have learned to “mediate the new culture for their family” even with limited

knowledge of English (Jones & Trickett, 2005; Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001). In

many ways, my birth and migration story demonstrates how deeply connected I am to this

study and how intricate and messy it is for me to understand Latina mothering practices and

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the lessons learned by their children. This dissertation is also about my mother and me trying

to understand her better.

Background and Setting

With one of the fastest growing populations in the country and specifically in Utah,

Latinas/os’ presence has been viewed mostly in negative ways. Leo Chávez (2008) writes

about Latinos in the United States and how they get constructed as a threat through the

media, during legislative sessions across the country, in promulgated discourses, and anti-

immigrant groups’ blatant messages conveyed via counter protests. Latinas/os are seen as a

problem or a threat rather than as contributing members of society who possess cultural

assets and who participate in schools and in other social spaces (Chávez, 2008).

The basic premises of the Latino Threat Narrative that are so pervasive in the discourse on Latino immigrants and their offspring: Latinas/os1 are a reproductive threat, altering the demographic makeup of the nation; Latinas/os are unable or unwilling to learn English; Latinas/os are unable or unwilling to integrate into the larger society; they live apart from the larger society, not integrating socially; Latinas/os are unchanging and immutable; they are not subject to history; … they reproduce their own cultural world; Latinas/os, especially Americans of Mexican origin are part of a conspiracy to reconquer the southwestern United States, returning the land to Mexico’s control. This is why they remain apart and unintegrated into the larger society. (p. 51)

The “Latina reproductive threat or out-of-control fertility” promotes an exaggerated image

and discourse of promiscuous women who bear children uncontrollably to then rip off the

system as welfare beneficiaries (Chávez, 2008, p. 23). Indeed, Villenas (2001), whose work

focuses on Latinas’ experiences in the United States, asserts that “at the discursive level,

racial ideologies serve to construct Latinas/os as an invisible, visible ‘Other’—invisible as

1 Chávez (2008) only used the Latino category when referring to this group; I included Latinas/os to include women specifically and also to broaden the definition and to include single mothers/parents.

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‘ghost’ workers, yet highly visible as families needing education and health care” (p. 5) or

other social services.

It is in the messages conveyed via images in the media that the invisibility of Latina

mothers as holders of knowledge, who have voice, agency, and who possess powerful

pedagogical tools, rituals, and practices in the home, becomes concretized. Specifically,

Villenas’ (2006) work helps us to begin to challenge deeply ingrained deficit portraits of

Latinas in our communities and in society. Villenas’ research with Latina mothers moves us

to become aware and recognize the contributions from this group in our society and

specifically in educational settings. Though Latinas face the impact of negative stereotypes

imparted on them, they are also constantly fighting to make their visibility as holders of

knowledge acknowledged in their homes, in schools, and in their communities. In fact, I met

the mother participants in this study through Adelante: A College Awareness and Preparatory

Partnership (see Appendix A for further details on the partnership) at a school setting and as

visible and contributing members of society.

The Adelante partners include the University of Utah, Jackson Elementary School,

and parents and families in the communities surrounding Jackson Elementary. Since the

conception of Adelante, there has been incredible family/parental involvement. The Adelante

parents attend the campus visits; each year, they volunteer during the week of summer camp,

many parents attend the weekly ballet folklórico classes, and most parents have participated

in the research and evaluation of the Adelante partnership. It is important to highlight the

immense support and collaboration from the Latina mothers. Specifically, in the last 5 years,

they have been instrumental in further developing relationships and connections between the

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school, the community, and foundational for the partnership to be able to identify their

families’ and their communities’ needs.

Salt Lake City, Utah: The Jackson and

Guadalupe Communities

The 2005-2007 American Community Survey Estimates listed the Salt Lake City

population to be “76.6% White; 4.0% Black or African American; 1.9% American Indian

and Alaska Native; 4.7% Asian; 1.5% Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander; 9.4%

from ‘other’ race, and 2.0% from two or more races. Of the total population, 21.5% were

Hispanic or Latino of any race” (American FactFinder website). In 2005, 36.9% of the Salt

Lake City School District student population was Latina/o, 15% more since 1992 (Wikstrom

Economic and Planning Consultants Report). In Salt Lake City, there are 71,461 households,

out of which “27.0% have children under the age of 18 living with them, 41.1% are married

couples living together, 10.2% have a female householder with no husband present, and

44.3% are other types of households” (American FactFinder Website). According to James

Beck, board member of NeighborWorks Salt Lake City:

Salt Lake City has many diverse neighborhoods. The eastern portion of the city has higher property values than its western counterpart. This is a result of the railroad being built in the western half. Housing is more affordable on the west side, which results in demographic differences. Interstate 15 was also built in a north-south line, further dividing east and west sides of the city. (Personal communication via telephone and referring to online information, November 25, 2009)2

The Jackson and Guadalupe neighborhoods, where my research takes place, are located west

of Interstate 15, between North Temple and the Rose Park community in Salt Lake City (see

2 http://www.nwsaltlake.org/

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Appendix B for a Google map of the area).3 These are predominantly Spanish-speaking

neighborhoods, with Latinos accounting for 60% of the student population at Jackson

Elementary School, the school serving both of these neighborhoods (Delgado Bernal,

Aleman, & Flores Carmona, 2008).

The Jackson and Guadalupe neighbourhoods are not just populated by Latinos; “their

composition is filled with diversity and complexity” (Personal Communication with James

Beck, November 25, 2009).

There are half dozen churches including the Vietnamese Buddhist Temple, The Church of God of Prophecy, The Free Church of Tonga, The LDS Church, Our Lady of Guadalupe Church, and more. Nearly all residents who attend any sort of religious following attend a church in this area. The Guadalupe neighbourhood houses the Capital West Boys and Girls Club where children of both neighbourhoods find after- school activities. Both neighbourhoods are part of the Fair Park Community Council. (NeighborWorks website) The Centro Civico Mexicano4 acts as a community gathering point for the Wasatch

Front's estimated 300,000 Latinos (American FactFinder website) and is less than a mile

from Jackson Elementary School. A few of the nearby locally owned grocery stores such as

Mi Tierra, La Diana, Campos Market, and Anaya Market cater to the Jackson, Guadalupe,

Rose Park, Poplar Grove, and Glendale communities, and one can find anything from

tortillas to homemade tamales sold by the dozen. The “Hispanic” food aisle in chain

3 See Appendix B for a Google map of the area. “The thoroughfare that passes under the bridge along 300 North connects Guadalupe and Jackson neighbourhoods. This thoroughfare is also the primary route for students attending West High school and for young children arriving at Jackson Elementary from the Guadalupe neighbourhood. This concrete structure has long been the dividing line between these two neighbourhoods although most people in both neighbourhoods must use this route on a daily basis” (personal communication with James Beck). 4 Centro Civico Mexicano (CCM) is the oldest nonprofit Hispanic organization in Utah. It is a nonpolitical, nonreligious, nondiscriminatory organization that serves the Hispanic community in the Salt Lake Valley by providing educational, cultural, social, and athletic activities. Centro’s purpose is “to promote the spirit of unity and collaboration among all Hispanic, to foster greater appreciation and awareness of the rich heritage and history of Mexican and other Hispanic culture [and], to enhance the educational and socio-economic well being of Mexican and other Hispanics (http://www.centrocivicomexicano.org/).

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supermarkets are well stocked with Latin American food staples such as condiments,

beverages, and a variety of salsas and ingredients necessary in Latino households. The

homes of the Latina mothers are the central focus of this study. It is in their homes where I

began to capture the richness as well as the complexities of the teachings and learning that

takes place in this space.

Previous Studies

My work with the Latina mothers extends the canonical ethnographic work with

Mexicano5 families done by Guadalupe Valdés (1996). Further understanding Valdés’ work

allows me to engage with other scholars whose work focused on Latina/o parents. Valdés’

work served to bridge schools and families and to shed light on how teachers perceive

Mexicana/o parents and their involvement. Valdés’ work was some of the first scholarship to

focus on the ways that mothers utilize alternative forms of teaching in the home and in

schools—thus positioning Latina mothers as possessors, holders, and producers of

knowledge. Working with Mexicana mothers, Valdés found that Mexicana/o parents felt

misunderstood by teachers because of a language and cultural barrier. While my specific

research interests and my theoretical orientation differ from Valdés’ (1996) work, we both

center Latina mothers (Mexicanas in her case) who have been categorized and viewed as

culturally deficient, not involved, and invisible in their children’s education and educación.6

Guadalupe Valdés (1996), Concha Delgado-Gaitan (1990, 1991, 1994), and Ángela

Valenzuela (1999) looked at the contributions and various forms of Latina/o parental

involvement in schools and in the community. While their scholarship informs my work, I

5 Mexicanas/os refers to people born in the country of Mexico. 6 A more holistic type of education that includes the teaching of morals, values, respect, and cultural and familial teachings.

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move away from the concept of “parental involvement” and locate my study in conversation

with the works of Ruth Trinidad Galvan (2006), Sofia Villenas (2001, 2006), Cindy Cruz

(2006), Melissa Moreno (2008), and other Chicana/Latina feminist scholars. This study

employed and extended Chicana/Latina feminist scholars’ concepts to further understand

how Latina mothers encompass and practice pedagogical tools from the flesh (Moraga, 2002)

through their everyday practices and rituals. The goal of this study was to begin unpacking

how Latina mothers’ silence, el misterio (the mystery), and their everyday doing allows them

to teach their children lessons of sobrevivencia (survival) and supervivencia (traumatic, near

death survival ) in the West Side, Salt Lake City, Utah (Trinidad Galvan, 2006; Villenas,

2006).

This study was inspired by the previously mentioned works in order to situate the

everyday pedagogical tools of Latina mothers within Chicana/Latina feminist theory and

Latina/o cultural citizenship conversations. The research acknowledges how Latinas’

everyday ritual and cultural-familial-communal practices serve to inculcate sobrevivencia

lessons and transgenerational knowledge, education, and educación, that can serve their

children to claim rights and create spaces of belonging in Salt Lake City, Utah. The purpose

of this study was to bring to the fore Latina mothers’ everyday teachings and to juxtapose

Latina mothers’ stories taught to their children through oral histories, their everyday rituals

and practices, and the stories that spring from interactions entre mujeres (among women),

and in sharing their own testimonio (testimonial). The following research questions served to

guide this dissertation:

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