Towards aRe-evaluation of Invisible Music Theories

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Towards aRe-evaluation of Invisible Music Theories Yosihiko Tokumaru Ochanomizu University General misunderstandings about music theories MUSic theories exist in every culture. In Asian cultures (especially Japan), however, people tend to consider that music theory refers only to the theory of 19th-century Western music. When I was appointed chair of the committee for examining music education textbooks, I was shocked by the indifferent attitude of textbook editors. In the section entitled "music theory," the editors described modern Western music theory without qualifying it as such. There was no mention of music theories from other cultures. These were not Japanese translations of Western textbooks. They were conceived, edited, and published in Japan. One can hardly blame Japanese children for thinking that Japan has no music theory other than modern Western music theory. The same was true of the sections on music notation. Under the heading "the study of notation," only Western notation was described. Although Japan has a long history of notation and music printing, there were no mentioning of either. I consider that such indifferent attitudes towards non-Western music cultures may have enhanced the process of canonizing Western music. I think that there are a number of reasons why Japanese music educators are so indifferent. First, there is an over-emphasis on Western music in general education in Japan and second, many educators fall into the trap of thinking that theory about music should be formalized in written form. The first reason, a result of historical processes, can be attributed to an effort that was once prevalent (but is now considered "old-fashioned"): the attempt to Westernize Japan with the intention of modernizing it. It will probably take another century for the Japanese people to realize their mistake. It was only

Transcript of Towards aRe-evaluation of Invisible Music Theories

Towards aRe-evaluation of Invisible Music Theories

Yosihiko Tokumaru Ochanomizu University

General misunderstandings about music theories

MUSic theories exist in every culture. In Asian cultures (especially Japan), however, people tend to consider that music theory refers only to the

theory of 19th-century Western music. When I was appointed chair of the committee for examining music education textbooks, I was shocked by the indifferent attitude of textbook editors. In the section entitled "music theory," the editors described modern Western music theory without qualifying it as such. There was no mention of music theories from other cultures. These were not Japanese translations of Western textbooks. They were conceived, edited, and published in Japan. One can hardly blame Japanese children for thinking that Japan has no music theory other than modern Western music theory. The same was true of the sections on music notation. Under the heading "the study of notation," only Western notation was described. Although Japan has a long history of notation and music printing, there were no mentioning of either. I consider that such indifferent attitudes towards non-Western music cultures may have enhanced the process of canonizing Western music.

I think that there are a number of reasons why Japanese music educators are so indifferent. First, there is an over-emphasis on Western music in general education in Japan and second, many educators fall into the trap of thinking that theory about music should be formalized in written form. The first reason, a result of historical processes, can be attributed to an effort that was once prevalent (but is now considered "old-fashioned"): the attempt to Westernize Japan with the intention of modernizing it. It will probably take another century for the Japanese people to realize their mistake. It was only

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recently (in 1999) that the Japanese Ministry of Education issued new guidelines for music education, requiring that Japanese children learn at least one traditional music instrument during their compulsory education.

Today I would like to leave the first issue and deal more intensively with the second, namely the misunderstanding that theory about music should be formalized in written form. .

Visible and invisible music theories

Music is a coherent system specific to human beings. Each culture has its own particular system. Therefore, if a musical culture or a musical style is thought to be coherent, there must be a theory that controls any musical activity therein. Consider any of the musical styles with which you are familiar. If someone makes a "mistake" in this style and you shout "NO," this is proof that the style has a music theory.

This fact was clearly recognized in ancient Greece, as demonstrated by Aristoxenus, a disciple of Aristoteles, who argued that the order discriminating melodies from non-melodies is similar to the order found in the language, which discriminates (meaningful) words from (nonsense) words. In the former, only certain combinations of pitches can produce melodies as, in the latter, only certain combinations of letters can produce meaningful words. In my opinion, what Aristoxenus wanted to claim was that Greek music possessed a coherent system. If a young Greek girl or boy happened to combine pitches which were not "permitted," Aristoxenus may himself have shouted: NO.

The tradition of writing music theory in ancient Greece was transmitted to Arabic world in treatises such as Al Farabi's Kitab al musiqi ('The book of music').

China also has a long and important tradition of writing music theories. There must be a long list of books with which you are familiar, for both Korean and Japanese scholars have studied such theories and translated them into the Korean and Japanese languages, respectively. In Japan, the theories have permeated so deeply into our culture that several Japanese scholars considered music in the Chinese way. For example, Nakane Genkei's treatise on twelve-tone temperament (published in 1692), is an important mathematical theory of music. It has, however, no connection with the everyday activity of musicians in 17th-century Japan. This leads me to suggest that some written forms of music theory do not necessarily represent the coherent systems shared by tradition bearers.

Generally speaking, such coherent systems are rarely formulated as a set

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of rules; more rarely are they transmitted in written form. In some cultures of later periods, orders or coherences were explained not in terms of positive rules, but in terms of prohibitive rules. You will find such examples in textbooks of counterpoint and harmony in Western music. These, however, are still rare cases. In many musical styles, coherent systems are transmitted unconsciously by tradition bearers. Bearers only become aware of the coherence of their own musical system when someone deviates from it.

Re-evaluation of metaphors in music theory

Musicians know tacitly what is important and what is not important in their music. In general, they select only a limited number of possibilities for making sound. For such selection to occur, there must be a consensus about music. This consensus functions as a basis for the birth of music theory. In contrast to the above-mentioned visible music theories, "invisible" music theories are not easy to recognize. Comparative musicologists and ethnomusicologists were eager to decipher invisible music theories of their fields. Bruno NETTL, for example, once stated that musicologists should extract scales, as indigenous musicians often have no concept of scales. Even in 1950s, musical scales were considered to be a key concept of music theory. It was perhaps natural at that time for the young NETTL to suppose that oral societies had no concept of pitch organization, because he was not able to find terminology representing this organization. I believe, however, that the concept of scale is difficult to apply cross-culturally and have since 1980 been persuading my colleagues not to use scales for syamisen music of Japan. I think it more productive to take NETTL's statement more generally and explore the organization of pitches instead of scales per se.

Let me use Japanese syamisen and koto music as an example. It is very difficult to find references to scales in these musics. However, in the teaching process there are many references to pitch. Teachers tend to shout to their pupils: "too high" or "too low"; or sometimes they mention the pitches in terms of fingerboard positions for the syamisen or string names for the koto. In traditional discourse about syamisen music, "higher" means lower in pitch and "lower" means higher in pitch because instructions are given in reference to the way the instrument is' held. This is reminiscent of ancient Greek pitch names derived from the way of holding the chitara.

As in the case of syamisen, music terminologies often take their vocabulary from everyday discourse. In other words, ordinary words are used as music terminology. If mUSicologists overlook this tiny detail, they

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are easily seduced into thinking that there is no music terminology. There is a frequent misunderstanding that music theory has to be constructed in terms of vocabularies specific to music. This, of course, prevents researchers from extracting invisible music theories.

In this connection we have to remember that key concepts of ancient Greek music theories (such as harmonia and rhythmos) shared a wide range of connotations with everyday discourse. The word rhythmos (as well as its Attican dialect rhysmos) signified "forms." A typical usage: "The letters alpha and beta are different in rhythmos." This was understood as a statement that the two letters have different forms.

Now, returning to Asia, I would like to ask you to what extent your terminologies are specific to music. A simple example is the word flower: in Vietnamese hoa means ornamentation. After having learned this, I interviewed an old Chinese master of Beijing opera. When I asked him about his method of ornamention using the word hoa (flower in Chinese), he understood my question and played many examples of his way of ornamenting melodies.

Ethnomusicology has made a great contribution to this field. As early as 1968, for example, YAMAGUTI Osamu succeeded in extracting musical terminologies of Palau (Belau) by describing their folk taxonomy. Similarly in the 1970s, Steven FELD realized that Kaluli people in Papua New Guinea were discussing musical structures by using metaphors referring to waterfalls and trees. "Waterfall" corresponds to a melody, while "basin of waterfall" corresponds to the final note of the melody. You will find similar cases in your own musical cultures. As these examples show, analyses of ordinary discourse about music will help to extract invisible music theories.

Re-evaluation of musical instruments in music theory

Musical instruments also give us clues in our search for invisible music theories. Suppose that you, as a musicologist, go to Japan and interview syamisen players and ask them "what kinds of sounds do you like to produce and what kinds of sounds do you like to avoid?" The chances are that they will not be able to answer such an abstract question, because they have no written, visible, theories about the selection of pitches or the sonorities of syamisen music. As soon as you give them a syamisen, however, they can give you concrete answers by adjusting, tuning, and playing the instrument. You will quickly see that they utilize a limited set of finger positions from an infinite range of possibilities. By observing their hand movements, for example, you can discover invisible rules that control

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transitions of pitches in their music. In 1976 I had an occasion to talk with Kalinga musicians from the

Philippines. They played a four-holed flute called paldong. I did not understand its organization of pitches. The question "what kind of tonal system do you use?" did not work well. But another question concerning the way holes were made helped us to discover their invisible theories. According to their explanation, holes were cut in the following way: the thumbhole is f!rst cut in the middle of the tube's length; then the bottom fingerhole is cut on the front side approximately halfway between the thumbhole and the bottom of the tube; and the two other fingerholes are placed equidistant between the thumbhole and the bottom fingerhole. Of course, placing the first thumbhole at the half-way point of the tube's length does not produce an exact octave. In other words, if they had wanted to playa pitch an octave higher, they would have made a minute adjustment in the placement of the hole. It was more important for these musicians to have pitches produced by geometrical principles than to have a true octave. This principle was the basis of their invisible music theory. (In this connection I should mention Hugo ZEMP, who discovered the invisible music theories of the Are'are people in Oceania by observing the way they made instruments and the way they performed them in ensembles.)

Of course, this method of extracting music theories from musical instruments has a long history. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, comparative musicologists were eager to measure pitches of sets of instruments in order to make generalizations about their tonal systems. HORNBOSTEL, for example, recommended the use of melodic percussion instruments for extracting tonal systems in his 1905 article "Die Probleme der vergleichenden Musikwissenschaft." Later in 1939, a German comparative musicologist, called Kurt REINHARD wrote a dissertation on Burmese music mainly by measuring the pitches of melodic percussion instruments possessed by a German museum. Before I went to Burma (Myanmar), I had no misgivings about such research methods.

Let me tell you about my experience with the pattala, a bamboo xylophone of Myanmar. The process of pattala making starts with the selection of good live bamboo. Specialists go to a bamboo forest and choose some good bamboo. They cut down the bamboo surrounding the selected stems in order to expose the good bamboo to the maximum amount of sunlight. After maturation, these bamboos are cut down and are soaked in muddy water. Then, they are dried for a long period. This process makes the bamboo stable. Only after this long process is the bamboo cut into slats (bars) and given minute adjustments so that the slats correspond to the

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Burmese equidistant 7 tone scale (in which mi is a little lower than ordinary mi, but still higher than mi flat; fa is a little higher than ordinary fa but lower than fa sharp; and si is a little lower than ordinary si but higher than si flat). When I visited Burma for the first time, I obtained a set of pattala slats and used them proudly to explain the Burmese tonal system to my students. Several years later, a group of Burmese musicians came to Japan. One of them kindly offered to check the pitches of my pattala slats. He was shocked to find that they had undergone major changes in pitch due to the extreme changes of temperature and humidity in Japan. Then he adjusted the pitches by trimming the underside of each slat.

This experience made me doubt the legitimacy of HORNBOSTEL and REINHARD's methods. In the case of the pattala, it was possible to re-adjust their pitches. In the case of other instruments, however, especially those made from metal, it is difficult or impossible to adjust pitches after their production. Do these badly tuned instruments represent invisible music theories? My answer is NO. In some Asian cultures, people tend to talk pitches of instruments in the following way: lithe second note of a gong set of that house is a little lower." In other words, people recognize the deviant pitches and tolerate them.

I said at the beginning of this section that musical instruments help us discover invisible theories. But, as is clear from the last example, in order to discover these invisible theories, we have to take tradition bearers' opinions about the instruments into account. If we rely only upon the "scientific" exactness of pitches, we are easily lead to extract theories that are not relevant to a native viewpoint.

Re-evaluation of interface between men and instruments

This leads us into further consideration of musical instruments: the problem of interface between performers and instruments. In general, musical instruments presuppose specific techniques acquired by training. Some cultures make musical instruments that can be played without any human interaction (for example, music boxes, street organs, and automaton instruments), but such instruments are exceptional. Thus we can include the interface between men and instruments as part of our study of invisible music theories.

In order to control the sounds produced by instruments, we have to train our ears. If we have good ears, we can adjust incorrect sounds, but always after .their production. The process of correction takes a certain amount of time. If we incessantly correct the produced sounds, listeners cannot

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discriminate correct sounds from incorrect sounds. Therefore, musicians have to train themselves to produce correct sounds with extreme accuracy.

Let me take the Japanese koto, a thirteen-stringed zither, as an example. Strings of the koto can be tuned in the two ways. First, by movable bridges which control the length of the strings. Second, by using the left hand to increase or decrease the tension of the strings. By this method, players can raise the pitch of a string, a half tone, a whole tone, and a minor third. As there is no visible mark to show the change of tension, players must rely upon their tactile sense. Players also have to develop another tactile sense for their right hands to pluck the strings. Again, there is no visible mark on a string. Consequently novices tend to pluck strings adjacent to the correct ones. In order to avoid such mistakes, teachers recommend that pupils develop a sense of distance that covers two strings an octave apart (for instance, strings nos. 2 and 7, or nos. 3 and 8.) These are examples of interfaces between performers and the koto. Not only the structure of instrument itself, but also the interface give us clues to the discovery of invisible music theories of koto music.

To give another Japanese example: the syamisen, a three-stringed plucked lute. I still remember vividly that when I first observed a syamisen, I was puzzled to find its long fingerboard unmarked. I did know that it must be structured as, at very least, a long railroad with many stations. The location of potential stations, however, were hidden from the eyes of the novice by the lack of frets. Through a long process of learning, I realized that this railroad has one set of important stations and another set of less important stations. My good teachers recommended me not to use my visual sense. Instead, they taught me to grasp several of the most important stations by using my tactile sense. This meant acquiring a sense of elbow to produce important pitches that corresponded to major stations for express trains.

In the 1970s I was unaware of the importance of such interfaces between performers and the syamisen. Consequently I tended to transcribe syamisen music into Western staff notation and analyzed it in order to discover its tonal system. In 1980 while staying in Canada without my syamisen teachers, I suddenly realized the importance of interface. In other words, I began to rely upon the training process, scoldings, and warnings given by my teachers. They were all related to interfaces between my body and the syamisen and helped me to formulate a new theory of the tonal system of syamisen music. This theory is included in my forthcoming book, L'aspect melodique de la musique de syamisen (Paris: Peeters-France). I doubt that my theory will be understood immediately by musicologists, but it explains musicians' invisible theories better than previous theories.

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In my present paper, I emphasized the necessity of shedding light on invisible music theories. I mentioned the following methods: 1) widening the concept of music theory; 2) examining visible and invisible theories; 3) re-evaluating metaphors in the process of discovering invisible theories; 4) re-evaluating musical instruments; and 5) re-evaluating interface between performers and their musical instruments. My wish is that all of you look at your own musical fields and search for invisible music theories. If we can share the knowledge of invisible music theories of Asian musics, our children and grand-children will pay greater respect to their adjacent musical cultures.

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