MUHIS 331

Tibetan Monastic Traditions

An Exploration of Instruments, Notational System, and Vocal Chant

Cory Chapman

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When exploring the musical traditions of Tibet, there are a few common threads among

the readily available sources and accounts. While the height of the Tibetan empire occurred

during the eighth century of our era, much of what will be discussed here in regards to music was

not documented prior to that. The predominantly Buddhist region and its peoples are well-

accustomed to a variety of instruments and monastic musical traditions. With the storied past of

political unrest and human rights issues in the region, it is no wonder that religious tradition runs

deep. While there is secular music, and folksong tradition as well, in the Tibetan realm of music,

I have chosen to take a more narrow and directed approach to my studies. Within this writing, I

have focused exclusively on the monastic traditions of Tibetan music. Differences exist among

the various monasteries, both indigenous and abroad, when it comes to tradition and practice of

music. These differences can even be exhibited from within a single monastery, depending on

the ideology of the current head of the monastery and the teachers within. Because of these

differences, I have had to take what is common between them and present the information with

as much accuracy as possible. These common threads are evident through the variety of sources

I was able to procure from libraries throughout the region. Within this writing, I will present

information on three distinct, yet entirely related topics. It is not possible to speak about the

music of the Tibetan monastic tradition without also speaking briefly at moments about

Buddhism and Tibetan Buddhism specifically; therefore I will attempt to approach these

somewhat foreign principles and beliefs with a sensitive and understanding mindset. Initially, I

will describe the variety of musical instruments used in monastic music tradition, with physical

descriptions, discussion of their construction, mythology of the instrument, and playing

techniques. Secondly, I will discuss the musical notation of the Tibetan region, presenting

examples from Tibetan texts, and the differences with Western notation styles. Finally, I will

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describe the way in which chant is performed according to monastic tradition around the world

within Tibetan Buddhism, taking into account specific chant traditions and examining one in

great detail.

Within the musical world of Tibetan monasteries, we find the same families of

instruments that exist in the Western world: aerophones, membranophones, and idiophones.

There are also cordophones, but their use is mainly limited to secular music.1 While

cordophones are not used in Tibetan monastic music, they have been suggested as an important

piece of Buddhist symbolism at an early time, especially the lute, or sGra-snyan.2 Many of the

instruments I will talk about have roots or traditions in other Eastern territories, such as India,

China, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Mongolia, as those regions were active with one another

during different periods.3 We will firstly discuss the three most commonly used instruments

from the family of aerophones in the monasteries. The first instrument of interest it the Dung

Kar, also known as the conch-shell trumpet. The conch-shell trumpet is linked in legend to the

King of the Nagas. Nagas are serpent demi-gods whom reside in the Tibetan “Heaven of the

Four Great Kingdoms. The earliest recorded use of the conch-shell trumpet in Tibet comes from

a Chinese text recounting the administrative history of Tibet during the seventh, eighth, and ninth

centuries. It is an instrument recorded as having been used in India as early as five centuries

prior to that.4 The most common uses of the Dung Kar are during religious ceremonies,

especially as a processional signal for monks to enter the hall.5 Traditionally, there are two ways

to perform on the conch-shell trumpet. The first is one long blow (Chig-oo), decreasing in

intensity and volume as it proceeds. The second is a series of three long blows (Sum-oo); the 1 Ivan Vandor, La Musique Du Bouddhisme Tibétain, (Paris: Éditions Buchet/Chastel, 1976) 69.2 Peter Crossley-Holland, Musical Instruments in Tibetan Legend and Folklore, (Los Angeles: The Regents of the University of California, 1982) 3.3 Crossley-Holland, 1.4 Crossley-Holland, 16-17.5 Vandor, 70.

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first tapers off much like the first technique, the second and third have a burst of volume in the

middle of the blow before dying off.6

The next instrument of the aerophone family is the Dung Chen, or long trumpet. It is the

longest of the Tibetan aerophones, and can reach lengths beyond four meters. It is once again

mainly used for processions, but differs from the Dung Kar in that it also has a solo repertoire

and is also sometimes played in an alternating fashion with the Tibetan oboe, which I will not be

discussing for brevity sake. It can be played inside or outside the halls of the monastery.7 The

long trumpet is also used as a drone instrument during some Tibetan Buddhist chant, going along

with a drum to give meter.8The Dung Chen is possibly the most well-known instrument of Tibet

to the outside world, and may be recognizable in the photograph below (Figure 1). According to

the lamas, the sound of the trumpet is said to resemble the deep boom of the legendary elephants

which stand watch over corners of the world. Since there are no elephants in Tibet, this points to

a similar Indian origin like the Dung Kar, also in the eighth century according to texts.9 The

Dung Chen is made of white metal, silver, brass, or copper. Sometimes it is gilded and often has

highly ornamented joints. There are three pitches which are primarily used by players; low to

high these are Dor, Gyang, and Ti. Each of these pitches is created with a similar embouchure to

Western brass instruments, tightening the lips as you move to a higher pitch.10

6 Daniel Scheidegger, Tibetan Ritual Music: A General Survey with Special Reference to the Mindroling Tradition, (Zurich: Robert Hofmann, 1988) 30.7 Vandor, 71.8 Walter Kaufmann, Musical Notations of the Orient: Notational Systems of Continental East, South, and Central Asia: (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1967) 356.9 Crossley-Holland, 24-25.10 Scheidegger, 21-22.

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Figure 1: The Dung Chen in monastic use.11

The final aerophone, and the one most closely related to monastic chant in particular, is

the Kang Ling, or human thighbone trumpet. Unlike the other two instruments discussed thus

far, this trumpet can occasionally be used to mark the end of sections of certain chants.12 The

Kang Ling is used for a variety of purposes, including dispelling unwanted spirits.13 The horns

are said to resemble the neighing of a horse, in this example a mystical horse which carries the

faithful on to paradise after death. This evokes a Mongolian tradition and coincides with lore of

much of East Central Asia. The thighbone trumpet supposedly hold mythic powers, including

aiding in promotion of fertility and averting storms. The thighbone should come from a person

of either a very high, or very low, caste. It could also come from someone who has died a

violent death. These conditions must be met for the instrument to gain its magical powers.14

Materials for the construction of this instrument were easy to attain, as the traditional method of

11 Crossley-Holland, 24.12 Lee-Suan Chong, “Tibetan Buddhist Vocal Music: Analysis of the Phet in Chod Dbyangs,” Asian Music 42.1 (2011): 59.13 Vandor, 71.14 Crossley-Holland, 20-21.

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burial in Tibet was the cutting of the corpse and feeding the bodies to vultures and other

carnivores.15 Good quality thighbone trumpets are made from the bone of someone who died

with healthy bones. If a person were to die due to leprosy or starvation, the bones are unsuitable

because of a lack of marrow, causing issues with resonance. There are instances where the

instrument is not a bone at all, and instead is made of metal or wood. In Buddhist tradition, this

instrument is related to the guardian deity Mahakala, who is the Lord of Death. It is also

depicted in the possession of the Mistress of the Cemetery.16 When playing the instrument, it is

blown into from the left corner of the mouth and vibrato is desired. We again see the three blow

technique, or Sum-oo, as we did with the Dung Kar. This is the most frequent technique for the

thighbone trumpet, and an example of the three blows along with the internalized syllables is

shown in Figure 2.

Figure 2: The Sum-oo technique for the Kang Ling.17

Moving away from the aerophones, I will now discuss one prominent member the

membranophone family, and two members of the idiophone family of instruments, all of which

15 Rinjing Dorje and Ter Ellingson, “Explanation of the Secret Gcod Da ma ru: an Exploration of Musical Instrument Symbolism,” Asian Music 10.2 (1979): 71.16 Crossley-Holland, 23.17 Scheidegger, 26.

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are frequently used in conjunction with monastic chant. The first instrument to be examined is

the Damaru, or double-faced tambourine. This drum is used as the main method for counting

beats during chants, as seen in Figure 3.18 The Damaru has many variants, but there are

consistencies which exist between all of these. The two halves are always hemispherical, and are

very often made with human skulls. The bodies of the two parts are hollow and two strikers are

attached by a cord on the middle part of the drum. All variants are played by holding it in the

right hand and either spinning the wrist, or with just the thumb and forefinger, depending on the

size of the drum.19 The head of the drums is often made with lizard skin, and more rarely with

human skin.20 The skulls chosen for construction of the instrument are of special interest, much

like the bones chosen for the Kang Ling. They should be from people who were killed or died in

an accident. A more interesting note is that using the skulls of two children of eight years old, or

those born of incest, are thought to have stronger magical properties affixed to them.21 Figure 4

displays an example of the Damaru. It may be evident now that many instruments are credited

with mystical powers. Tibetan Buddhism differs from Buddhism in the West in part through this

heavy belief in the mystical and magical arts. This partly comes from the Bön religion, which

was indigenous to Tibet. This religion was well-versed in the beliefs of magic and mysticism,

and celebrated magicians and sorcerers alike. As Buddhism became more popular it assimilated

some of the traditions and beliefs of Bön and created a unique sect of Buddhism in Tibet.22 This

is generally the case when religions or cultures collide throughout history.

18 Chong, 59.19 Dorje and Ellingson, 73.20 Vandor, 74.21 Crossley-Holland, 30-31.22 Yen Ping-Chiu, Proverbs, Songs, Epic Narratives, Folktales of East Asia: Selected Texts, Parallel Analysis and Comparative Approach: (New York: University Press of America, Inc., 1997) 83.

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Figure 3: Example of Damaru beats in a selected chant.23

Figure 4: Illustration of a Damaru.24

23 Chong, 59.24 Scheidegger, 53.

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The first idiophone to be discussed is the Dril Bhu, a hand-bell. This bell is sometime

found in variants which create a series of smaller bells that are attached to the Damaru for chant

rituals.25 It is most often paired with a Dorje, which is a small scepter that does not act as an

instrument, but rather as part of the pair. These two items in a pair are crucial to several rituals

in monastic tradition, including the Drilbü Choga where each lama holds both a Dril Bhu and a

Dorje to call for peaceful deities. As a pair, these two pieces represent Method and Wisdom.

The Dril Bhu is often highly ornamented and symbolizes body, speech, and mind. The top

portion of the bell symbolizes the mind, and has five spikes representing both the Five Wisdoms

and Five Certainties.26 When performing certain chants, practitioners will use the Dril Bhu,

Damaru, and Kang Ling in conjunction.

The second and final idiophone, as well as the final instrument to be covered is one of the

most prolific: the Rölmo, or cymbals. The Rölmo can vary in size from about 20 centimeters to

50 centimeters in diameter. They are all made of a compound known as Li, which is a

combination of gold, silver, zinc, copper, and bronze. Better quality cymbals have a higher

concentration of silver and gold, which smoothens the timbre. The cymbals are held

horizontally, and played vertically, with the left hand not moving. The upper cymbal, held in the

right hand, strikes the stationary cymbal held in the left hand and below the right-hand cymbal.

The upper cymbal is tuned slightly lower than the bottom cymbal, and represents the male

aspect. The cymbal in the left hand therefore symbolizes the female aspect.27 Rölmo are used in

nearly all ceremonies within the monastery halls. During important rituals, the master of

ceremonies plays the cymbals as a means to conduct the ritual. The Rölmo indicate tempo and

rhythm, and even if the master is making a mistake everyone must follow them. This is a clear

25 Dorje and Ellingson, 73.26 Scheidegger, 37-38.27 Scheidegger, 57-60.

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example of the importance of the cymbals in Tibetan monastic tradition. Another symbol of this

importance is that the Rölmo represents both the peaceful and wrathful aspects of Buddhism,

bringing them together as one to work in unison. However, as a pair they are considered to

represent the wrathful deities, warning of the danger of wrath overcoming peace if we are not

mindful.28 Certain texts are very specific about how the cymbals should be held and played, and

others are less so. Teachings from the Mindroling tradition suggest a four finger distance

between cymbals, but another tradition suggests that a cat should be able to pass between them.

The movements when playing should not be sporadic and intense like the movements we see

with Western cymbals, but rather relaxed and effortless.29 It is apparent after researching these

instruments that tension when doing anything in music is discouraged in this tradition. Because

of the materials used in their creation and the varying sizes of the Rölmo, the overtones produced

by striking the cymbals are quite interesting. The high pitches produced are capable of filling the

halls of the monastery with a wash of noise and color, and it is unfortunate that even now it is

very difficult to capture this effect on audio recordings.30

Instruments in Tibetan monastic tradition generally coincide with or represent either

peaceful or wrathful aspects of Buddhism. The Dung Kar and Dung Chen from our examples

here both represent the peaceful deities. The Kang Ling, and Rölmo represent the wrathful

deities. Nothing is mentioned of the Damaru, though other drums are able to represent both

peace and wrath depending on the situation.31 Now that I have described these most essential

instruments of the monastic traditions of Tibet, I will move on to the musical notation system

used in the region, as it very much differs from what is commonly seen in the West.

28 Scheidegger, 63.29 Scheidegger, 65.30 Scheidegger, 65.31 Scheidegger, 106.

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It is important to note that between different sects of Buddhism, there is no known

characteristic notational system which is standard to all texts or chants.32 This fact allows Tibet

the ability to exhibit its own notational system. One of the ways in which Tibetan chant differs

from early plainsong of the West or Catholic chant is that it has a strict meter. Most Tibetan

melodies are pentatonic, and the style is influenced by elements from Chinese music. In certain

instances, Tibetan chant can exhibit some similarity to the organum of the West, with lines

moving parallel with one another on different pitches.33 While it is not known when a notational

system for Buddhist chant was first used in Tibet, it is believed that the song books (yang-yig)

are the first known example of the notational neumes used in Tibetan chant (these symbols are

presented in part in Figure 5, along with examples of text from a song book).34 The neumes used

in the Tibetan notational system are unfamiliar and dissimilar to anything found in other regions.

The chants are presented in rows of two or four, with the neumes drawn over the text. The text is

often Tibetan but in some cases in song books it is Tibetan phonetics of Sanskrit syllables. The

notation does not correlate to any pitches or pitch class, but rather to direction and intensity of

tone. For example, if there is a sudden upward hook in the curve, it indicates to intensify the

sound. Occasionally there are more than one line of neumes at a time, indicating more than one

voice. Any other time it is either a solo voice or monks singing in unison in the lowest octave

they can attain.35 When looking at this notational system, the lines do not signify a fixed pitch or

rhythm. Rising lines do not necessarily indicate a rising pitch, and two identical neighboring

lines do not imply an equal pitch. The system of notation used in this tradition is not so much

about organization of rhythms or pitches, but about the color of sound from the human voice. It

32 Kaufmann, 355.33 Kaufmann, 356.34 Kaufmann, 360.35 Kaufmann, 360 and 381.

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is a mnemonic structure of notation because these songs are traditionally passed down orally and

the notation is a tool to help with memorization rather than reading whilst chanting or playing.36

It is not a major point of concern for the monks that they match pitch when chanting together, as

an important tenet among the monastic traditions is the idea of music as Mchod Pa, or an

offering of the best they have.37 This all pertains to liturgical texts which are chanted by monks,

and despite the fact that pitches are not formally notated, the range of the melodies rarely exceed

the interval of a fifth. An exception is the Phet or Phat syllable used in certain visualizations

during chants.38 The majority of the chant will be in an almost monotone fashion, where the

symbols give instructions for inflection of vowels and annotations give instructions on whether

to sing heavily or lightly. Without a known text describing the exact fashion in which these

symbols are used, much of the research on Tibetan chant notation is conjecture based on

listening to monks and practitioners perform the chants, and comparing what is heard to what is

on the page. The books which I have read through make great effort to inform the reader that

much of this information is not known for sure. The same can be said for notation of

instrumental music. One of the reasons for this confusion and uncertainty of Western scholars is

the presence of such variety in notational systems and styles between monasteries. In Figures 6

and 7 below, you will see notation for the long trumpet (Dung Chen) from different monasteries,

and you will see the ways in which they differ dramatically from one another. More information

becomes available and observable when we move to the area of vocal chant.

36 Scheidegger, 109.37 Rakra Tethong, “Conversations of Tibetan Musical Traditions,” Asian Music 10.2 (1979): 10.38 Kaufmann, 360.

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Figure 5: Example of Tibetan Buddhist vocal chant notation.39

Figure 6: Musical notation for Dung Chen from Kagyüpa Monastery.40

Figure 7: Musical notation for Dung Chen from Sakyapa Monastery.41

When speaking of Tibetan vocal chant, we are mainly speaking of Yang (literally ‘tune’).

With most chant in Tibetan tradition, the voice sings slowly and with a deep, guttural action. It is

39 Walter Kaufmann, Tibetan Buddhist Chant: Musical Notations and Interpretations of a Song Book by the Bkah Brgyud Pa and Sa Skya Pa Sects: (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1975) Part II: Yang Yig. (no page number)40 Vandor, 124.41 Vandor, 124.

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possible that you have heard this style of chant referred to as throat-singing or throat-chant. It is

very recognizable by its sound and the multiple tones produced, as sometimes the voice is able to

produce a fourth or fifth partial tone through great exertion of force.42 A lot of the research into

this style of chant and Tibetan monastic traditions in music comes out of the Mindroling

monastery, which is a monastery following the Nyingmapa school of Buddhism. It is widely

thought of as one of the best centers for music in the Tibetan tradition.43 The origin of the Yang

chants is unknown, but it is assumed that centuries ago there was a major cultural exchange

between Tibet, Afghanistan, and Pakistan, along with many years of Greek influence. There

have been similarities drawn between Tibetan scripts and those of Byzantium.44 When students

in the monastery are moving to learn Yang, it is done through imitation and repetition.

Occasionally, a student or teacher working to learn a particularly difficult Yang may take more

than a month of endless work to master it. After completing the course in Yang to the

satisfaction of his teacher, the student is given the Yang Yig (notation of Yang), to assist in

memorization of the tunes.45 Refer back to Figure 5 from before to see this notation again.

Because the notation is less specific than Western notation about rhythm and pitches, each

performance from any number of performers can be completely different, yet entirely the same.

This idea will be explored in greater detail later.

One tradition from the greater Yang landscape is the Gcod (literally ‘cutting’) tradition.

Gcod has been in existence since the start of the twelfth century. This tradition differs from

other Tibetan liturgical chant in that it is meant to be performed by a single person rather than by

a group of monks. Due to this, in part, Gcod has transcended sectarian lines within the various

42 Scheidegger, 107.43 Tethong, 13.44 Scheidegger, 107.45 Scheidegger, 108.

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schools of Buddhism, and is practiced by Buddhists all over the world.46 The Gcod tradition

takes its name into practice in a couple of different ways. In one way, the chants of Gcod require

intense, and very vivid, visualizations to be undertaken. Some of these visualizations involve

dismemberment of their own bodies and offering them up to the Gods and Goddesses through

carrion birds and demons as a sacrifice.47 Another is the figurative cutting through impure

thoughts while practicing the chants of Gcod. Practitioners who are less experienced or who

have not reached great heights of enlightenment or ascension may find it necessary to cut their

thoughts more frequently.48 This will be discussed in greater detail in a later section where we

discuss one specific chant and its performance and visualizations. While some of the

visualizations and practices of Gcod may seem to have roots in human sacrifice or even

cannibalism, the idea of meditating on the impermanence of the body and human existence is a

practice undertaken by Buddhists of all sects, regardless of geographical location. Even the use

of human bone instruments comes into practice from Indian Tantric Buddhism.49

As I have just made mention of instruments, I will discuss their use in the Gcod tradition.

I have made an effort previously in this writing to describe in great detail all of the instruments I

will discuss here; the Kang Ling (thigh-bone trumpet), Dril Bhu (hand bell), and the Damaru

(double-sided drum). Firstly I will discuss the use of the Kang Ling. The thigh-bone trumpet is

associated with the Buddhist concept of impermanence as previously mentioned. The sound it

produces is based on the mantra used to make the sound. For example, the peaceful Om will

result in a long and pleasant melody, while others may produce more fierce and unpleasant

sounds. This is shown in Figure 8. The Dril Bhu is held in the left hand during most Gcod

46 Dorje and Ellingson, 65.47 Dorje and Ellingson, 68.48 Chong, 55.49 Dorje and Ellingson, 69.

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chant, while the Damaru is played in the right hand. The Damaru keeps the beat steady while

the Dril Bhu sounds along with the drum, though not with every strike.50

Figure 8: Sounds of the Kang Ling.51

Within Gcod practice, there are three versions of chants based on three texts. The short

chant is only a matter of two pages in length, while the longest chant is one hundred pages of

text. When the middle-length text is performed, it takes approximately one hour to complete the

performance, depending on the performer and varying even between performances by an

individual practitioner. The shortest text is generally memorized and recited in emergency

occasions, such as when a monk would encounter someone dying or finding himself without his

Gcod texts. The longest text is only used for special occasions, while the middle-length text is

the one most often used in individual practice.52 This middle text has a complete set of

visualizations and sections referred to as Phet sections. This is what we are most concerned with

when discussing this chant in particular, because these sections are what determine the length of

the chant and the voraciousness of the voice throughout the chant. The Phet sections are also

one of the guiding factors in how the chant is performed overall by a particular practitioner on a

50 Dorje and Ellingson, 71 and 73.51 Dorje and Ellingson, 70.52 Chong, 54.

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particular occasion. To understand why this is, we must first discuss how the syllable Phet is

used within the chant, as well as the structure of this particular Gcod chant. There are seven

sections of the Gcod in which the practitioners sing only the word Phet.53 While Tibetan monks

do not refer to these as Phet sections, and no notational evidence of them exists in the text,

researchers generally use this term, therefore I will do so as well. During the chant, at the end of

each Phet section, monks may blow on the Kang Ling, but it is not absolutely required. The

Damaru is used to mark the meter of the chant and continues for its duration all the way through.

Rather than Phet being annotated in the text, it is completely absent. It is not sung on any

specific melodies or in any officially regulated manner, but rather is sung or called out

spontaneously depending on the spiritual and conscious needs of the performer at the time. The

pitch of the utterance does not signify any religious meaning or purpose.54 The question at hand

is what determines the quality and frequency of occurrence for each Phet if it is not any preset

regulation governing the syllable.

One factor which determines how the chant proceeds is how much enlightenment has

been attained by the practitioner. There are three levels of faculties available depending on those

levels; lesser, mediocre, and superior faculties. More experience performers would be able to

handle the mediocre and superior faculties in a shorter amount of time, while less enlightened

monks may need to continue using the lesser faculties. In the first Phet section of the middle-

length Gcod chant, the practitioner is required to complete a series of visualizations. There are

seven stages of this first series of visualizations, which require the performer to push two Bindus

(pea-like objects of mystical fluid), from one body position to the next, using only their mental

prowess and concentration. These seven positions are, in order: the soles, genitalia, navel, heart,

53 Chong, 58.54 Chong, 59.

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throat, crown of the head, and the Machig Labdron above the crown (an imagined source of

light). These seven stages each represent a realm of existence, from the hell realm to the

liberation from suffering.55 The intensity of the Phet syllabled sung in this section reflect the

intensity and speed with which the performers are moving the Bindus. If they sing and move

them too slowly, impure thoughts may disturb his mind and concentration, requiring an even

more guttural and accented Phet to reel the mind back in. A specific practitioner commented on

the fact that he finds it more difficult to transition the Bindus to a higher position, such as from

the heart to the head, because of the natural inclination to believe it requires more energy to

travel to a higher position, even if the Bindus do not truly exist. This mental image and effort is

reflected in the intensity of the Phet. This is an example of the true “cutting” nature of Gcod

traditions, utilizing the syllable Phet to cut through their thoughts and keep them on task, as well

as using the syllable as a force with which they complete their visualizations.56 Recall that

during this process, the Damaru and Dril Bhu are continuing to sound. This continues in the

second Phet section.

In the second Phet section of this chant, practitioners need to begin by releasing their

awareness in the form of the female deity Vajrayogini. This deity has many ornaments and

decorations on her body, and the monks must visualize these all in great detail, in addition to

body color and body features. This requires tremendous patience and deep meditation and

concentration, resulting in a very elongated Phet from most performers during this beginning

phase of the second section.57 This is in stark contrast to the short, sharp, accented Phet usually

present in the first section, bringing to light a reason for the uniqueness of these chants. As this

second visualization section continues, practitioners will transport themselves to Mount Meru

55 Chong, 67-68.56 Chong, 70.57 Chong, 71.

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where they sacrifice their bodies, turning them into nectar, washing away their impurities and

faults, and allowing themselves to be transported again to a higher plane as steam which fills the

realm of space. These visualizations are very vivid and can take a considerable amount of time.

The second Phet section is usually marked by these slowly moving, and softer utterances of the

syllable. There is often a long period of silence at the end of this section as the performers feel

relaxed with a clear mind.58 In one instance recorded by a researcher, one performer found

himself allowing his mind to drift near the end of this visualization, and he destroys these

thoughts with a loud, forceful Phet. This is shown in Figure 9, which recounts every utterance of

Phet from this practitioner during the chant. During the third Phet section, there are no

visualizations required, however it is a more difficult section of chant because the monk must

practice keeping their mind completely clear and pure. Thoughts will occur naturally during this

section, and require a Phet to end them, as the mind becomes more free and clear, the Phet will

become less audible as noted in Figure 9. Phet section four requires performers to visualize a

further sacrifice of their bodies to gods and demons in a feast offering. The fifth, sixth, and

seventh Phet sections, the performer dedicates himself to becoming mindful, as well as finishing

all visualizations from the previous Phet sections as well as the actual text of the chant.59

58 Chong, 71.59 Chong, 72-74.

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Figure 9: Analysis of Phet sections.60

The structure of this chant overall depicts a common theme in all the liturgy of Tibetan

Buddhism, in that it follows the formula of motivation, sacrifice, and dedication.61 There are a

great number of visualizations required in any number of chants in the liturgy, and these can deal

with any tenet of Tibetan Buddhism. Within Tibetan Tantric tradition, there are one hundred

aspects of Buddhahood, split into forty-two peaceful aspects and fifty-eight wrathful aspects.

Within these two subsets of aspects, there are a number of other categories of peace and wrath62,

60 Chong, 65.61 Scheidegger, 103.62 Scheidegger, 105.

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bringing the total number of possible visualizations that could be required of you to an almost

unthinkable number. When you then account for the fact that throughout the Gcod chants, the

Damaru and Dril Bhu are continuously being played, it is a remarkable feat that these

practitioners are able to continue to release their thoughts and carry on these vivid and

sometimes horrific visualizations through the mere utterance of a single syllable. These chants

are regarded by highly ascended persons as the finest vocal music, and this is without any sort of

consistency in performance.63 We can take lessons from the Gcod traditions of Tibetan

Buddhism, and apply them to our study and practice of Western music as well. The kind of

research I have made use of for this writing highlights the intimate relationship that can be

developed between our minds and the music we create. Performers of Tibetan chant do not

practice for adoration or for beauty of execution, but for deeply meaningful and spiritual

reasons.64 I have not studied before a more thoroughly interwoven relationship between

spirituality and music. We can also see in the Tibetan tradition the influence of the teachings of

Confucius from around 500 B.C. in China, continuing a long line of Chinese influence on the

Tibetan region which carries over into the turmoil of today. Confucius was said to be able to

understand a performer’s personality by listening to their music, and that is certainly still the case

with Tibetan Buddhist vocal music. We can listen to a performance of a Gcod, and understand

the current consciousness and feeling of the performer through the intensity and length of their

Phet.65

The study of Tibetan Buddhist monastic traditions with regard to music can dig deeply

into any number of topics. There is a whole separate side to monastic music where instrumental

music in concerned, but for the sake of brevity and focus of mind, I chose to only commit my

63 Chong, 75.64 Chong, 78.65 Chong, 79.

Chapman 21

studies into instruments, notation, and vocal chant. These three areas of the musical tradition are

so tightly connected that it is difficult to separate one from the other. We have discussed, in

depth, the Dung Kar, Dung Chen, Kang Ling, Damaru, Dril Bhu, and Rölmo. I have made an

effort with those instruments to document how they are played, what they represent in

mythology or religious practice, and how they are created and with what materials. Instruments

are used in chant, while notation assists students learning to recite and memorize the song books.

I have also presented a description of how inconsistent the notational system is in the tradition of

Tibetan music, and examples of those differences. It is very difficult to create accurate

Westernized transcriptions of Tibetan monastic music. I have also made an effort to thoroughly

explore the traditions of the Gcod, along with diving deeply into one specific chant to describe

the free musical expression that is possible within these vocal chants. Students of Tibetan

monastic music are studious and devout followers of their way of life, and this is evident in the

practice and effort they give their craft. Through the study of the musical traditions of other

cultures away from our own, we can begin to understand other cultures and ways of thinking,

creating a more harmonious world in which to live. I believe that is the teaching of Tibetan

music at its very core: music is not about showing off or claiming fame, but it is about releasing

oneself of negative thought and fostering a mindset of unity, mindfulness, and understanding.

Chapman 22

Works Cited

Chong, Lee-Suan. “Tibetan Buddhist Vocal Music: Analysis of the Phet in Chod Dbyangs.”

Asian Music 42.1 (2011): 54-84.

Crossley-Holland, Peter. Musical Instruments in Tibetan Legend and Folklore. Los Angeles:

The Regents of the University of California, 1982.

Dorje, Rinjing, and Ter Ellingson. “Explanation of the Secret Gcod Da ma ru: an Exploration of

Musical Instrument Symbolism.” Asian Music 10.2 (1979): 63-91.

Kaufmann, Walter. Musical Notations of the Orient: Notational Systems of Continental East,

South, and Central Asia. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1967.

Kaufmann, Walter. Tibetan Buddhist Chant: Musical Notations and Interpretations of a Song

Book by the Bkah Brgyud Pa and Sa Skya Pa Sects. Bloomington: Indiana University

Press, 1975.

Ping-Chiu, Yen. Proverbs, Songs, Epic Narratives, Folktales of East Asia: Selected Texts,

Parallel Analysis and Comparative Approach. New York: University Press of America,

Inc., 1997.

Scheidegger, Daniel. Tibetan Ritual Music: A General Survey with Special Reference to the

Mindroling Tradition. Zurich: Robert Hofmann, 1988.

Chapman 23

Tethong, Rakra. “Conversations of Tibetan Musical Traditions.” Asian Music 10.2 (1979): 5-22.

Vandor, Ivan. La Musique du Bouddhisme Tibétain. Paris: Éditions Buchet/Chastel, 1976.