THURJ Fall Vol. 3 Issue 2

8/8/2019 THURJ Fall Vol. 3 Issue 2

1/84


2/84


3/84


4/84

LETTERS !"#$%&'(')**$&'+','-.##'+/0/

!! 12&'3.45.46'786&494.6$.:&';&*&.4


5/84


6/84!"#$%&'(&')$*+)#','&)-&.#$/#0#&'1"$23-'+&4

Aln Aspuru-Guzik, Ph.D

Assistant Professor of Chemistry and ChemicalBiology

Paul Bamberg, Ph.DSenior Lecturer on Mathematics

Michael Brenner, Ph.DGlover Professor of Applied Mathematics andApplied Physics

Myron Essex, D.V.M., Ph.DMary Woodard Lasker Professor of HealthSciences in the Faculty of Public Health

Brian Farrell, Ph.DProfessor of Biology

Je rey Flier, M.D.Dean, Harvard Medical School, and George C.Reisman Professor of Medicine

Nicole Francis, Ph.DAssociate Professor of Molecular and CellularBiology

Steven Freedman, M.D., Ph.DAssociate Professor of Medicine

Robin Greenwood, Ph.DAssociate Professor of Business Administration

Guido Guidotti, Ph.DHiggins Professor of Biochemistry

David Haig, Ph.DGeorge Putnam Professor of Organismic andEvolutionary Biology

Marc Hauser, Ph.DProfessor of Psychology

Dudley Herschbach, Ph.DFrank B. Baird Jr. Professor of Science

John Hutchinson, Ph.DAbbott and James Lawrence Professor of Engineering and Gordon McKay Professor of Applied Mechanics

David Jeruzalmi, Ph.DAssociate Professor of Molecular and CellularBiology

E himios Kaxiras, Ph.DGordon McKay Professor of Applied Physicsand Professor of Physics

George Lauder, Ph.DProfessor of Biology and Alexander AgassizProfessor of Zoology

Richard Losick, Ph.DMaria Moors Cabot Professor of Biology

L. Mahadevan, Ph.DLola England Professor of AppliedMathematics

David Mooney, Ph.DGordon McKay Professor of Bioengineering

Hongkun Park, Ph.DProfessor of Chemistry and of Physics

Steven Pinker, Ph.DJohnstone Family Professor of Psychology

Tobias Ritter, Ph.DAssistant Professor of Chemistry and ChemicalBiology

Eugene Shakhnovich, Ph.DProfessor of Chemistry and Chemical Biology

Irwin Shapiro, Ph.DTimken University Professor

Stuart M. Shieber, Ph.DJames O. Welch, Jr. and Virginia B. WelchProfessor of Computer Science

Zhigang Suo, Ph.DAllen E. and Marilyn M. Puckett Professor of Mechanics and Materials

David Weitz, Ph.DMallinckrodt Professor of Physics and of Applied Physics

Martin HirschProfessor in the Department of Immunology and Infectious Diseases

Evelyn HuGordon McKay Professor of Applied Physicsand Electrical Engineering

Guido ImbensProfessor of Economics

E himios KaxirasJohn Hasbrouck Van Vleck Professor of Pureand Applied Physics

Robert KirshnerClowes Professor of Science

Steven Lawry Senior Research Fellow

Marc LipsitchProfessor of Epidemiology

Benito MunozDirector of Medicinal Chemistry

David Parkes

Gordon McKay Professor of Computer ScienceAnn OwensGraduate Student in Sociology and SocialPolicy

Naoshige UchidaAssistant Professor of Molecular and CellularBiology

Brandon Van Dyck Graduate Student in Government

Bob WesterveltMallinckrodt Professor of Applied Physics &Physics and Professor of Physics

Boards

BusinessDirector of Operations: Peter Zhang 13Director of Advertising: Neal Wu 14Director of Marketing and Circulation:Yvette Leung 13

Alison Liou 14Grace Qi 14Nathan Geonwoo Kim 13Jennifer Sun 14John Sheridan 13Kathy Wang 14Kyle Kost 14Nicholas Moore 14Nolan Kamitaki 14Namhun Scott Kim 14Robert Powers 14Jonathan Zhou 14Zijian Wu 14

ContentAssociate Managing Editors:Alissa DGama 11Jung Soo (Tom) Lee 12Michelle Wang 14

Ina Chen 14Logan Chestnut 14Jonathan DGama 14Nan Du 12Kyle Green 14Yvette Leung 14Jenny Lu 14Saima Mir 14Saraf Nawar 14Meewon Park 14Grace Qi 14Patrick Snodgrass 13Anji Tang 13Kathy Wang 14Jonathan Zhou 14Andrew Zhou 14

Peer Review and SubmissionsAssociate Editors:Nathan Kim 13Patrick Snodgrass 13Fiona Wood 13Helen Yang 11Jessica Zeng 12

Managing Editor of ContentJen Gong 12

Managing Editor of Peer Review andSubmissionsWill Sun 13

Executive BoardCo-Editors-in-Chief John Mei 12 and Grace Cho 12

Business ManagerVarun Bansal 13

Design ChairAmanda Lu 13

Manager for Social and Public RelationsJanet Song 13

Faculty Advisory Board

Faculty Reviewers

!"#$%&'(')**$&'+','-.##'+/0/


7/84!!!"#$%&'"(&)

Copy Editors:Ioana Florea 14Yvette Leung 14Allen Shih 13

Jacob Cedarbaum 12Andrew Chen 12Doris Chen 13Sway Chen 12Justine Cheng 13Ben Dobkin 12Meng Xiao He 11Johnny Hu 11

Caroline Huang 13Edward Kogan 12Alex Mays 12Vikram Nathan 13Sarvagna Patel 13Jeanine Sinanan-Singh 13Amy Tai 13Akachimere Uzosike 13Katherine Xue 13

DesignAssociate Chair: Ritchell van Dams 11Casey Alcantar 13

Julie Chang 14Abhishek Chintapalli 14Jung Soo (Tom) Lee 12Shimwoo Lee 13Xinrui Zhang 14

Social and Public RelationsAssociate Manager: Preya Shah 13

Caroline Huang 13Rohini Shivamoggi 13Jeanine Sinanan-Singh 13Jung Soo (Tom) Lee 12Shannon Purcell 12

e table of contents on our last issue incorrectly stated that Stephanie Mok 09 was the author of Searching for Dark Matter Beyond the WMAP Haze. e author is Lauren Weiss 10.

Corrections

!"#$%&'(')**$&'+','-.##'+/0/


8/84!"#$%&'(&')$*+)#','&)-&.#$/#0#&'1"$23-'+&4

About Us

e Harvard Undergraduate Research Journal (THURJ) showcasespeer-reviewed undergraduate student research from all science andquantitative social science disciplines. As a biannual publication,THURJ familiarizes students with the process of manuscriptsubmission and evaluation. Moreover, it provides a comprehensiveforum for scienti c discourse on the cutting-edge research that impactsour world today.

At its core, THURJ allows students to gain insight into the peerreview process, which is central to modern scienti c inquiry. AllTHURJ manuscripts are rigorously reviewed by the Peer Review Board(consisting of Harvard undergraduates), and the top manuscriptsthat they select are further reviewed by Harvard graduate students,post-doctoral fellows, and professors. is process not only stimulatesfaculty-student collaboration and provides students with valuable

feedback on their research, but also promotes collaboration betweenthe College and Harvards many graduate and professional schools. Inaddition to publishing original student research papers, THURJ is alsoan important medium for keeping the Harvard community updated onscience research-related news and developments.

Contact

General : [email protected]

Advertising : [email protected]

Subscribing : [email protected]

Submissions : [email protected]

Website : http://www.thurj.org

Copyright 2010 The HarvardUndergraduate Research Journal.

No material appearing in this publicationmay be reproduced without writtenpermission of the publisher, with theexception of the rights of photographswhich may only be granted by thephotographer. e opinions expressedin this magazine are those of thecontributors and are not necessarily shared by the editors. All editorial rightsare reserved.

About the Cover

e Hyde-Jackson Square mural is part of the newly proposed Boston Latin Quarter, a neighborhoodundergoing gentri cation. Who has the right to de ne place: Authenticity in Bostons Latin Quarter from theperspective of white gentri ers and Latino Old Timers by Melissa Deas 10 examines the neighborhood andits shi ing cultural and economic identity.

Photo credit: Melissa Deas

!"#$%&'(')**$&'+','-.##'+/0/


9/84


10/84


11/84

Structure-Function Analysis of Newly-Identi ed Adamantylacetamide andAdamantanecarboxamide Inhibitors of Ebola andLassa Fever Virus Infection by Huy Nguyen p. 92

Ebola virus, EBOV, is a virus that causes serious hemorrhagic fever inthe body. Ebola fever is devastating: according to the National Institutesof Health [1], its mortality rate can be as high as 90%. Late stage patientswith Ebola su er from extensive bleeding from the body. The cause of death is usually shock, which is the lack of proper blood ow [1]. Theris currently no vaccine or drug in the market to treat Ebola hemorrhagicfever patients. Moreover, Ebola cases are concentrated in Africa [2],where the lack of good healthcare can make therapy and containmentdi cult.

This study investigates two compounds: Compound 3.0 andCompound 3.3. Compound 3.0 (an adamantylacetamide) inhibits onlythe Ebola virus, while Compound 3.3 (an adamantancarboxamide),closely related to Compound 3.0, inhibits only the related Lassa virus.By examining the chemical properties of the two similar compounds,this study aims to understand how these two molecules speci callinhibit their respective viruses.

This experiment produces variations of Compound 3.0 andCompound 3.3 through organic synthesis reactions. It then analyzesthe e ect of these variations on inhibiting the Ebola and Lassa virusinfections. The study ultimately identi es some key chemical featuresof Compounds 3.0 and 3.3 that are important in their function asinhibitors, which may help in the development of a new antiviral drugto treat the deadly Ebola virus. Jenny Lu 14

References:1. Ebola Hemorrhagic Fever.Medline Plus Medical Encyclopedia . US NationalLibrary of Medicine/NIH. 28 August 2009. 2. Known Cases and Outbreaks of Ebola Hemorrhagic Fever, in ChronologicalOrder. Center for Disease Control. 25 Aug 2006. .

The Role of the Informal Sector in EquitableWater Distribution: A Case Study of the TankerMarket in Ayn al-Basha, Jordan by Sarah Hinkfussp. 103

Whether its smart, avored, or vitamin-enriched, water alwaysseems to be available. In the United States, fears of water scarcity haveonly hit the media in the last two years, and despite the more obviousshort-term consequences, the debate over water resource allocationis nonexistent compared to the debate over global warming. In manyways, rst-world countries do not even recognize water as a commodity the supply is regarded as endless, the price as in nitesimally small.However, according to the World Health Organization, in March 2009,around 1.2 billion people (20% of the worlds population) lived in areasof the world with a physical lack of water [1]. Though essential to lifeeverywhere, in many regions of the world, water is not available inseemingly inexhaustible quantities.

One such region, discussed in this paper, is the Emir Ali neighborhoodof Ayn al-Basha, Jordan. In this area, the government has a monopolyin the water market. However, because Jordans supply of water percapita is one of the lowest in the world, this market, called the formalsector, is not able to adequately satisfy demand. Because of this, aninformal sector of the market has arisen, where tanker trucks makepro ts by selling water to households. This paper seeks to examine theimpact of this new sector on the equity of water distribution. Whilethe formal sector is able to assure equitable distribution, the informalsector o ers a free market alternative to the government monopoly. The study nds that while the informal sector does not discriminateaccording to race, ethnicity, or religion, the market is not entirely

equitable, because there is evidence of regressive pricing. Poorerhouseholds actually pay a higher proportion of their incomes than richhouseholds for water. Therefore, market mechanisms in Ayn al-Bashainequitably ful ll demand for a resource necessary for survival onethat many take for granted. Jen Gong 12

References:1. http://www.who.int/features/fact les/water/en/

IllustrationbyShimwooLee

SUMMARIEVolume 3 Issue 2 | Fall 2010

73www.thurj.org


12/84

Minimum Assignment Problem by Olga Zverovichp. 116

Despite the abstract sound of complexity theory, its actuality isquite useful in mathematics and computer science. Formulated in 1971by Stephen Cook, the P versus NP question asks: if a computer candetermine whether a given solution is correct quickly, can it also solvethe problem quickly? Not only does this question have a million dollarprize riding on the rst correct solution, it also holds the key to the

security of our private information. A problem where a computer candetermine the solution quickly is said to be of class P. If the computercan verify a solution to the given problem quickly, the problem is said tobe of class NP. Saying that P = NP means that a problem whose solutioncan be veri ed in polynomial time can also be solved in polynomialtime. Polynomial time means that the time it takes for an algorithm torun is determined by the size of the input to some power. In computerterms, thats fast.

This paper addresses the Minimum Assignment Problem, anextension of the Satis ability Problem (SAT), whose result is alreadyknown. The SAT asks: given an expression with only Boolean variables

(which can only take values of true or false), can we choose values foreach of these variables such that the expression evaluates to true? In1971, Stephen Cook determined that if this problem can be solved inpolynomial time, then all problems in NP can be solved in polynomialtime and are referred to as easy. The Minimum Assignment Problemextends this question by asking if, for two classes of formulae wherethe SAT is easy, it is possible to satisfy Boolean formulae by partiallyassigning values to the variables. The author shows that this questionis easy within a particular class of formulae in this set, called directed

2-CNFs. The paper then generalizes both the Satis ability Problemand the Unsatis ability Problem for Boolean polynomials in a similarmanner, and shows that they are easy for linear polynomials and NP-complete for quadratic ones.

The extension of the SAT means we can push further into the P=NPquestion and understand more about complexity theory. There areincredible implications to this result, particularly in Internet securityand cryptography. These elds depend on the fact that it is incrediblydi cult and time-consuming to go through keys and passwords tohack into other peoples information. If P = NP, however, all of theseproblems can be solved in polynomial time, making it far too easy tobreak into other peoples private information. Jen Gong 12

Development of an automated head- xedpreparation to study the neuronal mechanisms of motor learning in rodents by Kate Xiep. 123

The complex network of nerve cells in high-level organisms, such

as mammals, brings life to a profound range of activity. Despite theircritical role in brain function, however, researchers before have beenlimited in their scope of study, largely only being able to study themysteries of neuronal activity in inactive and asleep subjects.

The development of a voluntary head-restrained rodentpreparation discussed in this paper, however, now provides the key

to expanding the presently limited knowledge of motor sequencesand their neuronal circuitry. Using a head-plate implantation and ahead-restraining apparatus, animals can now be more closely studiedwhile they are awake, and researchers are nally able to assess motorsequences and the associated circuitry in greater depth. This techniquealso opens up the horizons of understanding in other divisions of behavior, including vision and olfaction. Due to the voluntary natureof the head restraint, this research could also lead to the developmentof the automated training of animals, which holds potential for insightinto learning-related behaviors.

By giving researchers the potential for a more developed

understanding of circuitry in the rodent model, this method could leadto similar advances in even higher-level animals, including humans. Thiswould be an important milestone in discovering potential treatmentsfor motor disorders and other behavioral aberrations associated withincorrectly functioning neuronal circuitry. Saima Mir 14

SUMMARIES Volume 3 Issue 2 | Fall 2010

74 The Harvard Undergraduate Research Journal


13/84

RESEARCHVolume 3 Issue 2 | Fall 2010

75www.thurj.org

Surface morphology and electricalproperties of GaN layers and AlGaN/GaNhigh electron mobility transistor (HEMT)

structures grown by molecular beam epitaxy Michael Lindeborg 14

University of California, Santa Barbara, Materials Department

GaN and AlGaN/GaN are group-III nitride semiconductors with outstanding opto-electronic and microelectronicapplication potentials. Understanding their optimal preparation techniques and nal compound structures willallow for the production of more e cient semiconductors. is study focuses on GaN epilayers and AlGaN/GaNHEMT structures grown by molecular beam epitaxy (MBE). A series of di erent MBE growth conditions wereselected to map out regions with optimum structural quality and electrical performance. ese epilayers were

characterized using atomic force microscopy and Hall e ect measurements. Under high-temperature growth(T>760C), GaN exhibited superior surface structure with low RMS (root-mean-square) surface roughness whenthe Ga/N ux ratio was close to stoichiometric conditions (Ga/N ~ 1). In addition, electron mobility decreasedwith thermal etching of the underlying GaN substrate and Si overdoping. For both GaN and AlGaN/GaN,decreased RMS surface roughness also improved electron mobility. Our research further de nes the optimalgrowth conditions and characteristics of an e cient group-III nitride semiconductor. is study can ultimately aid in the development of more energy e cient technologies.

Introduction

is study investigated a novel class of groupIII nitride semicon-ductors, which have outstanding optoelectronic and microelectronicapplication potentials. Focus was placed on GaN epilayers andAlGaN/GaN HEMT structures grown by molecular beam epitaxy (MBE).

GaN crystals provide a promising material with which to employ their high-quality electrical properties for a number of applications.

ey have shown success in their use in electronic devices, suchas RF power devices and ampli ers, demonstrating an ability towithstand high power loads and frequencies, breakdown voltagesof 3 MV/cm and thermal conductivities of 130 W/mK [1,2]. Electronmobilities as high as 1150~1190 cm 2/Vs have been achieved with

lms grown in plasma-assisted molecular beam epitaxy (PAMBE)systems [3], creating further advantages to their use in semiconduc-

tor high-speed electronics.In this study, two separate types of investigations were per-formed: on bulk GaN epilayers and AlGaN/GaN HEMTs. In the

rst type of study, various MBE growth conditions were analyzedand several types of lm growth modes were characterized, primar-ily dependent on the Ga/N ux ratios and growth temperature [3].Much of the previous work done on the study of GaN has focusedon growth regions with relatively lower temperatures. Only recently have the growth modes for GaN in higher temperature regions withPAMBE begun to be characterized [3,4]. e growth regions in thesetemperature ranges have provided lms with properties comparableto the best of those grown in lower temperature regions [5]. Highergrowth temperatures were used to further reduce the threading

dislocation densities in heteroepitaxial lm growth, as well as toreduce unintentional impurity incorporation, further enhancingthe lm quality. e major growth regions in the higher tempera-ture range include a Ga-rich step- ow growth region, a Ga-richlayer-by-layer growth region, and an N-rich layer-by-layer growthregion. Some additional growth modes, including Ga-droplets and3D growth, are easier to obtain at temperatures lower than ~760 C[4]. Further study is required to fully characterize the newer growthregions and to optimize the material properties of the GaN lmcreated within them. In this study, PAMBE GaN lms were grownin the temperature range of 780-795 C, providing insight into thecharacterization of the upper end of studied growth regions.

With respect to the second part of this study, high electronmobility transistors (HEMTs) have a vast potential in applicationsincluding cell-phones, direct broadcast satellites, and radar becauseof their direct band gaps, high voltage, and high power [4]. HEMT

are based on various semiconductor combinations with two di erenband gaps, which are regions of energy between the valence band

(VB) and the conduction band (CB) where electrons cannot propa-gate. HEMTs are made of a variety of compounds such as GaAs,InP, or SiC. However, nitrides, such as the AlGaN/GaN structures(Figure 1), make the AlGaN/GaN HEMT more e ective than othekinds of HEMTs. Nitrides advantageous properties include a stablwurtzite crystal structure. is structure creates covalent bondsand a high thermal conductivity, both of which are necessary forheat dissipation out of a HEMT [5]. e high thermal conductivityof the nitrides therefore allows the HEMTs to be useful in a widerrange of applications [4]. Another important property of nitrides isthe high velocity of the electron-carriers, which allows for greater


14/84

RESEARCH Volume 3 Issue 2 | Fall 2010


M S c i e n c e

electron-carrier mobilities and higher voltages and further enhancesthe HEMTs [4]. Nitrides also carry a larger internal electric eldup to one order of magnitude greater than that of GaAs. ese allcontribute to making an e ective HEMT. Analysis of AlGaN/GaNsamples will determine speci c trends in electronic properties thatcreate a more pro cient HEMT.

An electric eld existing between a heterojunction of two dif-ferent materials with a high and low band gap creates an e ectiveHEMT. In this case, the two materials are AlGaN and GaN. Asa result of the heterojunction, internal strain is created at theAlGaN/GaN crystal interface (the active region), which results ina larger piezoelectric polarization. In addition to the piezoelectriccomponent, the nitrides also contain a large internal spontaneouspolarization due to the polar direction of the crystals. e polar-ization-induced electric eld a ects the two di erent materials,causing the conduction and valence bands to bend. At the heterojunction, the di erent band gaps of the materials create a quantumwell where the 2-dimensional electron gas (2DEG) resides (Figure1) [6]. Without bending bands, the electrons would normally beequally distributed along the conduction band on GaN; however,the quantum well creates a sea of electrons restricted to owingalong the heterojunction. HEMTs can be enhanced by improvingthe 2-DEG mobility and density, making a high-speed channel forelectrons (Figure 1) [7]. By analyzing speci c properties of AlGaN/GaN, such as its surface morphology and the electronic properties,the e ectiveness of a HEMT can be determined.

Materials and methods

Crystal growthGallium nitride thin- lm crystals and AlGaN/GaN HEMTswere grown in a Veeco Gen II plasma-assisted molecular beamepitaxy (PAMBE) system. Growth took place in a highly-controlledultra-high vacuum (UHV) environment, where the backgroundpressure of the chamber was on the scale of 10 -9 torr [8]. e react-ing gallium and aluminum were held in quasi-Knudsen cells, wherethey were sublimated into a vapor phase by the maintenance of asu ciently high melting temperature [9]. e gallium and alumi-num beams were directed from the cell to a substrate material inthe growth chamber, where lm growth occurred as the galliumreacted with nitrogen that was generated by an rf-plasma from anexternal source [9]. Iron-doped, semi-insulating GaN templates

(manufacturer: Lumilog), with dislocation densities of 5x10 8/cm2

served as the substrate material. e beam ow rates and substratetemperature were varied widely to produce a wide range of growthconditions. In addition, thermal etching, by which GaN-templatesubstrates were heated to remove varying amounts of impure surfacematerial, and silicon doping were also applied to some samples. Ga

ux ranged from 2-14 nm/min, and the N- ux was held constant at 5nm/min for all samples. Growth temperatures ranged from 780-795C, and thermal etching thickness ranged from 0-50 nm. Silicondoping on samples, when applied, ranged from cell temperaturesof 1140-1300 C, corresponding to concentrations of ~1016-1018 cm-2

Such variations resulted in signi cant changes of lm propertiesand surface morphology, which were categorized in one of severalgrowth regions based on these conditions [3,10]. e relatively slowgrowth rates when using MBE allowed for precise control of the

lm thickness. Real-time, in situ, monitoring of crystal growth waaccomplished through the use of Re ection High Energy ElectronDi raction (RHEED) [8,9]. e di raction pattern was indicative othe current surface condition of the sample. Combined, slow growthrates and RHEED monitoring allowed for very precise control of crystal growth. Once wafers of the crystal lm were grown, theywere cut with diamond scribes into approximately 1 cm 2 squaresamples to be further analyzed.

Electrical properties analysise carrier density and carrier mobility of the GaN and AlGaN/

GaN lms were determined by the use of a Hall e ect measuremenset-up and the Van der Pauw method. e four ohmic contactsrequired by the Van der Pauw method were made of indium metalsoldered onto the corners of the sample. Placement of the indiumcontacts as close to the edge as possible, as well as a regular square

geometry, were required for ideal measurements [11]. e samplewas then placed onto a contact card, which was inserted into theHall set-up. In the apparatus, the sample card was placed betweentwo strong electromagnets that provided the magnetic eld in whichthe Hall e ect could be observed. Computer so ware measured andrecorded all data. Current and voltage measurements were takenalong each side of the sample. From Ohms Law, the resistivity values were calculated. e Hall setup then applied the magnetic

eld, and the computer so ware calculated the carrier density andcarrier mobility of the sample as determined by standard Hall e ectheory [12].

Figure 1. (left) Structure of AlGaN/GaN showingpolarization

Figure 2. (right) GaN growth diagram: bluepoints represent the growth conditions studied.

ey dominate the N-rich lb-l region; conditions ex-ist in the Ga-rich step- ow and Ga-rich l-b-l layers.


15/84


16/84


17/84


79www.thurj.org

min and N- ux of 3.5 nm/min. Two samples with and without thisGaN bu er layer were grown at 785 C with a Ga- ux of 4 nm/minand an N- ux of 5 nm/min. Each was approximately 0.4 m thick.

e lm with the GaN bu er layer showed a RMS roughness of 2.3 nm for the 10 m 10 m scan and 0.9 nm for the 1 m 1m scan. e largest single peak/valley was 29.8 nm in the samplewithout the bu er layer, but only 7.5 nm in the bu er layer sample.

is value was signi cantly lower in the sample with the bu er layer,which had a RMS of 6.2 nm for the 10 m 10 m scan and 3.4nm for the 1 m 1 m scan. Clearly, the GaN sub-layer positively a ected the surface smoothness of the lm.

ermal etching thickness and electron mobilityEtching of GaN templates was performed in situ within a vacuum

in the MBE chamber at elevated temperatures (780C) in order toremove any potential surface impurities (typically Si, O, H andC). e heat caused the surface of the lm to e ectively bake o ,therefore reducing the thickness of the lm. e purpose was totry and remove impurities on the surface, but at the same time, theheating could introduce structural imperfections into the crystal.

is could lead to electron traps and scattering centers, which reducemobility. Similar to RMS roughness, determination of the electron

mobility of the GaN lms prepared with this etching step was criti-cal to proper understanding of the overall material quality. As withsurface morphology, several trends in electron mobility exist. Figure6 shows the e ect of thermally etched GaN-template substratesbefore growth on electron mobility. As etching was increased at 10,25, and 50 nm, the mean electron mobility decreased to 310.7, 285.1,156.1 cm2/Vs, respectively. is suggests that larger etching thick-nesses most likely promoted the development of defects, yieldingelectron traps within the lm, and thus restricting the free move-ment of carriers. Typically, thermal etching reduces impurities atthe GaN/GaN-template interface. Unlike etching, RMS roughnessappeared to have no direct e ect on electron mobility; however,such an expected trend could be obscured by the interference of

other growth parameters, including thermal etching and Si-doping.

Silicon doping and electron mobilitye concentration of the silicon dopant added to GaN lms

a ected electron mobility as well. e addition of charge carriersincreased carrier density, although the dopant atoms generally did not t into the existing crystal lattice, causing crystal defectswhich reduce mobility. erefore, increased doping increased carrierdensity but also decreased mobility. Figure 7 shows the relationshipbetween the concentration of silicon dopant and electron mobility in the GaN lms. e graph plots Si-doping in terms of the cell tem-perature at which it was deposited into the lm. Cell temperatureis direct ly related to the concentration of the Si-dopant, which canbe used as a means of comparison. e graph demonstrates that amaximum electron mobility of 718.0 cm 2/Vs was achieved at a Sicell temperature of 1140 C. As silicon concentration was increasedwith cell temperatures of 1200, 1260, and 1300 C, electron mobilitydiminished to 147.4, 179.0, and 66.9 cm 2/Vs. us, over-doping theGaN lm causes excessively high levels of silicon impurities, whichtrap electrons and signi cantly reduces mobility.

In silicon-doped samples, a distinct relationship between elec-tron concentration and electron mobility was apparent, as shown in

Figure 8. As electron concentration was increased, electron mobility was signi cantly a ected. Concentration values of 6.8 10 16 cm-3, 1. 1017 cm-3, 1.3 1018 cm-3, 1.5 1018 cm-3, and 8.9 1018 cm-3 haddecreasing electron mobilities of 718.0, 453.2, 179.0, 147.4, and 66.cm2/Vs. is relationship is nearly inverse proportional where n =k, n is electron concentration, and is electron mobility. e actuacurve yields n0.46 as opposed to n1; k was approximately 10 V -1s-1.

AlGaN/GaN HEMTs:

AlGaN thickness in AlGaN/GaN structures and 2DEG Hall Mobilitye samples measured were grown at similar conditions (same

Ga/N and (Al+Ga)/N ratio) with varying temperature between

Figure 10Figure 9


18/84



M S c i e n c e

770-790C and all contained a gallium-rich bu er. ermal etch-ing of the underlying GaN substrates was also performed amongsome samples, with etching thicknesses ranging between 0-200 nm.When comparing the Hall mobility to aluminum thickness of theAlGaN/GaN layer in Figure 9, a distinct parabolic trend could beidenti ed. Hall mobility increased as AlGaN thickness increased,and a maximum Hall mobility was achieved at an AlGaN thicknessof 33 nanometers, a er which larger thicknesses negatively a ectedmobility. When analyzing the surface morphology of the variousAlGaN layers, a distinct trend was also observed with AlGaN thick-ness. According to the AFM images shown in Figure 9, larger AlGaNthicknesses created higher root mean squared (RMS) roughness values as compared to lower thicknesses. is discrepancy wasmost likely due to the typical statistical roughening, which occursat increased layer thicknesses. e increased RMS roughness iscorrelated with decreased Hall mobility and, hence, a less e ectiveAlGaN/GaN HEMT could be expected. For AlGaN thicknessesgreater or smaller than 33 nm, RMS roughness is higher and Hallmobility is lower.

Al composition in AlGaN/GaN structures and 2DEG Hall mobilitye samples measured were grown at similar conditions with

temperatures varying between 770-790 C. However, these sampleswere prepared utilizing a carbon-doped bu er. e carbon-dopedbu er was used to generate a semi-insulating GaN bu er, isolatingthe 2DEG active region from the regrowth interface, where a para-sitic conductive channel might preside due to residual impuritiesnot su ciently etched. Most of the underlying GaN substrates werethermally etched by 25 nm except for sample 021208A, which wassigni cantly smaller when etched at 25 nm than at 200 nm. erelationship between aluminum composition and Hall mobility can

be seen in Figure 10, which is similar to the trend for the AlGaNthickness study. Aluminum composition and aluminum thick-ness are closely related. Parabolic shaped Hall mobility curveswere present for both experiments. As a result, an optimum Alcomposition and AlGaN thickness was found at which Hall mobil-ity was at a maximum. In this set of data, the Al composition atwhich Hall mobility was highest occurred at 25%. is result maybe explained by postulating that too much Al composition creates

an overabundance of electron scattering centers in the layer, whichhas adverse e ects on the mobility. Also, the data indicated thatthe Hall mobility was a ected by the surface RMS roughness. Asshown in the AFM images in Figure 10, higher RMS roughnessyielded a lower Hall mobility.

Sheet Carrier Density and Hall MobilityA relationship was identi ed between the 2DEG Hall density and

the Hall mobility for the same samples of AlGaN/GaN preparedwith a bu er doped with carbon. In Figure 11, 2DEG Hall density ranges between the values of -1.06 1013 to -2.94 1013 cm-2, whichis relatively higher than the typical values obtained from sampleswith merely the gallium-rich bu er samples. e graph shows thawith increasing 2DEG Hall density causes a decrease in the Hallmobility. As shown by the samples 052008A-051508A, the 2DEGdensity increased from -1.06 1013 to -1.82 1013 cm -2, and theHall mobility decreased dramatically. However, from 051508A to060208A, the curve became more constant and tapered o betweendensities of -1.82 1013 and -2.94 1013 cm-2. us, an inverse rela-tionship exists between Hall density and Hall mobilityas Halldensity increases, Hall mobility decreases. As observed previouslyan increase in RMS roughness leads to a decrease in Hall mobility

is observation holds true for all samples grown under similargrowth conditions.

2DEG characteristics between carbon-doped and Garich bu ersAnother analysis investigated the e ects of the gallium-rich

bu er, the carbon-doped bu er, or no bu er on the 2DEG charac-teristics, which function to bury the impurities caused by crystalmismatch with the substrate during wafer growth. In this com-parison, the purpose was to determine which bu ers allow foa greater mobility among these samples prepared under similargrowth conditions. ese conditions were growth temperatures inthe range between 770-795C and an even distribution of aluminumcomposition between the types of samples. A signi cant trendappeared between the gallium-rich bu er and the carbon-dopedbu er samples. ey both had parabolic curves which followed thsame paths. However, the carbon-doped bu er samples had higher

Hall mobility. Higher Hall mobility was also positively a ected bythe RMS roughness of the samples. Two di erent samples (031708A

and 032608A) with similar aluminum composition (27%, 28%)but di erent bu ers were analyzed. Sample 031708A contained agallium-rich bu er and sample 032608A had a carbon-doped bu erMeasured at a 10 m 10 m window, the sample with the bu edoped with carbon had a RMS roughness of 8.0 nm while the gal-lium-rich bu er had a RMS roughness of 10.3 nm. erefore, RMroughness decreases as the Hall mobility increases. ese factorsindicate the ideal conditions sought a er when creating a HEMT.

Figure 11


19/84


81www.thurj.org

DiscussionGaN lm RMS roughness values show a clear relation to Ga- ux

(Ga/N ratio) for GaN lms grown at high temperatures. In Ga-rich conditions, decreasing the Ga/N results in smoother surfaces,whereas in N-rich conditions, increasing Ga/N results in smoothersurfaces. Both of these trends have linear properties and show thesmoothest surfaces close to ux stoichiometry when Ga/N~1. e

reason for the increase in RMS roughness when deviating from theGa/N ratio of 1 lies in the enhanced thermal decomposition underGa-rich conditions (Ga/N >> 1) and the lack of su cient surfacedi usion under N-rich conditions (Ga/N 760C), superior surface structure with low RMS

(root-mean-square) surface roughness was achieved when the Ga/Nux ratio was close to stoichiometric conditions (Ga/N ~ 1). Higherroughness resulted from higher (Ga/N > 1) and lower (Ga/N < 1) ux

ratios. is was re ected by di erences in electron mobility withinGaN layers, with adverse e ects also found by thermal etching of the underlying GaN substrate and Si-overdoping. For AlGaN/GaNHEMTs, similar trends were observed, i.e. an increase in electronmobility of the twodimensional electron gas with decreasing RMSroughness. Carbon-doped GaN bu ers in AlGaN/GaN samplesshowed higher electron mobilities than samples grown without buf-fers. Finally, a parabolic relationship between electron mobility and

aluminum concentration and AlGaN thickness was determined forlayers grown at constant Ga/N ux ratio. Future research in this areacan better de ne the optimal growth conditions, which may resultin the most e cient nitride-based semiconductors and HEMTs.

References1. Mishra, Umesh K., Likun Shen, omas E. Kazior, and Yi-Feng Wu. GaN-

Based RF Power Devices and Ampli ers. Proceedings of the IEEE 96 (2008)287-305. 21 July 2008.

2. Levinshtein, M. E., S. L . Rumyantsev, and M. S. Shur, Properties of AdvancedSemiconductor Materials GaN, AlN, InN, SiC, SiGe. Wiley, New York, 2001.

3. Heying, B., I. Smorchkova, C. Poblenz, C. Elsass, P. Fini, and S. Den Baars.Optimization of the Surface Morphologies and Electron Mobilities inGaN Grown by Plasma-Assisted Molecular Beam Epitax y. Applied PhysicsLetters 77 (2000): 2885-2887. 21 July 2008.

4. Shur, Michael. Heterostructure Field E ect Transistors. 2007. 23 July 2008 .

5. Koblmller, G., S. Fernndez-Garrido, and E. Calleja. High Elect ron Mobil-ity GaN Grown Under N-Rich Conditions by Plasma-Assisted MolecularBeam Epitaxy. Applied Physics Letters 91 (2007). 21 July 2008.

6. Neamen, Donald A. Semiconductor Physics and Devices. 3rd Ed. New York:McGraw Hill, 2003.

7. Wilson, J., and M. N. Rudden. Elements of Solid State Physics. Chichester:John Wiley and Sons Ltd., 1980.

8. Kosiel, Kamil. MBE- Technology for Nanoelectronics. Vacuum 82 (2008):951-955. Science Direct. 23 July 2008.

9. Feick, Henning. MBE Growth of GaN. 18 Dec. 2001. Berkeley U. 17 July 2008 .

10. Koblmller, G., S. Fernndez-Garrido, E. Calleja, and J. S. Speck. In SituInvestigation of Growth Modes During Plasma-Assisted Molecular BeamEpitaxy of (0001) GaN. Applied Physics Letters 91 (2007). 21 July 2008.

11. Van Der Pauw, L. J. A Method of Measuring Speci c Resistivity and Halle ect of Discs of Arbitra ry Shape. Philips Research Reports 13 (1958). 23July 2008.

12. Serway, Raymond A. Physics for Scientists and Engineers. 4th ed . Philadel-phia: Saunders College, 1996.

13. Carpick, Robert W. Scratching the Surface: Fundamental Investigationsof Tribology with Atomic Force Microscopy. Chemical Reviews 97 (1997)1163-1194.


20/84



Who has the right to de ne place:Authenticity in Bostons Latin Quarter fromthe perspective of white gentri ers and old

timers

Who has the legitimate right to de ne a places identity? In this ethnographic study I use the frame of a planto rebrand a gentrifying Boston commercial district as Bostons Latin Quarter to examine this question. Look-ing at the perspective of white gentri ers and Latinos I analyze how these groups understand this question. Iwill argue that white gentri ers support of or opposition to the name change re ects their own internal inse-curities about their role as gentri ers and members of the community. Even more, both white gentri ers whosupport and who oppose the name Bostons Latin Quarter use authenticity to defend their own right, or the

right of Latinos, to de ne place. Interestingly, those who support the name change de ne authenticity in termsof people, whereas those who oppose the name change de ne authenticity in terms of place. While newer Latinoresidents also express concern about the name change and maintaining authenticity in the community, olderLatinos appear less concerned about authenticity and even gentri cation than many of the white people in theneighborhood. Instead, these Latinos seem to care more about gaining recognition and maintaining a sense of cultural pride in the next generation.

Introduction

is paper examines how white gentri ers and Latino commu-nity members understand authenticity within their community and how this a ects their support of a recent plan to change thename of a Boston commercial district from Hyde Jackson Square(HJS) to Bostons Latin Quarter. While the board members of alocal non-pro tHyde Jackson Square Main Streetare united intheir decision to rename this commercial district Bostons LatinQuarter and in their desire to de ne this commercial district of their neighborhood as a Latino place, the communitys perspec-tives on this plan are complex. rough in-depth interviews withwhite and Latino residents and business owners, I discovered thatthose who live and work in the neighborhood hold a variety of ideas about who has the right to de ne and call this neighborhoodtheir home. Using Brown-Saracinos (2004, 2007, 2009) typology of gentri ers and old-timers, this paper explores some of the issues

surrounding this debate: the di erent ideologies among white gen-tri ers within this diverse community, the concept of Latino and

authentic old-timers within the community, and the notion of preserving an authentic Latin Quarter. I compare the white gentri-

ers perspectives on the neighborhood and rebranding to those of Latino old-timers, showing that the older Latino residents see thepurpose of Bostons Latin Quarter di erently. ey stress culturalremembrance rather than authenticity. Also, I compare gentri erswho support the rebranding plan to those who do not, nding thatBrown-Saracinos typology of gentri ers is re ected in these twogroups agendas. Additionally, I extend Brown-Saracinos work as I explore how both groups of gentri ers use authenticity toframe their arguments over who has a legitimate right to de ne

the districts identity. Overall, I show that the ways in which theactors in this community de ne authenticity mirror their personaland cultural perceptions of their own role in the community.

Backgroundis paper analyzes a small urban community struggling to

de ne its place-based identity. To be a place, rather than simply some abstract geographic space, a location must have an identity,a sense of signi cance attached to it that makes it meaningfuland recognizable (Gieryn 2000). e place in this study is a smalmulticultural Boston neighborhood called Hyde Jackson Square(HJS), which is currently renegotiating the meaning of place as itconfronts gentri cation. e frame of my study is a marketing planimplemented by a local non-pro t organization (called Hyde Jack-son Square Main Street or HJSMS), which recently rebranded the

commercial district of this diverse neighborhood as Bostons LatinQuarter. During interviews, board members of HJSMS explainedthat this particular re-branding decision is based on the desire toattract people to the commercial district and celebrate the preva-lence of Latino businesses and people in the neighborhood.

In the con nes of this paper I cannot delve deeply into the com-plex history and demographics of this neighborhood. However, itis important to note that the neighborhood is not entirely Latino.Based on 2007 Census estimates, 43% of the population of HJSidenti ed as Hispanic, 35% as Non-Hispanic white, 16% as Non-Hispanic black, and about 4% as Asian or other (Figure 1). esdemographics highlight how the rebranding of the commercialstrip of the neighborhood as Bostons Latin Quarter is a choice to

Melissa Deas 10

Harvard University, Department of Sociology


21/84


83www.thurj.org

focus on just one aspect of this diverse community.It is also important to understand that this is, arguably, a neigh-

borhood in the beginning stages of gentri cation. All of the censustracts in HJS, except for the one that contains a large public housingdevelopment, have seen substantial increases in median householdincome since the 1970s (Table 1). Despite this, the neighborhood isstill racially/ethnically diverse (Figure 1), and still has many of thecommon signs of a working class neighborhood that Zukin (2010)identi es: dollar stores, small bodegas, and cash advance agencies.

is feeling of impending gentri cation is also apparent in thewords and memories of long-term community members. ey explained to me that in the 1970s HJS experienced dramatic white

ight (Figure 1). During my in-depth interviews, long-term residentsexplain that with this white ight came a dramatic economic declineand HJS became a hotbed of violent and o en drug-related crime.While older white residents ed HJS, the neighborhood becamean a ordable place for immigrantsmostly from Cuba, PuertoRico, and the Dominican Republicto open businesses and builda community. Today, many residents feel like the neighborhood ismoving in the right direction. While there is still crime, its repu-tation is improving. Jos, who grew up in HJS, recalls that when hewas a child the only white people he saw there were the ones who

came to buy drugs. is is no longer the case. e vast majority of the people I interviewed reported that more a uent and o enwhite residents are moving back to HJS, shopping and spendingmuch more time there. While residents generally appreciate thefact that the neighborhood is becoming safer, many worry aboutthe increased cost of living.

Theoretical understandings of gentri cationGentri cation is a concept that is constantly being rede ned,

negotiated, narrowed, and expanded within the literature. However,gentri cation traditionally is understood as a process in which

the inhabitants of a place change from a group that has less socialstatus to one with more social status. is de nition is based onRuth Glasss original 1964 study on a London community in whichworking-class families were pushed out of their homes by morea uent ones. She coined the term gentri cation. In her study shenotes how the working-class quarter of London was invadedby the middle classes, transforming the shabby, modest mewsand cottages into elegant expensive residences (p. xviii). Glasscontinues, Once this process of gentri cation starts in a districtit goes on rapidly until all or most of the original working-classoccupiers are displaced and the whole social character of the districtis changed (p. xviii). e term gentri cation is literal in that thewealthier, o en white residents, the gentry, push out the lowerclass. As Glass highlights, gentri cation not only results in physicaldisplacement, but a new social character for the neighborhood.

Who are the gentri ers?When studying gentri cation, it is important to identify who

the gentri ers are within the community. Traditionally, gentri-ers are understood to be middle-class residents attracted to the

a ordability of a neighborhood (Glass 1964). However, more recentstudies emphasize that they may be attracted to a par ticular placefor cultural, rather than economic, reasons (Zukin 2010; Brown-Saracino 2009).

Scholars, such as Rose (1984), caution against treating gentri eras a single group. Rose asks an important question: What concep-tual grounds exist for assuming that the rst stage and the endstage a uent residents have anything in common other than thefact that their household incomes are higher than the original resi-dents? (p. 58). She asserts that gentri cation is a chaotic proces

with a great deal of variability. She notes that the initial gentri ermay be motivated by the belief that the neighborhood will be moretolerant to a particular group of people (such as lesbian and gay populations) than other neighborhoods, while later gentri ers maybe more economically motivated.

While these issues of diversity are important, Brown-Saracino(2009, 2007, 2004) suggests a di erent approach to de ning the dif-ferences between gentri ers. She argues that gentri ers t into threecategories based on their ideologies surrounding gentri cation andhow they de ne themselves as gentri ers: 1) pioneers who ruthlesslyretake space from the others; 2) social homesteaders who engage intransformation of poor and working-class neighborhoods to servemiddle-class purposes, (2009:10) but do so cautiously because

Figure 1. Racial and ethnic percentages in Hyde Jackson SquareSource: U.S. Census Bureau and Social ExplorerNotes:*In 1970 all people who identi ed their race as other were included in the

white category, making it somewhat in ated.** e other category is consistently about half-Asian***2007 numbers are based on estimates created by Social Explorer

1989(1990

census)

1999(2000

census)2007 Di erence

Tract 1205 31,490 40,968 41,737 10,247Tract 1206 48,143 55,194 53,419 5,276Tract 1207 36,182 45,355 42,239 6,057Tract 812 31,990 18,967 14,816 -17,174Averages 36,951 40,121 38,052 1,101

Table 1. Median Household Income ($) by Census Tract in HJS adjustedfor in ation in 1999Source: Social Explorer 2007 estimates; Social Explorer 2000 census data; Social Explorer 1990 census data; U.S. Bureau of Census 1990; U.S. Bureau oCensus 2000


22/84



they are also attracted to the idea of living in a neighborhood thatis diverse and a ordable; 3) social preservationists who engagein a set of political, symbolic, and private practices to maintainthe authenticity of their place of residence, primarily by workingto prevent old-timers displacement (2009:9). Interestingly in herdiscussion regarding this last point she notes that in three out of her four studies these old timers belong to a racial or ethnicgroup di erent from the gentri ersthey are Portuguese sherman,

Swedish immigrants, or Asian merchants while the gentri ers arewhite. When I apply Brown-Saracinos typology of gentri ers toHJS, I contend that the old-timers are arguably the Latino popula-tion and that gentri cation is, at least in part, re ective of a socialpreservationist model.

Who or what is worth preserving?rough my research it became obvious that authenticity is a

primary concern within the neighborhood, particularly in the faceof changes brought on by gentri cation. Residents and businessowners worry that this new place-identity, Bostons Latin Quarter,will create something arti cial. Others worry that if Latinos areentirely displaced, this authentic Latino enclave will be destroyed.Zukin (2010) observes that the term authenticity has crept intopopular language in the past few years (p. xi). Increasingly, it isseen as bene cial to claim authenticity in both the sense that aplace is historical and traditional, as well as the sense that it isunique, historically new, innovative and creative (p. xi). Citiesmarket themselves as authentic because people increasingly travelsearching for authentic tastes, experiences, and smells (also Judd2003). Gentri ers also move to places they identify as authentic(Brown-Saracino 2009, 2007, 2004; Zukin 2010). Clearly there is astrong drive for authenticity, but why?

Brown-Saracino (2009, 2007, 2004) points out that there arecertain authentic groups that become the focus of social pres-ervationist movements. ese gentri ers identify old-timers ina neighborhood as valuable because they see these people as moreauthentic than themselves. In her description of old timers shenotes some speci c characteristics: social preservationists appreci-ate those who appear autonomous: who seem to live a simple lifeand depend on their own labor, land, bodies, families, and localnetworks (2007:446). ey are the farmers or the merchants. Sheobserves that social preservationists de ne old-timers as possess-ing qualities they associate with real community and that they believe they do not personally possess: independence, tradition,and a place-based way of li fe (2009:153). ese people are not only seen as having long-lasting ties to the community, but also as livingin more traditional and arguably anti-modern ways. e fact that

white respondents in HJS o en described Latinos as hard-workersand independent small business owners with strong family tradi-tions validate Brown-Saracinos observation.

Brown-Saracinos (2009) description of social preservationistsalso suggests that the desire for authenticity is rooted in both nos-talgia and the desire for stability over time. She nds that socialpreservationists express nostalgia for traditional community rooted in fear of the constant evolution of space (p. 152), that is,they worry further gentri cation wil l destroy authenticity. Howeverat the same time social preservation is not an e ort to return toan earlier era. Rather, it is an e ort to prevent change, to freeze aplace before gentri cation alters it (Brown-Saracino 2004:152-53).In this sense, authenticity represents a desire to experience a unique

temporal moment in the process of gentri cation, during whichneighborhoods are multicultural and socioeconomically diverse.

Zukin (2010), on the other hand, frames gentri ers desire forauthenticity in terms of place rather than people. She argues thatthe search for authenticity is motivated by people searching for asense of real connection to a place: ough we think authenticity refers to a neighborhoods innate qualities, it really expresses ourown anxieties about how places change (p. 220). Authenticity is

about a need to feel that those places and neighbors that are heretoday will be here tomorrow. It is about the search for a place thatwill be invested with the same sets of meaning over time. is iimpossible, since each social actor in the neighborhood has his orher own image of when and how the neighborhood was authentic.Moreover, in Zukins opinion, the presence of gentri ers in theseneighborhoods will, by their own consumptive practices, set intomotion homogenizing forces that recreate these places into whiteurban neighborhoods.

is paper does not focus on whether or not authenticity is pos-sible, nor does it attempt to answer the question of why people areattracted to authenticity. Instead it uses Brown-Saracinos typologof gentri ers to investigate the white gentri ers and Latino old-

timers perspectives on Bostons Latin Quarter and their use of authenticity to defend these opinions. It extends previous researchby showing that each categorysocial preservationist, social homsteader, and old-timeruses a di erent de nition of authenticityto justify its beliefs.

MethodsIn addition to my experiences living and working in the com-

munity over the span of two summers, the primary data used inthis paper comes from 49 in-depth interviews collected over the latwo years11. e majority of the respondents live in the HJS area.Nineteen owned or worked in businesses within HJS. Eighteenworked at and/or had served on the board of a local non-proagency. Eight were on the current board of directors for HJSMS.Others lived, but did not work in the neighborhood. ere was agreat range in the number of years participants lived or workedin HJS, with the average being 17. My interviewees also ranged inage from 19 to 76 years. About half of my sample was white, andhalf were Latino. Additionally there was one African Americanparticipant and two Asian participants.

In this paper I attempt to apply Brown-Saracinos typology of social preservationist, social homesteaders and pioneers. Itis important to note that this typology is an oversimpli cation

While gentri ers are generally framed as a more a uent class ofpeople, there is also an assumption that gentri ers tend to be whit(Brown-Saracino 2009). However, there is evidence that an in uxof middle-class people of color would have similar impacts onneighborhoods because change due to gentri cation may be morea result of consumption practices based on class position rather

1. As I begin to present data from my interviews I ask my reader to rememberthat my respondents cannot possibly be representative of all people within HJS.As Small (2009) argues, each represents one case-study that provides a windowinto this part icular community. While each interviewees words and perspectiveson their community are valid, t hey do not necessarily represent the views of oth-ers in the community. While the opinions in this paper are not representative,they are congruent with my own experiences living, working, and interactingwith members of the community over the two years of my study.


23/84


85www.thurj.org

In this section I will rst outline three perspectives: rst that ofwhite gentri ers I label as social preservationists, explaining whythey t into this category, how this in uences their feelings aboutrebranding the neighborhood as Bostons Latin Quarter, and howthis re ects how they de ne authenticity; next, that of gentri erwhom I de ne as social homesteaders, showing how they utilize aplace-based rather than people-based de nition of authenticity; and

nally that of the Latino residents, demonstrating how their image

of authenticity di ers from that of the white gentri ers.

Gentri ers: white social preservationistse four gentri ers who strongly supported the rebranding of

HJS as Bostons Latin Quarter were all highly representative of Brown-Saracinos de nition of social preservationists: they seeLatinos as authentic old-timers and seek to preserve them throughsymbolic, political, and private practices.

Orientation toward the neighborhood Congruent with Brown-Saracinos (2009, 2007, 2004) descrip-

tion of social preservationists, these white residents did not wantto live in a gentri ed, homogenized place. While they understandthat their own presence in HJS could result in this scenario, they see the preservation of the Latino residents as an opportunity toprevent it. Sandra, the resident who most clearly portrays the socialpreservationist ideology, explains:

I really moved to Hyde Jackson Square because it was notgentri ed. I love living in Hyde Square because of that reason,and thats the fear that I haveAnd its a litt le strange saying thatcoming from my background. You could look at it as well, Imkind of part of that gentri cation, in essence. But I moved herewith full embracing of being in this Latin community and takingit for what it is, not trying to change it. Being part of whats here,going down the street, partaking in a few sentences of Spanishor the smells, the feel. It almost feels like Im in Mexico, andIm just going about 200 steps out my door, which is so great.Working with the tailor down the street and trying to com-municate with him on how to do alterations, looking up wordsin the dictionary to help my communication with him. I ndall of that perfect, and I dont want that to change. (47-year-oldwhite woman, resident)

Sandra likes living among Latinos and feeling like a tourist in herown neighborhood, her own country. Like the other gentri erswho support Bostons Latin Quarter, she makes an e ort to shoplocally and support the mom-and-pop businesses in HJS. She also

recognizes that as a white person her views on gentri cation aresomewhat hypocritical because she is in many respects a gentri erHowever, she does not see herself as the stereotypical gentri erwho does not care about the Latinos in the community. Instead,she imagines herself as someone who cares deeply about the com-munity and actively tries to engage with the Latinos. She de nesLatinos as the legitimate members of the community and statesthat her goals are to not change that.

is ideology is clearly re ected in these gentri ers reasons fowanting to live in the neighborhood. Kim, for example, says thatone of the reasons she came and has stayed in HJS is because shereally loves the Latino restaurants in the district. However, it was notonly the food that attracted her, but the culture in the restaurants

than ethnic ethos (Patillo 2007; McKinnish et al. 2009). While Iam de ning gentri ers in this paper as white to re ect how most of my interview respondents de ned gentri ers and to show certainpatterns, it is important to keep in mind that the assumption thatonly white residents are gentrifying HJS is an oversimpli cation 2.

Although the categories are imperfect, I will treat long-termLatino residents and business owners (more than 15 years 3) as whatBrown-Saracino calls authentic old-timers, and white residents

who are either wealthy or recent (have lived in the neighborhoodless than 15 years ) as gentri ers. I identi ed 12 people who are old-timer Latinos and 12 who are gentri erswhite, middle class, fairly recent inhabitants of HJS. ese 12 gentri ers were divided in theirsupport of Bostons Latin Quarter: four of them strongly supportedthe name, ve were clearly against the idea, and three were ambiva-lent. While this group of residents is fairly socioeconomically andpolitically diverse, those who support Bostons Latin Quarter havemore characteristics of Brown-Saracinos (2009, 2007, 2004) socialpreservationists than did those who opposed the rebranding. On theother hand, those who were against the rebranding e ort seemed tofall more into her category of social homesteader. In my interviewsnobody appeared to fall into the pioneer categoryunapologeti-cally supporting the displacement of working-class residents ando en motivated by pro ts. While the absence of this ideology inmy interviews does not mean that it is not at all present amonggentri ers in the neighborhood, it does support Brown-Saracinos

nding that this ideology is less prevalent than earlier gentri cationscholars made it appear.

FindingsHow people de ne place, and who they feel has a legitimate right

to do so, depends on many factors. When imagining Bostons LatinQuarter, many white gentri ers worry about the current residentswho are threatened by gentri cation; about the businesses thatmight have to shut their doors if they do not nd sources of revenue;and about how they, as white gentri ers, would t in. ey worry about how to preserve the neighborhood to insulate it from thedestructive forces of gentri cation that would destroy the authenticLatino avor of HJS.

However, some of the Latino merchants and residents see thingsdi erently. ey understand that their children will be culturally di erent from them. ey understand that the neighborhood willnot be the same tomorrow as it is today. For these Latinos, beingde ned as somehow more authentic by whites means imagining theirculture as stuck in t ime. For younger Latinos who are assimilating

and changing, this authentic culture is already a memory.

2. In reality both white and Latino populations in HJS are socioeconomically diverse. e Latino population is not equally susceptible to gentri cation. Someof the Latino people to whom I spoke were homeowners, comfortably middle-class, and well-educated. ese Latinos could be as much of a threat to the olderworking-class Latino community as non-Latinos. e same distinction could bemade in the white population. Some are low income and could be displaced by increased gentri cation. Despite this diversity, during interviews it became clearthat respondents saw the white population as the gentrifying population. Perhapsthis is simply a con ation of race and class, or perhaps it is because the white pop-ulation is changing the cultural fabric of the districtdemanding co ee shopsand organic food aisles rather than small bodegas and Latino owned restaurants.

3. While 15 is admittedly an arbitrary number, it does place these newcom-ers as having moved to HJS sometime in or a er the 1990s, which is when many interviewees felt the process of gentri cation in HJS began.


24/84



themselves. In her words:

eyre all amazing staples of this neighborhood. It bringspeople together. Ive always had an appreciation for Latin Ameri-can families and their unity. I feel like this is aeven for singlepeople, this is a very family-oriented neighborhood. So even if your family is not literally here, you still feel like youre part of a family, and thats really kind of what I think of. (32-year-old

white woman, resident) Although she is white, she enjoys living in a neighborhood with somany Latinos because of their family values and welcoming atti-tudes. ese values mesh with hers and allow her to feel as thoughshe is part of a tight-knit community. is is such a large part of her attraction to the community that she goes so far as to say thatshe would move out of the neighborhood if this family feel thatLatinos create went away.

e other residents who support the idea of Bostons Latin Quar-ter expressed similar beliefs. Amanda mentions that beyond thea ordability of the neighborhood, she is attracted to the diversity,saying:

My child is gonna grow up having all this be normal. I feellike where I grew up, in the middle of the woods, essentially,everything was a culture shock from there. Hes gonna grow uphearing multi-languages, seeing and hearing and smelling thingsthat are di erent from what we might do at our own houseIfeel like that variety and just being able to eat di erent kinds of Spanish food I think is just really unique. Its something thatyoure just not gonna nd in a lot of di erent neighborhoods.Everybody always has their favorite plantain spot, their favoritethis or that. (33-year-old white woman, resident, board member)

For Amanda, the diversity gives the neighborhood its value. Shewants her child to understand cultures di erent from her own.

rough her cohabitation in this space, Amanda sees an opportu-nity to give her son a life di erent from what she had growing up,shaped by the Latino culture. If Latinos disappear in the neighbor-hood, this desirable aspect will also disappear.

Rebranding as preserving the authenticBased on this strong desire to maintain the current atmosphere

of the neighborhood, these residents participate in e orts they feelwould help preserve the Latino culture here. In line with Brown-Saracinos (2009, 2007, 2004) de nition, these social preservationistsparticipate in private practices that they feel support local commu-

nity, including shopping locally and making personal connectionswith Latino neighbors and business owners. Amanda and Sandraalso participate in more political ways as well. Amanda (a HJSMSboard member) serves on another local board in support of build-ing a ordable housing in the neighborhood, which she hopes willslow down the process of gentri cation. Sandra similarly takespart in other e orts that help support Latinos; in describing onenon-pro ts e orts to build a ordable housing on the site of anabandoned church she says:

Ive never seen something work so incredible as that. Reachout to the community, keeping people informed on whats goingon, and be constant about it. Ive never experienced anything like

it, really. It was fantastic. en you get your little things, like, toomuch parking, those nitpicky things that go on with people. Ithink they should put as much parking as they can down thereunderneath those buildings. My neighbor is like, No. If they put more parking than they need, then were gonna have morepeople. Well, the businesses need people.

Sandra, as a social preservationist, does not understand why other

residents in the neighborhood would oppose a ordable housing forthe parking that comes with it. In her eyes the parking will helpthe Latino businesses that are the backbone of the neighborhoodshe wants to preserve.

It is not terribly surprising that these same residents who ful lthe social preservationist ideology are also the ones who supportthe project of Bostons Latin Quarter. Bostons Latin Quarter canbe interpreted as both a form of political and symbolic preserva-tion. It is political in the sense that the Main Streets organizationalagenda is connected to the city of Boston. erefore, this rebrand-ing plan gives political recognition to the Latino businesses in thedistrict and bestows a legitimate right to de ne place in HJS. Iis symbolic in the sense that the businesses in the district are in

many ways the face of the neighborhood and in uence how peoplesee and understand their adjoining residential neighborhood. If the commercial district stays in the hands of the Latino businessowners, then the neighborhood will retain a Latino identity evenif the residential population becomes less Latino. In this sense, thebusinesses themselves become symbolic replacements of Latinosin the neighborhood. Even more, the advertising campaign meantto support this neighborhood will drive this symbolic representa-tion: Latino style festivals and events, murals, street signs, andso on. ese will all reinforce the impression that this is a Latinoneighborhood.

When I asked these residents if they felt the Bostons Latin Quarter name made sense, they all responded yes, that they felt that thename properly described the neighborhood, and more speci callythe business district. When I asked what they understood as themotivation for rede ning the commercial district as Bostons LatinQuarter, these residents o en identi ed the preservation of Latinosas a principal reason. It is important to note that these residentsdid not see the rebranding e ort as the only method of preserv-ing Latinos in the neighborhood. ey also supported a ordablehousing and rent controls for the businesses as measures that wouldhelp slow gentri cation.

Social preservationists and authenticityHow do the social preservationists use authenticity? As

Brown-Saracino describes in her work (2009, 2007, 2004), socialpreservationists de ne authenticity in terms of old-timers. Accord-ingly, these residents de ne Latinos as the authentic inhabitants ofHJS. ey see themselves as guests without the same moral rightsto live here. is ideology motivates them to do things that they believe will prevent displacement of the communitys Latinos.

First, these white social preservationists do not view white peopllike themselves as legitimate members of the neighborhood. At onepoint in the interview Amanda articulates this feeling, comparingHJS to the North End, the now highly gentri ed Italian neighbor-hood of Boston:

I feel like people who live there who werent Italian, it felt


25/84


87www.thurj.org

likeI would imagine, they would say, I live in an Italian neigh-borhood, this is the avor of it, this is the culture, and I took advantage of this, it was great. It was wonderful to be able to livein a community like that. But I dont think that anybody whowas not Italian would say, Im from the North End. ey wouldsay, I live in the North End. I feel like its di erent. I cant a ernine years saying Im from Hyde Jackson Square.

While Amanda lives, works and raises her family in HJS, she doesnot see herself as a legitimate, authentic community resident. Just asnon-Italians cannot be part of the North End, non-Latinos cannotbe true residents of HJS. ey can only enjoy the neighborhood asa Latino place.

When I asked the social preservationists whether the LatinQuarter could be authentic, most expressed concern. ey realizeBostons Latin Quarter could become theme-park-like. How-ever, when pressed further they still seemed to feel that rebrandingwas a good path to follow. Amanda points out that HJS, not beingat the center of town and still largely working class, needs activepromotion to get people to visit, and that for the ultimate good of the business district, and the Latinos who run it, this promotionis necessary. Another resident, Lesley, pointed out that with thea ordable housing being built in the neighborhood she does notsee this as becoming a big issue. However, the businesses, since they are not subject to rent controls, are vulnerable, and ultimately needthe support of Main Street if they hope to survive.

Sandra stated that because branding the area as Bostons LatinQuarter is a business plan, she sees authenticity as a problem. How-ever, she encourages the local businesses not to change. When askedif she felt that visitors would nd the businesses accessible, she says:

I would like to hope that theyre accessible to everybody. Ivenever had any ill experiences with any of those vendors downthere. eyve all been fantastic. ey have helped me with my Spanish. I have helped them with their English. Not everybodyslike me, though. ats the challenge. I can see some people com-ing from somewhere else and not being as able to enter the door.Especially somebody thats never been to Mexico, somebody that doesnt identify with any kind of Latina/Latino culture.

ey might have a hard time, but you know what? ats why its there. When theyre ready, its there waitin for em, right?

While she does readily admit that some people might not be ascomfortable going to these businesses as she is, she does not think that the businesses should become more accommodating. ey should wait for the kind of people who are okay with being in a

foreign setting. In this way authenticity can still be maintained,and the businesses can bene t from increased visitors.Whether or not these residents predictions about how best to

maintain the authentic other are accurate, this ideology is inter-esting in itself. ese white gentri ers enjoy living in a diverseneighborhood with Latino old-timers, and they see BostonsLatin Quarter as a method to preserve the Latino identity, andto recognize the Latino presence in the neighborhood. FollowingBrown-Saracinos description of social preservationists, they con-nect authenticity to these ethnic old-timers in the neighborhoodand work to preserve the neighborhoods authenticity through thepreservation of these people. However, this rebranding plan doesnot only impact the Latino residents and business owners. White

residents also bene t from this plan. rough their support of therebranding e orts they can better justify themselves as not thekind of gentri ers who simply try to invade and push out Latinoresidents. Furthermore, by actively supporting the preservation of Latino people, they de ne themselves as white. e de nition of aLatino place that is distinct from other parts of the city reinforcesthe concept of Latino: a people who have their own non-white socio-cultural practices. e mirror image of this is that the creation of

Bostons Latin Quarter simultaneously maintains whiteness asdi erent from this image. Also, if Latino people assimilated withthe white population, or moved elsewhere, these social preserva-tionists could no longer bene t from living in this multiculturalneighborhood that they so enjoy.

Gentri ers: white socia l homesteaders

In contrast to the white residential population who support Bos-tons Latin Quarter, non-supporters were much more re ective oBrown-Saracinos social homesteaders, those who like the diversitof the neighborhood but also believe that they have as much of aright to establish roots in the neighborhood as the Latinos.

Orientation toward the neighborhood ese residents moved into the neighborhood to build a home

for themselves and their families. While they appreciate the Latinoidentity of the neighborhood, this was, at most, a secondary reasonfor moving here. Instead, this group came to live with signi canothers or family members or they came because the neighborhoodo ered them a chance to buy an a ordable home. While this groupwas not necessarily any less educated or less liberal than the socialpreservationists, they simply had di erent priorities.

Another interesting nding is that this group seemed to par-ticularly appreciate the diversity of the neighborhood, rather thansimply the Latino identity. ese residents were attracted by the facthat HJS is known for being progressive and liberal, open to gay men, lesbians, and non-white residents. For example, when I askedMark what has kept him in the neighborhood so long, he explains

Well, I like the diversity of it. I like the fact that theres a strongcomponent of liberal, progressive openness to the lifestyles, ageneral acceptance of gay people, same-sex marriage. I like thefact that its got a thriving downtown. We have a couple friendsthat live in JP now. I like the fact that there seems to be a senseof community. (52-year-old white man, resident)

While Mark certainly recognizes that there are a lot of Latino peoplwithin the neighborhood, and later will say that it is fun to live in a

place that is so diverse, Latinos are not the rst group he mentionsSimilarly, in Brians description of what he feels attracts people, theris a nod to diversity, but no mention of Latino people or culture.He explains what he likes:

e greenness of it, the fact that theres a lot of parks here,and the pond, surrounded by a park, and the fact that its very low-crime, at least from what I see. eres a lot lessit seemslike theres a lot of homeowners here, but its not like BeaconHill, where theyre extremely a uent. I think theres a lot of

rst-time homebuyers here in this community, and a lot of emlive in the houses that they own. eyre not rental, theyre notbought to rent out and make money o of, so people really enjoy


26/84



their houses and do a good job of landscaping and gardeningand stu like that and really try to beautify their neighborhoodfrom their doorstep outward. eres a lot less trash on thestreets than in some of the other neighborhoods in Boston, anda general sense of racial equality or whatever.I think theressuch a diverse population that everybody feels like they belongin JP. Obviously, sexual orientation in this community isnt really an issue, and thats kind of really soothing or whateverI think

everybody enjoys the fact that everybody is pretty free to wavetheir freak ag, no matter what that ag is. You dont really heartoo many people givin anybody any grief over it. (40-year-oldwhite man, resident, business owner)

While these de nitions show that residents have diverse reasons forwanting to move to HJS, it also highlights why these people may beless concerned about gentri cation and the preservation of Latinos.

is group likes that HJS is not full of WASPs and yuppies; thediversity they see is not a diversity that will be negatively impactedby their own presence. For example, HJS is more recently a hometo a lesbian population, which is mentioned by both Mark andBrian. Since they add to the diversity and progressive feel of HJS,this group is at less risk of displacement due to gentri cation. isbroadened de nition of who belongs here to include groups that aregenerally more upwardly mobile arguably allows these gentri ersto be more comfortable with their own role in the neighborhood.

ey are simply people who add to the diversity.Another interesting nding within the social homesteaders is

that three out of the ve people in this group expressed that they felt that Latinos in the neighborhood resented their presence. Forexample, Mark explains:

I dont feel as at home in Hyde SquareI like it, I enjoy it,but I dont connect in the same way. Ill go into a conveniencestore to pick up some milk and itll be friendly, but theres asensewhether its because of the language barrier or becauseof the history of gentri cation in the neighborhood, theres areal feeling that it takes a long time for an Anglo to feel welcomeand not a lot of eye contact happens on the street. eres a lotof distancing, whether its us that does it or them that do it. My perception is that were more outgoing and smiling than weregetting from the Latino community.

Unlike the social preservationists, Mark does not describe Latinopeople as warm or friendly. While Sandra saw interactions withLatinos as an opportunity to practice her Spanish, and Amandaexpressed excitement that her son would grow up accustomed to

diversity, Mark feels like a cultural outsider, excluded in his ownneighborhood. He feels he cannot engage in or fully become partof the community. He feels unwanted by the Latino community.While he understands that there might be some resentment towardshim because he is viewed as a gentri er, he does not see himself this way. e three people who described feeling resented also werequick to point out that they came to the neighborhood because itwas so a ordable. ey do not see themselves as part of the gentri-

cation. Whether or not this is actual ly the case, they felt a need to justify their right to live here. ese are not the expressions of socialpioneers, who would be unconcerned by feelings of resentment oroutsider status. Instead, these are simply people who want to feelmore at home in HJS.

Rebranding as exclusionUnlike the social preservationists, this group felt that the name

Bostons Latin Quarter was exclusionary; not surprising when thesesocial homesteaders already feel somewhat resented within theneighborhood. For example, Chris explains:

My wife and I were talking about it last nightWe live here,we appreciate Hispanic culture. Ive been to Brazil, shes been

to the Dominican Republic. Ive worked with Hispanics. Iveemployed Hispanics. My wife and I both speak quite a bit of Spanish. I appreciate siestas [laughs] and that whole thing. ButI guess we dontI guess we wont feel comfortable wherewefeel like theres a lot of Latin pride around here and this mightpush it a little further and make us not feel welcome, basically.(39-year-old white man, resident)

His wife, Tracy, later adds that she feels that the name would not begood for the community, because it might deter other non-Latinosfrom moving in. She points out that while they were looking fora diverse neighborhood to live in, they did not move into China-town, because they did not want to be the only Anglo people in aneighborhood. While Chris and Tracy tried very hard to make sureI understood that they were not prejudiced toward Latino people,they were threatened by the idea of living in an area that had somuch Latino pride that they would feel unwelcome in it. ey arnot comfortable with the idea of being the only white faces within aneighborhood and would not have chosen HJS if it had been calledBostons Latin Quarter when they moved here six years ago. Whilethey argued that they were not gentri ers themselves, they wouldultimately like to see more white people move in. ey want tofeel part of a community of diverse people, rather than culturaloutsiders living amongst people with whom they do not identify.

Julianne, who did not feel at all resented within the community,believes that Bostons Latin Quarter would be exclusive for a verydi erent reason: it would not have enough diversity. She explains,Im lazy. I prefer to have a lot of variety near my house, instead ofhaving to feel like I should go really far away for speci c things.She would like to see Indian restaurants and sushi places, ratherthan Latino restaurant a er Latino restaurant. While she admitsthis is a shallow reason of her own, it is not a terribly unreasonableone. People like having a variety of places near where they live. Itis convenient. However, this response would not necessarily comefrom a social preservationist. Julianne is expressing that she wantsthe community to serve her own needs, perhaps over the needs of the old-timer Latinos 4.

Homesteaders, authenticity, and Bostons Latin Quarter.

other argument that is prevalent among social homesteaders isthat Bostons Latin Quarter feels arti cial. is complicates Brown-Saracinos typologyshowing that the social preservationists arenot the only gentri ers primarily concerned about authenticity.For example, when I asked Julianne if she thinks the name madesense for the neighborhood, she compares it to the gentri ed Italian North End:

It seems like it tries to hold something in time that is arti cial.

4. Interestingly, a couple of the Latino people I interviewed expressed thissame idea that they would like to see more variety of restaurants in their ownneighborhood beyond the Latino places.


27/84


89www.thurj.org

To reiterate, just the way the North End feels to me now. It doesnot have the stores that we used to shop in. ere arent any stores. ere are boutiques, and there are restaurants, but youdont shop there. You dont get your groceries. You dont haveyour chickens and your lamb hanging in the storefronts and thebags of co ee and herbs and stu . It just doesnt exist any more.(48-year-old white woman, resident)

While Julianne and the others who did not support the Latin Quar-ter enjoyed aspects of living in a diverse neighborhood, they aremore concerned about living in an authentic place. erefore, sheproposes that rather than market the neighborhood and turn it intoa tourist trap that does not service the people who live there, thecommunity should foster authenticity in other ways. For example,she says that some Dominican ball-players for the Red-Sox comehere for haircuts, which could be a source of pride for HJS and away to foster the Latino identity of the place.

Similarly, Mark points out that he would be more comfortablein seeing the non-pro ts do educational programs teaching aboutLatino cultures, rather than a promotional campaign that will bringin non-community members. He explains:

I dont know. I think if youre preserving culture, its a tricky thing. Culture is ever-changing and always being in uencedby other cultures. If the mechanism to preserve a culture is toactually make it more open to outside culture, then what youredoing is, youre really creating a museum. And that doesntmake sense. But I think you preserve culture not through whatkind of stores are there or what language its inalthough Imsure that helps sustain the feeling of community, but it really has to do with organizations that bring people together to teachthem about their culture, their heritage, like spontaneous cel-ebrations. Not that thats purely a Latino thing, but there seemsto be a big institution there. Maybe that brings people together.Church brings people together to create a sense of community.I think thats where the preservation thats not museum-likecomes into e ect. ats just my opinion.

Mark feels that marketing Latino culture to outsiders is not thebest course of action because

THURJ Fall Vol. 3 Issue 2

Documents

Transcript of THURJ Fall Vol. 3 Issue 2