thesis front page to preface -...

13

QQUUAANNTTIITTAATTIIVVEE EETTHHNNOOBBOOTTAANNYY

2.1. Introduction 2.2. Scope of the study 2.3. Review of literature 2.4. Study area 2.5. Study tribes 2.6. Materials and Methods 2.7. Results and Discussion 2.8. Summary

2.1. Introduction

Human history has been strongly influenced by plants. The rise of

agriculture in the fertile crescent of Mesopotamia brought previously

scattered hunter- gatherers together into villages. Ever since the availability

of land and water for cultivation, plants have been a major factor in

determining the location of human settlements. World explorations and

discovery were driven by the search for herbs and spices. The cultivation of

New World crops, cotton and tobacco, was responsible for the introduction of

slavery in America, the human and social consequences of which are still

with us. The westward push by the English colonists into the rich lands of the

Ohio River valley in the mid 1700 was driven by the need to increase corn

production, and became a factor in precipitating the French and Indian war.

The Irish potato famine in 1847 set in motion a wave of migration, mostly to

North America that had reduced the population of Ireland by half over the

next 50 years. Plants are so much a part of our environment and the fabric of

Chapter 2

14

our everyday lives that they rarely register in our conscious thought. Yet

when faced with disappearing rain forests, exploding population growth,

urban sprawl, and concerns about climate change, the productive capacity of

global agricultural and forestry ecosystems are put under increasing pressure.

Understanding the plants is even more essential as we attempt to build a

sustainable environment for the future (Young, 2007).

Today we are alienated from our environment. We think of the

environment as a place to visit, to hike through, or to bird watch. In contrast

many indigenous cultures do not even have a word in their language to

describe their own native ecosystems. They regard the environment as an

extension of themselves, and literally are unable to separate the environment

from their own selves. At the current destructive pace, one day, we would

need somebody to trace back our ancestral relation with environment for our

own existence; here the role of a real ethnobotanist becomes relevant.

In 1895, during a lecture in Philadelphia, a botanist named John

Harshberger used the term ethnobotany for the first time to describe his

research work on “plants used by primitive and aboriginal people”

(Harshberger, 1896). Since its conception in 1895, the term ethnobotany has

proved a rather difficult term to define. As ethnobotany evolved, it became

clear that ethnobotanists must understand not only the complex relationships

people held with plants, but also how the plants themselves interacted with

other plants, as perceived by these people who knew them the best. During

the subsequent century considerable attention has been given to study not only

how the plants are used but also how they are perceived and managed and also

on the reciprocal relationships between human societies and the plants on

which they depend (Cotton, 1996).

Quantitative Ethnobotany

15

Slowly following the footsteps of Harshberger, a template was

developed by the researchers which enquired into the following aspects of the

indigenous people they studied (Cotton, 1996).

1) The fundamental ideas and conceptions of the people living in a

particular region about plant life surrounding them.

2) The effect of the local environment on the lives, customs,

religion, thoughts and everyday practical affairs of these people.

3) In what ways they make use of the local plants for food,

medicine, material culture, and ceremonial purposes.

4) The knowledge they have on the parts, functions and activities of

plants.

5) How plant names are categorised in their native languages, and

the cultural aspects these names bear for them.

As rightly pointed out by Richard Even Schultes, the field of

ethnobotany is truly an interdisciplinary field which encompasses Botany,

Anthropology, Economics, Ethics, History, Chemistry and many other areas

of study.

2.2. Scope of the study

Though ethnobotany dates back to the times of early explorers who

listed the native uses of the indigenous tribes of the lands they discovered,

until 1980’s it was merely a list making exercise of useful plants. Since then

quantitative methods in ethnobiology have been proliferating (Garcia, 2006).

This new era started with Trotter and Logan in 1986 when they used the

informant consensus method for the first time to evaluate the relationship

Chapter 2

16

between the effectiveness of medicinal plants quoted and their biological

activity. Phillips and Gentry (1993a) developed the concept of Use Value for

assessing the relative importance of plants quoted during ethnobotanical

investigations at Tambopata, Peru. In 1996, Begossi attempted the study of

diversity indices in the ethnobotanical data collected from ten sites from

Latin America, Asia and Europe. Pieroni (2001) has evaluated the Cultural

significance of wild food botanicals traditionally consumed in North-western

Tuscany, Italy. A critical evaluation of two quantitative techniques was

undertaken using the data regarding plant use from the rural community in

the semiarid region of Pernambuco state, North-eastern Brazil by

Albuquerque et al. (2006). A quantitative assessment of plant uses among

two Chepang communities in Central mid hills of Nepal was done by Rijal

(2008). Use and valuation of native and introduced medicinal plant species in

Campo Aermoso and Zetaquira municipalities in Boyaca, Colombia was

studied quantitatively by Cadena Gonzalez et al. (2013).

Quantitative botany is very recent in the Indian context and hence only

very few works had been done in this regard. Raghupathy et al. (2008) have

done the quantitative ethnobotany of ‘Malasars’– an indigenous forest tribe

residing at Vellangiri Hills, Tamil Nadu, India and has estimated the

consensus factor for determining the homogeneity in the informants

knowledge. Ragupathy and Steven (2009) have studied the ethnobotany of

Irulas in Kodiakkarai Reserve Forest, India using quantitative techniques and

found that a high consensus existed among them with regard to medicinal

plant use. Chellapandian et al. (2012) have done the quantitative ethnobotany

of medicinal plants used by Siddha medicinal practitioners of Radhapuram

Taluk of Tirunelvelli district, Tamil Nadu. They have determined the


17

informant consensus factor (Fic) and the Informant Agreement on Remedies

(IAR) for the study area. Frequency of citation and informant consensus

factor (Fic) were analysed for the data regarding the ethnobotany of ‘Tharus’

of Dudhwa National park, India, by Rajesh et al. (2013).

With regard to the study area some serious ethnobotanical documentation

has been done already. Ethnobotany of religious and supernatural beliefs of

Kuruchiya tribe of Wayanad district has been documented in detail by

Pramod et al. (2003). Hema et al. (2006) have studied the edible species of

Amaranthaceae and Araceae families used by Kuruma and Paniya tribes of

Wayanad District. Garcia (2006) has focussed on the mother child nexus with

respect to the knowledge and valuation of wild food plants in a context where

modernisation and acculturation are causing the erosion of knowledge and

cultural values associated with wild food plant use in Wayanad District. Mini

and Sivadasan (2007) have studied the ethno- veterinary plants used by

Kuruchiya tribe in this region. Nisha and Sivadasan (2007) have studied the

ethno dermatologically significant plants used by tribal Healers of Wayanad

District. Silja et al. (2007) has documented data regarding 136 ethno

medicinally important plants used by Mullukuruma tribe of Wayanad

District.

Wild edible plants used by Kattunaikkan, Paniya and Kuruma tribes in

Wayanad have been studied in detail by Narayanan et al. (2011a).

Ethnobotanical importance of 75 tree species used by Kattunaikkan tribe in

Wayanad Wild Life Sanctuary have been studied by Narayanan et al.

(2011b). Joseph and Antony (2012) has done the ethnobotanical

investigations regarding the medicinally important plants belonging to the

family Convolvulaceae used by the Kattunaikkan tribe of Wayanad District.

Chapter 2

18

Quantitative techniques in ethnobotanical data inventorying has never

been attempted in the study area earlier. Major focus in the early works were

documentation of data regarding edible plants used by different tribes and

mere listing of medicinal plants used by individual tribes seen in Wayanad

district. Serious attempt on the quantitative aspects of medicinal plant use

among and across the different socio cultural groups seen in the study area is

recorded for the first time. Quantitative indices such as Informant Consensus,

Use Value, Family Use Value etc. have never been attempted earlier in the

study area.

The present study is an attempt to record the quantitative data regarding

medicinal plant use by four predominant tribes– Kattunaikkan, Mullakuruman,

Adiyan and Kuruchiyar- of Wayanad District, Kerala. Perceptions, beliefs,

conservation strategies and patterns of use regarding medicinal plant use by

the recognised traditional medicinal healers and knowledgeable persons of

these four tribes have been recorded scientifically and systematically during

the present study. Quantitative indices such as Informant Consensus, Use

Value, and Family Use Value etc. were used to understand the preferences

and consensus existing among the informants regarding medicinal plant use.

As Wayanad is the district with the highest percentage of tribal population in

the state, when one considers the fast pace of modernisation and acculturation

exposing these traditional communities to modern methods of medicine and

lifestyles, this study is the urgent need of the hour to stay ahead of the curve

for the search for new bioactive molecules, that could be lead molecules for

novel drug discoveries in future.


19

2.3. Review of literature

2.3.1. History

Historically, the field of ethnobotany has belonged to the explorers and

adventurers of Europe who observed and documented the uses of plants by

the aboriginal people they encountered on their travels. Christopher

Columbus during his famous voyage in 1492 discovered the use of tobacco

from indigenous tribes of Cuba. These early ethnobotanical discoveries in the

New World marked the beginnings of a long tradition of ethnobotanical study

in the American continent; a tradition which culminated in the formalisation

of ethnobotany as a field of academic study (Cotton, 1996).

Most of the early observations documented only the use of plants as

food and medicines including potatoes, tobacco and cocoa, many of which

were later adopted by the settlers. Corn, initially a main stay of the ancient

Mesoamerican and Andean civilisation, soon spread to many parts of the

world and now constitutes one of the most important grain crop produced

worldwide. Together with other useful ‘world’ plants such as rubber, these

early ethnobotanical discoveries now account for total sales worth tens of

billions dollars each year, thus illustrating the great importance of

ethnobotany in the World’s economic history.

Throughout the early period of colonial interest in the economic

potential of the New World, the study of ethnobotany was based largely on

casual observations and anecdotal evidences. As naturalists from Europe and

elsewhere started expeditions to these regions the scenario started changing.

Slowly and steadily scientific reports regarding plant wealth in these areas

started emerging. In relation to this scenario, the name of Briton Richard

Chapter 2

20

Spruce stands apart; Schultes described him as one of the great naturalists

ever (1983). Some of the most significant discoveries in connection with the

hallucinogens derived from Banisteriopsis Caapi and Anadenanthera

peregrina were due to his first-hand field observations. However, for

centuries, this wealth of ethnobotanical information remained scattered in the

chronicles of sixteen century Spanish missionaries, the diaries of European

adventurers and in the works on Native American herbal medicine. Only in

1870, were these disparate data drawn together in a systematic treatise as

American botanist Plummer published his “Food products of the North

American Indians” (Castetter, 1944). Soon the formal emphasis on this area

of study shifted from Europe to America, heralding the beginning of the new

American study tradition soon to become known as ethnobotany.

During the second half of nineteenth century, botanists from America,

mainly Palmer and Powers brought scientific exactness to the field, and

Powers (1873) introduced the term ‘aboriginal botany’ to describe the

botanical investigation of native plant use, a term which was readily accepted

by the scientific community for the next twenty five years. However as the

nineteenth century drew to a close, interest in aboriginal botany began to

broaden, particularly during preparations for the 1893 World’s fair which

involved both anthropologists and archaeologists in the collection of

traditionally useful plant products (Ford, 1978). Significantly this exhibition

included the Hazzard collection, a range of preserved plant products used by

the ancestors of the Pueblo Indians in the Mancos canon in Colorado, which

was later sent to University of Pennsylvania for analysis. There, the botanist

John Harshberger examined the collection and in December 1895 he finally

delivered a lecture in which he described items of food, dress, household


21

utensils and agricultural tools of plant origin preserved in the Hazzard

collection and it was during this lecture that the term ethnobotany was first

used (Harshberger, 1896).

In the decades that followed ethnobotany entered a new phase of rapid

expansion and change. By 1916, the concept of ethnobotany had expanded to

include not only how plants were used by indigenous people, but also how

they were perceived and understood within different cultures (Castetter,

1944). Soon the study of traditional plant knowledge began to play a

significant role in the development of anthropological theory, cultural

ecology and paved the basis for the exploration of human cognition (Berlin

et al., 1973). The American based- society of ethnobiology was formed with

the first issue of its Journal of Ethnobiology published in 1981. By mid

1980’s ethnobotany had become widely recognised in USA, not only in

academic circles but also in the public eye as articles in ethnobotany on

pollen analysis appeared in Forbes magazine in August 1985. Ethnobotany

emerged from the low visibility as a pioneer discipline into a new phase of

prominence (Bohrer, 1986).

Although the conquest of the American continent certainly made a

significant point in the evolution of ethnobotany, it by no means marked the

beginning of interest in indigenous plant use. Indeed it was in search of

exotic eastern spices such as Cinnamon and Black Pepper, that Columbus

started his voyages across the Atlantic. Like tobacco and rubber from the

New World, Tea from China, Coffee from Ethiopia and sugar from Far East,

have played a crucial role in shaping World’s economic history and even

today continue to do so. Though the ‘new’ continent of America pre occupied

many Europeans for centuries, their explorations did not diminish further

Chapter 2

22

explorations elsewhere and the search for gold and riches continued. Captain

Cook’s famous voyage in 1770 facilitated the detailed observations regarding

the Australian aborigines and their use of plants. Unlike America, Australia

had nothing much to offer regarding economically important plants

(Fitzgerald, 1982).

Despite the American dominance in ethnobotany, European ethnobotanists

also have made invaluable contributions to the field. Traditionally speaking, two

of the most important contributions made by them are ethnopharmacology- the

scientific evaluation of traditional medicines and palynology- the study of

fossilised pollen. Europe had a long tradition in herbal pharmacopeia, dating

back to the herbals of ancient Greece and which reached its zenith in the

publications of John Gerard and Nicholas Culpeper (Griggs, 1981).

The much cited work of William Withering, an English physician

whose research into a family recipe for the cure of dropsy marked the

beginning of the empirical study of folk medicine. Dropsy- the medieval

name of odema- the swelling of body parts due to accumulation of fluids- had

no effective treatment available in eighteenth century England, except a

secret remedy kept by an old woman in Shropshire. Withering got intrigued

in this problem and he was soon able to isolate the active constituent from the

herbal formulation which contained 20 herbs, to be the purple foxglove

(Digitalis purpurea). He was also able to say that the active principle was in

the leaves and its activity varied with seasons during a year. He even

suggested the correct dosage and it’s after effects, and suggested testing the

same on insects and quadrupeds; an innovative idea during his period. But

after his death in 1799, the confidence in Digitals declined. People were

using it for several other diseases, unaware of the fact of specificity in


23

biological activity at that time. Later on, the developments in the field of

organic chemistry rediscovered, verified and validated his claims. His careful

analysis represents a milestone not only in the development of modern

pharmacognosy, but also in the science of ethno-pharmacology, and it

illustrates the enormous potential of ethno-pharmacological investigations.

2.3.2. National Status

Undoubtedly, India has a very long socio-cultural history and heritage.

The instinctive knowledge about the medicinal uses of native plants was

preserved by the local communities throughout India. This indigenous

knowledge is older than the Ayurveda. The age of ‘Sanskritisation’ or

‘Refinement’ pushed people away from such Un-Sanskritic practices of

following instincts (Manilal, 2007). The Indian scene further changed after

the European influx. The Western idea about ‘Science’, in general, had a

great impact on this kind of ‘instinctive knowledge’ or ‘primary perception’,

although it was ‘taught’ by the Nature. The Malabar region (in present-day

Kerala state) in India was among the first places to be trodden by the Western

societies. Interestingly, the recorded history of Indian plants really started

thence.

Although the concept and definition of the science of ‘Ethnobotany’

was well defined by Harshberger (1896), the elements of this science

appeared in India even before. Garcia (1563) published a book ‘Coloquios

dos simples e drogas e cusas medicinas da India’ which informed about 50

common taxa of medicinal significance and other utilities as gathered from

around Goa and Malabar. It is in the form of a dialogue between the author

and a fictitious Spanish Doctor Rauno. This is truly the first book in print

form on Indian plant species especially with line drawings. Acosta’s (1578)

Chapter 2

24

book ‘Tractado de las drogas y medicinas de las Indias Orientalis’ had more

than 50 medicinal plants used in the Malabar region described in it. In 1593

this was published from Spain in French and Latin and aroused much

commercial interest in Europe.

Hendrik Van Reede, the compiler of ‘Hortus Malabaricus’ (1678-

1693) gave an excellent and accurate introduction of Malabar, its people and

their customs and especially the virtues of the medicinal plants. He included

six certificates in the first volume, of which four are about or by Itty

Achuden, describing his contributions in this compilation. Itty Achuden, a

local physician from the then untouchable caste, was invited by Van Rheede

(the Dutch Governor) who considered his professional services more

acceptable, authentic and superior to those of a Christian Missionary

physician. The medicinal uses of the plants described in it are taken from the

‘Family Books’ of the Collatt Vaidyas, Itty Achuden being one of them.

These family books are lost and not extant today. ‘Hortus Malabaricus’ is

thus the only record in existence. The system of medicine documented in it is

certainly different from and much older than Ayurveda.

The science of Ethnobotany in India began taking shape during the

British regime. They surveyed the mainland for wild and cultivated plants as

a part of their floristic studies. William Roxburgh, during his floristic

investigations particularly in South India, noted medicinal uses of herbs,

apart from their botanical identification and vernacular names (Patil, 2012).

After 1873, Watt studied economically important plant species especially in

Manipur and the adjacent Burma (presently Myanmar) region for about a

decade. He was in-charge of an exhibition on Indian Economic Products

which were collected from all over the country. It was sponsored by the then


25

Government of Bengal (Presently West Bengal and Bangladesh). They were

exhibited in the Indian Museum (ISIM), Kolkata (then Calcutta). He

published ‘the Dictionary of The Economic Products of India’ (1889- 1896),

‘The Commercial Products of India’ (1889-1996) and ‘The Commercial

Products of India’ (1908). In the former dictionary, he provided nearly 3000

local names of plant products and their uses as obtained from various regions

of India. He also equated these names with important Indian languages and

even tribal dialects. He also paid attention for the sacred plants. His work is

not only a monumental one, but also reflected the true ‘Ethnobotany’ and the

indigenous knowledge of Indian Societies.

As an organized natural science, Ethnobotany in India is rather young,

just about six decades old. It got considerable attention from the middle of

the 20th century with the work of Janaki Ammal as an official programme in

the Economic Botany Section of Botanical Survey of India (B.S.I.) right from

its very inception in 1954. She studied subsistence food plants used by

certain tribes, especially those of South India (Janaki Ammal, 1956) in which

she explored the prospects of the genus Dioscorea. She lit the lamp of

‘Scientific Indian Ethnobotany’ by creating an ‘Ethnobotanical Section’ at

the Central Botanical Laboratory, B.S.I., Allahabad in 1960. The loud

thinking and the wishes that were evident in her publications have been

fulfilled later by Indian ethnobotanists. S.K. Jain (Former Director, B.S.I.,

India.) who made intensive studies in Central India (1963) impressed the

Indian scientists from different disciplines and streamlined this science and

trained many students. He also stressed the need for organized field studies in

different parts of India. Sitholey (1976) described about 40 plant representations

from archaeological materials.

Chapter 2

26

Many institutions of India are contributing in their own way to

ethnobotany. To cite a few; Botanical Survey of India, Central Council for

Research in Ayurveda, Siddha and Unani Medicine, National Botanical

Research Institute, National Bureau of Plant Genetic Resources, Birbal Sahani

Institute of Paleobotany, Central Institute of Medicinal and Aromatic Plants,

etc., besides various Colleges, Universities, Societies and Associations. The

Society of Ethnobotanists (SEB) established during 1980 is providing a

common platform for training courses and organizing seminars, symposia, etc.,

in this regard.

2.3.3. Quantitative ethnobotany

All human cultures, societies, and economies depend ultimately on the

plants. Ethnobotanists and economic botanists have endeavoured to describe

this dependence, especially in more traditional societies. The resulting

literature is rich in particular case studies, but remains surprisingly poor in

syntheses and comparative analyses at larger scales (Phillips and Meilleur,

1998). Methodological contributions are essential in any branch of science

and many researchers have shown concern with respect to a perceived lack of

methodological advances in contemporary ethnobiology (Stepp, 2005).

Ethnobiology has often been criticized for focussing on list making and

lacking methodological rigor. Before the mid-1950s, research in

ethnobiology was primarily descriptive, but by the mid 1980s, researchers

had already incorporated a variety of quantitative methods for data collection

and data analysis into it (Phillips et al., 1994).

In spite of ethnobotany's relatively high public profile, few institutions

apparently see it as a real science, worthy of significant financial support.

Historically, this negative perception of ethnobotany had several causes. The


27

science is intrinsically interdisciplinary, making it susceptible to charges of

being vague and imprecise, and ethnobiologists study and learn from those

cultures that western science and biomedicine still consider as "primitive"

and inferior. However, some criticism of the methods and philosophical

approach of ethnobotany are certainly justifiable. As several others have

pointed out there is a lack of methodological rigor in ethnobotanical research

and a frequent unwillingness to define falsifiable hypotheses (Phillips and

Gentry, 1993a).

In cultural anthropology, a quantitative school has long been influential,

and more recently there has been interest in integrating quantitative and

qualitative types of research. Until recently, however, ethnobotanists had been

more reluctant to appreciate the potential significance of quantification. A

further benefit of applying quantitative techniques to data analysis is that they

act as a spur for conscious attempts to refine the methodology of data

collection. Closer attention to methodological issues will not only improve

the way ethnobotany is done, but it will also enhance the image of

ethnobotany among other scientific disciplines. It is possible to draw a close

analogy between the hypothesis testing aims of quantitative ethnobotany, and

the recent trend in systematics towards a more scientific methodology. This

was mainly triggered by the application of cladistic methodology to plant

systematics, which has forced taxonomists to re-evaluate some of their

assumptions about the nature of the characters they use and the way in which

they use them. The traditional role of taxonomists as describers and compilers

has now largely been superseded by modern systematics in which the

construction of phylogenies, using "refutation by experimentation" as a

fundamental philosophical principle, occupies a central position. Quantification,

Chapter 2

28

and the associated explicit hypothesis testing approach, can have similar

beneficial effects in ethnobotany. By attracting scientific respect, and hence

more students and research funding, these approaches can help to generate

sufficient high quality information to impact on conservation and

development issues.

The term quantitative ethnobotany was used for the first time by Balée

(1987) in an article published in a Brazilian journal. Since then, the term

“quantitative ethnobotany” has been increasingly used by other workers in

the field. The term quantitative ethnobotany is defined in these works “as the

application of quantitative techniques to the direct analysis of contemporary

plant use data”. It has now become common among ethnobotanists to apply

rigorous scientific methodologies in examining ethnobotanical questions. The

fact that ethnobotany is a relatively new discipline, dating from near the end

of the 19th century has been cited as a justification for its slow progress in

accumulating systematic knowledge and generating theories and hypotheses.

It has been advancing towards becoming a more experimental science for at

least fifteen years, particularly in response to self-criticisms and reflections

on what directions the field should be taking (Phillips and Gentry,1993 a, b;

Reyes-García et al., 2007).

Partly in response to the long standing perception of ethnobotany as not

being "scientific," there is now a strong movement to modify the traditional

compilation style approaches in ethnobotany, by developing methods that

allow researchers to quantitatively describe and analyse patterns in what they

study. Quantitative and even statistical hypotheses testing techniques have

recently been applied to, inter alia, the following questions: evaluating the

importance of vegetation to one ethnic group, comparing the uses of entire or


29

regional floras by different ethnic groups, comparing the importance of

different vegetation types to one people, establishing the relative importance

of different medicinal plant species and families, comparing the importance

of different plant families and uses among plants sold in a peasant market

place, and testing a model of the origins of medicinal plant use (Phillips and

Gentry,1993a).

Ethnobotany draws from many different disciplines and perspectives,

which adds to its complexity but does not impose any special limits to its

development as an experimental science; and the fact that ethnobotany can be

seen as a field where various spheres of knowledge overlap, should not in

itself raise any doubts about its epistemological autonomy. A given discipline

attains epistemological autonomy when it develops its own questions and

techniques, even if it borrows explanatory models from other scientific

traditions. Ecology was the target of similar criticisms for a certain time,

based on the view that it was an immature or “weak” science, especially due

to the fact that it had yet to present questions oriented by hypotheses (Peters,

1991).

Methodological issues are seldom explicitly addressed in ethno medicinal

surveys. However, ethnobotanical data are anecdotal in nature, and reports based

on information obtained from a single informant are of negligible scientific

validity (Tippo, 1989). Informants are often contradictory to each other, and it is

difficult to attach much weight to ethnobotanical data without some measure of

confirmation. Indeed, it is often suggested that informants will respond to

questions with any answer, simply out of a desire to please or because they

do not want to appear ignorant (Weiss, 1979). On the other hand, researchers

may also lack the perspective to interpret the context in which data are

Chapter 2

30

offered by informants (Etkin, 1988). Because it is not always clear how

ethnobotanical data are compiled, it is often difficult to evaluate their quality.

However, the few papers that provide information on the numbers of

informants and reports gathered are exceptionally good. While quantitative

methods may not always be possible or even necessary with data of this type,

what is questionable is the general failure of authors to state what criteria

they used to select the particular data to be reported (Timothy et al., 1990).

Regarding the issue of repetition in plant use, inconsistency is not

necessarily equivalent to unreliability. Rather inconsistency can be viewed as

an indication that individuals undertake considerable exploration of the plant

environment. The reality that the population uses a large number of plants for

a variety of illnesses suggests to us that the acquisition of medicinal-plant

knowledge is a dynamic process. Certain remedies are widely recognized and

have biological and or cultural significance. When no treatment is clear, on

the other hand, curers appear to innovate with what plants are available. The

interrelationship of psychosocial and physiological components in medical

practice would seem to encourage this exploration. In an evolutionary way,

such fluid interactions of humans with plant resources may lead progressively

to encounters with whatever truly rational solutions are potentially available

in an environment (Timothy et al., 1990).

Although the use of quantitative methods is becoming common in

ethnobiology, we still lack studies assessing the reliability of data collected

with different methods. For example, researchers have applied quantitative

methods to assess the traditional ecological knowledge of individuals and

groups, but the methods used to collect and to transform the data vary across

studies. Thus, to collect raw data on the traditional ecological knowledge of


31

individuals, researchers have used open-ended interviews (Begossi et al.,

2002), structured questionnaires (Ross, 2002), specimen identification

(Zarger and Stepp, 2004), and direct observations of participant's behaviour

(Peroni and Hanazaki, 2002). Once researchers collect the raw information,

they also use different methods to construct indices or summary measures of

traditional ecological knowledge. Common methods to construct such indices

include cultural consensus, matching of responses with ecological data, and

diversity indices (Begossi, 1996).

While there have been few attempts to comprehensively survey the

importance of plants to people across multiple cultures or multiple taxonomic

groups, there have been even fewer efforts to systematically assess the

contribution of plants to modem industrial economies. Such assessments have

several values. They help to put ethnobotanical case studies in a wider

context, and conversely they can help suggest legitimate and important topics

for more detailed study. Moreover, more complete knowledge of the

economic value of rare species can be a factor in prioritizing conservation

efforts, and is essential if utilitarian arguments for plant conservation are to

carry weight (Phillips and Meilleur, 1998).

The intercurrence of biology and culture in determining, the why and

how of plants being used for medicine, contributes to the inherent difficulty

in understanding ethnomedicinal data. To attach significance to anecdotal

reports, one of the important tasks for ethnobotanists is to distinguish these

cultural and biological determinants in specific cases. In addition, without

recognising complex aspects of plant ecology and of human ecology, it is

difficult to appreciate why certain plants are used the way they are.

Quantitative methods of analysing biological and cultural data can assist in

Chapter 2

32

exploration of the nature of herbal medicine on various theoretical and practical

levels. A goal of such approaches should be to add greater depth to our

understanding of herbal medicine as a dynamic phenomenon. Concurrently, as

we understand the context in which plants are used, we can better understand the

function of specific herbal remedies (Timothy et al., 1990).

2.4. Study area 2.4.1. Historical profile

Wayanad as the name suggests is the land of forests. The proto name

‘Wana’- ‘nad’- ‘the land of forests,’ in due course of time mutated in to

Vaya-nad or Wayanad as it is now spelt (Nair, 1911). This picturesque land

lies at an elevation of 2000-4000 feet above mean sea level, with a range of

hills, some with peaks above 7000 feet high. It is the sanitarium of the

Malabar region of Kerala from October to the end of February when the

climate is dry, cool and salubrious.

As various sources of literature suggest, the name Wayanad has been

derived in different ways. In Sanskrit it is called ‘Mayakshetra’– which

means the district of ‘Mayan’, the architect of deityans (Nair, 1911). It is also

described as ‘Vayanatu’ - the land of ‘Vayal’ – which means open paddy

field in Malayalam and ‘natu’ which means country. As per the Madras

Manual of Administration Vol II it is called Wynad –upper country or an

elevated plateau (Nair, 1911).

As suggested by Dr Hultzch, based on one of the crude and fanciful

rock inscriptions in Eddakkal caves – one of the earliest traces of human

inhabitation in this part of the country; four miles south of Sultan Bathery,

about Vishnu Varma the scion of the Kudumbiyil family, it can be established


33

that Kudumbiyil family had held sway over Wayanad from the very early

period in its history (Nair, 1911). Dr Oppert speaks of the word Kudumban as

identical with Kudumbi and Kurumban and it is possible that Kurumbers

were the original inhabitants of Wayanad during the reign of Kudumbiyil

family. Evidently the Kurumbers carved out a kingdom for themselves and

the Vedar kings Arippan and Vedan were the last of the line. Arippan is

considered as the ruler for tracts north to Panamaram River and Vedan ruled

over tracts south to it. Mullu kurumbers are believed as belonging to

Arippan’s race and Urali kurumbar to Vedan’s race. Both of them were

legendary rulers and they are so familiar even now to the people of Wayanad,

these legends are supposed to bear some truth in it (Nair, 1911).

During the reign of the Vedar kingdom, the Kshathriya ruler of

Kumbala happened to go on a pilgrimage to Thirunelli temple. He was

captured and taken as a prisoner to Velikumbam fort and was pressed to

marry the daughter of the Vedar ruling family. He consented on condition

that the ceremony should be in accordance with Kshathriya customs. It was

allowed and the marriage was fixed a month later on an auspicious day.

Meanwhile the Kshathriya king communicated with the Rajas of Kottayam

and Kurumabarnad dynasty and the rescue operation and the onslaught on

the Vedar dynasty was done on the day fixed for marriage. The Vedar reign

came to an end with this tragic incident. Wayanad was partitioned between

Kurumabarnad and Kottayam Rajas. The North West regions which came

under the Kottayam dynasty came to be known as Wayanad proper and South

East regions which were given to Kurumabarnad kingdom was called

Parakkumethil. Later the Parakkumethil portions were also given to the

Kottayam dynasty, and they held sway throughout the Wayanad.

Chapter 2

34

The Rajas of the Kottayam dynasty were wise and capable administrators

and they introduced a settled form of government into the country. The country

was divided into Nads and was placed under Nayar chieftains. Their capital

was at Mananthavady. The region was constantly disturbed by the Muslim

invasions from Mysore. In 1786, Raja Ravi Varma visited Tipu Sultan and

Tipu exacted from the Raja a deed of relinquishment of all his rights over

Wayanad. This brought resentment to his nephew Kerala Varma who was the

sovereign ruler of Wayanad under the Western branch of Kottayam dynasty

and refused to submit to the Mysoreans with whom he engaged warfare from

1787 to 1790. After the Srirangapatnam treaty on 18th march 1792, the British

appointed Joint Commissioners for local administration in Wayanad and they

handed over the power over Wayanad to the Kurumabarnad dynasty

avoiding Kerala Varma from whom they had accepted help during the war

against Sultan. This prompted Kerala Varma to question the authority of the

British company and he stopped all British revenue collections in the area.

The British started to take over the power from Kerala Varma Pazhasi Raja;

which he resisted with the help of a local tribal army in so called guerrilla

warfare till November 30, 1805 when he was defeated in an encounter near

Pullpally.

Thus Wayanad fell into the hands of British, and with it started a new

era for this area. They opened up the plateau for the cultivation of tea and

coffee. Roads were laid along the dangerous slopes of Wayanad from

Kozhikode and Thalassery. Through these roads came a robust influx of

settlers from all parts of Kerala and the virgin land proved a veritable

goldmine to them with incredible yields of cash crops. When the Kerala state

came into being, this region was under Kannur district. Later, in order to


35

fulfil the aspirations of the people of Wayanad, a separate district came into

being on November 1980, as the 12th district of Kerala (www.wayanad.nic.in

accessed on 12th June 2013).

2.4.2. Social Profile

Of the fourteen districts of Kerala, as per the 2011 census report

Wayanad district stands as the least populated one with 8,17,420 people

(4,01,684 males and 4,15, 736 females) which accounts for 2.45% of the

state’s total population (Menon, 2011). The area of the district is 2130 sq.

km, 98% of which are classified as rural villages. The population density of

the district is one of the lowest in Kerala with 383 persons per sq. km while

the state has 896 persons. as per the 2011 census. Wayanad has the highest

Scheduled tribe population in the state (30%) with 1, 51,443 persons, of

which, the majority are tribals (Figure 2.1). The sex ratio for the district is

1035 females to every 1000 males; a healthy growth trend along the general

average within Kerala state (Figure 2.2), as opposed to the National trend.

Chapter 2

36

Figure 2.1. District wise comparison of scheduled tribe population in Kerala

(Menon, 2011).

Figure 2.2. Comparison of sex ratio trend in the district along with Kerala

state from 1981 onwards (Menon, 2011).

SCHEDULED TRIBE POPULATION DISTRICT WISE DISTRIBUTION

48,85741,371

151,443

15,22822,990

48,972

9,43016,559

55,815

21,9728,108 10,761

26,759

0

20,000

40,000

60,000

80,000

100,000

120,000

140,000

160,000

KASARGODE

KANNUR

WAYANAD

KOZHIKODE

MALAPPURAM

PALAKKAD

THRISSUR

ERNAKULAM

IDUKKI

ALAPUZH

A

PATHANAMTHITTA

KOLLAM

THIRUVANANTHAPURAM

DISTRICTS

PO

PULA

TIO

N N

UM

BER

SEX RATIO TREND IN THE DISTRICT ALONG WITH STATE

949966

995

10351032 1036

1058

1084

850

900

950

1000

1050

1100

1981 1991 2001 2011

CENSUS YEARS

NO

OF

FEM

ALE

S PE

R 1

000

MA

LES

WayanadKERALA


37

The literacy rate in Kerala is the highest in the country at 93.91%. The

male literacy in the state is 96.02% and the female literacy rate is 91.98%

respectively. But due to the predominance of rural households and a large

tribal population, the Wayanad district is far behind the state average in the

case of literacy percentage. The male literacy in the district is only 88.49%

and female literacy is at 85.94% (Menon, 2011). Female literacy is

considered as an indicator of social status and progress in the state, and in the

case of Wayanad it is very low; it stands second last in state-wise ranking.

The primary census abstract tells us that 2011, of the total 8,17,420 people in

the district 4,77,343 are non workers and 3,400,77 are workers. Among

workers, 52,759 are cultivators, 1,01,630 are agricultural labourers, 4,574 are

household industry labourers and 1,81,114 are engaged in other type of

works (www.censusindia.gov.in, accessed on 12th June 2013). A majority

60% are still not having an opportunity to earn their daily bread (Figure 2.3).

Figure 2.3. Different type of working class in the Wayanad district as per 2011

census (www.censusindia.gov.in accessed on 12th June 2013)

Percentage of different working class in Wayanad6%

12%

1%

22%59%

Cultivators

Agricultural labourers

Household Industry workers

Other workers

Non workers

Chapter 2

38

2.4.3. Religion

In Wayanad District, no religion can be said to be predominant. The

different religious group of the state are more or less equally represented. A

characteristic aspect of Wayanad is a large adivasi (tribal) population.

Though they are broadly in the Hindu fold, primitive forms of worship still

prevail among them. Ancestral worship and offerings to propitiate the spirits

of ancestors are still prevalent. Two deities commonly worshipped by the

‘Adivasis’ are ‘Thampuratty’ and ‘Vettakkorumakan’. They also worship the

Hindu Gods of various temples in the district though they do not have any temple

of their own. ‘Paniyar’, ‘Adiyan’, ‘Kurichyar’, ‘Kurumar’, ‘Kattunaikkar’,

‘Kadan’ and ‘Oorali’ are the different aboriginal tribes of Wayanad. The

Kurichyar are the most developed among them. They are small landowners,

whereas the members of other tribes are mostly labourers.

Some of the centuries old temples, and their Brahmin settlements suggest

that early attempts were made to bring the Adivasis under the Hindu religious

fold. The Thirunelli and Valliyoorkavu temples, which are known outside

Wayanad as the temples of Adivasis, are in fact run by Hindu settlers with the

help of Brahmin priests. Adivasis are allowed to worship and participate in

the festivals of these temples. More than anything else, the myths woven

around the temples including the one about Sita (Lord Sri Rama’s consort)

and her two sons Leva and Kusa, has drawn the aboriginal minds to the

Hindu system of belief.

Wayanad has a small Jain community consisting of the Gounders who

came from Karnataka. They have built beautiful temples all over the district.

One fourth of the population of Wayanad is constituted by Christians and

almost all sections of Christianity are well-represented. A section of


39

Kurichyas of Mananthavady has been converted to Christianity. Muslims

constitute another one fourth of the population. They are the Moplas who

came from Malappuram and Kozhikkode districts. A large number among

them are labourers. Muslim women labourers are a usual sight here. Hindus

of different castes like Nairs, Thiyyas, etc. who settled here from different

parts of Kerala, form the rest of the population (www.prd.kerala.gov.in,


2.4.4. Topography

Wayanad lies between North latitude 11° 90' and 11° 49' and East

longitude 75° 80' and 76° 35'. It is bounded on the East by Nilgiris and Mysore

districts of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka states respectively, on the North by

Coorg district of Karnataka state, on the South by Malappuram district and on

the West by Kozhikkode and Kannur districts of Kerala state (Figure 2.4).

Placed on the southern tip of the Deccan plateau, its prime glory is the

majestic Western Ghats with lofty ridges interspersed with magnificent forests,

tangled jungles and deep valleys. In the centre of the district, hills are lower in

height, while the northern area has high hills and which give it a wild and

mountainous appearance. Some of the major peaks are Vellarimala, Banasura,

Brahmagiri, Chembra, etc., with heights ranging from 1,500 to 2,100 m.

The eastern area is flat and open. Due to its peculiar terrain, there are east

flowing and west flowing rivers in Wayanad. The low hills are full of plantations

like tea, coffee, pepper and cardamom, while the valleys have a predominance of

paddy fields. The soil of Wayanad district is mainly of the forest type. It

promotes a lush luxuriant growth of vegetation which makes Wayanad clothed

in uniform greenery. This district has 787 ha. under forest cover.

Chapter 2

40

The altitude of Wayanad varies from 700 to 2,100 metres above mean

sea level. The hill ranges of Vythiri taluk, through which the road from

Kozhikkode ascends the Wayanad plateau over mind-boggling bends and

ridges are the high altitude locations. From the highest altitude of the

Western Ghats on the Western border of the district, the plateau of Wayanad

gradually slopes down Eastward. The East flowing rivers of Wayanad are in

striking contrast to the various west flowing rivers of the rest of Kerala. The

river Kabani of Wayanad is a perennial source of water to Cauvery. The

Penamaram rivulet, originating from Lakkidi and the Mananthavady rivulet

originating from Thondarmudi peak, meet six kilometres north of Panamaram

town and after the confluence, the river is known as Kabani.

Elsewhere, Wayanad offers a panorama of undulating hills and dales

which have been converted into paddy fields. The hills which might have

been thick forests once are now plantations of coffee, tea or cardamom. There

is a lush luxuriant green all round. On a clear day from the river bed of

Kabani, Wayanad will seem to be a fairy land with the deep blue mountains,

the less blue sky and the white fluffy clouds midst (www.prd.kerala.gov.in


2.4.5. Climate

Wayanad has a salubrious climate. The mean average rainfall in this

district is 2, 322 mm. Lakkidy, Vythiri and Meppadi are the high rainfall

areas in Wayanad. Annual rainfall in these high rainfall areas ranges from

3,000 to 4,000 mm. The dale, ‘Lakkidi’, nestled amongst the hills of Vythiri

taluk has the highest average rainfall in Kerala. Of late, there is a decreasing

trend in the rainfall obtained in this area. High velocity winds are common

during the south-west monsoon and dry winds blow in March-April. High


41

altitude regions also experience severe cold. In Wayanad (Ambalavayal), the

mean maximum and minimum temperature recorded for the last five years

were 29°C and 18°C respectively (www.prd.kerala.gov.in, accessed on 12th

June 2013). This place experiences a high relative humidity which goes even

up to 95 per cent during the southwest monsoon period.

Generally, the year is classified into four seasons, namely, cold weather

(December-February), hot weather (March-May), south-west monsoon (June-

September) and north-east monsoon (October-November).

2.4.6. Flora and fauna

The biological diversity of Wayanad is diverse at all levels- habitat,

genetic and species level with an impressive rate of endemism, peculiar to the

Western Ghats flora, in all the forms of life. More than 2000 species of

flowering plants, with large number of lower plants, fungi etc., have been

reported from Wayanad.

Elephant, bear and other wild animals from the neighbouring wildlife

sanctuaries of Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, stray into the Begur forest range and

the forests around Muthanga, which is 20 kilometres away from the town of

Sultan Bathery. Bonnet monkeys, mongooses, jungle cats, jackals, hares, pea

fowls etc., can be easily spotted in the forest areas and plantations inside the

District.

2.4.7. Agriculture

Agriculture in Wayanad is equally divided between paddy and

plantation crops, except coconut. Coffee is ubiquitous in Wayanad. It is

cultivated in every panchayath, both in the form of large plantations and

Chapter 2

42

small holdings. The economy of Wayanad depends mainly on coffee. In

Kerala, coffee is cultivated in an area of 75,057 ha. of which 66,999 ha. are in

Wayanad. Pepper is grown as an additional crop on trees that are groomed to

give shade to the coffee shrubs. In Pulpally area, there are exclusive pepper

gardens also. The hills, which are deep blue in bright sunlight and mist-

covered most of the time, juxtaposes with the green of these paddy fields.

This in fact, is a splendid spectacle. Of the 20,864 hectares of reserve forest,

the major portion is teak plantation. Areca nut palms and jack trees also are

grown here. Tea is grown as an industry in large estates.

The soil and climate of Wayanad are suitable for horticulture on

commercial basis. For promoting the cultivation of vegetables and raising of

orchards, the Kerala Agricultural University is running a regional

Agricultural Research Station at Ambalavayal.

Wayanad’s geographical position is peculiar and unique. The difference in

altitudes of each locality within the district presents a variation of climatic

conditions. Nature has blessed this part of the country beautifully with mist-clad

mountains and sylvan valleys. Wayanad has an agricultural economy and it has

no major industry to boast of. Heavy industry will probably tilt its ecological and

demographic balance adversely. The idyllic nature of this district, together with

its colourful tribal life and brazing climate, can make tourism pay rich dividends

(www.prd.kerala.gov.in, accessed on 12th June 2013).

2.5. Study Tibes Four major tribes, well represented in the District- the Adiyan, the

Kuruchiyar, the Mulla Kuruman and the Kattunaikkan-were selected for this

study. Their social organisation, language, economic status, livelihood


43

occupations, religious customs and taboos and practices related to medicinal

and general health systems are discussed tribe wise below.

2.5.1. The Adiyan

The Adiyan are a scheduled tribe inhabiting the Mananthavady taluk

and adjoining areas of Wayanad district, Kerala. The Adiyan nurse a

legendary origin that they are descendents of the demoniacal Lord in the epic

Ramayana- The ‘Ravana’-and they call themselves ‘Ravalar’. They speak a

language very close to Kannada. Till 1976 they were subjected to the worst

form of bonded labour system. They still remain as a landless agriculture

labourer section bereft of any other skill of subsistence. Prior to 1940, the

Adiyan were the only field hands available in the area. The landlords use to

recruit one nuclear family of Adiyan for each hectre of paddy field. The

landlords try to woo the better skilled and healthy adiyan families by paying

advances. These advances were made on the annual festival day of

Valliyoorkavu Baghavathy temple (Nair, 2008). The Adiyan strongly believe

in this diety’s capacity to retributive punishment for violation of vows. The

daily wages were paid in kind; it is husked using wooden pestles and mortars,

and the raw rice thus obtained was cooked for the day’s food. On important

festive seasons like Onam the bonded families were entitled to receive seven

day’s free wages, some condiments and the male members, new clothes. The

Adiyan were not expected to present anything back.

The Adiyan lives in hamlets called ‘kuntu’ and a single hut is called

‘kullu’ .The hamlets are located near paddy fields on the lower slopes of

hillocks. Traditionally a ‘kullu’ is occupied by a nuclear family. The ‘kullu’ is

a thatched, mud-walled hut. The ‘kullu’ has a raised platform with a floor

size of 15feet x12 feet, with a single room structure with eve projections in

Chapter 2

44

the front and on one side. The floor and half raised walls are daubed with a

mixture of cow dung and charcoal. Few households use water from wells.

Instead most of them use small water holes with no side walls called ‘kenis’

for the same. Cooking vessels and utensils are carried to the water source for

washing. Before taking any food, they wash their mouth and face. Burned

paddy husk is used for cleaning teeth. Clothes are washed and bathing is

generally done in the afternoon or after a day’s work.

Females’ principal cloth is called ‘chinth’. It is a 5 metre long coloured

cloth, similar to a saree. This is worn by wrapping around the body, just

below the armpits, covering the breast fully and tying both ends of the cloth

firmly over the left shoulder. They try to keep their clothes as neat and tidy as

possible. Men use shirt, baniyan and lunki. Few men use footwear.

The Adiyan’s staple food is rice. Earlier their wages were given as rice

and they use the same with minimum husking for food and hence no loss of

vitamins occurs from bran removal. But now the wages are given in cash and

they have to resort to fair price shops for rice.

The Adiyans grow vegetables in their home gardens and also collect

from the wild to include it lavishly in their meals. They also take in variety of

mushrooms, and crabs in their diet. Wild tubers mainly varieties of

Dioscorea are collected during the times when food scarcity occurs during

the months of September, October, and November. During summer months,

they bail out water from ponds and rivulets to catch fish. A major part of their

non vegetarian delicacy come from the varieties of fishes and crabs thus

collected. Surplus fish are dried and kept for the rainy season. Though

basically they are non vegetarians, beef eating is a taboo.


45

The Adiyans take three meals a day. The morning meal is called

‘parukuli’ which is usually the previous day’s leftover rice. Men usually

resort to black coffe with jaggery and during times with enough money, they

visit tea shops for breakfast. The noon meal called ‘kanjikudippu’ consists of

rice and cooked tubers. The main meal is in the evening called ‘anthikanji”

during which fish and crab curry is made with condiments.

The social and political head of the hamlet is called ‘kuntumoopan’.

During the times of bonded labour, it was he who mobilised the labour for

landlords and was held responsible for the vows. He settles the disputes

among the members of his hamlet. The religious matters are officiated by

‘kannaladi’ or ‘Nadumoopan’. He is well versed in Adiyan lores, magical

spells, and religious rituals and has the power to officiate as a priest during

religious activities of the hamlets. The ‘kannaladi’ is usually assisted in his

duties by his assistant- cum- apprentice called ‘karmikkaran’.

The Adiyan worship deities like ‘Chamundeswary’, ‘Basavappan’,

‘Valliyurkkavu Baghavathy’, ‘Kottiyoor Permal’, ‘Thirunelly Perumal’etc.,

and certain minor deities and spirits such as ‘karinkuttichathan’, ‘chudala

bhadrakali’, ‘boomithayamma’ etc. They pay obeisance to these deities

through intermediaries. They do not enter the sanctum sanctorum of temples.

At Valliyoor kavu temple, the Adiyans are given special privilege during the

annual festival. These deities are supposed to be their guardians especially

when health maladies occur. Ailments like fever, headache, stomach ache,

etc., are attributed to demons like ‘pakothi’, ‘savandi’ and ‘pootham’.

Illnesses are also believed to be contracted through sudden confrontations of

these demons and are called ‘peti pidichu’. Malaria and ‘pitham’ (odema) are

believed to be caused by ‘gulimadan’, Vomiting and diarrhoea is believed to

Chapter 2

46

be caused by ‘chudallappeyyi’ which is said to move about with a clanging

chain. Adiyan also believes that disease can be induced through sorcery

called ‘maranam’ especially when severe fever and persistent sores affect

them. For these, the ‘Kannaladi’ has techniques to exorcise malevolent

influences and also sorcery such as ‘aramkettuneekkal’, ‘uzhinjuvangal’,

‘oothiyerikkal’, ‘noolukettal,’etc. The most important ritual for warding of

these ill-effects is called ‘gaddika’ and a ‘kannaladi’ who is proficient in

doing ‘gaddika’ is also called as ‘gaddikakkaran. A ‘gaddikakkaran’ who

also prescribes medicine is called a ‘vaithyakkaran’ (Nair, 2008). He

observes the patient and then fresh herbals are collected and the dosage is

prescribed according to the seriousness of the disease.

There may not be a reputed ‘vaithyakkaran’ in every hamlet, but it is

noted that every Adiyan adult is aware of at least a couple of remedies for

illnesses like headaches, fever, stomach troubles, etc. It is when the illness is

found to be beyond the scope of home remedies that they seek the help of the

‘vaithyakkaran’. There are also specialists among ‘vaithyakkarans’ for

meeting emergencies like jaundice, bone setting, snake bites, etc.

Now, the Adiyan inhabited areas are well exposed to Allopathy and

Ayurveda medical systems. They have no deterring social or cultural factor to

undergo hospital treatment. The non tribals settled among them also persuade

them to take treatments from hospitals during serious illnesses. But in spite of

these options most of them still approach ‘vaithyakkaran’ for their magico-

herbal treatment. The high cost of modern medicine is one factor deterring

them from using it frequently.


47

2.5.2. The Mulla kuraman or Mullu kuruman

The Mulla kuraman are another tribal community inhabiting the

Wayanad district of Kerala. There are other two tribal communities namely-

Urali kuruman and Ten kuruman respectively with the suffix kuruman in

their tribe name, dwelling in Wayanad District itself. These three are but

distinct endogamous tribes speaking their own languages and differing

greatly in their economic pursuits. (Nair, 2008). Mulla kurumans are settled

agriculturists while Urali kurumans are artisan community, specialised in

hand made pottery, while Ten kurumans are food gatherers. The majority of

the Mulla kuruman population are distributed in Sulthan Bathery taluk of

Wayanad District, while a few are seen in Vythiri taluk of Wayand District

and Gudalur taluk of Nilgiri District of Tamil Nadu, which lie adjacent to

Sulthan Bathery taluk of Wayanad District.

The Mulla kuruman are adapted to cultivate wet land paddy. They use

bullocks to plough the land. In dry land, cash crops such as coffee, pepper,

ginger, turmeric, etc., are cultivated. The harvest of paddy is stored for year

round consumption, and the money obtained from selling cash crops are used

for buying utensils, meeting health needs, etc.

Sexual division of labour is well specified amongst the Mulla kuruman.

Heavy jobs are undertaken by males, while milder jobs like transplanting and

weeding are done by females. Both carry manure and spread them over the

fields. All household chores are done by females, while men mind children

and help in gathering firewood.

The Mulla kuramans are well known for their skills in hunting and

fishing. Hunting and fishing also have significance associated with marriage

Chapter 2

48

and life cycle rites. They use bow and arrow, nets, snares, spears, etc, for

hunting. Their tracking, trapping and shooting skills (bow and arrow) are

outstanding. Dogs are also trained to assist them while hunting.

Mulla kuraman hamlets are called ‘kudis’ and are strictly uni ethnic in

nature. Each ‘kudi’ constitute a cluster of very closely built houses; one

house touching the other. All married men of the hamlet invariably possess a

house. The cleanliness of Mulla kuruman ‘kudis,’ and the inside of houses are

worth mentioning. Houses are on raised platforms with a single rectangular

shaped room. The walls are clad with locally available clay and are light red

in colour. Houses have verandas on all sides. The floors are daubed

periodically with cow dung and charcoal emulsions. Cooking utensils are of

aluminium, brass or clay and are kept meticulously clean.

In the centre of the ‘kudi’ is God’s house called ‘daivapura’ which

serves as a meeting place for the whole hamlet in connection with birth,

puberty, marriage and death. Cattle shed called as ‘pothala’ are erected near

paddy fields away from the ‘kudi’.

Mulla kuruman women can be easily identified by their dress.

Customarily, they wear only white clothes. They fear that wearing colour

dresses may bring the wrath of deities on them. The dress consists of an

‘adithuni’, a piece of cloth over the waist and a ‘mekkatti’, tied firmly

over the left shoulder in a single layer. Men flock wear dhothis and shirts.

Traditionally, the men keep a tuft of hair on one side of their head and

shave the hair around this tuft which is called ‘kudumakettu’. Rings made

of gold and copper (‘Chathukkali’) are worn by males on the upper ear

lobe.


49

The sense of sanitation and hygiene is commendable among Mulla

kurumans. Mulla kuruman women wash their feet, hand and mouth before

entering ‘kudis’. They clean their houses and premises in the mornings and

use spittoons for spitting. Powdered charcoal or paddy husk is used for

cleaning teeth in the morning. Only a few dwellings have wells of their own.

Mulla kuruman women never cook with the water which has been kept

overnight. For cooking, they always fetch fresh water directly from water

sources, sometimes located very far away. This care about using fresh water

has helped the community in preventing outbreaks of water borne diseases

which are prevalent among other tribal communities.

Rice is the staple food of Mulla kuraman. They raise paddy for

consumption along with ragi. Legumes such as black gram, horse gram and

beans are also cultivated. Tuber crops include Dioscorea, Colocasia,

Elephant foot yam and Tapioca. They also collect a variety of mushrooms for

food. Surplus mushrooms are smoked and dried for scarce seasons. The

Mulla kuruman women and children catch fishes and crabs from rivulets and

waterlogged paddy fields. Animal meat is obtained from hunting; it includes

the deer, wild boar, rabbit, etc. They usually do not take milk but buttermilk

is a preferred choice. They take two square meals a day. Breakfast is called

‘pazhan kathal’ consisting of rice gruel and mashed red chillies just taken

before they proceed to work. The midday meal is taken with curries. The

main meal is in the night when nonvegetarian dishes are taken.

All the male members of a ‘kudi’ are patrilineally related. The head for

all religious, political, social and health related matters is the elder member of

the clan called ‘Porunnavan’ who presides over ceremonies like marriages,

death etc. He will be succeeded by the next elderly member of the lineage

Chapter 2

50

called ‘porathavan’. ‘Porathavan’ will be assisted by the next heir in the line

called ‘voyapppuram’ in all ceremonies. The Wife of the ‘Porunnavan’ is

called ‘Poranothy’ and she is also well respected and has some official duties

such as introducing a newly married girl to initiate rituals during religious

ceremonies and also in fishing. The religious functionary of the mulla

kuruman hamlet is called ‘Velichappadi’. He is the medium through which

‘kudi’ people communicate with deities and ancestral spirits. ‘Porunnavan’

act as a patron during these functions.

The Mulla kuruman healer is called ‘vaidyakkaran’. He has a host of

herbal applications and therapeutic manoeuvrings at his disposal for effecting

cure. There are generalists and specialists among ‘vaidyakkarans’. Specialists

treat only particular diseases such as snake bite, jaundice, broken bone etc.,

and their position is acclaimed by the results they produce on the patients.

Generalists keep themselves busy by making home visits. Usually the

‘vaidyakkarans’ are initiated to the art of herbal therapy by their parents or

close relatives who were acclaimed healers. A healer does not teach his

knowledge to many but selects a person from his community to train him. A

novice in medicine does not usually start treating any one until the death or

incapacitation of his mentor. The healers strongly believe that if they divulge

the medicinal recipes to another individual their medicine will not be

effective since the latter may lack the blessings of an ancestor or deity. Mulla

kuruman healers show great resistance in revealing anything about their

herbal applications. They strongly believe that their knowledge is sacred and

it may lose its potency if revealed to another man other than his disciple.

They do not take any remuneration for the prescriptions.


51

Mulla kuruman believes that diseases are caused by natural causes but

they question why this happens to selected persons only. Hence it is believed that

the people who feel ill, are the ones who had invited the displeasure of ancestral

spirits or deities. Mild diseases are not attributed to any spirits but chronic

illnesses are believed to be caused by supernatural spirits. In such cases, magical

ritual divining such as ‘kodi reading’ and ‘velichappaduthullal’ are conducted to

appease the supernatural spirits and deities. Techniques such as ‘velipooja’,

‘panamkettal’, ‘charadukettal’, ‘ollakettal’ etc., are also done by ‘mantravadi’

‘an elder with magical powers- on the request of ‘porunnavan’ to get rid of the

displeasure of ancestral spirits as well as deities. Mulla kuruman believes that

only after these spirits are pleased, herbal medicines take effect.

Though Mulla kuruman hamlets have proximity to Allopathic and

Ayurvedic medical systems, they seldom use it. But it does not mean that

they are totally averse to these systems. When someone is seriously ill or if

some surgical emergencies occur they access the same. Also there are some

cases where these herbalists are approached for curing chronic illnesses

which have been given up without cure by the Allopathic hospitals. Even non

tribals approach them for treating diseases like jaundice, snakebites, etc.

2.5.3. The Kuruchiar (Singular-Kuruchiyan)

The Kuruchiyan is a scheduled tribe community inhabiting Wayanad

District and adjoining areas of Northern Kerala. Majority of them inhabit the

Mananthavady taluk of Wayanad District. They subsist mainly on settled

plough cultivation. Waged labour under non tribal immigrants is an emerging

trend. They are virtual virtuosos of archery and hunting. They practice touch

pollution with all people except high caste Hindus and are strictly

endogamous. They speak a dialect form of Malayalam at home.

Chapter 2

52

The Kuruchiyars live in large matrilineal extended family units called

‘mittom’. It is the basic production and consumption unit. They are small

scale cultivators and live hand to mouth. They themselves carry out all

agricultural operations in their fields. Division of labour is well specified.

Males undertake heavy works like preparation of lands, hunting, wood

cutting etc., while mild jobs like planting and weeding are given to women.

Household chores are done by women, but men mind children and help in

gathering firewood. They cultivate both long and short duration rice varieties,

but believe that long duration varieties are tastier and nutritious than the short

duration ones. They also cultivate ragi and Panicum varieties (‘chama’and

‘thina’) in lesser quantities. Elephant foot yam, Dioscorea, Colocassia are

also cultivated. Tapioca has been introduced to them by settlers and is

beginning to gain much importance recently.

The members of a ‘mittom’ live in a cluster of oblong structures. The main

house is a pucca construction with three to four rooms. One of the rooms is used

by the head of the ‘mittom’ and other rooms are used for storing grains and

hunting equipments. The other houses are distributed at three sides of this main

house and also consist of three to four rooms each. The dwelling houses are

made with a raised platform, mud clad walls and verandas. Often the walls are

daubed with a mixture of charcoal and cow dung. Each ‘mittom’ may consist of

7-18 conjugal families, each of them with a separate kitchen (Nair, 2008). The

Kuruchiyar seldom have wells in their ‘mittom’. Water needs are met from small

ponds dug near the paddy fields; called ‘keni’. Outsiders are not permitted to

take water from these ‘kenis’ and they are well protected with side walls and

sluices. Often a ‘mittom’ owns two to three ponds and in that instance one is

used exclusively for drinking and the others for washing and bathing.


53

Kuruchiyars keep their dwelling units and surroundings neat and tidy.

The cooking utensils are cleaned just after a meal is served. The women folk

are accustomed to sweeping the dwelling units and the courtyards in the

morning and evening. The rubbish items are thrown far away. Sewage

nuisance around kitchens and ponds are avoided by making pits. Beetle

chewers are given spittoons. Nail clippings, hair, urine, menstrual blood,

faecal matter etc., are considered highly dirty and polluting. Charcoal made

from paddy husk is used for teeth cleaning. Bamboo splits are used as tongue

cleaners. Leaves of ‘kurumthotti’ (Sida) and Hibiscus rosa sinensis are used

for cleaning hair and body. Orthodox Kuruchiyan families even observe

bathing in cold water before entering house every time to avoid touch

pollution. This standard of cleanliness along with the touch pollution, has

saved this group from diseases that spread through direct contact.

The Kuruchiars can be easily identified from members of other

communities from their dress and body grooming. Traditionally men folk

sport a tuft of hair called ‘kudumakkettu’ at the centre head, leaving the scalp

clean shaved. The women sport long tresses. Men wear a loincloth around

their groin and a piece of cloth around over the shoulder. The women wear a

piece of cloth on their waist and another one to cover the upper half which is

knotted on the right shoulder. They wear white clothes and black upper

garments during ceremonies and festivals. The younger generation do not

strictly adhere to this tradition.

Their staple food is rice. Ragi, ‘chama’ and ‘thinna’ are considered hot

and are taken during cold and rainy seasons. They also collect a variety of

mushrooms to be included in their diet depending on availability. They also

consume sago from Borassus flabellifer (kalloppana). The pulverised pith is

Chapter 2

54

kept in water, and this solution is filtered using a piece of cloth and is

allowed to sediment overnight. The sediment is dried in sunlight, and bread

called ‘panampittu’ is prepared from it, which is considered highly nutritious.

Beef eating is a taboo. They also add different types of crabs and fishes into

their delicacies depending upon season.

The Kuruchiars take food, three times a day. Their morning food called

‘kanji’ consists of rice gruel and a mashed mixture of onion, green chillies

and salt. The women and children eat leftover rice called ‘pazham kanji’. The

mid day meal is called ‘kathal’ which, besides rice include a vegetable side

dish. The principal meal is called ‘attayam’ for which they add non

vegetarian items too. The serving is done to all members of a ‘mittom’

equivocally. They usually avoid food from hotels due to the fear of touch

pollution.

The Kurichiyars are politically an acephalous society which is

subdivided into a number of clans called ‘vamsam’. They are matrilineal in

descent and inheritance. A ‘vamsam’ is divided into several ‘mittoms’–the

minimal socio-economic unit. All the married male members in a ‘mittom’

are matrilineally connected where as all women are from different ‘vamsoms.

The children grow up to the age of 10-12 years in his father’s ‘mittom’ and

then moves to his mothers ‘mittom’. The head man of a ‘mittom’ is called

‘karnon’. The ‘karnon’ of the principal ‘mittom’ who is the priest and

custodian of the ‘vamsom’s’ tutelary deity’s shrine has a higher status than

others and is called ‘nadupoopan’ (Nair, 2008). All the ‘karnon’s of a

‘vamsam’ meet together under the control of ‘nadupoopan’ to decide on all

matters pertaining to them including social offenders. Amorous sexual

relationships are very rare among them. The decision maker of a ‘mittom’ is


55

the ‘karnon’. He and his wife are often referred as ‘odayakkaran’ and

‘odayakkari’ respectively. He will be the eldest member of the ‘mittom,’ and

acts as the religious and social head to represent the ‘mittom’ in the functions

at neighbouring ‘mittoms’. He is expected to lead an austere and pious life.

He is a revered ascetic with the power to bless and curse an individual.

The ‘vamsam’ shrines have a major role in the life of Kuruchiars.

These small shrines have a wooden stool ‘peetom’ on which the deities are

believed to sit. No outsider is allowed to go near it. ‘Karnon’ himself conduct

the ‘poojas’ on important days. They also worship Hindu Gods such as

‘Guruvyoorappan’, Lord Ayyappa, Ganapathy and also make visits and

offerings to these temples occasionally.

Kuruchiyars rarely believe and indulge in sorcery practices. This

perhaps is due to the limited scope of personalised rivalries in their extended

family life. However they employ a variety of techniques to find out the

supernatural causes of illness such as ‘komaramthullal’, ‘panamittunokkal’,

‘rasivekkal’, ‘nadipidichunokkal’, ‘vettanokkal,’ etc. After identifying the

cause, appropriate rituals are undertaken. This includes ‘kirithiyoothuka’,

‘noolukettikodukkuka’, ‘japichukodukkuka’, ‘thettupaisevaikkal’, etc., to get

rid of the malevolent influences that caused the illness.

Among Kuruchiyars there are two kinds of herbalists –the generalists

and specialists. They are called ‘vaidyar’. The generalists have herbal recipes

for treating a wide array of illnesses. While specialists treat only a malady or

two like snake bite, rabid dog bite, bone setting, etc. A senior Kuruchiyar

herbalist may train a nephew or his own younger brother if he shows

enthusiasm in assisting him in the therapeutic activities. Only after his

Chapter 2

56

incapacitation or death does the trainee starts treating on his own. Herbal

recipes for most of the common diseases are known to all; due to their

extended family setup they are able to observe the preparation and

administration of medicines. However, they do not prescribe them as they

believe that they are devoid of the magical powers.

They are not totally averse to Allopathic and Ayurvedic prescriptions,

but strongly believe that the quick results obtained, does not last long. They

go to hospitals when some surgical needs arise. The high cost of modern

medicine, the belief of touch pollution, reluctance to take food and water

from outside, social restriction for women in undertaking long journeys, etc.,

wards them off from accessing the modern medical systems. However, they

show keen interest in the immunization programmes against childhood

communicable diseases.

2.5.4. The Kattunaikkan or Kattunayakan

The Kattunaikkan (Kattunayakan) is a scheduled tribe distributed in

Wayanad, Malappuram and Kozhikode Districts of Kerala State, with eighty

five percentage of them in Wayanad district. They are also found in Andhra

Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. In Tamil Nadu, the Kattunayakan are

referred by different names like Kattu Naickan, Kattu naicken, Kadu

Kurumba and Jenu kurumba. (Singh, 1994). The Kattunaikkan population

according to the 1971 and 1981 censuses were 5565 and 8803 respectively.

The 1991 Census counted thier population as 12155 consisting of 6271 and

5884 females. Sex ratio among them was 938 females for every 1000 males.

As per the Socio-Economic Survey of 1996-97, their population was 11871

with 5991 males and 5880 females (Seetha, 2005). The term Kattunayakan is

derived from the words- kattu (=forest) and nayakan or naicken (=lord), thus


57

Kattunayakan literally means lord of forests. They are also referred as Jenu

Kurumbar, Kattunayaken, Naicken etc. Jenu means ‘honey’ and Kurumbars

means ‘hill man’. Thus, the term Jenu Kurumbars denotes honey-cutting

lords of the hills (Thurston, 1909). In Malayalam, they are called as

Thenkuruman (then = honey), which connotes their expertise in honey

collection. The Kattunayakan have two sub-divisions; the Cholanaickan and

the Pathinaicken, which are separate endogamous groups. Cholanaickan live

where the forests are wet evergreen in nature and Pathinaicken live in the

lower semi deciduous valley. The term Cholanaickan literally means the

lords of Ghat forests. They refer themselves as Cholakkar i.e., the people of

the forest (Bhanu, 1989). The Pathinaicken call them, pathikkar, the term

pathi literally signifies lower valley. The Kattunayakan, Cholanaickan and

Pathinaicken speak the same language, which is akin to Kannada.

They are tall, long armed and black skinned tribe with curly or wavy hair

(Luiz, 1962). The settlement of the Kattunaikkan is called a‘kudi’. Settlements

are seen distributed inside the forests and in revenue land as well. The average

number of household in a hamlet comes to ten (Seetha, 2005). Traditional huts

are flimsy structures without platform. The walls are of bamboo wattle work,

with mud plastering inside and the roof is thatched with grass.

The Kattunaikkan subsist on food gathering, Non Wood Forest

Produces (NWFP) collection, landless agricultural labour, forest labour

and small scale cultivation. Those who live in forest environment subsist

on food gathering and NWFP collection. The families live along with the

rural population and work as agricultural labourers and small scale

cultivators.

Chapter 2

58

Kattunaikkan are endogamous in nature. Clan identity has not so far

evolved to an apparent level. Nevertheless, territorial divisions are there

which can be called as a form of clan. The leadership is seen at the hamlet

level and the head of the hamlet is called ‘moopan’ by the community

members and ‘mothali’ by outsiders. ‘Moopan’ plays an important role in all

the religious and social functions of the hamlet.

Kattunaikkan believes in ancestral spirits. They worship ancestral

spirits, sylvan deities, Sun, Moon and even animal spirits along with local

Hindu Gods. They believe in an omnipresent and omnipotent forest deity

called ‘maladaivam’–a jungle god. This God is worshipped to ensure their

safety while roaming in the forests, for bumper minor forest produces, to

prevent natural calamities and also for their well being and prosperity. In all

traditional hamlets, a small sacred hut called ‘daivamana’ is seen and icons

are kept in this ‘daivamana’. ‘Moopan’ acts as a priest in the occasions like

calamities and disease afflictions. Succession or inheritance of property

doesn’t have much significance in the community as they led a nomadic life

in the past. But in the case of leadership, when the ‘moopan’ dies, his

younger brother takes the reign, and in his absence, the moopan’s eldest son

becomes the next ‘moopan’. The community follow patrilocal residence

pattern.

The literacy rate of Kattunaikkan was 20.77 percent as per the Socio-

Economic Survey conducted in 1996-97. Ashram Schools are functioning at

Noolpuzha, Wayanad District and in Manjeri, Malappuram District,

exclusively for the Kattunaikkan students including the Cholanaickan and the

Pathinaicken tribes. However, Kattunaikkan families living inside the forest

remain apathetic in sending their children to school. The Socio-economic


59

survey of 1996-97 reported the prevalence of Tuberculosis (TB), sickle cell

anaemia, leprosy, cancer etc., among the Kattunaikkan community. The

survey prima facie identified 38 TB patients and 4 leprosy patients among

them. Most of them do not have health care facilities within 3 km (Seetha,

2005).

Among this community, a few families have made use of the financial

support from Tribal Development Scheme and started rearing domestic

animals and cultivating vegetables in their land. Some of them have been

benefited by various housing schemes but, the houses constructed for them

were of low quality without considering their need based and ecological

conditions. It is observed that this community is in a process of settling down

in permanent abodes, shedding their nomadic tendencies. But the problem is

that a sizable proportion of their population is still residing in reserved forests

and the forest laws do not permit for a permanent abode for such groups.

2.6. Materials and Methods 2.6.1. Data collection

The method of data collection was ethnobotanical interviews and

transect walks. Data collection was done year round, covering all seasons

from November 2008 to December 2012. A pilot survey was conducted for

information regarding informants among other individuals and from that

fifteen informants, mainly healers and elders representing all regions and

tribes in focus, were selected. The age of the informants varied from 36 years

to 84 years. Except two, all of them were males. A large number of

interviews were made with these informants; each one extending about half a

day followed by a transect walk. The informants were asked to explain their

therapies and to list the species they used. The information regarding the use

Chapter 2

60

a particular species for a specific disease was treated as one user report. For

each species, its local name, part used, method of use and conservation

strategies were recorded. Interviews were made during their free time only. In

most cases they were prior informed so that their working hours were not

affected. Prior informant consent was collected from all individuals regarding

knowledge sharing.

Data was collected using a digital recorder. This was very useful in that

the interruption occurring during writing down process in stereotyped

interviews was eliminated. Also it eased away the formal nature of the

interviews and informants very soon forgot about the recording process;

which made them more comfortable to share their knowledge with the team.

Later, it was downloaded and stored in a computer for future use.

Transect walk was made with each informant into their surroundings

from where they collected plants. Live specimens for scientific identification

were also collected during these walks. Common name, cultural significance,

conservation strategies, present status of these plants in the locations were

studied and recorded during these interviews. Also, the local mode of

identification was asked during these talks.

Later, the plant specimens were taxonomically identified using regional

floras and the expertise of local taxonomists. Herbarium sheets of rare

species were made following International standards.

2.6.2. Methods used for quantitative analysis of data

The data collected from the informants were analysed with various

quantitative indices to understand in detail, the use patterns that existed

among the different communities. It also shed light on the relative importance


61

of species and families with regard to the different disease categories.

Ecological indices such as Shannon Weiner index, Simpson index, and

Berger Parker index were calculated. Informant consensus was calculated for

all disease categories and the preferred species in each disease category was

identified. The significance and method used for calculating the different

quantitative indices are described below.

2.6.2.1. Relative Frequency of Citation (RFC)

Relative Frequency of Citation is an index which does not give much

weightage to the variables like the type of use or disease category and is

obtained by dividing the number of informants who mentioned the use of

species by the total number of informants who participated in the survey.

Logically, the most popularly used species among the community members

will get the highest number for the citation-frequency. This is calculated

using the following formula.

Relative Frequency of Citation

RFC = Relative Frequency of Citation .

FCs = Number of informants who mentioned the use of species ‘s’.

N = Total number of informants.

This index theoretically varies from 0 to 1. A value close to zero is

obtained when few informants quote the species and the upper limit one is

seldom reached where all the informants quote a particular species.

Chapter 2

62

2.6.2.2. Informant Consensus Factor (Fic)

Informant consensus factor (Fic) technique was developed initially by

Trotter and Logan (1986) to test the consistency of informant knowledge

regarding plants in treating a particular illness category. It reveals the degree

of agreement among the different people interviewed concerning the use of a

given resource (Albuquerque et al., 2006). Fic value illustrates the cultural

coherence of the selection of a set of plants deployed for certain category of

uses. This method works well when the researcher is less familiar with the

community; less subjective and hence suitable for statistical analysis

(Kristensen and Lykke, 2003). It is calculated as the number of mentions in

each usage category (Nur) minus the number of taxa used in each category

(Nt), divided by number of mentions in each usage category minus one.

Each plant citation is recorded separately and referred to as an event and

the same plant and same informant may participate in many events. A high Fic

value indicates the use of relatively few species in a certain use category. The

Fic values range between 0 and 1. The Fic value is near to zero if the plants are

chosen randomly or if there is no exchange of information about their use,

among the informants. Its value reaches one when there is a well defined

selection criterion in the community, or if the information exchange is highly

effective among the inhabitants of a community (Gazzaneo et al., 2005).

2.6.2.3. Use Value (UV)

Use Value methods simply counts the number of different uses reported

for each plant to assign importance. The major objectives associated with


63

such types of studies are to assess the importance of species in a community,

the degree of decline of use of popular plants, importance of a species for an

informant, the frequency of citation and occurrence of plants, the comparison

of important plant groups, etc.

Use value (Phillips et al., 1994) gives an idea about which species are

considered most important by a community. It is calculated using the formula

/

UVs = Use Value for the species ‘s’.

∑ Sum of the uses mentioned for a species ‘s’.

N = Total number of informants.

Informant Use Values are high when there are many use-reports for a

plant, implying that the plant is important; it approaches zero when there are

few reports related to its use.

2.6.2.4. Family Use Value (FUV)

This index calculates the use value of a family and was first formulated

by Phillips and Gentry (1993b).The index was calculated using the formula.

∑ / . (Cadena-González et al., 2013).

Where,

FUV = Family Use Value.

∑ = Sum of the Use Values of all the species quoted from a family.

NS = Total number of species quoted from the family.

Chapter 2

64

2.6.2.5. Shannon-Wiener index ( ′)

One of the most enduring of all diversity measures is the Shannon-

Weiner index which lay emphasis to the species richness component of

diversity (Magurran, 2004). Many researchers feel happier in adopting a

measure with a long tradition of use, even if it has not stood the test of time. Its

origins in the information theory and its association with concept such as

entropy add to its continuing appeal (Magurran, 2004). The index is based on

the rationale that diversity or information in a natural system can be measured

in a similar way to the information contained in a code or message. It assumes

that the individuals are sampled from a large population and all species are

represented in the sample. It is also called as the Shannon index.

Shannon-Wiener index is calculated using the formula

′ ∑ (Magurran, 2004).

Where pi is the proportion of individuals of the ith species. In quantitative

ethnobotany, it is modified as the proportion of informants who cited the ith

species, or the proportion of citations for the ith species. In this study, the

proportion of informants were taken.

Evenness is given by the formula

′ ′ (Magurran, 2004).

J’ = Evenness.

H’ = Shannon index.

H max = H’/Ln S.

S = Total number of species.


65

2.6.2.6. Simpson index (D)

In contrast to Shannon index, Simpson index gives emphasis to the

dominance or evenness measures of diversity rather than to species richness

(Magurran, 2004). It is one of the earliest and best known dominance

measures. Simpson (1949) gave the probability of any two individuals drawn

at random from an infinitely large community belonging to the same species as

Simpson index ∑ 2

Where pi is the proportion of the individual in the i th species.

The form of this index for a finite community is given by the formula

11

Where ni is the number of individuals in the ith species and N is

the total number of individuals. Here in this experiment ni stands for the

number of citations for the ith species and N is the total number of

citations.

As D increases the diversity decreases. It is highly weighted towards

the most abundant species in the sample, while it is less sensitive to the

species richness. Simpson index is considered as one of the most meaningful

and robust measures available. The reciprocal of D, is the most widely used

form of Simpson index since the value of the measure will increase in this

case and the assemblage will become more even. Evenness is calculated by

the formula:

Chapter 2

66

Evenness E D

/DS

Where

D is the Simpson index

S is the number of species.

2.6.2.7. Berger Parker Index (d)

The Berger Parker Index is an intuitively simple dominance measure

(Berger and Parker, 1970) and is extremely easy to calculate. It expresses the

proportional abundance of the most abundant species. The Berger Parker

Index is given by the formula:

Berger Parker index (Berger and Parker, 1970)

Where N max is the number of individuals in the most abundant species

and here it is the number of citations for the most quoted species. N is the

total number of individuals and here it is the total number of citations.

As with the Simpson index, the reciprocal of Berger Parker index may

also be adopted so that an increase in the value of index accompanies an

increase in diversity and a reduction in dominance.

2.6.3. Informants Profile

Among the data obtained from the pilot study, fifteen informants were

selected for the quantitative ethnobotanical study from the four regions –

south, north, west and east of Wayanad District respectively (Figure2.5).

They represented four prominent sociocultural communities – Mulla

Kuruman, Kurichiyar, Kattunaikkan, and Adiya. As has already been

mentioned, these communities are the most prevalent ones in the district and


67

are entirely different in their social and economical status and have a long

tradition and culture of their own. The tribe and region wise distribution of

informants is given (Table 2.1). The name, tribe, age, region and profession

of all the informants are given below (Table 2.2). A short summary regarding

each of the fifteen informants is also given below.

Table 2.1. Tribe and region wise distribution of informants selected for the study

Tribe South North West East No of informants

Kattunaikkan + + - - 2

Mulla Kuruman ++ + - ++ 5

Adiya - ++ - 2

Kurichiyar + ++ ++ + 6

‘+’ represents each informant and ‘-’ their absence.

Chapter 2

68

Table 2.2. The address, tribe, age, region and profession of informants studied.

Sl. No. Name and address Tribe Age in

Years Region Profession

1 Bhaskaran, Avayal, Sulthan Batheri.

Mulla Kuruman 69 E Traditional

Healer

2 Vellan, Nettar colony, Thirunelli. Kuruchiyar 49 N Traditional

Healer

3 Konkan, Pozhuthana, Kalpetta. Kuruchiyar 84 S Traditional

Healer

4 Raman, Thirunelly temple, Thirunelli. Kattunaikkan 76 N Traditional

Healer

5 Chandran, Elston tea estate, Kalpetta. Kattunaikkan 59 S Traditional

Healer

6 Achappan, Mananthavady. Kuruchiyar 72 W Traditional

Healer

7 Rajan, Thirunelli temple, Thirunelli. Kuruchiyar 45 N

Plant Collector to Traditional Healer

8 Nani, Kollivayal colony, Kalpetta.

Mulla Kuruman 52 S Traditional

Healer

9 Satheesh, Thirunelli temple, Thirunelli.

Mulla Kuruman 37 N Traditional

Healer

10 Velayudhan, Avayal, Sulthan Batheri.

Mulla Kuruman 69 E Traditional

Healer

11 Chandran, Eruvakki colony, Thirunelli. Adiya 51 N Plant Collector to

traditional healer

12 Mani, PambuMoola colony, Thirunelli.

Adiya 53 N Plant Collecter to traditional healer

13 Sunil, Vazhavatta colony, Vazhavatta.

Kuruchiyar 36 E Traditional Healer

14 Santha, Mangavayal Colony, Kalpetta.

Mulla Kuruma 47 S Traditional

Healer

15 Suresh babu, Kappunchal, Padinjarathara. Kuruchiyar 53 W Traditional

Healer

N = North S = South W = West E = East


69

Figure 2.4. Study area

Chapter 2

70

Figure 2.5. Region and zone wise distribution of informants in the district map

of Wayanad (Table2.1 and 2.2).


71

2.6.3.1. Bhaskaran, Avayal, Sulthan Batheri

He belongs to the Mulla Kuruma tribe of Wayanad. He is from the dry

zone region of the district and is from the Avayal Mulla Kuruma colony near

Sultan Battery (Figure 2.5). He is 69 years of age and lives with his family.

He is a well known traditional healer in this area and an expert in veterinary

diseases too. He usually participates in tribal ‘melas’ and earns his living by

selling his medicines there. The next generation is not interested in this

profession and his children are not engaged in this work with him.

2.6.3.2. Vellan, Nettar colony, Thirunelli

He is 49 years of age and a well reputed healer in this area. 30-40

patients come to meet him daily on an average basis. He is famous for cancer

treatment. He has a clinic in the town where he consults patients till noon. He

takes Monday as a holiday while he prepares medicine for treating patients.

He is famed for shaking the burning oil with bare hands while medicines are

prepared. He belongs to the kuruchiar tribe.

2.6.3.3. Konkan, Pozhuthana Kurichiya colony, Kalpetta

He is an elder healer in the southern region of the district. He is now

retired from his profession as a healer and now his son is taking care of the

same. He is eighty four years of age and belongs to Kuruchiyar tribe.

2.6.3.4. Raman, Thirunelli temple, Thirunelli

He is from the Kattunaikkan tribe and is the resident healer of the

Kattunaikkan colony situated towards the western side of Thirunelli temple,

Thirunelli. This region is coming under wet zone of Wayanad and is at the

Northern tip of the district. He is having a small house of his own and has

Chapter 2

72

deep knowledge in many plants used in traditional healing treatments by his

tribe. He is 72 years old and still in good health.

2.6.3.5. Chandran, Elston tea estate, Kalpetta

He belongs to the southern part of Wayanad and lives in close proximity to

the forest near Elston tea estate, Kalpetta. He is of Kattunaikkan origin and is

economically and socially very down trodden. He is 59 years old and lives in a

small hut. He collects medicines from the nearby forest and sells in market

premises for livelihood earnings. He is known for treating various diseases like

diabetics, hyper pressure, and several gynaecological disorders.

2.6.3.6. Achappan, Kolichalil colony, Manathavady

He is an award winner for his outstanding performances in traditional

knowledge conservation and traditional healing. He is from a family who has

been engaged in this profession for generations and is well known in the entire

district also. He is 72 years old and owns a traditional medicinal plant garden

for growing some of his medicinal plants. He belongs to the Kuruchiyar tribe

and is economically better than other informants. He is fortunate that his son is

also interested in the same profession. They have a separate place near their

house for consulting patients and preparing medicines.

2.6.3.7. Rajan, Thirunelli temple, Thirunelli

He is 49 years old and presently a part-time Watcher in the Forest

Department. He belongs to Kuruchiyar tribe and most of his knowledge is

from close acquaintance with several healers of his tribe all over the district

who asks him to get plant materials for them. He is an expert in forest flora

and also well aware of the need for preserving natural habitats for future

generations.


73

2.6.3.8. Nani, Kollivayal Kuruma colony, Kalpetta

She is one among the few lady healers seen in Wayanad district.

Usually tribal healers do not share the knowledge with female members but

she learnt it from her husband. She knows a good number of plants used in

ethnic therapeutics and assists him in healing practices. She is 52 years old

and belongs to Mulla Kuruma ethnic group.

2.6.3.9. Satheesh, Thirunelli temple, Thirunelli

He is living in a small hut near Thirunelli temple and is of Mulla

Kuruma tribe. He is 37 years old and belongs to a new tradition of healers

who thinks that the knowledge related to indigenous tribes should be

documented and scientific investigations should be made to prove its clinical

efficiency. He gained the traditional knowledge from his father who was a

healer and now thinks of taking this seriously, as a means of survival.

2.6.3.10. Velayudhan, Avayal, Sulthan Batheri

He is also from Avayal colony near Sultan Battery and 69 years of age.

He is from the Mulla Kuruma socio cultural community and is a well

known healer in this area. People from distant areas come to him for

treatment. Medicines for piles, migraine, diabetes and gynaecology are all

that he is famous for. He is living with his family in a traditional Mulla

Kuruma style house with mud walls and thatched roof. He is fortunate in

getting help from his son, and now he has been entrusted with the collection

of plants. He is having an oil formulation for sinusitis which is very

effective, as within minutes of application on head we feel our sinuses

oozing out. He has not disclosed the plant used but this information is found

to be worth marketing.

Chapter 2

74

2.6.3.11. Chandran, Eruvakka colony, Tirunelli

He is one of the knowledgeable persons identified from the highly

conservative Adiya tribe. He is of 51 years old and lives with his family in a

small hut near Thirunelli temple in Eruvakki colony. He helps the traditional

healers of his tribe in medicinal plant collection. He is also a part-time

trekking assistant working with the Forest Department and is well versed in

forest and forest flora in the area.

2.6.3.12. Mani, Pambu Moola colony, Thirunelli

He is from Adiyan tribe and is 53 years old. He lives with his family in

a small hut near Thirunelli temple in Pambu Moola Adiya colony. He helps

the traditional healers of his tribe in medicinal plant collection. He is also a

part-time trekking assistant working with the Forest Department and is well

versed in forest and forest flora in the area.

2.6.3.13. Sunil, Vazhavatta colony, Vazhavatta

He is hailing from a well known traditional Kuruchiyar healer family

near Vazhavatta dam in Kalpetta on the way to Sulthan Bathery. He is young

and has taken over his father’s profession after his demise. Their family is

well known for treating diseases affecting children. They have a special

formulation which is told to give very high levels of immunity to children, if

administered before the child attains 2 years of age, for a month.

2.6.3.14. Santha, Mangavayal Colony, Kalpetta

She is one among the few lady traditional healers in the Wayanad

District. She is famous in this area, and is 47 years old. She lives in a small

house with her family in the Mangavayal Mullakuruman colony, near

Poothurvayal in Kalpetta. She is specialized in treating conceiving problems


75

in women and claims to have produced positive results to several families all

over the State. She is also specialised in treating hair loss and diabetes. She

had the rare opportunity to get this knowledge from her father, who was a

traditional healer. She is highly supported by her husband in collecting plants

from wild and preparing formulations. They even send formulations to

patients through post.

2.6.3.15. Suresh Babu, Kappunchal, Padinjarathara

He is a famous healer belonging to the Kuruchiyar tribe in the

Mananthavady region and owns a well organised traditional healing shop at

Padinjarathara in the Mananthavady route. He is 53 years old and lives in a

small house with family near his clinic. He is specialised in oil massage and

treats back bone disorders, such as disc complaints. He collects plants from

the wild and processes it in his house with the help of family members.

People from faraway places with serious backbone problems come to see

him. His clinic is neat and tidy, and he even takes the help of his wife for

treating female patients. He takes part in tribal ‘melas’ and earns his daily

bread from selling medicines there.

2.7. Results and Discussion 2.7.1. General

A total of 565 user reports were collected from the fifteen informants

belonging to the four socio-cultural groups –Adiyan, Kattunaikkan,

Kuruchiyar and Mullakuruman during the study period (Figure 2.6). Mention

of each use of a species with respect to a disease was treated as a separate

event and considered as a user report. User reports regarding 165 species

from 63 different families were recorded (Table 2.3). The proportion of the

Chapter 2

76

number of user reports from each tribal community is shown (Figure 2 6).

Kattunaikkan community was the least one in the order with 58 user reports

while the Kuruchiyar community topped the order with 233 user reports.

Figure 2.6. Tribe wise distribution of user reports.

User reports V/S Tribe

83 (15%)

58 (10%)

233(41%)

191 (34%) Adiya

Kattunaikkan Kuruchiyar

Mulla kuruman


77

Table 2.3. The 165 quoted species and the No. of user reports for each one of them.

Sl no. Family Species name

No. of User

reports 1 Amaranthaceae Achyranthes aspera L.var. aspera 1 2 Araceae Acorus calamus L. 1 3 Amaranthaceae Aerva lanata (L.) Juss. ex Schult 2 4 Liliaceae Aloe vera (L.) Burm. 2 5 Zingiberaceae Alpinia calcarata Rosc. 1 6 Apocynaceae Alstonia scholaris (L.) R. Br. 2 7 Apocynaceae Alstonia venenata R.Br. 1 8 Amaranthaceae Amaranthus spinosus L. 1

9 Araceae Amorphophallus paeoniifolius (Dennst.) Nicolson var paeoniifolius 2

10 Vitaceae Ampelocissus latifolia (Roxb.) Planch. 1 11 Anacardiaceae Anacardium occidentale L. 2 12 Menispermaceae Anamirta cocculus (L.) Wight & Arn. 2 13 Euphorbiaceae Antidesma acidum Retz. 3 14 Euphorbiaceae Aporosa acuminata Thw. 1 15 Euphorbiaceae Aporosa cardiosperma (Gaertn.) Merr. 1 16 Myrsinaceae Ardisia solanaceae Roxb. 2 17 Aristolochiaceae Aristolochia acuminata Lam. 2 18 Aristolochiaceae Aristolochia indica L. 1 19 Asteraceae Artemisia nilagarica (Clarke) Pamp 1 20 Asclepiadaceae Asclepias curassavica L. 2 21 Liliaceae Asparagus racemosus Willd. 8 22 Rutaceae Atalantia monophylla (L.) DC. 1 23 Scrophulariaceae Bacopa monnieri (L.) Pennell. 2 24 Poaceae Bambusa bambos (L.) Voss. 2 25 Cucurbitaceae Benincasa hispida (Thunb.) Cogn. 2

26 Oxalidaceae Biophytum reinwardtii (Zucc) Klotzsch. var. reinwardtii 1

27 Brassicaceae Brassica juncea (L.) Czern. & Coss. 2 28 Euphorbiaceae Briedelia retusa (L.) A. Juss. 2 29 Euphorbiaceae Briedelia stipularis (L.) Blume 14 30 Fabaceae Butea monosperma (Lam.)Taub. 2

Table contd…

Chapter 2

78

31 Caesalpiniaceae Caesalpinia bonduc (L.) Roxb. 8 32 Asclepiadaceae Calotropis gigantea (L.) R. Br. 2 33 Verbenaceae Calycopteris floribunda Lam. 3 34 Burseraceae Canarium strictum Roxb. 2 35 Solanaceae Capsicum frutescens L. 4 36 Sapindaceae Cardiospermum halicacabum L. 5 37 Lecthidiaceae Careya arborea Roxb. 8 38 Caesalpiniaceae Cassia fistula L. 1 39 Celastraceae Celastrus paniculatus Willd. 1 40 Apiaceae Centella asiatica (L.) Urban. 5 41 Chenopodiaceae Chenopodium ambrosiodes L. 3 42 Vitaceae Cissus quadrangularis L. 1 43 Vitaceae Cissus repens Lam. 1 44 Rutaceae Clausena anisata (Willd.) Hook. 1 45 Rananculaceae Clematis gouriana Roxb.ex DC. 3 46 Verbenaceae Clerodendrum infortunatum L. 3 47 Fabaceae Clitoria ternatea L. var. ternatea 2 48 Menispermaceae Coscinium fenestratum (Gaertn.) Colebr. 14 49 Euphorbiaceae Croton persimilis Muell. 11 50 Periplocaceae Cryptolepis buchananii Roem.&Schult. 2 51 Zingeberaceae Curcuma longa L. 16 52 Zingeberaceae Curcuma neilgherrensis Wight 1 53 Amaranthaceae Cyathula prostrata (L.) Blume 4 54 Menispermaceae Cyclea peltata (Lam.) Hook. 11

55 Boraginaceae Cynoglossum zeylanicum (Vahl. ex Hornem.)Thunb. 1

56 Solanaceae Datura metel L. 1 57 Solanaceae Datura stramonium L. 1 58 Ebenaceae Diospyros peregrina (Gaertn.) Gurke. 1 59 Menispermaceae Diploclisia glaucescens (Blume) Diels. 12 60 Dracenaceae Dracena terniflora Roxb. 1

61 Caryophyllaceae Drymaria cordata ssp. diandra (Blume) Duke. 4

62 Asteraceae Eclipta prostrata (L.) L. 3 63 Asteraceae Elephantopus scaber L. 2 64 Myrsinaceae Embelia ribes Burm. 1

Table contd…


79

65 Myrsinaceae Embelia tsjeriam-cottam (Roem. & Schult.) DC. 1

66 Asteraceae Emilia sonchifolia (L.) DC. 1 67 Musaceae Ensete superbum (Roxb.) Cheesman 2 68 Mimosaceae Entada rheedi Spreng. 11 69 Fabaceae Erythrina variegata L. 1 70 Moraceae Ficus exasperata Vahl. 3 71 Rutaceae Glycosmis pentaphylla (Retz.) DC. 5 72 Tiliaceae Grewia tiliifolia Vahl. 2 73 Asclepiadaceae Gymnema sylvestre (Retz.) R. Br. ex Schult. 2 74 Rubiaceae Oldenlandia auricularia (L.) K. Schum. 1 75 Sterculiaceae Helicteres isora L. 6 76 Periplocaceae Hemidesmus indicus (L.) R. Br. 1 77 Malvaceae Hibiscus hispidissimus Griff. 3 78 Euphorbiaceae Homonia riparia Lour. 10 79 Flacourtiaceae Hydnocarpus pentandra (Buch.-Ham.) Oken. 1 80 Apiaceae Hydrocotyle javanica Thunb. 13

81 Acanthaceae Hygrophila schulli (Buch.-Ham.) M. R. & S. M. 3

82 Euphorbiaceae Jatropha curcas L. 2 83 Acanthaceae Justicia adhatoda L. 2 84 Acanthaceae Justicia betonica L.var. betonica 1 85 Acanthaceae Justicia gendarussa Brum. 4 86 Anacardiaceae Lannea coromandelica (Houtt.) Merr. 10 87 Verbenaceae Lantana camara L. var. camara 1 88 Piperaceae Lepianthes umbellata (L.) Rafin. 12 89 Lamiaceae Leucas aspera (Willd) Link. 4 90 Lauraceae Litsea coriacea (Heyne ex Meisner) Hook. 1

91 Lobeliaceae Lobelia nicotianifolia Roth ex Roem. &Schult. 5

92 Anacardiaceae Mangifera indica L. 1 93 Rutaceae Melicope lunu-ankenda (Gaertn.) Hartley 1 94 Mimosaceae Mimosa pudica L. 2 95 Moringaceae Moringa pterygosperma Gaertn. 2 96 Fabaceae Mucuna atropurpurea DC. 3 97 Ploygonaceae Muehlenbeckia platyclados Meissn. 1 98 Musaceae Musa acuminata Colla. 12

Table contd…

Chapter 2

80

99 Musaceae Musa paradisiaca L. 13 100 Rubiaceae Mussaenda frondosa L. 4 101 Myristicaceae Myristica fragrans Houtt. 2 102 Rananculaceae Naravelia zeylanica (L.) DC. 6 103 Rutaceae Naringi crenulata (Roxb.) Nicolson 11 104 Nellumbonaceae Nelumbo nucifera Gaertn. 1 105 Icacinaceae Nothapodytes nimmoniana (Graham) Mabb. 5 106 Lamiaceae Ocimum gratissimum L. 2 107 Lamiaceae Ocimum tenuiiflorum L. 4 108 Poaceae Oryza sativa L. (demographic var. navara). 2 109 Melastromaceae Osbeckia virgata D. Don ex Wight & Arn. 2 110 Oxalidaceae Oxalis corniculata L. 3 111 Rutaceae Paramignya monophylla Wight. 2 112 Poaceae Pennisetum hohenackeri Hochst.ex.Steut. 2 113 Ploygonaceae Persicaria chinensis (L.) Gross. 2 114 Euphorbiaceae Phyllanthus emblica L. 4 115 Euphorbiaceae Phyllanthus urinaria L. 3 116 Piperaceae Pipper longum L. 1 117 Piperaceae Piper nigrum L.var. nigrum 1 118 Pittosporaceae Pittosporum neelgherrense Wight & Arn. 11 119 Lamiaceae Plectranthus amboinicus (Lour.) Spreng. 2

120 Lamiaceae Plectranthus hadiensis var. tomentosus(Benth. ex E.Mey.) Codd. 1

121 Fabaceae Pongamia pinnata (L.) Pierre. 2 122 Araceae Pothos scandens L. 1 123 Myrtaceae Psidium guajava L. 3 124 Fabaceae Pterocarpus marsupium Roxb. 4

125 Sterculiaceae Pterospermum rubiginosum Heyne ex Wight & Arn. 22

126 Apocyanaceae Rauvolfia serpentina (L.) Benth ex Kurz. 2 127 Araceae Rhaphidophora pertusa (Roxb.) Schott. 2 128 Acanthaceae Rhinacanthus nasutus (L.) Kurz. 1 129 Orchidaceae Rhyncostylis retusa (L.) Bl. 1 130 Euphorbiaceae Ricinus communis L. 5 131 Verbenaceae Rotheca serrata (L.) Steane & Mabb. 1 132 Boraginaceae Rotula aquatica Lour. 2 133 Rubiaceae Rubia cordifolia L. 1

Table contd…


81

134 Rutaceae Ruta chalepensis L. 4 135 Sapindaceae Sapindus trifoliatus L. 2 136 Caesalpiniaceae Saraca asoca (Roxb.) de Wilde. 1 137 Araliaceae Schefflera rostrata (Wight) Harms. 1 138 Sapindaceae Schleichera oleosa (Lour) Oken 2 139 Santalaceae Scleropyrum pentandrum (Dennst.) Mabb. 1 140 Scrophulariaceae Scoparia dulcis L. 7

141 Selaginellaceae Selaginella lepidophylla (Hook. & Grev.) Spring 13

142 Anacardiaceae Semecarpus travancorica Bedd. 1 143 Caesalpiniaceae Senna tora (L.) Roxb. 4 144 Malvaceae Sida rhomboidea Roxb. ex Fleming 3 145 Fabaceae Smithia conferta Smith in Rees. 1 146 Solanaceae Solanum americanum Mill. 1 147 Asteraceae Sphaeranthus indicus L. 2 148 Rubiaceae Spermacoce latifolia Aubl. 1 149 Anacardiaceae Spondias pinnata (L.) Kurz. 1 150 Verbenaceae Stachytarpheta jamaicensis (L.) Vahl. 1 151 Myrtaceae Syzygium caryophyllatum (L.) Alston. 1 152 Combretaceae Terminalia bellirica (Gaertn.) Roxb. 2 153 Combretaceae Terminalia paniculata Roth. 2 154 Aristilochiaceae Thottea siliquosa (Lam.) Ding Hou. 17 155 Menispermaceae Tinospora cordifolia (Willd.) Miers. 2 156 Rutaceae Toddalia asiatica (L.) Lam. 9 157 Zygophyllaceae Tribulus terrestris L. 3

158 Asclepiadaceae Tylophora indica var. glabra (Decne.) Huber 3

159 Rhamnaceae Ventilago maderaspatana Gaertn. 1 160 Asteraceae Vernonia cinerea (L.) Less. 1 161 Verbenaceae Vitex leucoxylon L. 3 162 Verbenaceae Vitex negundu L. 2 163 Apocyanaceae Wrightia tinctoria (Roxb.) R. Br. 3 164 Zingeberaceae Zingiber officinale Rosc. 2 165 Rhamnaceae Zizipus rugosa Lam. 1

Chapter 2

82

Pterospermum rubiginosum from the family Sterculiaceae recorded the

highest number of user reports. Thottea siliquosa from Aristolochiaceae

family, Selaginella lepidophylla from Sellaginellaceae family, Pittosporum

neelgherrense from Pittosporaceae family, Musa acuminata and Musa

paradisiaca from Musaceae family, Lepianthes umbellata from Piperaceae

family, Hydrocotyle javanica from Apiaceae family, Entada rheedi from

Mimosaceae family, Briedelia stipularis and Croton persimilis from

Euphorbiaceae family, Coscinium fenestratum, Cyclea peltata and Diploclisia

glaucescens from Menispermaceae family, Naringi crenulata from Rutaceae

family are some of the species which were quoted frequently.

Figure 2.7. Distribution of user reports habit wise.

The user reports recorded were sorted with respect to the habit of plants

(Figure 2.7). Five habit categories; herbs, shrubs, trees, climber and lianas

were taken into account. Herbaceous species were quoted the most, with 196

HABIT WISE NO OF USER REPORTS

0

50

100

150

200

250

HERB SHRUB TREE CLIMBER LIANA

HABIT CATEGORIES

NO

. OF

USE

R R

EPO

RT

( TR

IBE

WIS

E)

ADIYA KATTUNAIKKAN KURUCHIYAR MULLUKURUMAN


83

user reports. Trees and shrubs recorded 128 and 113 each user reports

respectively. The lianas were the least cited category in the list with 45 user

reports. Among the different socio cultural groups, no bias was seen in

quoting a particular habit category. The breakaway pattern within each

category of habit was almost same. Mulla kuruman and Kuruchiyar

informants dominated all categories, similar to the overall user reports

quoting pattern.

Figure 2.8. Habit wise distribution of number of species and user reports quoted.

Number of species quoted under each of these habit categories were

calculated (Figure 2.8). Sixty six species were recorded in the herbs category

and 26 species each for both shrubs and climber category respectively. There

were 41 species in the tree category and 6 species in the liana category. Large

number of tree species is used by the tribals since they may be available

NO. OF SPECIES QUOTED HABIT WISE

0

50

100

150

200

250

HERB SHRUB TREE CLIMBER LIANA

HABIT CATEGORIES

US

ER R

EPO

RTS

WIT

H

SPE

CIE

S N

UM

BE

R

NO. OF SPECIES NO OF USER REPORTS

Number of Species Quoted Habit Wise

Chapter 2

84

throughout the year. Liana species quoted were very few in number, but were

seen to be referred frequently by these informants.

Figure 2.9. Medicinally important part wise distribution of user reports.

Leaves, bark, stem, seeds, root, fruits, rhizomes, flowers, nut, petals

and phyllode were the different medicinally important plant parts quoted

by the informants in their user reports. There was no bias among the

different socio- cultural groups in using these parts. The most number of

user reports were for the leaves category followed by bark, stem, seeds

and roots. The number of user reports in each category is represented

graphically (Figure 2.9).

No. of user reports by different tribes in each medicinally important part class

020406080

100120140160180

Leav

esBark Stem See

dRoo

t

Entire

plant

Fruits

Rhizom

e

Root tu

ber

Flowers Nut

Petals

Phyllo

de

Medicinally important class

No.

of u

ser r

epor

ts b

y ea

ch

triba

l cla

ss

adiya kattunaikkan kuruchiyar mullukuruman


85

Figure 2.10. Type of administration wise distribution of user reports.

Three major drug administration routes were commonly used by these

informants. The major route was oral when the drug is given in and topical

when it is used externally. In some cases inhalation is also done. All the four

socio-cultural groups use the above said methods without any bias. No of user

reports in each category of administration, tribe wise is given (Figure 2.10).

Figure 2.11. Number of user reports V/S type of preparation.

Type of administration V/S no of citation

0

50

100

150

200

250

300

350

400

Inhalation Oral Topical Others

administration categories

No.

of u

ser r

epor

ts

Adiya Kattunaikkan Kuruchiar Mullukuruman

preparation category V/S No. of user reports

0

50

100

150

200

250

300

350

400

Decoction Fresh Oil Extract Thermic

Preparation category

No.

Of U

ser R

epor

ts

Adiya Kattunaikkan Kuruchiar Mullu kuruman

Type of administration V/S number of citation

Preparation category V/S number of user reports

Chapter 2

86

Four different types of preparations are seen within these socio-cultural

groups. Most of the preparations were fresh as they go to the nearby forest at

times of emergencies and never keep drugs in a prepared form. The other

common preparation used was decoction, where the medicinally useful part is

extracted with hot water. In very few cases the fermented form of decoction

called Kashayam was also used. Topically applied preparations were either

applied fresh or extracted with coconut oil or gingelly oil. In very few cases

thermic process were used for preparation of medicines where the patient was

allowed to take a hot water bath in the medicinal water prepared or the part

used was fried in fire and applied directly. All the four socio-cultural groups

showed no bias towards quoting these methods. Number of user reports in

each category is graphically represented (Figure 2.11).

2.7.2. Quantitative ethnobotany

The results of the quantitative parameters studied are given below

2.7.2.1. Relative Frequency of Citation (RFC)

Among the total 165 species cited, 58 species with RFC value equal to

or higher than 0.2 are given in the Table 2.4.


87

Table 2.4. Name of the Species with the RFC value equal to or higher than 0.2.

SL No Species name RFC Value 1 Curcuma longa 0.93 2 Thottea siliquose 0.93 3 Hydrocotyle javanica 0.87 4 Musa paradisiaca 0.87 5 Pterospermum rubiginosum 0.87 6 Musa acuminata 0.8 7 Selaginella lepidophylla 0.8 8 Diploclisia glaucescens 0.73 9 Entada Rheedi 0.73 10 Pittosporum neelgherrense 0.73 11 Homonia riparia 0.67 12 Lannea coromandelica 0.67 13 Lepianthes umbellata 0.67 14 Briedelia scandens 0.6 15 Croton persimilis 0.6 16 Cyclea peltata 0.53 17 Naringi crenulata 0.53 18 Careya arborea 0.47 19 Coscinium fenestratum 0.47 20 Naravelia zeylanica 0.4 21 Scoparia dulcis 0.4 22 Toddalia asiatica 0.4 23 Asparagus racemosus 0.33 24 Cardiospermum halicacabum 0.33 25 Lobelia nicotianifolia 0.33 26 Capsicum frutescens 0.27 27 Centella asiatica 0.27 28 Cyathula prostrata 0.27 29 Drymaria cordata 0.27 30 Glycosmis pentaphylla 0.27 31 Helicteres isora 0.27 32 Justicia gendarussa 0.27 33 Nothapodytes nimmoniana 0.27

Table contd…

Chapter 2

88

34 Pterocarpus marsupium 0.27 35 Ruta chalepensis 0.27 36 Senna tora 0.27 37 Antidesma acidum 0.2 38 Caesalpinia bonduc 0.2 39 Calycopteris floribunda 0.2 40 Chenapodium ambrosiodes 0.2 41 Clematis gouriana 0.2 42 Clerodendrum infortunatum 0.2 43 Eclipta prostrata 0.2 44 Ficus exasperata 0.2 45 Hibiscus hispidissimus 0.2 46 Leucas aspera 0.2 47 Mucuna atropurpurea 0.2 48 Mussaenda frondosa 0.2 49 Ocimum tenuiiflorum 0.2 50 Oxalis corniculata 0.2 51 Phyllanthus emblica 0.2 52 Phyllanthus urinaria 0.2 53 Psidium guajava 0.2 54 Ricinus communis 0.2 55 Tribulus terrestris 0.2 56 Tylophora indica var. glabra 0.2 57 Vitex leucoxylon 0.2 58 Wrightia tinctoria 0.2

Curcuma longa from the family Zingiberaceae and Thottea siliquose

from the family Aristolochiaceae topped the list with a RFC value of 0.93.

Curcuma, commonly called as turmeric, has been identified as a major

antiseptic by almost all informants, across all tribes. It’s use as antiseptic has

been well confirmed by several scientific studies in modern science also.

Curcumin, its active ingredient has strong antioxidant, anti-inflammatory, anti-

carcinogenic, anti-microbial and anti-parasitic activities (Nawaz et al., 2011).


89

Seeds of Thottea have been quoted as a potential cure against stomach worms

and its leaf as a cure for Arthritis. Some studies have been done on this species

with regard to its seeds and is a promising area identified for further study

during this investigation. Hydrocotyle javanica, Musa paradisiaca and

Pterospermum rubiginosum also had a high RFC value of 0.8. Hydrocotyle

from the Apiaceae family was quoted as a cure against polio.

Figure 2.12. Number of species cited in the three RFC classes.

A locally cultivated variety of Musa called ‘Vettan’ was highly quoted as

a cure against stomach problems in children. Pterospermum, an important

species endemic to Western Ghats was identified as a cure against bone

breakages and general inflammation. It was identified as a potential candidate

for osteoporotic studies, as no serious work has been done in this regard so far.

Among the 58 species, based on the RFC values, three broad categories

were identified; small with value between 0.20- 0.50, medium with value

RFC CLASS

Chapter 2

90

between 0.51- 0.75 and large with value between 0.76- 1.00 (Figure 2.12).

Seven species were quoted in the large RFC value category. Medium and

small categories registered 10 and 41 species respectively. Medium and large

categories represent those species which have been quoted by more than half

the number of the total informants interviewed. These categories represent

the most popular medicinal plants used by the socio-cultural groups studied.

The RFC values prioritise the ethnobotanical data collected, on the basis of

popular species used by them. It also gives an idea about which plants should

be taken for detailed studyin future.

2.7.2.2. Informant Consensus Factor (Fic)

Of the 165 species quoted, 49 diseases categories were sorted out and

the informant consensus factor Fic regarding each disease category was

calculated as given in the Table 2.5. The Fic value ranges from 0.20 to 1.0.

Those disease categories with high Fic value indicate that the species quoted

in this disease category are known to all healers within and across the

different socio-cultural groups studied. It also indicates that the particular

species have not been substituted by any other species by the healers. Disease

categories with low Fic value suggest that either the knowledge regarding the

species is not disseminated among and across different socio-cultural groups,

or it has been substituted by some other species due to some reasons, such as

unavailability.

Species which are quoted most frequently in each disease category are

mentioned in the column next to the Fic value. Diploclisia glaucescens from

Menispermaceae family was highly quoted for back pain (Fic value=0.86).

Pterospermum rubignosum from Sterculiaceae Family was frequently

mentioned for bone breakages (Fic value=0.88). Coscinium fenestratum from


91

Menispermaceae family was used extensively against diabetes (Fic

value=0.60). Lepianthus umbellata from Piperaceae family was quoted

heavily as a preventive for piles (Fic=0.73). These species were identified as

suitable candidates for further study.

Table 2.5. Fic value for each disease category together with the most frequently quoted species.

Sl. No. Disease Fic Most frequently quoted Species 1 Antiseptic 1.00 Curcuma longa 2 Aphrodiasic 0.50 Briedelia stipularis 3 Skin galls (Arimpara) 1.00 Asclepias curassavica 4 Arthritis 0.26 Justicia gendarussa

5 Back pain 0.86Entada Rheedi Diploclisia glaucescens

6 Bone fracture 0.88 Pterospermum rubignosum

7 Bronchitis

0.43Tylophora indica var. glabra Clitoria ternatea var. ternatea

8 Burns 0.67 Mussaenda frondosa

9 Children Fever 0.67 Ruta chalepensis Plectranthus amboinicus

10 Chuduvatham 0.33 Drymaria cordata. 11 Cold 0.60 Ocimum tenuiiflorum. 12 Confinement 1.00 Cardiospermum halicacabum. 13 Cough 0.50 Justicia adhatoda 14 Dandruff 0.50 Ocimum gratissimum 15 Diabetes 0.60 Coscinium fenestratum 16 Diarrhoea 0.44 Oxalis corniculata 17 Epilepsy 0.56 Naringi crenulata 18 Eczema 0.20 Terminalia paniculata 19 Fatigue 0.40 Alstonia scholaris 20 Piles 0.73 Lepianthus umbellata 21 Hair rejuvenation 0.50 Eclipta prostrata

Table contd…

Chapter 2

92

22 Lactagogue 0.50 Cryptolepis buchananii 23 For stopping feeding 1.00 Aloe vera 24 Fumigater (anti poison) 1.00 Canarium strictum 25 Headache 0.44 Naravelia zeylanica 26 Hyper pressure 0.60 Coscinium fenestratum 27 Increasing brain power 1.00 Bacopa monnieri 28 Inflammation 0.58 Croton persimilis Cyathula prostrata

29 Inflammation in mammary gland (Veterinary)

1.00 Antidesma acidum

30 Jaundice 0.40 Phyllanthus urinaria 31 Kidney stone 0.69 Musa acuminata 32 Hernia 0.67 Scoparia dulcis 33 Migraine 0.33 Leucas aspera 34 Mouth sore 1.00 Briedelia stipularis 35 Pimples 1.00 Ficus exasperata 36 Polio 1.00 Hydrocotyle javanica 37 Scabies 0.33 Naringi crenulata 38 Skin Lesions 0.33 Cyclea peltata 39 Snake bite 0.83 Pittosporum neelgherrense 40 Sprain in joints 0.50 Cyathula prostrata

41 Stomach ache 0.45Musa paradisiaca (Indigenous variety ‘vettan’)

42 Stomach cleaning after labour 1.00 Persicaria chinensis

43 Stomach worms 0.87 Thottea siliquosa 44 Cancer 1.00 Nothapodytes nimmoniana 45 Ulcer 0.40 Butea monosperma 46 Diuretic 0.33 Aerva lanata 47 Vaginal discharge 0.71 Selaginella lepidophylla 48 Soap 1.00 Sapindus trifoliatus 49 Wound healing 0.71 Lannea coromandelica


93

2.7.2.3. Use value (UV)

Out of the 565 citations collected on 165 species, 42 species recorded

use value more than 0.25 and are listed below in the Table 2.6. Pterospermum

rubiginosum from Sterculiaceae family ranked first in the Use Value table with

a Use Value of 1.47. Thottea siliquose from Aristolochiaceae family and

Curcuma longa from Zingiberaceae family ranked second and third with Use

values 1.13 and 1.07 respectively. Species with high use value indicate that the

species is frequently quoted by the informants and hence is more important to

the socio-cultural group which quoted it.

Figure 2.13. Number of species cited in the three Use Value classes.

Among the 42 species, based on the Use Value, three broad categories

were identified; small with value between 0.20- 0.50, medium with value

between 0.51- 0.75 and large with values greater than 0.75 (Figure 2.13).

Among them 22 species were quoted in the small Use Value category.

Medium and large categories registered 1I species each. Medium and large

categories represent those species which are quoted frequently by the

informants. These categories represent the most popular medicinal plants

0

5

10

15

20

25

Small (0.25-0.50) Medium (0.51-0.75) Large (> 0.75)

22

11 11

Use Value V/S number of species

Num

ber o

f Spe

cies

Use Value class

Chapter 2

94

used by the socio-cultural groups studied. The User Values prioritise the

ethnobotanical data collected, on the basis of uses quoted by the informants.

It also gives an idea about which plants should be taken for further detailed

study. This type of quantitative study try to assess the relative importance of

species to the socio-cultural groups studied, rather than the mere list making

exercise usually associated with most ethnobotanical studies.

Table 2.6. Name of the species with User Value equal to or higher than 0.27.

Sl . No. species Use value

1 Pterospermum rubiginosum 1.47 2 Thottea siliquose 1.13 3 Curcuma longa 1.07 4 Briedelia stipularis 0.93 5 Coscinium fenestratum 0.93 6 Hydrocotyle javanica 0.87 7 Musa paradisiaca 0.87 8 Selaginella lepidophylla 0.87 9 Diploclisia glaucescens 0.80 10 Lepianthes umbellata 0.80 11 Musa acuminata 0.80 12 Croton persimilis 0.73 13 Cyclea peltata 0.73 14 Entada rheedi 0.73 15 Naringi crenulata 0.73 16 Pittosporum neelgherrense 0.73 17 Homonia riparia 0.67 18 Lannea coromandelica 0.67 19 Toddalia asiatica 0.60 20 Asparagus racemosus 0.53 21 Caesalpinia bonduc 0.53 22 Careya arborea 0.53 23 Scoparia dulcis 0.47

Table contd…


95

24 Helicteres isora 0.40 25 Naravelia zeylanica 0.40 26 Cardiospermum halicacabum 0.33 27 Centella asiatica 0.33 28 Glycosmis pentaphylla 0.33 29 Lobelia nicotianifolia 0.33 30 Nothapodytes nimmoniana 0.33 31 Ricinus communis 0.33 32 Capsicum frutescens 0.27 33 Cyathula prostrata 0.27 34 Drymaria cordata 0.27 35 Justicia gendarussa 0.27 36 Leucas aspera 0.27 37 Mussaenda frondosa 0.27 38 Ocimum tenuiiflorum 0.27 39 Phyllanthus emblica 0.27 40 Pterocarpus marsupium 0.27 41 Ruta chalepensis 0.27 42 Senna tora 0.27

2.7.2.4. Family Use Value (FUV)

Among the 63 families from which the informants cited 565 uses,

based on the use value of species, Family Use Value (FUV) was calculated.

The eighteen families which scored a FUV more than 1 are listed below

(Table 2.7). The family Sterculiaceae recorded the highest FUV at 1.60. The

family Acanthaceae came second in the list with an FUV at 1.50. Those

families with higher FUV are more important to the socio-cultural groups

studied than with families with less FUV.

Chapter 2

96

Table 2.7. Name of the Families with FUV more than 1.

Sl.No. Family FUV 1 Sterculiaceae 1.60 2 Acanthaceae 1.50 3 Rubiaceae 1.44 4 Aristolochiaceae 1.40 5 Caesalpiniaceae 1.40 6 Liliaceae 1.30 7 Icacinaceae 1.25 8 Malvaceae 1.25 9 Rutaceae 1.25

10 Menispermaceae 1.24 11 Euphorbiaceae 1.15 12 Lecthidiaceae 1.14 13 Lamiaceae 1.13 14 Apiaceae 1.13 15 Scrophulariacea 1.08 16 Sellaginellaceae 1.08 17 Piperaceae 1.07 18 Zingeberaceae 1.04

2.7.2.5. Shannon-Wiener index

Shannon Wienner index ′ ∑ was calculated to be 2.0705

and the Evenness ′ ′ was estimated at 0.92314. Usually this index has

a normal range of 1.5 to 3.5, and rarely surpasses 4 (Magurran, 2004). Our

value also came within the normal range at 2.0705. A higher value for

Shannon-Wiener index means an increase in diversity and vice versa.

2.7.2.6. Simpson index (D)

Simpson index was estimated at 0.01021 and its reciprocal value 1/D

was calculated as 97.36. The evenness E was estimated at 0.5935. As D


97

increases the diversity decreases. It is highly weighted towards the most

abundant species in the sample, while it is less sensitive to the species

richness. Simpson index is considered as one of the most meaningful and

robust measures available. The reciprocal of D, is the most widely used

form of Simpson index since the value of the measure will increase in this

case and the assemblage will become more even (Magurran, 2004).

2.7.2.7. Berger Parker Index (d)

The Berger Parker Index is an intuitively simple dominance measure

(Berger and Parker, 1970) and, it expresses the proportional abundance of the

most abundant species. The Berger parker index (d) was estimated at 0.08484

for this study.

2.8. Summary

An inventory of fifteen knowledgeable tribal healers and helpers to

healers from four socio-cultural groups were made and five hundred and

sixty five user reports regarding165 species were recorded from them. The

four tribes studied had their own myths, beliefs and taboos regarding the

causes for diseases and have magico- religious ritual healing methods for

getting rid of them.

All the four socio-cultural groups studied, believed that diseases are

caused by supernatural influences of their own ancestral spirits or traditional

deities as a curse for their own misdeeds, or due to sorcery from enemies.

They had their own magico-religious rituals for getting rid of them and their

own traditional healer entrusted with the power to do it for them. Herbal

formulations are only a part of these rituals and they commonly believe that

Chapter 2

98

the magical power entrusted with the traditional healer is the major reason for

cure. Most of the herbal prescriptions are made fresh from plants collected

from their own wild premises and they seldom use stored pre- prepared

formulations.

Plants are collected judiciously from the abundant areas only and thus,

these groups practice a sustainable use of herbal resources. Rules from

Government officials restricting free entry into wild have changed their life

style patterns and have alienated them from their natural habitat. Most of the

healers now have to take long walks into the woods for collecting medicines

and this has forced them to collect and store plants at least temporarily, for a

week’s use. Knowledge transmission is highly conservative among and

across communities.

Most of the individuals share some amount of knowledge related to

general uses of herbals, but they seldom prescribe themselves, and always

depend on the traditional healer of their own community for prescriptions, as

they believe that formulations are inactive without his magical powers. Most of

the herbalists are very conservative to disclose their formulations to others as

they strongly believe that on disclosure, the formulations lose their power to

heal. All these factors and exposure of the new generation to modern medicine

have contributed to the decline of this valuable knowledge in to oblivion and it

is high time that, whatever left should be scientifically documented.

Herbaceous species were quoted the most with 196 user reports. Trees

and shrubs recorded 128 and113 user reports respectively. The lianas were

the least category in the list with 45 user reports. No bias in quoting a

particular habit category was seen among the different socio-cultural groups.


99

Sixty six species were recorded in the herbs category and 26 species each for

both shrubs and climber category respectively. There were 41species in the

tree category and 6 species in the liana category. Leaves, bark, stem, seeds,

root, fruits, rhizomes, flowers, nut, petals and phyllode were the different

medicinally important plant parts quoted by the informants in their user

reports. There was no bias among the different socio-cultural groups in using

these parts.

Cited plant knowledge were categorised on the basis of Relative

Citation Frequency (RFC) to understand the relative importance of plants

among and across socio cultural boundaries. Consensus (Fic) among the

different informants with respect to the degree of agreement on the use of a

particular species for a particular disease category was calculated. Fic value

was high when the knowledge dissemination regarding the use of a particular

plant for a specific treatment was effective among the informants. Fic value

was low when knowledge dissemination between informants was low as they

used different plants for the same disease category.

Plant species quoted were ranked, based on their individual Use Value.

Hence preferences among informants regarding species were prioritised.

Family Use Value was calculated among the quoted species and the most

widely used plant families by the informants were identified. Knowledge

regarding a plant shared among the informants can be used as a measure of

biodiversity richness for a particular area. Based on the above assumption the

Shannon Weiner index for the collected information was calculated.

Chapter 2

100

Simpson’s index was calculated for the data collected which gave an

idea on the evenness of knowledge distribution regarding medicinal plants

among the informants. Berger Parker index was also calculated

Diploclisia glaucescens and Coscinium fenestratum from Menispermaceae

family, Pterospermum rubiginosum from Sterculiaceae family, Thottea siliquosa

from Aristolochiaceae family, Selaginella lepidophylla from Sellaginellaceae

family, Pittosporum neelgherrense from Pittosporaceae family, Musa

acuminata and Musa paradisiaca ( Local variety ‘Vettan’) from Musaceae

family, Lepianthes umbellata from Piperaceae family, Hydrocotyle javanica

from Apiaceae family, Entada rheedi from Mimosaceae family, Briedelia

stipularis and Croton persimilis from Euphorbiaceae family, Naringi

crenulata from Rutaceae family are some of the species which were quoted

frequently.

Activity guided phytochemical fractionation can be done on these

species as future work which may result in lead molecules for novel drug

discovery. Phytochemical work done as a part of this study on a few of the

above identified plants is presented in detail in the phytochemistry section of

the thesis. Preparation of a digital online inventory regarding the data

collected can be made as future work.

….. …..

thesis front page to preface -...

Documents

Transcript of thesis front page to preface -...