Thesis 2

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 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The researchers desire to study the political awareness as a determinant of social discontentment of peasants/ farmers that will be conducted on Nueva Ecija in barangays Talipapa and Cinco-cinco. Peasants that will be the main respondents were classified into; land owning and non-land owning. The main goal of the study is to determine the extent of political awareness and level of social discontent on specific issues that can be related to the status of the life of a peasant. The research will include the factors of political socialization that will be further arranged in order to verify whether what factor affects the most.  Accordin g to Urban Dictionary th e term “peasant” origi nal ly referred to the lowest class of society who had to do hard manual labor to earn a small wage. They lived in poverty. Peasants were/are typically small farmers, tenant farmers, sharecroppers, farmhands, and laborers and invariably rural, living in villages and tending land which is practically theirs but officially belongs to the wealthy. However, some peasants have their own lands that are classified in this study as land owning peasants. Even they are classified to be the lowest class; they have an important role in the society. Farmers provide a basic necessity of the people and that is the food we eat. Other than providing us this basic necessity, farmer’s voice is also an important factor for rural and agricultural development. If there is one principal lesson farmers can draw from

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Thesis!Political Awareness and Social Discontent of Farmers

Transcript of Thesis 2

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    CHAPTER I

    INTRODUCTION

    The researchers desire to study the political awareness as a determinant of social

    discontentment of peasants/ farmers that will be conducted on Nueva Ecija in barangays

    Talipapa and Cinco-cinco. Peasants that will be the main respondents were classified

    into; land owning and non-land owning. The main goal of the study is to determine the

    extent of political awareness and level of social discontent on specific issues that can be

    related to the status of the life of a peasant. The research will include the factors of political

    socialization that will be further arranged in order to verify whether what factor affects the

    most.

    According to Urban Dictionary the term peasant originally referred to the lowest

    class of society who had to do hard manual labor to earn a small wage. They lived in

    poverty. Peasants were/are typically small farmers, tenant farmers, sharecroppers,

    farmhands, and laborers and invariably rural, living in villages and tending land which is

    practically theirs but officially belongs to the wealthy. However, some peasants have their

    own lands that are classified in this study as land owning peasants. Even they are

    classified to be the lowest class; they have an important role in the society.

    Farmers provide a basic necessity of the people and that is the food we eat. Other

    than providing us this basic necessity, farmers voice is also an important factor for rural

    and agricultural development. If there is one principal lesson farmers can draw from

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    history, it is the following: that, when farmers are not strong, many sections and sectors

    of the society are ready not only to tell the farmers what they should do, but even worse,

    to speak on their behalf. (Pertev, 1994).

    Questions remain on whether farmers voice is such a sought-after commodity

    after all, and whether the society would like farmers to speak. Indeed the lack of farmers

    voice is often unnoticed, precisely because of the enthusiasm with which other people

    are ready to speak on behalf of farmers. Similarly, during periods when farmers do speak,

    farmers voice is more readily seen as something of a "problem". Irrespective of its

    desirability, the lack of an effective farmers voice is indeed an impediment to agricultural

    and rural development. Whether it is the development of agriculture or of rural society or

    the protection of environment, farmers play a vital role. (Pertev, 1994)

    The world isnt what it was, and farmers need strong voices and strong

    representation if they are not going to get overlooked in todays economy and politics.

    Our economy has been going through a fundamental transformation since the 1970s. The

    environment is changing: the economic environment, the natural environment, the social

    and political environment. But the internal, structural changes within the agricultural sector

    have only just begun to become apparent. There is more to come. And it is important that

    farmers and rural people think about the issues and guide the change process as much

    as they can in their own interests. (Fairbairn, 2003)

    Given the roles of farmers and his/her voice as an important factor in rural and

    agricultural development, the problems of land tenure remained because of the high

    concentration of land ownership during the Spanish colonial period in the Philippines. The

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    Congress enacted Republic Act No. 1199 known as Agricultural Tenancy Act of the

    Philippines. The purpose of the Act is to establish agricultural tenancy relations between

    landholders and tenants upon the principle of school justice; to afford adequate protection

    to the rights of both tenants and landholders; to insure an equitable division of the produce

    and income derived from the land; to provide tenant- farmers with incentives to greater

    and more efficient agricultural production; to bolster their economic position and to

    encourage their participation in the development of peaceful, vigorous and democratic

    rural communities.

    Rights, Incentives and other form of subsidies are already given to the farmers.

    However, farmers still confront many issues that makes them suffer to privatization of

    lands, monopoly in business cause by rich and powerful corporations, subsidies are not

    felt by these peasants and lastly, the everlastingly tenant-being of the farmer. The

    question is, if they are politically aware of these issues, then still why they are suffering?

    If they are ignorant, then they cant, in reality, resolve their own problems.

    Political awareness, in this study, is defined to be the consciousness, attitudes,

    and beliefs of peasants with regards to the government actions and policies that possibly

    or totally affecting their lives. It also involves clear understanding of what originates and

    perpetuates the mundane surroundings of being a farmer in terms of government

    activities specifically in the agricultural aspect of the country. Political thinking and

    peasant strengthening could be the answer for solving the underlying and still existing

    concerns of the lowest class in the society. Other than the level of political awareness,

    the social discontentment of farmers on the identified issues will be also measured.

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    The study will focus on evaluating the level of awareness and social

    discontentment of the land owning and non-land owning farmers based on the presented

    issues that affects their lives. It will tackle also the peasants, landlords, and government

    relationship that will be further expounded by the study. It will also awaken organizations,

    especially farmer organizations to volume up the voice and cries of the peasants/ farmers

    for the development of rural and agricultural sector of the Philippines.

    BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

    The time of the arrival of the Spanish Agriculture in the Philippines was in a

    comparatively prosperous condition. The first plants introduced were those brought by

    the early Malayan invaders: millet, taro, yam, garlic, and various kinds of bananas, jack

    fruit, indigo, batao, mango, various citrus fruits, santol, lansone, castor - oil plant, condol,

    ampalaya, tamarind, and other ornamental and medicinal plants. On the extent and

    distribution of crops, we get our chief information from the accounts of the early Spanish

    explorers.

    At the time of Legazpis founding of Manila, the province in Luzon which produced

    the most rice was Pampanga, and along its river banks dwelt tillers of the soil. The region

    around Manila was described as fertile and well provisioned, and that the Laguna de Bay

    district raised rice as well as cotton and fruit groves, but Pampanga was still the main

    source of supply of rice for Manila. Panay, Negros, and Leyte were reported to have

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    abundant food crops. In fact, Panay was said to be the second only to Luzon in this

    respect, and Leyte to have two rice crops a year. On the Economic plants

    introduced by Spaniards from America, among the American plants thus introduced into

    the Philippines which have had the greatest effect on agriculture, mention may be made

    of the following: tobacco, corn, cacao, cotton, pineapple, maguey, arrowroot, peanut,

    indigo, cassava, papaya, achuete, chico, chico-mamey, tomato, and squash.

    On the Filipino agricultural methods, the early Filipinos knew how to construct implements

    for the cultivation of rice. On laws to encourage agriculture, the Spanish government both

    by means of the laws of the Indies, which often applied to all Spanish overseas colonies

    and by royal decrees applicable directly to the Philippines, did try to encourage

    agriculture. To that effect is a law of the Indies which required the governors and alcaldes-

    mayor to encourage the cultivation of the land, and held them accountable for so doing

    when their terms expired. Another law required the planting of fruit trees. Still another law

    required those who received land from the government to cultivate it within three months

    after they took possession, on penalty of losing the land should they fail to do so (Benitez,

    1954).

    On the beginning of Agrarian Problems is the taming of the wilderness generated

    much wealth, although little of it benefited the pioneers themselves. The gap between the

    rich and the poor became larger and more rigid. To homestead, they would need an initial

    capital which could be provided by those who had excess funds: landlords and

    entrepreneurs. Those who supplied the funds allowed the pioneers to work the land only

    as tenants or laborers, or they lent cash, tools and carabaos at rates of interest that forced

    the peasants to become tenants. The lack of alternative credit left peasants helpless in

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    altering their condition. Peasants never controlled the marketing of their produce. The

    major difference was that the rich were richer and the poor poorer.

    On the other hand Filipino landholding, practically all peoples who have reached

    the agricultural stage of economic development, the Filipinos at that time of the coming

    of the Spaniards recognized private ownership of land. All usable land in barangay was

    divided between people living there; outsiders could obtain land only through purchase

    or inheritance.

    There were still common lands, however, which could be claimed by any individuals under

    conditions somewhat similar to those of the present homestead law. The mountainous

    land, usually forested, belonging to a barangay could be claimed by anyone, whether a

    member of barangay or an outsider, who cleared and sowed it, also existed in a few place

    a form of rent the use of agricultural land, paid in produce. Fisheries were sometimes

    controlled by the local chiefs, who charged fees to outsiders who wanted to fish there.

    In the long run, one of the major interventions to effect rural development in the

    Philippines is the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program, which was instituted in 1988

    and its implementation is extended until 2014. In response to the peasants demand for

    equitable access to land, which is the main productive resource in the rural areas of the

    country, the Philippine constitution enshrined that the government shall undertake an

    agrarian reform program founded in the right of farmers and regular farm workers who

    are landless to own directly or collectively the lands they till, or, in the case of farm

    workers, to receive a just share of the fruits (Article XIII, Section 4). This intent was

    operationalized by the implementation of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program

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    (CARP) under the legal framework of Republic Act 6657. CARP was designed not only

    to mitigate social unrest through redistribution of land but also to enhance household

    incomes and promote rural development through the provision of support services such

    as credit, capacity building, rural infrastructures, technology promotions and agribusiness

    development.

    In talking about the discontentment of peasants, rural revolts-- isolated and

    unsuccessful--were common during the early part of the twentieth century and before.

    Discontent among peasants over land tenancy and growing population pressures inspired

    increasing violence in the 1930s, especially in Central Luzon where isolated peasant

    rebellions gave way to better organized, sometimes revolutionary movements. After

    World War II, tensions between peasants and the government-backed landlords grew,

    leading to the Huk rebellion. Formerly anti-Japanese guerrillas, the Huk fighters were

    associated with the Communist Party of the Philippines (Partido Kommunistang Pilipinas-

    -PKP), which had been established in 1930. The rebellion waned during the early 1950s,

    but Huk supporters and the remnants of the Huk army later played important roles in the

    founding of the NPA in the late 1960s. This shows that peasants do experienced

    discontentment that lead them to a revolution to protect their welfare and interests.

    The researchers, by understanding the past tends to comprehend how peasants

    are politically aware and their reaction with the issues that concerns with their daily lives

    until today.

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    SETTING OF THE STUDY

    Nueva Ecija is one of the provinces in Central Luzon where a big part of agriculture

    lies. They are considered as Rice Granary of the Philippines because of their naturally

    rich soil which produces mainly the rice, corn, and other vegetables and are sometimes

    being export because of the good quality of the product.

    The researcher will conduct the study in the two barangays of Cabanatuan City

    which is Barangay Talipapa and Barangay Cinco-cinco. Both are in a distant area wherein

    farming is more seen as their primary work. Talipapa is a barangay of the component city

    Cabanatuan City. It belongs to the barangays of Component City Cabanatuan City which

    are in the outlying area. Based on the statistical report on the population of Talipapa, it

    had 1,877 residents and an estimated 400 farmers. Barangay Cinco-Cinco, same as

    Barangay Talipapa which is in an outlying area too had 1,542 residents and an estimated

    300 farmers. These two barangays will help the researchers in the study on the political

    awareness of peasants to determine their social discontent.

    THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

    Political awareness of peasants will be measured by the issues that have

    significance in their daily lives. In this study, the theory that is associated with the political

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    awareness of peasants and how they became aware of such phenomenon and issues is

    the Conflict Theory. According to Ritzer (2005), in his Encyclopedia of Social Theory, the

    neo-marxian conflict theory that all variants of this approach emphasized that patterns of

    inequality that lead subordinates to become aware of their interest in changing the system

    of stratification through mobilization for conflict. As we have seen in the study, peasants

    face issues because of the inequalities whether on economic aspect but also political

    aspect. The issues drawn here are about privatization, subsidy, monopoly of business

    and tenancy and the behavior of peasants toward these issues can be seen because of

    their interest in changing the system. They want to change the system pertaining to the

    issues that they are facing and also that is what makes them experience the so called

    agrarian unrest.

    In the study conducted by the authors Hayami, Quisumbing and Mariano (1990),

    they stated that because of the transformation of the Philippine agrarian structure,

    sources of agrarian unrest arose. The major sources of agrarian unrest are the disputes

    between tenants and landlords, the confrontation of wage labourers with hacendero-

    planters in traditional plantations, and lastly with corporate management in modern

    agribusiness plantations.

    Another theory that attributes to the agrarian unrest is the Paiges Theory of

    Agrarian Revolution. In the study done by Jeffrey Paige (1975), he sought to develop a

    series of generalizations about conflict between cultivators (agricultural workers) and non-

    cultivators (owners/manager/elites). He also posits that economic exploitation alone will

    not lead to mass mobilization rather, revolutionary conflict will occur when economic

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    conflict moves in the political arena. Some of the economic conflict before was caused by

    the officials of government thats why peasants experienced such agrarian unrest

    because of them. The relationships between the agricultural workers and the elites or

    owners were not good because the latter being powerful over the peasants, usually

    control the agricultural system that brought the agrarian unrest in the society.

    In the context of social discontentment among peasants, a critical social theorist

    named Max Horkheimer best explained why peasants are discontented with their daily

    living. Through critical theory, Max Horkheimer attempted to revitalize radical social, and

    cultural criticism and discussed authoritarianism, militarism, economic disruption,

    environmental crisis and the poverty of mass culture. He developed his critical theory by

    examining his own wealth while witnessing the connection of the bourgeois and the

    impoverished. This critical theory embraced the future possibilities of society and was

    preoccupied with forces which moved society toward rational institutions that would

    ensure a true, free, and just life. He was convinced of the need to examine the entire

    material and spiritual culture of mankind in order to transform society as a whole.

    Horkheimer sought to enable the working class to reclaim their power in order to resist

    the pull of fascism. He then stated himself that the rationally organized society that

    regulates its own existence was necessary along with a society that could satisfy common

    needs. To satisfy these needs, it would need to engage with the social conditions within

    which people lived and in which their concepts and actions were formed. It reached out

    for a total understanding of history and knowledge. Critical theory sought to develop a

    critical perspective in the discussion of all social practices. This theory explained why

    peasants are discontented because as the researchers have stated, peasants are facing

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    a lot of issues that affects their daily lives. The society itself made them discontented

    because of the socio-political factors.

    With these theories, it will serve as a guide for the researchers to conduct their

    study and also to answer some problems regarding on political awareness of peasants

    among Barangay Talipapa and Barangay Cinco-cinco of Cabanatuan City.

    RESEARCH PARADIGM

    The primary aim of the study is to determine the extent of level of political

    awareness and discontentment of the peasants/ farmers from Brgy. Talipapa and

    Brgy.Cinco-cinco. The farmers are classified into four categories; land owning, non-land

    owning, tenant and farm-worker. The respondents and also the enumerated issues are

    the independent variables in this research. The issues will be utilized as a tool to analyze

    the political awareness and also the level of discontent of each respondent whether they

    are: very aware, moderately aware, slightly aware, aware and not aware at all and highly

    discontented, discontented, slightly discontented, fairly discontented and no reaction.

    Other than determining the awareness and discontent of the respondents, the factors of

    political socialization will be arranged in order. The factors of political socialization are the

    cause of the awareness of the respondents. Thus, the researchers will find out what factor

    that may have moderated the level of social discontent of the respondents. The

    independent variable, therefore, is the level of political awareness. The moderating

    variable mediate the level of social discontent

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    Determinants

    Moderating Variable

    Figure 1: Research Paradigm

    Level of Political Awareness

    Privatization

    Monopoly

    Lack of Subsidy

    Tenancy

    SOCIAL

    DISCONTENT

    Factors

    Religion

    Education

    Media

    Family

    Peer Groups

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    STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

    1. What is the profile of peasants in terms of:

    a. Name (optional)

    b. Age

    c. Sex

    d. Barangay

    e. Educational Attainment

    f. Religion

    g. Income range

    h. Classification

    2. What is the level of political awareness of peasants in Barangay Talipapa and

    Barangay Cinco-Cinco in terms of the following issues:

    a. Privatization

    b. Subsidy

    c. Monopoly

    d. Tenancy

    3. What is the level of social discontent of peasants in Barangay Talipapa and

    Barangay Cinco-Cinco in terms of the following issues:

    a. Privatization

    b. Subsidy

    c. Monopoly

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    d. Tenancy

    4. What is the order of efficacy of the factors of socio-political socialization relative to

    the respondents level of social-political discontentment?

    5. Is there a significant relationship between the level of political awareness and level

    of social discontent of peasants in terms of:

    a. Privatization

    b. Monopoly

    c. Tenancy

    d. Lack of Subsidy

    HYPOTHESIS

    1. There is no significant relationship between the level of political awareness and

    the level of social discontent of peasants in terms of privatization.

    2. There is no significant relationship between the level of political awareness and

    the level of social discontent of peasants in terms of monopoly.

    3. There is no significant relationship between the level of political awareness and

    the level of social discontent of peasants in terms of tenancy.

    4. There is no significant relationship between the level of political awareness and

    the level of social discontent of peasants in terms of lack of subsidy.

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    SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

    The significance of this study is to influence and benefit the peasants knowledge

    by determining their political awareness. Although this study focuses on the peasants, it

    also aims to influence and benefit the government, the future researchers, the consumers,

    the policy makers, and the readers.

    For the peasants, it is to enhance their political awareness in order for them to

    acquire development. Enhancing and feeding their political awareness would cater

    change in their daily lives. By knowing their political awareness, this study could measure

    solutions to their problems on why they find difficulties in accumulating progress in spite

    of their hard works. By knowing their level of political awareness, this study would help

    them to improve the information they know that concerns their welfare. The relevance of

    this study is for the benefit of the peasants to enhance their awareness on how will they

    respond on the issues concerning them.

    For the government, it is for them to be conscious enough on the policies,

    ordinances, and programs they are implementing. By knowing the political awareness of

    the peasants how they can respond to the consciousness of these people. This study will

    help them realize on how they will implement those policies, ordinances, and programs.

    It is for the government to truthfully know their actions basing on the level of political

    awareness of the peasants. How does the government can react on this level of

    awareness? If the government will know the level of political awareness of the peasants,

    they will be able to determine their certain actions and solutions on how the peasants can

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    benefit to those programs they implemented, and for the both parties to have a

    harmonious tie. It will help them think of certain solutions on how these peasants will help

    in gradually improving our economic status by means of their political awareness.

    For the future researchers, this study will help them review the political

    awareness of the peasants. This study may help them to have related resources if they

    decide to conduct a research related to our topic. This may become their stepping stone

    in starting a study that is related to this. This may act as a component in their future

    research. It can make them feel interested on conducting a study concerning peasants in

    other aspects that may slightly relate to this study.

    For the Filipino people, the significance of the peasants awareness will enlighten

    them on the issues concerning our society especially with our colleagues. By knowing the

    stand of peasants, Filipino people will realize the importance of the role of the farmers in

    our society. Filipino people will also be aware of how can they participate for them to

    contribute to gradually solve the problems concerning our peasants. This study will also

    add to their knowledge about the current situation of peasants and will make them figured

    out how does the government prioritize this peasant groups by knowing/determining their

    political awareness. And also, Filipino people will have an active participation on the

    issues concerning our society especially our farners.

    For the consumers, knowing the political awareness of the peasants will let them

    realize the worth of the products coming from them. They will be conscious enough on

    how will they consume. They will be reminded on the situation of the peasants and instead

    of helping the economy for its backwardness the last thing they can do is to be sage in

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    consuming the resources they have. For policy makers, knowing the political awareness

    of peasants may awake them with the policies, ordinances, and programs they are

    implementing. This study will help them find the means in resolving issues even how

    petty it may seems but has a great contribution in our society. This can benefit them by

    means of the responding to their policies. If the peasants will have a strong relationship

    with them, our country will increase its economic status. On the other hand, having a weak

    relationship between peasants and policymakers would acquire chaos and

    misunderstanding. Lastly for the readers, this study will benefit them in terms of feeding

    their awareness and consciousness towards the issue and the aspects concerning the

    situation of the peasants in our society. It will help them see the different perspective on

    how the peasants contribute in our society. Readers will be knowledgeable enough on

    how they can contribute in building a strong foundation among peasant groups. The

    relevance of this study greatly concerns the peasants current situation, regarding on how

    they will continuously survive with the changing situation of our society. On how they will

    bring back the productivity of our resources and how will they fight against the issues

    concerning them by knowing their level of political awareness.

    SCOPE AND DELIMITATION

    The scope of this research is the farmers or peasants who are the main actor in

    agriculture of Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija. The researchers conducted a survey about the

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    political awareness of peasants in terms of monopoly of business, privatization, subsidy,

    and also tenancy issues in the said city/province.

    It covers the barangay Talipapa and barangay Cinco-Cinco of Cabanatuan City, Nueva

    Ecija. The time allocated for the research is school year June 2013 to March 2014.

    DEFINITION OF TERMS

    1. Awareness it is also known as the consciousness, sensitivity or knowledge of

    the person on a certain phenomenon or activity.

    2. Barangay it is a small political unit that affects the daily transaction of peasants

    in terms of agriculture.

    3. Determinant it is an element that identifies or determines the nature of social

    discontent in the study.

    4. Discontentment/Discontent it is a condition of a people who are showing their

    lack of satisfaction over things.

    5. Issues- inequalities produced by capitalists and the government. Issues in this

    study were privatization, monopoly, tenancy and lack of subsidy.

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    6. Landlord a person who owns large or small portion of lands which he leases to

    another non-owning party called tenants.

    7. Land-owning a person/farmer who have his own land for farming.

    8. Monopoly of businessan issue raised here in the study wherein a corporation

    or enterprises control the flow of agriculture and by that they will benefit.

    9. Non-land-owning a person/farmer who have no land but working or farming on

    another land which he rented.

    10. Peasant a member of the class of low social status that depends on either

    cottage industry or agriculture labour as a means of sustenance.

    11. Political Awareness is defined to be as the consciousness of peasants with

    regards to government acts and policies that have been affecting their current

    status or lives. It also involves clear understanding of what originates and

    perpetuates the mundane surroundings of being a farmer in terms of government

    activities specifically in the agricultural aspect of the country. Political thinking and

    peasant strengthening could be the answer for solving the underlying and still

    existing concerns of the lowest class in the society

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    12. Privatization in this study, this has to be explained as a process of transferring

    public lands into private lands controlled by any corporations and enterprises.

    13. Socio-economic Political Socialization this refers to the participation of

    peasants in the social, economic, and political aspects of the barangay or the

    government.

    14. Subsidy an issue raised here in the study wherein the government fails to help

    peasants in terms of assistance for the development of agriculture. Peasants or

    farmers play an important role in the country because they are the one who

    produce the basic needs of the people especially the food that we eat.

    15. Tenancy an issue raised here in the study wherein because peasants dont have

    their own farmlands, they are usually working all of the agricultural works for their

    landlords. Meaning to say, they are working on the farmlands of a landlord.

    16. Tenant a person, who holds, occupies land or property by any kind of right or

    title to their landlord.

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    CHAPTER II

    REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURES

    In this chapter, the researchers were able to gathered literatures and studies that

    will help them in their study. By these, relevant information will be used to justify the need

    for studying a problem. It can also be a source of theoretical basis for the study and also

    enable the researchers to learn how to conceptualize the problem out of the data or

    sources that has been gathered.

    LOCAL LITERATURES

    A book article entitled Neoliberal Offensive: Impact on Agrarian Reform in the

    Philippines (2006) talks about the effects of major agrarian restructuring from Marcos

    Regime. It talks about the seeding of neoliberal concepts of local agriculture. In 1980, an

    IMF-World Bank structural adjustment program (SAP) for the Philippines introduced the

    first Tariff Reform Program (TRP I); the Import Liberalization Program; and the

    complimentary realignment of indirect taxes. The SAP was followed by a Standby

    Arrangement with the IMF in 1983 that required the reduction of tariff protection rates by

    reducing to 31% the tariff protection level against an average of 70.3% in 1980. Another

    topic was the failure of CARP because of the flaws that lie in its orientation, which is

    subsequently reflected in its design. Government land and agrarian reform programs all

    these decades have been less about genuinely breaking the domination of landlord and

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    rural elites than about basically undercutting peasant unrest and resistance, especially

    the escalating peasant-based armed struggle. At present, the best prospects for true

    agrarian reform in the Philippines lie in the strengthening peasant movement. Building on

    the successes of its legal and extra-legal local struggles, the countrys organized

    peasantry is able to significantly contribute to consolidation and expansion in the

    countryside of the countrys overall movement for social change.

    The researchers desire to determine the extent of political awareness and level of

    discontent because this will result to unleash the potentials of the peasantry in the

    Philippines. Once they will be able to know the issues and to be politically aware of it, will

    realize that their lives can be uplifted to develop themselves by being discontented about

    the response of the government to oppressed agricultural aspect of the nation, the

    peasantry will be organized and form a movement to shout and voice out their needs.

    In the study of Antonio J. Ledesma entitled (1982) Landless Workers and Rice

    Farmers: Peasant Subclasses under Agrarian Reform in Two Villages this shows that in

    the past years, agrarian unrest was a big issue back then. The author made a study on

    two villages which were greatly affected by the issue on agrarian reform. Land tenure

    security for agrarian reform beneficiaries has been paralleled by a growing demand for

    labor tenure rights among landless workers, either in the traditional tasks of transplanting

    and harvesting, or in newer arrangements like the sagod system. Here, the sagod system

    refers to a labor arrangement entailing weeding without immediate remuneration but with

    an exclusive right to harvest and earn the harvesters share on the weeded plot. This

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    brought the stratification of the peasants into hierarchy of subgroups based on their claims

    on the resources called land. The three major subclasses are; amortizing owners,

    permanent lessees and landless workers. Agrarian reform, therefore, do not pertain to

    dealing with the pre-existing differences of landless rural workers and tenant farmers but

    instead, it brought about what the tenant farmers see as an arbitrary difference between

    sharecropper-turned-amortizing-owners and the sharecroppers-turned-permanent-

    lessees.

    Landless rural workers, according to Ledesma, 1982, are those workers who have

    no lands and also rights to the land. They also sell their labors to others, together with the

    labor of their family, as a source of their income. Agrarian reform program here is failing

    in its original objective of land ownership.

    This shows how and why peasants have discontentment towards their life because

    of the issues they are facing especially the landlessness issue. This book of Ledesma

    has a big impact on our study since it pertains to the issue which we laid down in our

    study, the privatization of land. Although this book refers to the two particular villages, it

    brings a clear view on the true condition or situation of peasants in a small lens. This is

    relevant to our study since it shows why do peasants were discontented with their current

    state and also from this; we can also measure how politically aware peasants are.

    On the book compiled, edited and annotated by Gregorio F. Zaide (1990) entitled

    Documentary Sources of Philippine History there is the document about the Agrarian

    Uprising of 1751. This document shows the uprising of agrarian during 1751 particularly

  • 24

    in Bian, Silang, Imus, Bacoor, Cavite el Viejo (Kawit), Hagonoy, Paraaque, San Mateo,

    and Taguig, because of the usurpation of Filipino lands by the Dominican, Augustinian,

    and Recollect Orders. It has been said also that these uprisings were soon pacified by

    Don Pedro Enriquez, member of the Royal Audiencia of Manila, who promptly ordered

    the restoration of the usurped lands to their Filipino owners. From San Lorenzo (El

    Escorial), King Philip V issued his Royal Order dated November 7, 1751, expressing his

    approval of Oidor Enriquez action and commending the government general and the

    Royal Audiencia to protect the Indians (Filipinos) from the unjust acts of friars.

    This work of Zaide has been in much help to the study, because it made the

    researchers understand that people in that time are politically aware of what they own

    and what their rights are. Friars usurping the lands of the Indians, without leaving them

    the freedom of the rivers for their fishing, or allowing them to cut wood for their necessary

    use, or even to collect the wild fruits, nor did they allow the natives to pasture on the hills

    near their villages the carabaos which they used for agriculture. These privileges and

    rights of the Filipinos are took away by the friars, so Filipinos decided to revolt against the

    Dominicans and Augustinians because they are not contented on the privileges they

    exercise and to the lands that they really own. This means that this document has

    relevance with our study, because it mirrors here the political awareness of the Indians

    (Filipinos) to the privileges they must enjoy and to the enjoyment of the lands they own.

    It measures here their level of political awareness on why they decided to revolt knowing

    the fact that they are not to be innocent and they must be aware of what the government

    is doing. This document pointed out that the government must always bear in mind that

    the Indians (Filipinos) shall be well- treated and shall not suffer oppressions or extortion.

  • 25

    This document is to relate in our study the political awareness of the people on what does

    the government performs to them and the Filipinos certain actions base on their

    awareness.

    On the article of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP): Land Reform In the

    Philippines briefly discussed how agrarian reform started from encomienda system to

    hacienda system in which it is still present today in the Philippines context. How the

    Spanish colonial period oppress the natives, into the extent that with the capitalist

    exploitation. Furthermore the Spanish and American colonial period the land

    accumulation and dispossessing the peasantry occurred in three phases each constitutes

    a stage of agrarian development in the country from the development in the post-

    independence era up to the liberalization policies and their impact on agriculture. The

    penetration of capital into agriculture in this period characterized itself by the pre dominant

    role of a narrow section of the landlord -comprador class, in which former President

    Ferdinand Marcos used as a base of political support. The liberalization policies occurred

    first under the second round of the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), of GATT- WTO.

    The economic liberalization has spawned new forms of land tenure and control designed

    to re-dispose lands to export crops expansion along economy. It said that in this wave of

    liberalization, arose the privatization which it is one of the issues the peasants are facing

    in the researchers study. The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) of the

    Aquino Government in 1988 was said to be the one major vehicle for the expansion on

    the said wave. The said program was refined to "market-oriented" land reform program.

    It was further discussed that CARP does not implement genuine land reform or the free

  • 26

    distribution of land to farmers, but instead asks farmers to compensate the landlords for

    the land that belonged to the farmers.

    In relation to research the historical events enable us to see the penetration of the

    capitalist penetration here in the Philippines. Thus, the capitalist flaunt the nature when it

    became monopoly and ascended to its imperialist stage; The alliance of Kilusang

    Magbubukid ng Pilipinas numerous act helps the peasants fight for their lands against the

    capitalist exploitations Through their patient discussions of the root cause of the land

    problem, mobilizing and educating the peasants to be politically aware strengthens their

    struggle for their land and freedom. It is crucial to know the level of political awareness of

    the peasant/ farmers wherein such action would help them in their decision making,

    planning action in confronting problems and be able to formulate solutions.

    FOREIGN LITERATURES

    In the study of Niaz Muhammad and Ali Askar (2009) entitled Socio-economic

    and political impacts of a peasant uprising (Kissani Movement) in Charsada district, it

    presents how the uprising of Kissans greatly affected their life patterns from many

    dimensions like social, economic and political. The changes that were brought about by

    the revolution overthrew the structural contents inclined to stagnancy of society. Now that

    the Kissans attained political awareness at greater degree in all ages of people, they are

    now practicing family planning, sending children for attainment of education at different

    institutes, allowing educated females to work outside homes at different places, living in

    nuclear dwelling units at maximum and having provision for outside family marriage

  • 27

    mainly followed by the consent of youngsters. In addition, there has been an increase in

    agricultural productivity, which eased all their economic constraints. The income of local

    people has jumped up by the extent satisfying their maximum needs of life. They are now

    wearing more expensive and fashionable clothing; have access to foodstuffs that suffice

    their needs; many business opportunities are in their hands; and the provision of a share

    in property to female members offers a good measure of the increasingly politically

    aware Kissan society.

    This study goes to show that being politically aware means development of the

    peasants in many aspects of their life, politically, socially and also economically. On the

    term development, we, the researchers say that this political awareness can lead to

    improving the peasants way of life, educating themselves, increase their productivity and

    many more positive effects. The paper concludes that the enlightenment of local mind

    can further be glimpsed from developing the thought that education and freedom of

    expression are the bases of development. This study is very relevant to our research

    because the researchers also do determine if the peasants of Brgy. Talipapa and

    Brgy.Cinco-cinco is politically aware of specific issues that had happened and still

    happening in the society.

    An article from preservearticles.com The Struggle of Peasants in the Colonial

    India (n.d.) shows how highly discontented peasants was because of the establishment

    of economic policy. The economic policy was instituted by the British government caused

    Indian zamindars and moneylenders exploit illiterate peasant mass. After the permanent

    settlement of 1793, the absentee landlords, the intermediaries and the village money-

  • 28

    lenders and the oppression of the Europeans reduced the Indian peasants into beggary.

    The growing oppression was not simply swallowed by the peasants but they raised voice

    against it. Many movements arose because of the abusive money-lenders including the

    Santhal rebellion of 1855-1856, strike of Bengal Indigo cultivators in 1860, peasant

    uprising in Deccan during 1875, Champaran movement of 1917, Kheda Satyagraha of

    1918, the Moplah uprising in 1921-1922, KishanSahhas and other peasant movement

    before independence.

    On part of our research, the level of discontentment of peasants because of the

    issues and anomalies that were created by the government may result to large peasant

    movements to voice out their own needs as peasants that provide basic necessities of

    the people. Because of the discontentment that will be determined as high or low, may

    rattle and wake, not only the peasants but also the government that must respond to

    them. This discontentment also helps the peasantry to be organized and face complex

    issues that must be solve.

    On Schwarzers (2011) paper about Political socialization as the driving factor for

    political engagement and political participation shows the importance of the factors of

    political socialization. The paper evaluates the roles of different agents of political

    socialization in political engagement and political participation. The whole analysis was

    that it is based on the theoretical assumption that socialization effects associated with

    families and friends are quite important for political engagement and political participation.

    Furthermore, , the theoretical discussions indicate that agents such as media and schools

    should be considered as a second important source of political participation, as

  • 29

    adolescents spend more time in schools that they actually spend with their families.

    Additionally, political engagement should to a certain extent function as mediation

    variable for political socialization on political participation. In the paper, it appears that all

    agents of political socialization considered are important in the development of political

    engagement of students. A model in the paper indicates that the primary socialization

    model is more influential the second phase is media and schools, as the influence of

    parents appears dominant. (Schwarzer, 2011)

    Our research included the agents of political socialization as a moderating variable.

    It was stated in the literature of Schwarzer that political socialization is key variable for

    political participation and engagement. The agents of political socialization will determine

    the strength of the relation of the determinant and the dependent variable of the study

    which includes political awareness and level of discontent of peasants on given

    barangays.

    The article World Peasant Farmer need a Peasant Farmers Rights Convention

    discusses how big companies and international financial institutions have affected the

    lives of the farmers around the world. According to Saragih (2005) one of the issues

    peasants are facing is the subsidy, in which the World Bank evicted farmers. Thus, they

    provided loans to developing countries for many kinds of projects ranging from

    infrastructures to technical assistance mainly with the objective of boosting high economic

    growth. While in the agriculture sector the Banks favorite project has been to build big

    dams, which has caused the eviction of many peasant farmers from their land. This kind

    of project has subjected many rural inhabitants to suffering. This shows that the rich reap

  • 30

    benefits from such projects and the farmers have left nothing and were force to work to

    another lands or shift to another forms of work. The author concludes that these big

    corporations and institutions became a big blockage from becoming a perfect agricultural

    country. Because the land that was supposed to be for farming are being taken away by

    the government and being made to subdivisions and other private properties.

    In relation to the researchers study it provides the basis for the understanding on

    how peasants should be treated in the society especially in the field of agriculture and

    provides information about the issues/problems that concerns them. The researchers aim

    to determine the awareness of the peasant/farmers on the issue at hand and how they

    will react on this present situation. The researchers Assumes that agriculture in the

    Philippines could be improve or be fixed by giving proper information to the

    peasant/farmers about the problems that this big corporations and institutions blinded

    them for a many years.

    A book article entitled Agriculture, poverty & freedom Talks about how peasants

    contribute towards the development of the countries, peasants behavior and decisions

    when they are politically aware , As well as by the constrained environment, within which

    farm production takes place. Farm level decisions are directly affected by the multiple

    objectives of the peasant farm families. According to Clayton (1983) the concept of

    opportunity cost and decision making in peasant agriculture, in which the cost of

    producing agricultural products in the developing countries derive largely from non-cash

    factor cost. Much of the land worked by peasant farmers is held under customary,

    communal tenure arrangements. Thus, there is no market for this land; it therefore

  • 31

    possesses neither a capital nor a rental value, whatever its productivity. In other cases,

    even where peasant farmers have acquired title ownership to their land, it might appear

    to them to be without monetary value - either because it was acquired without cost

    perhaps as a consequence of a land reform or for social or family land. In all these cases,

    farmer will work his land without any capital or rental cash costs. Peasant farm are also

    mainly worked by family labour

    This book of Clayton (1983) is relevant to the researchers study; it helps us to fully

    understand the behaviour of the peasants in relation to their level of discontentment.

    Farmers being the sole producer of rice face issues. This book helps us to assess their

    stand on the issue and how they are politically aware, and mainly helps us to know the

    specific issues in which among these issues affects their daily lives and the development

    of the country. Through this study researchers will be able to determine other issues that

    farmers were not able to pay attention. It is relevant for the researchers for it will help us

    to cluster their different issue. and this enables the farmer to avoid cash payments for

    farm labour.

    On the book A Visit to the Philippine Islands by Sir John Bowring (1963), it is

    written about the sale of tobacco that is a strict government monopoly, and how does

    cigars, sugar- cane, rice, cocoa, and cotton are being manufactured. This chapter also

    discusses that the consumption of rice is universal, and the superfluity of the harvests is

    taken to the Chinese markets. It has been said that there is no doubt that the Philippines

    offer great facilities for the cultivation of indigo, but it has been neglected and inadequate

    attention paid to the manufacturer.

  • 32

    This work of Bowring has been in much help to our study, because it made us

    understand how does rice are being manufactured since our study is concerning on the

    peasants, it is important to know the classes of rice which is the water and mountain rice

    for us to be familiar with the nature of our peasants. It is also for us to importantly know

    how this rice is being harvested for peasants works for it and the problems they encounter

    during harvesting. It is very relevant to our study, because we also understand how the

    manufacturing of rice works. This chapter helps us researchers to have a background on

    the rice production, and also the tobacco monopoly which is to be related with one of our

    given issue which is monopoly. This tobacco monopoly helps us to understand what

    monopoly really is and how does it work. It may not exactly pertain with the monopoly on

    rice but it gave the concept of monopoly that these tobacco monopolies are under the

    charge of an administration whose headquarters are in Manila, and one of the issues to

    be asked by the peasants in our study is monopoly, to what extent their political

    awareness to it and their level of discontent. Also it is relevant in our study, because it

    made us understand the exclusive possession and control to the manufacturing of

    tobacco.

  • 33

    CHAPTER III

    RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

    RESEARCH APPROACH

    In this chapter, the researchers discuss the methods used in determining the

    extent of political awareness and level of discontent of peasants in barangay Talipapa

    and barangay Cinco-Cinco in Cabanatuan City. Quantitative research refers to the

    systematic empirical investigation of social phenomena via statistical, mathematical or

    numerical data or computational techniques. The objective of quantitative research is to

    develop and employ mathematical models, theories and/or hypotheses pertaining to

    phenomena. This research method will be used since the researchers will conduct a

    survey to the respondents (peasants) of the two barangays to measure their level of

    political awareness and social discontentment. This chapter also gives preview on how

    the researchers will determine the correlation of factors and issues that are identified by

    the researchers. The research methodology of this study will consist of research design,

    subjects of the study, instrumentation and validity, data gathering procedure, and

    statistical treatment.

  • 34

    RESEARCH DESIGN

    The researchers will use a descriptive design which is purposive of gathering,

    analyzing, classifying and tabulating data and then making an interpretation about the

    data that have been gathered with the with the support of statistical methods. This

    research method involves surveying and gives the extent of political awareness of

    peasants on the political issues that have effects on their daily lives. The researchers

    considered this design for the study because it will see how peasants are aware of the

    political issues that have effects on their way of living and how peasants show their level

    of discontentment. Since the collection of data is not directly observed, this study will use

    survey and interviews as a useful means in gathering information on the subject matter.

    Through the use of questionnaires, the researchers will evaluate the extent of political

    awareness of peasants and their discontentment on the political issues laid down by the

    researchers in this study.

    RESPONDENT OF THE STUDY SUBJECT

    The respondents of this study focused mainly on the selected respondents of

    barangay Talipapa and barangay Cinco-Cinco of Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija. The

    researchers used the quota sampling method in order to get the sample from the two

    barangay. Each barangay have 50 respondents in order to get a total of 100 and a

    percentage of 100%. The sample is ranging from 30-70 years old peasants. The

    researchers used this kind of sampling method because there is no exact data available

    of the statistics of the peasants in barangay Talipapa and barangay Cinco-cinco.

  • 35

    Barangay Talipapa Barangay Cinco-Cinco

    Land-owner 16 15

    Non-land-owner 34 35

    Total: 50 50

    Figure 2: Sample Frame of the Respondents

  • 36

    RESEARCH INSTRUMENT

    The principal instrument used by the researchers in this study is survey sheet or

    questionnaire supplemented by personal interviews and direct observation of the

    researchers in gathering needed data from the respondents.

    Survey sheets will be distributed and will be answered by the target respondents,

    the peasants. In preparing for the questionnaire, the researchers consulted the research

    adviser for the questions that will be used for effective gathering of data. The

    questionnaire contains two (2) parts: the first part which is the profile of the respondent

    and the second part which is the responses of the respondent on specific questions. For

    the profile of the respondent, classification of peasants was identified for the researchers

    to know whether the subject is a land owning and non-land owning. On the second part,

    the respondent will rate their level of political awareness and also their level of discontent

    from the given issues. The researchers used 1-4 scale on measuring political awareness

    and 1-5 scale for measuring social discontent, which has corresponding value for the

    subject for rating. It is also important to know what factor affects the most to the political

    awareness, the respondent had, thus, another question was provided.

    The survey sheet or questionnaire was consulted to and validated by the

    researchers adviser.

    VALIDATION OF THE INSTRUMENT

  • 37

    We, the researchers will use the survey questionnaire as our instrument to

    determine the extent of political awareness and extent of discontent of peasants in

    Barangay Talipapa and Barangay Cinco- Cinco. The survey questionnaire is effective as

    we will conduct a dry-run survey with the peasants in Barangay Talipapa and Barangay

    Cinco-Cinco. Before we determine its validity, we decided to test the peasants if they will

    be able to understand and answer the questions in the survey. As we analyze the result

    of the dry-run survey, we saw that the survey questionnaire was understandable for the

    peasants and that were able to respond to it. Also we included in our survey questionnaire

    the Tagalog translations of every words and questions, for the peasants to easily

    understand it. This dry-run survey/ trial survey prove its reliability, because peasants were

    able to understand the questions for they respond to it.

    DATA GATHERING PROCEDURE

    We, the researchers, started to collect data with the approval of the proposed topic

    of the research adviser.

    1. The researchers, in order to have further knowledge about the issues that affects

    peasants, went to a farmers organization also known as Kilusang Magbubukid ng

    Pilipinas (KMP) and conducted an interview.

    2. The researchers accumulate related information to determine and define the

    theories and concepts that was utilized by going to Far Eastern University library

    and other means such as using the internet to procure needed information.

  • 38

    3. The researchers asked for the permission of the barangay chairmen of Talipapa

    and Cinco-cinco in the distribution of questionnaire forms and also to conduct

    interviews with the classes of peasants along those barangays.

    STATISTICAL TREATMENT

    The data gathered by the researchers were treated using different formulas and

    tools in order to answer the statement of the problem raised by the researchers in this

    study.

    1. Mean (x) this formula will be used in order to identify and determine the extent

    of political awareness and discontentment of peasants (respondents).

    x = fs Where:

    N X = mean S = number of scale

    F = frequency N = total number of respondent

    2. Standard Deviation this formula will be used to show the significant relationship

    of the data on the control set of data. A low standard deviation indicates that the

    data points tend to be very close to the mean.

  • 39

    3. Percentage Analysis ( % ) this formula will be used to present the percentage

    of the observation on the level of political awareness and discontentment of

    peasants based on the given issues and factors.

    % = f

    N Where:

    % = percentage

    f = frequency

    N = total number of respondents

    4. T-test ( t ) this formula will be used by the researchers to determine if there is

    significant difference in the level of awareness and discontentment of peasants in

    terms of the issues on privatization, tenancy, subsidy, and monopoly.

  • 40

    5. Pearson R this formula will be used to calculate the degree to which the two

    variables (independent and dependent variables) are related inversely or directly.

  • 41

    Chapter IV

    This chapter shows the analysis, findings and interpretation of data that obtained

    in the study. It provides a statistical presentation of data and figures to show the result of

    the computed data. The purpose of this chapter is to show the value of each data with

    regards to the level of awareness and discontent of peasants in the two selected

    barangay.

    Frequency Distribution and the Percentage of the Respondents Profile

    Table 1.1. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Age of the Repondents

    Table 1.1 shows the frequency distribution and percentage of the respondents in terms

    of their age. Among the 100 respondents which are the peasants, the 40-50 years old got

    the highest percentage wherein it has the 33% of the total respondents and the 60-70

    years old peasants got the lowest percentage of 14% from the total respondents.

    Age of respondent

    Frequency Percent

    30-40 22 22.0

    40-50 33 33.0

    50-60 31 31.0

    60-70 14 14.0

    Total 100 100.0

  • 42

    Table 1.2 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Gender of the

    Repondents

    Table 1.2 shows frequency distribution and percentage of the respondents in terms of

    their gender, whereas the number 0 represents the male and the number 1 represents

    the female. The table shows that the male respondents got the highest population from

    the total respondents for about 76% and the female got the lowest percentage of 24%.

    Table 1.3 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Educational Attainment of

    the Repondents

    Table 1.3 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in

    terms of their educational attainment. From the table 1.3, the respondents who attain the

    Sex

    Frequency Percent

    Male 76 76.0

    Female 24 24.0

    Total 100 100.0

    Educational Attainment

    Frequency Percent

    No formal education 1 1.0

    Elementary 42 42.0

    High school 33 33.0

    College 23 23.0

    Na 1 1.0

    Total 100 100.0

  • 43

    elementary level in education got the highest percentage of 42%, high school level got

    33%.

    Table 1.4 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Religion of the

    Repondents

    Table 1.4 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in

    terms of their religion. The result shows that the dominant religion of the respondents is

    Catholic which got the percentage of 95% and only 5% for Christians.

    Religion

    Frequency Percent

    Catholic 95 95.0

    Christian 5 5.0

    Total 100 100.0

  • 44

    Table 1.5 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Income Range of the

    Repondents

    Table 1.5 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in

    terms of their income range.

    Table 1.6 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Classification of the

    Repondents

    Income range

    Frequency Percent

    30k - 50k 51 51.0

    51k - 70k 24 24.0

    71k - 90k 12 12.0

    91k - 110k 7 7.0

    111k - 130k 2 2.0

    131k - 150k 1 1.0

    151k - 170k 1 1.0

    191k - 210k 2 2.0

    Total 100 100.0

    Classification

    Frequency Percent

    Land owner 31 31.0

    Non-Land owner 69 69.0

    Total 100 100.0

  • 45

    Table 1.6 shows the frequency distribution and percentage of the respondents in terms

    of their classification as a peasant. The result shows that there are 31 peasants who own

    farm land and 69 peasants who do not own any farm land.

    Table 2. Mean, Standard Deviation and Interpretation for the Sub-questions on

    Political Awareness.

    Statement Mean Standard

    Deviation

    Interpretation

    1. Are you aware that some farm lands were turned

    into Mining operation? 2.34 .934 Moderately Aware

    2. Subdivision, villages and buildings are increasing

    in number and this is because of farm

    lands that were converted

    2.80 1.005 Aware

    3. Government is proposing a project which is the

    MRT 7 and many farm lands will be affected

    because of this project.

    1.96 1.014 Moderately Aware

    1. In Marcos era, the Americans were able to hoard

    seedlings that can grow healthy without chemical

    sprays such as pesticides etc., with the hoarding;

    corporations were able to monopolize biocide industry.

    1.42 .699 Not Aware

    2. The agribusiness and food TNCs is currently

    controlling 90 percent of the market, thus effectively

    dominating all aspects of food production

    1.34 .670 Not Aware

    3. World Trade Organization (WTO) came to Third

    World countries and introduced the Agreement on

    Agriculture that is wreaking havoc on farmers and

    peasants increasing landlessness, intensifying

    exploitation and spreading poverty

    1.19 .486 Not Aware

  • 46

    Table 2 shows the Mean and Standard Deviation of each sub question for level of political

    awareness. It is evident in the results that on sub question 2 in the issue of privatization,

    respondents were aware that many of farm lands were converted into buildings and

    subdivisions. However, in all of the sub questions in the issue of monopoly, sub question

    3 in the issue of tenancy, and sub question 3 in the issue of lack of subsidy, respondents

    were not aware of such. In the remaining sub questions, respondent answered that they

    were moderately aware.

    1. Are you aware that being a tenant means that you

    have full control and possession on the land for the

    duration of Lawful occupancy?

    1.90 .916 Moderately Aware

    2. Some tenants were ranting about acquiring farm

    lands since they were a long time occupants on the

    said lands. Are you aware that peasants/farmers can

    acquire lands that they have been occupying or

    renting for the long period of time?

    1.98 .985 Moderately Aware

    3. Do you know Philippine Rice Share Tenancy Act?

    Are you aware of the increasing inequality of the

    tenants and the landlords bargaining power?

    1.39 .695 Not Aware

    1. Subsidy is a form of financial support of the

    government to the economic sector. Are you aware

    that there is a shortage of subsidy among peasants?

    2.07 .967 Moderately Aware

    2. Fertilizer fund scam has been an issue over time in

    the Philippines .Are you aware that there is really a

    scam when it comes to agricultural sector?

    2.12 .998 Moderately Aware

    3. There was a withdrawal of farm subsidies dictated

    by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that resulted

    to limited capacity of farmers to increase productivity.

    Are you aware of this issue?

    1.38 .708 Not Aware

  • 47

    Table 3.1 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 1 on the

    Issue of Privatization

    Frequency Percent

    Not aware 23 23.0

    Moderately aware 29 29.0

    Aware 39 39.0

    Very aware 9 9.0

    Total 100 100.0

    Table 3.2 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 2 on the

    Issue of Privatization

    Frequency Percent

    Not aware 13 13.0

    Moderately aware 23 23.0

    Aware 35 35.0

    Very aware 29 29.0

    Total 100 100.0

  • 48

    Table 3.3 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 3 on the

    Issue of Privatization

    Frequency Percent

    Not aware 46 46.0

    Moderately aware 19 19.0

    Aware 28 28.0

    Very aware 7 7.0

    Total 100 100.0

    The tables show the frequency distribution and percentage of the responses of

    peasants in the issue of privatization. On the first question of how they are aware that

    lands were turned into mining operation, the highest number of peasants answered that

    they are aware with a total of 39 percent. On the second question of how aware they are

    that subdivision, villages and buildings are increasing in numbers and this is because of

    farm lands that were converted, the highest number of peasants answered that they are

    aware with a total of 35 percent. And lastly on the question of how aware they are that

    the government is preparing a project which is the MRT 7 and many farm lands will be

    affected because of this project, the highest number of peasants answered that they are

    not aware with a total of 46 percent.

  • 49

    Table 3.4. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 1 on the

    Issue of Monopoly

    Table 3.5. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 2 on the

    Issue of Monopoly

    Frequency Percent

    Not aware 70 70.0

    Moderately aware 18 18.0

    Aware 12 12.0

    Total 100 100.0

    Frequency Percent

    Not aware 77 77.0

    Moderately aware 12 12.0

    Aware 11 11.0

    Total 100 100.0

  • 50

    Table 3.6 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 3 on the

    Issue of Monopoly.

    The tables show the frequency distribution and percentage distribution and

    percentage of the responses of peasants in the issue of monopoly. On the first question

    of how aware they are that during the Marcos era, Americans were able to hand seedlings

    and that corporation were able to monopolize biocide industry the highest number of

    peasants answered that they are not aware with a total of 70 percent. On the second

    question of how aware they are that agribusiness and food TNCs is currently controlling

    90 percent of the market dominating all aspects of food production, highest number of

    peasants answered they are not aware with a total of 77 percent. Lastly on the question

    of how World Trade Organization (WTO) came to third world countries and introduced the

    agreement on agriculture that is breaking on thousand peasants that increases

    landlessness, intensifying exportation and spreading poverty many of them answered that

    they are not aware with a total of 85 percent.

    Frequency Percent

    Not aware 85 85.0

    Moderately aware 11 11.0

    Aware 4 4.0

    Total 100 100.0

  • 51

    Table 3.7. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 1 on the

    Issue of Tenancy

    Frequency Percent

    Not aware 44 44.0

    Moderately aware 25 25.0

    Aware 28 28.0

    Very aware 3 3.0

    Total 100 100.0

    Table 3.8. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 2 on the

    Issue of Tenancy

    Frequency Percent

    Not aware 41 41.0

    Moderately aware 28 28.0

    Aware 23 23.0

    Very aware 8 8.0

    Total 100 100.0

  • 52

    Table 3.9 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 3 on the

    Issue of Tenancy

    Frequency Percent

    Not aware 73 73.0

    Moderately aware 15 15.0

    Aware 12 12.0

    Total 100 100.0

    The tables show the frequency distribution and percentage of the responses of

    peasants in the issue of tenancy. On the first question of how aware they are that being

    a tenant means that you have full control and possession on the land for the duration of

    lawful occupancy, the highest number of peasants answered that they are not aware with

    total of 44 percent. On the second question on how aware they are that some

    peasants/farmers can acquire lands that they have been occupying or renting for the long

    period of time, the highest number of peasants answered that they are not aware with a

    total of 41 percent. And lastly on the question of how aware they are of the increasing

    inequality of the tenants and the landlords bargaining power, the highest number of

    peasants answered that they are not aware with a total of 73 percent.

  • 53

    Table 3.10. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 1 on the

    Issue of Lack of Subsidy

    Frequency Percent

    Not aware 35 35.0

    Moderately aware 31 31.0

    Aware 26 26.0

    Very aware 8 8.0

    Total 100 100.0

    Table 3.11. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 2 on the

    Issue of Lack of Subsidy

    Frequency Percent

    Not aware 34 34.0

    Moderately aware 30 30.0

    Aware 26 26.0

    Very aware 10 10.0

    Total 100 100.0

  • 54

    Table 3.12. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 3 on the

    Issue of Lack of Subsidy

    Frequency Percent

    Not aware 74 74.0

    Moderately aware 15 15.0

    Aware 10 10.0

    Very aware 1 1.0

    Total 100 100.0

    The table shows the frequency distribution and percentage responses of peasants

    in the issue of subsidy. On the first question on how aware they are that subsidy is a form

    of financial support of the government to the economic sector and that there is a shortage

    of this subsidy, the highest number of peasants answered that they are not aware with

    the total of 35 percent. On the second question of how aware they are on the fertilizer

    fund scam and that there is really a scam when it comes to agriculture sector, highest

    number of peasants answered that they are not aware with a total of 34 percent. Lastly,

    on how aware they are that there was a withdrawal of farm subsidies dictated by the IMF

    that resulted to limited capacity of farmers to increase productivity, the highest number of

    peasants answered that they are answered with a total of 74 percent.

  • 55

    Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants with their

    extent of Social Discontent in the Issues of Privatization, Monopoly, Tenancy and

    Lack of Subsidy

    Table 4.1. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Social Discontent in the Issue of Privatization

    Table 4.1 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in

    terms of their level of discontent on the issues of privatization. The result shows that 52%

    of the total respondents are discontented with regards to their knowledge on the issue of

    privatization.

    Frequency Percent

    No Reaction 4 4.0

    Fairly discontented 1 1.0

    Slightly discontented 13 13.0

    Discontented 52 52.0

    Highly discontented 30 30.0

    Total 100 100.0

  • 56

    Table 4.2 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Social Discontent in the Issue of Monopoly

    Table 4.2 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in

    terms of their level of discontent on the issue of monopoly. The result shows that the

    respondents are slightly discontented, discontented and highly discontented. About 23%

    peasants have the same reaction towards the issue on monopoly.

    Table 4.3 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Social Discontent in the Issue of Tenancy

    Frequency Percent

    No Reaction 10 10.0

    Fairly discontented 21 21.0

    Slightly discontented 23 23.0

    Discontented 23 23.0

    Highly discontented 23 23.0

    Total 100 100.0

    Frequency Percent

    No Reaction 24 24.0

    Fairly discontented 12 12.0

    Slightly discontented 14 14.0

    Discontented 22 22.0

    Highly discontented 28 28.0

    Total 100 100.0

  • 57

    Table 4.3 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in

    terms of their level of discontent on the issue of tenancy. The result shows that 28% of

    the respondents are highly discontented on the issue of tenancy.

    Table 4.4 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants

    with their extent of Social Discontent in the Sub-question Number 1 in the Issue

    of Lack of Subsidy

    Table 4.4 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in

    terms of their level of discontent on the issue of lack of subsidy. The result shows that

    33% of the respondents are highly discontented on the issue of lack of subsidy.

    Frequency Percent

    No Reaction 7 7.0

    Fairly discontented 19 19.0

    Slightly discontented 12 12.0

    Discontented 29 29.0

    Highly discontented 33 33.0

    Total 100 100.0

  • 58

    Descriptive Statistics of Political Awareness in terms of the Issues of

    Privatization, Monopoly, Tenancy and Lack of Subsidy

    Table 5. Mean, Standard Deviation and Interpretation of the Descriptive Statistics

    of Political Awareness in the Issues of Privatization, Monopoly, Tenancy and Lack

    of Subsidy

    Table 5 shows the descriptive statistics of political awareness in terms of the issues. The

    result shows that the respondents are moderately aware on the questions regarding on

    the issues of privatization, monopoly, tenancy and lack of subsidy. The factors that the

    researchers laid down in the study have affected their awareness. However, on the issue

    of monopoly, the result shows that the respondents are not aware on the questions

    regarding on the issue.

    Descriptive Statistics

    Mean Std. Deviation Interpretation

    Political awareness on Privatization 2.37 .809 Moderately aware

    Political awareness on Monopoly 1.32 .557 Not aware

    Political awareness on Tenancy 1.76 .743 Moderately aware

    Political awareness on Lack of Subsidy 1.86 .687 Moderately aware

  • 59

    Descriptive Statistics of Social Discontent in terms of the Issues of

    Privatization, Monopoly, Tenancy and Lack of Subsidy

    Table 6. Mean, Standard Deviation and Interpretation of the Descriptive Statistics

    of Social Discontent in the Issues of Privatization, Monopoly, Tenancy and Lack

    of Subsidy

    Table 6 shows the descriptive statistics of level of social discontent of the respondents in

    terms of the issues. The result shows that the respondents are slightly discontented on

    the issue of monopoly and tenancy while some respondents are discontented on the issue

    of privatization and lack of subsidy. Based on the results, the peasants are discontented

    on any issue that they are facing.

    Descriptive Statistics

    Mean Std. Deviation Interpretation

    Level of discontent on Privatization issue 4.03 .915 Discontented

    Level of discontent on Monopoly issue 3.28 1.303 Slightly discontented

    Level of discontent on Tenancy issue 3.18 1.553 Slightly discontented

    Level of discontent on Lack of subsidy issue 3.62 1.309 Discontented

  • 60

    Descriptive Statistics of the Efficacy of the Factors of Political Socialization

    Table 7. Mean, Standard Deviation and Rank of the Descriptive Statistics of the

    Efficacy of the Factors of Political Socialization

    Descriptive Statistics

    Mean Rank Std. Deviation Rank

    What factor affected you the most in understanding/knowing the issues with

    regards to: Religion 4.88 .383

    5

    What factor affected you the most in understanding/knowing the issues with

    regards to: Education 3.56 .857

    4

    What factor affected you the most in understanding/knowing the issues with

    regards to: Media 2.02 .985

    2

    What factor affected you the most in understanding/knowing the issues with

    regards to: Family 2.82 .989

    3

    What factor affected you the most in understanding/knowing the issues with

    regards to: Peer groups or organization 1.72 .854

    1

    Table 7 shows the descriptive statistics of the order of efficacy of the factors affecting

    political socialization. It is evident in the results that Peer groups or organization is in the

    highest rank, followed by Media, Family, Education and lastly Religion. This is to show

    that Peer groups and organization is the factor that affected peasants of Brgy. Talipapa

    and Brgy. Cinco-cinco the most and can be concluded that their political awareness came

    from this factor.

  • 61

    Table 8. Relationship of Political Awareness and Social Discontent in the Issues

    **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

    *. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

    Table 8 shows the Pearson correlation and relationship of political awareness and

    social discontent in the issues. The result shows that the relationship of political

    awareness and social discontent on privatization are not significant. Same with the

    Political

    Awareness

    Social

    Discontent

    P-value

    Pearson

    Correlation

    Relationship

    Political

    awareness on

    Privatization

    Social Discontent

    on Privatization

    .868

    .017

    Not significant

    Political

    awareness on

    Monopoly

    Social Discontent

    on Monopoly

    .373

    .090

    Not significant

    Political

    awareness on

    Tenancy

    Social Discontent

    on Tenancy

    .001

    .327**

    Significant

    Political

    awareness on

    Lack of Subsidy

    Social Discontent

    on Lack of

    Subsidy

    .015

    .242*

    Significant

  • 62

    relationship of political awareness and social discontent on monopoly, the result also

    shows that their relationship is not significant. However, the political awareness and social

    discontent on tenancy and lack of subsidy are both significant.

  • 63

    Chapter V

    The last chapter presents the summary of findings, the conclusion and

    recommendations offered by the researchers on the study of political awareness as a

    determinant of social discontent among peasants in Barangay Talipapa and Barangay

    Cinco-cinco, Nueva Ecija.

    SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

    On the basis of the significant facts collected and presented in Chapter IV, the

    following findings were observed.

    1. That the majority of the respondents were 40-50 years old with a percentage of

    33%.

    2. That the majority of the respondents were males with a percentage of 76%.

    3. That the majority of the respondents attained the elementary level in education

    with a percentage of 42%.

    4. That the majority of the respondents were Catholic with a percentage of 95%.

    5. That the majority of the respondents have the annual income range of 30,000

    pesos to 50,000 pesos with a percentage of 51%.

    6. That the majority of the respondents were non-land owner with a percentage of

    69%.

    7. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #1 on the issue

    of privatization is moderately aware with 2.34 mean.

  • 64

    8. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #2 on the issue

    of privatization is aware with 2.80 mean.

    9. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #3 on the issue

    of privatization is moderately aware with 1.96 mean.

    10. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #1 on the issue

    of monopoly is not aware with 1.42 mean.

    11. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #2 on the issue

    of monopoly is not aware with 1.34 mean.

    12. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #3 on the issue

    of monopoly is not aware with 1.19 mean.

    13. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #1 on the

    issue of tenancy is moderately aware with 1.90 mean.

    14. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #2 on the issue

    of tenancy is moderately aware with 1.98 mean.

    15. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #3 on the issue

    of tenancy is not aware with 1.39 mean.

    16. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #1 on the issue

    of lack of subsidy is moderately aware with 2.07 mean.

    17. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #2 on the issue

    of lack of subsidy is moderately aware with 2.12 mean.

    18. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #3 on the issue

    of lack of subsidy is not aware with 1.38 mean.

  • 65

    19. That the majority of the respondents answered aware in sub question #1 on the

    issue of privatization with a percentage of 39%.

    20. That the majority of the respondents answered aware in sub question #2 on the

    issue of privatization with a percentage of 35%.

    21. That the majority of the respondents answered not aware in sub question #3 on

    the issue of privatization with a percentage of 46%.

    22. That the majority of the respondents answered not aware in sub question #1 on

    the issue of monopoly with a percentage of 70%.

    23. That the majority of the respondents answered not aware in sub question #2 on

    the issue of monopoly with a percentage of 77%.

    24. That the majority of the respondents answered not aware in sub question #3 on

    the issue of monopoly with a percentage of 85%.

    25. That the majority of the respondents answered not aware in sub question #1 on

    the issue of tenancy with a percentage of 44%.

    26. That the majority of the respondents an