Thesis 2
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CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The researchers desire to study the political awareness as a determinant of social
discontentment of peasants/ farmers that will be conducted on Nueva Ecija in barangays
Talipapa and Cinco-cinco. Peasants that will be the main respondents were classified
into; land owning and non-land owning. The main goal of the study is to determine the
extent of political awareness and level of social discontent on specific issues that can be
related to the status of the life of a peasant. The research will include the factors of political
socialization that will be further arranged in order to verify whether what factor affects the
most.
According to Urban Dictionary the term peasant originally referred to the lowest
class of society who had to do hard manual labor to earn a small wage. They lived in
poverty. Peasants were/are typically small farmers, tenant farmers, sharecroppers,
farmhands, and laborers and invariably rural, living in villages and tending land which is
practically theirs but officially belongs to the wealthy. However, some peasants have their
own lands that are classified in this study as land owning peasants. Even they are
classified to be the lowest class; they have an important role in the society.
Farmers provide a basic necessity of the people and that is the food we eat. Other
than providing us this basic necessity, farmers voice is also an important factor for rural
and agricultural development. If there is one principal lesson farmers can draw from
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history, it is the following: that, when farmers are not strong, many sections and sectors
of the society are ready not only to tell the farmers what they should do, but even worse,
to speak on their behalf. (Pertev, 1994).
Questions remain on whether farmers voice is such a sought-after commodity
after all, and whether the society would like farmers to speak. Indeed the lack of farmers
voice is often unnoticed, precisely because of the enthusiasm with which other people
are ready to speak on behalf of farmers. Similarly, during periods when farmers do speak,
farmers voice is more readily seen as something of a "problem". Irrespective of its
desirability, the lack of an effective farmers voice is indeed an impediment to agricultural
and rural development. Whether it is the development of agriculture or of rural society or
the protection of environment, farmers play a vital role. (Pertev, 1994)
The world isnt what it was, and farmers need strong voices and strong
representation if they are not going to get overlooked in todays economy and politics.
Our economy has been going through a fundamental transformation since the 1970s. The
environment is changing: the economic environment, the natural environment, the social
and political environment. But the internal, structural changes within the agricultural sector
have only just begun to become apparent. There is more to come. And it is important that
farmers and rural people think about the issues and guide the change process as much
as they can in their own interests. (Fairbairn, 2003)
Given the roles of farmers and his/her voice as an important factor in rural and
agricultural development, the problems of land tenure remained because of the high
concentration of land ownership during the Spanish colonial period in the Philippines. The
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Congress enacted Republic Act No. 1199 known as Agricultural Tenancy Act of the
Philippines. The purpose of the Act is to establish agricultural tenancy relations between
landholders and tenants upon the principle of school justice; to afford adequate protection
to the rights of both tenants and landholders; to insure an equitable division of the produce
and income derived from the land; to provide tenant- farmers with incentives to greater
and more efficient agricultural production; to bolster their economic position and to
encourage their participation in the development of peaceful, vigorous and democratic
rural communities.
Rights, Incentives and other form of subsidies are already given to the farmers.
However, farmers still confront many issues that makes them suffer to privatization of
lands, monopoly in business cause by rich and powerful corporations, subsidies are not
felt by these peasants and lastly, the everlastingly tenant-being of the farmer. The
question is, if they are politically aware of these issues, then still why they are suffering?
If they are ignorant, then they cant, in reality, resolve their own problems.
Political awareness, in this study, is defined to be the consciousness, attitudes,
and beliefs of peasants with regards to the government actions and policies that possibly
or totally affecting their lives. It also involves clear understanding of what originates and
perpetuates the mundane surroundings of being a farmer in terms of government
activities specifically in the agricultural aspect of the country. Political thinking and
peasant strengthening could be the answer for solving the underlying and still existing
concerns of the lowest class in the society. Other than the level of political awareness,
the social discontentment of farmers on the identified issues will be also measured.
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The study will focus on evaluating the level of awareness and social
discontentment of the land owning and non-land owning farmers based on the presented
issues that affects their lives. It will tackle also the peasants, landlords, and government
relationship that will be further expounded by the study. It will also awaken organizations,
especially farmer organizations to volume up the voice and cries of the peasants/ farmers
for the development of rural and agricultural sector of the Philippines.
BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
The time of the arrival of the Spanish Agriculture in the Philippines was in a
comparatively prosperous condition. The first plants introduced were those brought by
the early Malayan invaders: millet, taro, yam, garlic, and various kinds of bananas, jack
fruit, indigo, batao, mango, various citrus fruits, santol, lansone, castor - oil plant, condol,
ampalaya, tamarind, and other ornamental and medicinal plants. On the extent and
distribution of crops, we get our chief information from the accounts of the early Spanish
explorers.
At the time of Legazpis founding of Manila, the province in Luzon which produced
the most rice was Pampanga, and along its river banks dwelt tillers of the soil. The region
around Manila was described as fertile and well provisioned, and that the Laguna de Bay
district raised rice as well as cotton and fruit groves, but Pampanga was still the main
source of supply of rice for Manila. Panay, Negros, and Leyte were reported to have
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abundant food crops. In fact, Panay was said to be the second only to Luzon in this
respect, and Leyte to have two rice crops a year. On the Economic plants
introduced by Spaniards from America, among the American plants thus introduced into
the Philippines which have had the greatest effect on agriculture, mention may be made
of the following: tobacco, corn, cacao, cotton, pineapple, maguey, arrowroot, peanut,
indigo, cassava, papaya, achuete, chico, chico-mamey, tomato, and squash.
On the Filipino agricultural methods, the early Filipinos knew how to construct implements
for the cultivation of rice. On laws to encourage agriculture, the Spanish government both
by means of the laws of the Indies, which often applied to all Spanish overseas colonies
and by royal decrees applicable directly to the Philippines, did try to encourage
agriculture. To that effect is a law of the Indies which required the governors and alcaldes-
mayor to encourage the cultivation of the land, and held them accountable for so doing
when their terms expired. Another law required the planting of fruit trees. Still another law
required those who received land from the government to cultivate it within three months
after they took possession, on penalty of losing the land should they fail to do so (Benitez,
1954).
On the beginning of Agrarian Problems is the taming of the wilderness generated
much wealth, although little of it benefited the pioneers themselves. The gap between the
rich and the poor became larger and more rigid. To homestead, they would need an initial
capital which could be provided by those who had excess funds: landlords and
entrepreneurs. Those who supplied the funds allowed the pioneers to work the land only
as tenants or laborers, or they lent cash, tools and carabaos at rates of interest that forced
the peasants to become tenants. The lack of alternative credit left peasants helpless in
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altering their condition. Peasants never controlled the marketing of their produce. The
major difference was that the rich were richer and the poor poorer.
On the other hand Filipino landholding, practically all peoples who have reached
the agricultural stage of economic development, the Filipinos at that time of the coming
of the Spaniards recognized private ownership of land. All usable land in barangay was
divided between people living there; outsiders could obtain land only through purchase
or inheritance.
There were still common lands, however, which could be claimed by any individuals under
conditions somewhat similar to those of the present homestead law. The mountainous
land, usually forested, belonging to a barangay could be claimed by anyone, whether a
member of barangay or an outsider, who cleared and sowed it, also existed in a few place
a form of rent the use of agricultural land, paid in produce. Fisheries were sometimes
controlled by the local chiefs, who charged fees to outsiders who wanted to fish there.
In the long run, one of the major interventions to effect rural development in the
Philippines is the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program, which was instituted in 1988
and its implementation is extended until 2014. In response to the peasants demand for
equitable access to land, which is the main productive resource in the rural areas of the
country, the Philippine constitution enshrined that the government shall undertake an
agrarian reform program founded in the right of farmers and regular farm workers who
are landless to own directly or collectively the lands they till, or, in the case of farm
workers, to receive a just share of the fruits (Article XIII, Section 4). This intent was
operationalized by the implementation of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program
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(CARP) under the legal framework of Republic Act 6657. CARP was designed not only
to mitigate social unrest through redistribution of land but also to enhance household
incomes and promote rural development through the provision of support services such
as credit, capacity building, rural infrastructures, technology promotions and agribusiness
development.
In talking about the discontentment of peasants, rural revolts-- isolated and
unsuccessful--were common during the early part of the twentieth century and before.
Discontent among peasants over land tenancy and growing population pressures inspired
increasing violence in the 1930s, especially in Central Luzon where isolated peasant
rebellions gave way to better organized, sometimes revolutionary movements. After
World War II, tensions between peasants and the government-backed landlords grew,
leading to the Huk rebellion. Formerly anti-Japanese guerrillas, the Huk fighters were
associated with the Communist Party of the Philippines (Partido Kommunistang Pilipinas-
-PKP), which had been established in 1930. The rebellion waned during the early 1950s,
but Huk supporters and the remnants of the Huk army later played important roles in the
founding of the NPA in the late 1960s. This shows that peasants do experienced
discontentment that lead them to a revolution to protect their welfare and interests.
The researchers, by understanding the past tends to comprehend how peasants
are politically aware and their reaction with the issues that concerns with their daily lives
until today.
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SETTING OF THE STUDY
Nueva Ecija is one of the provinces in Central Luzon where a big part of agriculture
lies. They are considered as Rice Granary of the Philippines because of their naturally
rich soil which produces mainly the rice, corn, and other vegetables and are sometimes
being export because of the good quality of the product.
The researcher will conduct the study in the two barangays of Cabanatuan City
which is Barangay Talipapa and Barangay Cinco-cinco. Both are in a distant area wherein
farming is more seen as their primary work. Talipapa is a barangay of the component city
Cabanatuan City. It belongs to the barangays of Component City Cabanatuan City which
are in the outlying area. Based on the statistical report on the population of Talipapa, it
had 1,877 residents and an estimated 400 farmers. Barangay Cinco-Cinco, same as
Barangay Talipapa which is in an outlying area too had 1,542 residents and an estimated
300 farmers. These two barangays will help the researchers in the study on the political
awareness of peasants to determine their social discontent.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Political awareness of peasants will be measured by the issues that have
significance in their daily lives. In this study, the theory that is associated with the political
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awareness of peasants and how they became aware of such phenomenon and issues is
the Conflict Theory. According to Ritzer (2005), in his Encyclopedia of Social Theory, the
neo-marxian conflict theory that all variants of this approach emphasized that patterns of
inequality that lead subordinates to become aware of their interest in changing the system
of stratification through mobilization for conflict. As we have seen in the study, peasants
face issues because of the inequalities whether on economic aspect but also political
aspect. The issues drawn here are about privatization, subsidy, monopoly of business
and tenancy and the behavior of peasants toward these issues can be seen because of
their interest in changing the system. They want to change the system pertaining to the
issues that they are facing and also that is what makes them experience the so called
agrarian unrest.
In the study conducted by the authors Hayami, Quisumbing and Mariano (1990),
they stated that because of the transformation of the Philippine agrarian structure,
sources of agrarian unrest arose. The major sources of agrarian unrest are the disputes
between tenants and landlords, the confrontation of wage labourers with hacendero-
planters in traditional plantations, and lastly with corporate management in modern
agribusiness plantations.
Another theory that attributes to the agrarian unrest is the Paiges Theory of
Agrarian Revolution. In the study done by Jeffrey Paige (1975), he sought to develop a
series of generalizations about conflict between cultivators (agricultural workers) and non-
cultivators (owners/manager/elites). He also posits that economic exploitation alone will
not lead to mass mobilization rather, revolutionary conflict will occur when economic
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conflict moves in the political arena. Some of the economic conflict before was caused by
the officials of government thats why peasants experienced such agrarian unrest
because of them. The relationships between the agricultural workers and the elites or
owners were not good because the latter being powerful over the peasants, usually
control the agricultural system that brought the agrarian unrest in the society.
In the context of social discontentment among peasants, a critical social theorist
named Max Horkheimer best explained why peasants are discontented with their daily
living. Through critical theory, Max Horkheimer attempted to revitalize radical social, and
cultural criticism and discussed authoritarianism, militarism, economic disruption,
environmental crisis and the poverty of mass culture. He developed his critical theory by
examining his own wealth while witnessing the connection of the bourgeois and the
impoverished. This critical theory embraced the future possibilities of society and was
preoccupied with forces which moved society toward rational institutions that would
ensure a true, free, and just life. He was convinced of the need to examine the entire
material and spiritual culture of mankind in order to transform society as a whole.
Horkheimer sought to enable the working class to reclaim their power in order to resist
the pull of fascism. He then stated himself that the rationally organized society that
regulates its own existence was necessary along with a society that could satisfy common
needs. To satisfy these needs, it would need to engage with the social conditions within
which people lived and in which their concepts and actions were formed. It reached out
for a total understanding of history and knowledge. Critical theory sought to develop a
critical perspective in the discussion of all social practices. This theory explained why
peasants are discontented because as the researchers have stated, peasants are facing
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a lot of issues that affects their daily lives. The society itself made them discontented
because of the socio-political factors.
With these theories, it will serve as a guide for the researchers to conduct their
study and also to answer some problems regarding on political awareness of peasants
among Barangay Talipapa and Barangay Cinco-cinco of Cabanatuan City.
RESEARCH PARADIGM
The primary aim of the study is to determine the extent of level of political
awareness and discontentment of the peasants/ farmers from Brgy. Talipapa and
Brgy.Cinco-cinco. The farmers are classified into four categories; land owning, non-land
owning, tenant and farm-worker. The respondents and also the enumerated issues are
the independent variables in this research. The issues will be utilized as a tool to analyze
the political awareness and also the level of discontent of each respondent whether they
are: very aware, moderately aware, slightly aware, aware and not aware at all and highly
discontented, discontented, slightly discontented, fairly discontented and no reaction.
Other than determining the awareness and discontent of the respondents, the factors of
political socialization will be arranged in order. The factors of political socialization are the
cause of the awareness of the respondents. Thus, the researchers will find out what factor
that may have moderated the level of social discontent of the respondents. The
independent variable, therefore, is the level of political awareness. The moderating
variable mediate the level of social discontent
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Determinants
Moderating Variable
Figure 1: Research Paradigm
Level of Political Awareness
Privatization
Monopoly
Lack of Subsidy
Tenancy
SOCIAL
DISCONTENT
Factors
Religion
Education
Media
Family
Peer Groups
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STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
1. What is the profile of peasants in terms of:
a. Name (optional)
b. Age
c. Sex
d. Barangay
e. Educational Attainment
f. Religion
g. Income range
h. Classification
2. What is the level of political awareness of peasants in Barangay Talipapa and
Barangay Cinco-Cinco in terms of the following issues:
a. Privatization
b. Subsidy
c. Monopoly
d. Tenancy
3. What is the level of social discontent of peasants in Barangay Talipapa and
Barangay Cinco-Cinco in terms of the following issues:
a. Privatization
b. Subsidy
c. Monopoly
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d. Tenancy
4. What is the order of efficacy of the factors of socio-political socialization relative to
the respondents level of social-political discontentment?
5. Is there a significant relationship between the level of political awareness and level
of social discontent of peasants in terms of:
a. Privatization
b. Monopoly
c. Tenancy
d. Lack of Subsidy
HYPOTHESIS
1. There is no significant relationship between the level of political awareness and
the level of social discontent of peasants in terms of privatization.
2. There is no significant relationship between the level of political awareness and
the level of social discontent of peasants in terms of monopoly.
3. There is no significant relationship between the level of political awareness and
the level of social discontent of peasants in terms of tenancy.
4. There is no significant relationship between the level of political awareness and
the level of social discontent of peasants in terms of lack of subsidy.
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SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The significance of this study is to influence and benefit the peasants knowledge
by determining their political awareness. Although this study focuses on the peasants, it
also aims to influence and benefit the government, the future researchers, the consumers,
the policy makers, and the readers.
For the peasants, it is to enhance their political awareness in order for them to
acquire development. Enhancing and feeding their political awareness would cater
change in their daily lives. By knowing their political awareness, this study could measure
solutions to their problems on why they find difficulties in accumulating progress in spite
of their hard works. By knowing their level of political awareness, this study would help
them to improve the information they know that concerns their welfare. The relevance of
this study is for the benefit of the peasants to enhance their awareness on how will they
respond on the issues concerning them.
For the government, it is for them to be conscious enough on the policies,
ordinances, and programs they are implementing. By knowing the political awareness of
the peasants how they can respond to the consciousness of these people. This study will
help them realize on how they will implement those policies, ordinances, and programs.
It is for the government to truthfully know their actions basing on the level of political
awareness of the peasants. How does the government can react on this level of
awareness? If the government will know the level of political awareness of the peasants,
they will be able to determine their certain actions and solutions on how the peasants can
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benefit to those programs they implemented, and for the both parties to have a
harmonious tie. It will help them think of certain solutions on how these peasants will help
in gradually improving our economic status by means of their political awareness.
For the future researchers, this study will help them review the political
awareness of the peasants. This study may help them to have related resources if they
decide to conduct a research related to our topic. This may become their stepping stone
in starting a study that is related to this. This may act as a component in their future
research. It can make them feel interested on conducting a study concerning peasants in
other aspects that may slightly relate to this study.
For the Filipino people, the significance of the peasants awareness will enlighten
them on the issues concerning our society especially with our colleagues. By knowing the
stand of peasants, Filipino people will realize the importance of the role of the farmers in
our society. Filipino people will also be aware of how can they participate for them to
contribute to gradually solve the problems concerning our peasants. This study will also
add to their knowledge about the current situation of peasants and will make them figured
out how does the government prioritize this peasant groups by knowing/determining their
political awareness. And also, Filipino people will have an active participation on the
issues concerning our society especially our farners.
For the consumers, knowing the political awareness of the peasants will let them
realize the worth of the products coming from them. They will be conscious enough on
how will they consume. They will be reminded on the situation of the peasants and instead
of helping the economy for its backwardness the last thing they can do is to be sage in
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consuming the resources they have. For policy makers, knowing the political awareness
of peasants may awake them with the policies, ordinances, and programs they are
implementing. This study will help them find the means in resolving issues even how
petty it may seems but has a great contribution in our society. This can benefit them by
means of the responding to their policies. If the peasants will have a strong relationship
with them, our country will increase its economic status. On the other hand, having a weak
relationship between peasants and policymakers would acquire chaos and
misunderstanding. Lastly for the readers, this study will benefit them in terms of feeding
their awareness and consciousness towards the issue and the aspects concerning the
situation of the peasants in our society. It will help them see the different perspective on
how the peasants contribute in our society. Readers will be knowledgeable enough on
how they can contribute in building a strong foundation among peasant groups. The
relevance of this study greatly concerns the peasants current situation, regarding on how
they will continuously survive with the changing situation of our society. On how they will
bring back the productivity of our resources and how will they fight against the issues
concerning them by knowing their level of political awareness.
SCOPE AND DELIMITATION
The scope of this research is the farmers or peasants who are the main actor in
agriculture of Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija. The researchers conducted a survey about the
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political awareness of peasants in terms of monopoly of business, privatization, subsidy,
and also tenancy issues in the said city/province.
It covers the barangay Talipapa and barangay Cinco-Cinco of Cabanatuan City, Nueva
Ecija. The time allocated for the research is school year June 2013 to March 2014.
DEFINITION OF TERMS
1. Awareness it is also known as the consciousness, sensitivity or knowledge of
the person on a certain phenomenon or activity.
2. Barangay it is a small political unit that affects the daily transaction of peasants
in terms of agriculture.
3. Determinant it is an element that identifies or determines the nature of social
discontent in the study.
4. Discontentment/Discontent it is a condition of a people who are showing their
lack of satisfaction over things.
5. Issues- inequalities produced by capitalists and the government. Issues in this
study were privatization, monopoly, tenancy and lack of subsidy.
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6. Landlord a person who owns large or small portion of lands which he leases to
another non-owning party called tenants.
7. Land-owning a person/farmer who have his own land for farming.
8. Monopoly of businessan issue raised here in the study wherein a corporation
or enterprises control the flow of agriculture and by that they will benefit.
9. Non-land-owning a person/farmer who have no land but working or farming on
another land which he rented.
10. Peasant a member of the class of low social status that depends on either
cottage industry or agriculture labour as a means of sustenance.
11. Political Awareness is defined to be as the consciousness of peasants with
regards to government acts and policies that have been affecting their current
status or lives. It also involves clear understanding of what originates and
perpetuates the mundane surroundings of being a farmer in terms of government
activities specifically in the agricultural aspect of the country. Political thinking and
peasant strengthening could be the answer for solving the underlying and still
existing concerns of the lowest class in the society
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12. Privatization in this study, this has to be explained as a process of transferring
public lands into private lands controlled by any corporations and enterprises.
13. Socio-economic Political Socialization this refers to the participation of
peasants in the social, economic, and political aspects of the barangay or the
government.
14. Subsidy an issue raised here in the study wherein the government fails to help
peasants in terms of assistance for the development of agriculture. Peasants or
farmers play an important role in the country because they are the one who
produce the basic needs of the people especially the food that we eat.
15. Tenancy an issue raised here in the study wherein because peasants dont have
their own farmlands, they are usually working all of the agricultural works for their
landlords. Meaning to say, they are working on the farmlands of a landlord.
16. Tenant a person, who holds, occupies land or property by any kind of right or
title to their landlord.
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CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURES
In this chapter, the researchers were able to gathered literatures and studies that
will help them in their study. By these, relevant information will be used to justify the need
for studying a problem. It can also be a source of theoretical basis for the study and also
enable the researchers to learn how to conceptualize the problem out of the data or
sources that has been gathered.
LOCAL LITERATURES
A book article entitled Neoliberal Offensive: Impact on Agrarian Reform in the
Philippines (2006) talks about the effects of major agrarian restructuring from Marcos
Regime. It talks about the seeding of neoliberal concepts of local agriculture. In 1980, an
IMF-World Bank structural adjustment program (SAP) for the Philippines introduced the
first Tariff Reform Program (TRP I); the Import Liberalization Program; and the
complimentary realignment of indirect taxes. The SAP was followed by a Standby
Arrangement with the IMF in 1983 that required the reduction of tariff protection rates by
reducing to 31% the tariff protection level against an average of 70.3% in 1980. Another
topic was the failure of CARP because of the flaws that lie in its orientation, which is
subsequently reflected in its design. Government land and agrarian reform programs all
these decades have been less about genuinely breaking the domination of landlord and
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rural elites than about basically undercutting peasant unrest and resistance, especially
the escalating peasant-based armed struggle. At present, the best prospects for true
agrarian reform in the Philippines lie in the strengthening peasant movement. Building on
the successes of its legal and extra-legal local struggles, the countrys organized
peasantry is able to significantly contribute to consolidation and expansion in the
countryside of the countrys overall movement for social change.
The researchers desire to determine the extent of political awareness and level of
discontent because this will result to unleash the potentials of the peasantry in the
Philippines. Once they will be able to know the issues and to be politically aware of it, will
realize that their lives can be uplifted to develop themselves by being discontented about
the response of the government to oppressed agricultural aspect of the nation, the
peasantry will be organized and form a movement to shout and voice out their needs.
In the study of Antonio J. Ledesma entitled (1982) Landless Workers and Rice
Farmers: Peasant Subclasses under Agrarian Reform in Two Villages this shows that in
the past years, agrarian unrest was a big issue back then. The author made a study on
two villages which were greatly affected by the issue on agrarian reform. Land tenure
security for agrarian reform beneficiaries has been paralleled by a growing demand for
labor tenure rights among landless workers, either in the traditional tasks of transplanting
and harvesting, or in newer arrangements like the sagod system. Here, the sagod system
refers to a labor arrangement entailing weeding without immediate remuneration but with
an exclusive right to harvest and earn the harvesters share on the weeded plot. This
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brought the stratification of the peasants into hierarchy of subgroups based on their claims
on the resources called land. The three major subclasses are; amortizing owners,
permanent lessees and landless workers. Agrarian reform, therefore, do not pertain to
dealing with the pre-existing differences of landless rural workers and tenant farmers but
instead, it brought about what the tenant farmers see as an arbitrary difference between
sharecropper-turned-amortizing-owners and the sharecroppers-turned-permanent-
lessees.
Landless rural workers, according to Ledesma, 1982, are those workers who have
no lands and also rights to the land. They also sell their labors to others, together with the
labor of their family, as a source of their income. Agrarian reform program here is failing
in its original objective of land ownership.
This shows how and why peasants have discontentment towards their life because
of the issues they are facing especially the landlessness issue. This book of Ledesma
has a big impact on our study since it pertains to the issue which we laid down in our
study, the privatization of land. Although this book refers to the two particular villages, it
brings a clear view on the true condition or situation of peasants in a small lens. This is
relevant to our study since it shows why do peasants were discontented with their current
state and also from this; we can also measure how politically aware peasants are.
On the book compiled, edited and annotated by Gregorio F. Zaide (1990) entitled
Documentary Sources of Philippine History there is the document about the Agrarian
Uprising of 1751. This document shows the uprising of agrarian during 1751 particularly
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in Bian, Silang, Imus, Bacoor, Cavite el Viejo (Kawit), Hagonoy, Paraaque, San Mateo,
and Taguig, because of the usurpation of Filipino lands by the Dominican, Augustinian,
and Recollect Orders. It has been said also that these uprisings were soon pacified by
Don Pedro Enriquez, member of the Royal Audiencia of Manila, who promptly ordered
the restoration of the usurped lands to their Filipino owners. From San Lorenzo (El
Escorial), King Philip V issued his Royal Order dated November 7, 1751, expressing his
approval of Oidor Enriquez action and commending the government general and the
Royal Audiencia to protect the Indians (Filipinos) from the unjust acts of friars.
This work of Zaide has been in much help to the study, because it made the
researchers understand that people in that time are politically aware of what they own
and what their rights are. Friars usurping the lands of the Indians, without leaving them
the freedom of the rivers for their fishing, or allowing them to cut wood for their necessary
use, or even to collect the wild fruits, nor did they allow the natives to pasture on the hills
near their villages the carabaos which they used for agriculture. These privileges and
rights of the Filipinos are took away by the friars, so Filipinos decided to revolt against the
Dominicans and Augustinians because they are not contented on the privileges they
exercise and to the lands that they really own. This means that this document has
relevance with our study, because it mirrors here the political awareness of the Indians
(Filipinos) to the privileges they must enjoy and to the enjoyment of the lands they own.
It measures here their level of political awareness on why they decided to revolt knowing
the fact that they are not to be innocent and they must be aware of what the government
is doing. This document pointed out that the government must always bear in mind that
the Indians (Filipinos) shall be well- treated and shall not suffer oppressions or extortion.
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This document is to relate in our study the political awareness of the people on what does
the government performs to them and the Filipinos certain actions base on their
awareness.
On the article of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP): Land Reform In the
Philippines briefly discussed how agrarian reform started from encomienda system to
hacienda system in which it is still present today in the Philippines context. How the
Spanish colonial period oppress the natives, into the extent that with the capitalist
exploitation. Furthermore the Spanish and American colonial period the land
accumulation and dispossessing the peasantry occurred in three phases each constitutes
a stage of agrarian development in the country from the development in the post-
independence era up to the liberalization policies and their impact on agriculture. The
penetration of capital into agriculture in this period characterized itself by the pre dominant
role of a narrow section of the landlord -comprador class, in which former President
Ferdinand Marcos used as a base of political support. The liberalization policies occurred
first under the second round of the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), of GATT- WTO.
The economic liberalization has spawned new forms of land tenure and control designed
to re-dispose lands to export crops expansion along economy. It said that in this wave of
liberalization, arose the privatization which it is one of the issues the peasants are facing
in the researchers study. The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) of the
Aquino Government in 1988 was said to be the one major vehicle for the expansion on
the said wave. The said program was refined to "market-oriented" land reform program.
It was further discussed that CARP does not implement genuine land reform or the free
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26
distribution of land to farmers, but instead asks farmers to compensate the landlords for
the land that belonged to the farmers.
In relation to research the historical events enable us to see the penetration of the
capitalist penetration here in the Philippines. Thus, the capitalist flaunt the nature when it
became monopoly and ascended to its imperialist stage; The alliance of Kilusang
Magbubukid ng Pilipinas numerous act helps the peasants fight for their lands against the
capitalist exploitations Through their patient discussions of the root cause of the land
problem, mobilizing and educating the peasants to be politically aware strengthens their
struggle for their land and freedom. It is crucial to know the level of political awareness of
the peasant/ farmers wherein such action would help them in their decision making,
planning action in confronting problems and be able to formulate solutions.
FOREIGN LITERATURES
In the study of Niaz Muhammad and Ali Askar (2009) entitled Socio-economic
and political impacts of a peasant uprising (Kissani Movement) in Charsada district, it
presents how the uprising of Kissans greatly affected their life patterns from many
dimensions like social, economic and political. The changes that were brought about by
the revolution overthrew the structural contents inclined to stagnancy of society. Now that
the Kissans attained political awareness at greater degree in all ages of people, they are
now practicing family planning, sending children for attainment of education at different
institutes, allowing educated females to work outside homes at different places, living in
nuclear dwelling units at maximum and having provision for outside family marriage
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27
mainly followed by the consent of youngsters. In addition, there has been an increase in
agricultural productivity, which eased all their economic constraints. The income of local
people has jumped up by the extent satisfying their maximum needs of life. They are now
wearing more expensive and fashionable clothing; have access to foodstuffs that suffice
their needs; many business opportunities are in their hands; and the provision of a share
in property to female members offers a good measure of the increasingly politically
aware Kissan society.
This study goes to show that being politically aware means development of the
peasants in many aspects of their life, politically, socially and also economically. On the
term development, we, the researchers say that this political awareness can lead to
improving the peasants way of life, educating themselves, increase their productivity and
many more positive effects. The paper concludes that the enlightenment of local mind
can further be glimpsed from developing the thought that education and freedom of
expression are the bases of development. This study is very relevant to our research
because the researchers also do determine if the peasants of Brgy. Talipapa and
Brgy.Cinco-cinco is politically aware of specific issues that had happened and still
happening in the society.
An article from preservearticles.com The Struggle of Peasants in the Colonial
India (n.d.) shows how highly discontented peasants was because of the establishment
of economic policy. The economic policy was instituted by the British government caused
Indian zamindars and moneylenders exploit illiterate peasant mass. After the permanent
settlement of 1793, the absentee landlords, the intermediaries and the village money-
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lenders and the oppression of the Europeans reduced the Indian peasants into beggary.
The growing oppression was not simply swallowed by the peasants but they raised voice
against it. Many movements arose because of the abusive money-lenders including the
Santhal rebellion of 1855-1856, strike of Bengal Indigo cultivators in 1860, peasant
uprising in Deccan during 1875, Champaran movement of 1917, Kheda Satyagraha of
1918, the Moplah uprising in 1921-1922, KishanSahhas and other peasant movement
before independence.
On part of our research, the level of discontentment of peasants because of the
issues and anomalies that were created by the government may result to large peasant
movements to voice out their own needs as peasants that provide basic necessities of
the people. Because of the discontentment that will be determined as high or low, may
rattle and wake, not only the peasants but also the government that must respond to
them. This discontentment also helps the peasantry to be organized and face complex
issues that must be solve.
On Schwarzers (2011) paper about Political socialization as the driving factor for
political engagement and political participation shows the importance of the factors of
political socialization. The paper evaluates the roles of different agents of political
socialization in political engagement and political participation. The whole analysis was
that it is based on the theoretical assumption that socialization effects associated with
families and friends are quite important for political engagement and political participation.
Furthermore, , the theoretical discussions indicate that agents such as media and schools
should be considered as a second important source of political participation, as
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adolescents spend more time in schools that they actually spend with their families.
Additionally, political engagement should to a certain extent function as mediation
variable for political socialization on political participation. In the paper, it appears that all
agents of political socialization considered are important in the development of political
engagement of students. A model in the paper indicates that the primary socialization
model is more influential the second phase is media and schools, as the influence of
parents appears dominant. (Schwarzer, 2011)
Our research included the agents of political socialization as a moderating variable.
It was stated in the literature of Schwarzer that political socialization is key variable for
political participation and engagement. The agents of political socialization will determine
the strength of the relation of the determinant and the dependent variable of the study
which includes political awareness and level of discontent of peasants on given
barangays.
The article World Peasant Farmer need a Peasant Farmers Rights Convention
discusses how big companies and international financial institutions have affected the
lives of the farmers around the world. According to Saragih (2005) one of the issues
peasants are facing is the subsidy, in which the World Bank evicted farmers. Thus, they
provided loans to developing countries for many kinds of projects ranging from
infrastructures to technical assistance mainly with the objective of boosting high economic
growth. While in the agriculture sector the Banks favorite project has been to build big
dams, which has caused the eviction of many peasant farmers from their land. This kind
of project has subjected many rural inhabitants to suffering. This shows that the rich reap
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benefits from such projects and the farmers have left nothing and were force to work to
another lands or shift to another forms of work. The author concludes that these big
corporations and institutions became a big blockage from becoming a perfect agricultural
country. Because the land that was supposed to be for farming are being taken away by
the government and being made to subdivisions and other private properties.
In relation to the researchers study it provides the basis for the understanding on
how peasants should be treated in the society especially in the field of agriculture and
provides information about the issues/problems that concerns them. The researchers aim
to determine the awareness of the peasant/farmers on the issue at hand and how they
will react on this present situation. The researchers Assumes that agriculture in the
Philippines could be improve or be fixed by giving proper information to the
peasant/farmers about the problems that this big corporations and institutions blinded
them for a many years.
A book article entitled Agriculture, poverty & freedom Talks about how peasants
contribute towards the development of the countries, peasants behavior and decisions
when they are politically aware , As well as by the constrained environment, within which
farm production takes place. Farm level decisions are directly affected by the multiple
objectives of the peasant farm families. According to Clayton (1983) the concept of
opportunity cost and decision making in peasant agriculture, in which the cost of
producing agricultural products in the developing countries derive largely from non-cash
factor cost. Much of the land worked by peasant farmers is held under customary,
communal tenure arrangements. Thus, there is no market for this land; it therefore
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possesses neither a capital nor a rental value, whatever its productivity. In other cases,
even where peasant farmers have acquired title ownership to their land, it might appear
to them to be without monetary value - either because it was acquired without cost
perhaps as a consequence of a land reform or for social or family land. In all these cases,
farmer will work his land without any capital or rental cash costs. Peasant farm are also
mainly worked by family labour
This book of Clayton (1983) is relevant to the researchers study; it helps us to fully
understand the behaviour of the peasants in relation to their level of discontentment.
Farmers being the sole producer of rice face issues. This book helps us to assess their
stand on the issue and how they are politically aware, and mainly helps us to know the
specific issues in which among these issues affects their daily lives and the development
of the country. Through this study researchers will be able to determine other issues that
farmers were not able to pay attention. It is relevant for the researchers for it will help us
to cluster their different issue. and this enables the farmer to avoid cash payments for
farm labour.
On the book A Visit to the Philippine Islands by Sir John Bowring (1963), it is
written about the sale of tobacco that is a strict government monopoly, and how does
cigars, sugar- cane, rice, cocoa, and cotton are being manufactured. This chapter also
discusses that the consumption of rice is universal, and the superfluity of the harvests is
taken to the Chinese markets. It has been said that there is no doubt that the Philippines
offer great facilities for the cultivation of indigo, but it has been neglected and inadequate
attention paid to the manufacturer.
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This work of Bowring has been in much help to our study, because it made us
understand how does rice are being manufactured since our study is concerning on the
peasants, it is important to know the classes of rice which is the water and mountain rice
for us to be familiar with the nature of our peasants. It is also for us to importantly know
how this rice is being harvested for peasants works for it and the problems they encounter
during harvesting. It is very relevant to our study, because we also understand how the
manufacturing of rice works. This chapter helps us researchers to have a background on
the rice production, and also the tobacco monopoly which is to be related with one of our
given issue which is monopoly. This tobacco monopoly helps us to understand what
monopoly really is and how does it work. It may not exactly pertain with the monopoly on
rice but it gave the concept of monopoly that these tobacco monopolies are under the
charge of an administration whose headquarters are in Manila, and one of the issues to
be asked by the peasants in our study is monopoly, to what extent their political
awareness to it and their level of discontent. Also it is relevant in our study, because it
made us understand the exclusive possession and control to the manufacturing of
tobacco.
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CHAPTER III
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
RESEARCH APPROACH
In this chapter, the researchers discuss the methods used in determining the
extent of political awareness and level of discontent of peasants in barangay Talipapa
and barangay Cinco-Cinco in Cabanatuan City. Quantitative research refers to the
systematic empirical investigation of social phenomena via statistical, mathematical or
numerical data or computational techniques. The objective of quantitative research is to
develop and employ mathematical models, theories and/or hypotheses pertaining to
phenomena. This research method will be used since the researchers will conduct a
survey to the respondents (peasants) of the two barangays to measure their level of
political awareness and social discontentment. This chapter also gives preview on how
the researchers will determine the correlation of factors and issues that are identified by
the researchers. The research methodology of this study will consist of research design,
subjects of the study, instrumentation and validity, data gathering procedure, and
statistical treatment.
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RESEARCH DESIGN
The researchers will use a descriptive design which is purposive of gathering,
analyzing, classifying and tabulating data and then making an interpretation about the
data that have been gathered with the with the support of statistical methods. This
research method involves surveying and gives the extent of political awareness of
peasants on the political issues that have effects on their daily lives. The researchers
considered this design for the study because it will see how peasants are aware of the
political issues that have effects on their way of living and how peasants show their level
of discontentment. Since the collection of data is not directly observed, this study will use
survey and interviews as a useful means in gathering information on the subject matter.
Through the use of questionnaires, the researchers will evaluate the extent of political
awareness of peasants and their discontentment on the political issues laid down by the
researchers in this study.
RESPONDENT OF THE STUDY SUBJECT
The respondents of this study focused mainly on the selected respondents of
barangay Talipapa and barangay Cinco-Cinco of Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija. The
researchers used the quota sampling method in order to get the sample from the two
barangay. Each barangay have 50 respondents in order to get a total of 100 and a
percentage of 100%. The sample is ranging from 30-70 years old peasants. The
researchers used this kind of sampling method because there is no exact data available
of the statistics of the peasants in barangay Talipapa and barangay Cinco-cinco.
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Barangay Talipapa Barangay Cinco-Cinco
Land-owner 16 15
Non-land-owner 34 35
Total: 50 50
Figure 2: Sample Frame of the Respondents
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RESEARCH INSTRUMENT
The principal instrument used by the researchers in this study is survey sheet or
questionnaire supplemented by personal interviews and direct observation of the
researchers in gathering needed data from the respondents.
Survey sheets will be distributed and will be answered by the target respondents,
the peasants. In preparing for the questionnaire, the researchers consulted the research
adviser for the questions that will be used for effective gathering of data. The
questionnaire contains two (2) parts: the first part which is the profile of the respondent
and the second part which is the responses of the respondent on specific questions. For
the profile of the respondent, classification of peasants was identified for the researchers
to know whether the subject is a land owning and non-land owning. On the second part,
the respondent will rate their level of political awareness and also their level of discontent
from the given issues. The researchers used 1-4 scale on measuring political awareness
and 1-5 scale for measuring social discontent, which has corresponding value for the
subject for rating. It is also important to know what factor affects the most to the political
awareness, the respondent had, thus, another question was provided.
The survey sheet or questionnaire was consulted to and validated by the
researchers adviser.
VALIDATION OF THE INSTRUMENT
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We, the researchers will use the survey questionnaire as our instrument to
determine the extent of political awareness and extent of discontent of peasants in
Barangay Talipapa and Barangay Cinco- Cinco. The survey questionnaire is effective as
we will conduct a dry-run survey with the peasants in Barangay Talipapa and Barangay
Cinco-Cinco. Before we determine its validity, we decided to test the peasants if they will
be able to understand and answer the questions in the survey. As we analyze the result
of the dry-run survey, we saw that the survey questionnaire was understandable for the
peasants and that were able to respond to it. Also we included in our survey questionnaire
the Tagalog translations of every words and questions, for the peasants to easily
understand it. This dry-run survey/ trial survey prove its reliability, because peasants were
able to understand the questions for they respond to it.
DATA GATHERING PROCEDURE
We, the researchers, started to collect data with the approval of the proposed topic
of the research adviser.
1. The researchers, in order to have further knowledge about the issues that affects
peasants, went to a farmers organization also known as Kilusang Magbubukid ng
Pilipinas (KMP) and conducted an interview.
2. The researchers accumulate related information to determine and define the
theories and concepts that was utilized by going to Far Eastern University library
and other means such as using the internet to procure needed information.
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3. The researchers asked for the permission of the barangay chairmen of Talipapa
and Cinco-cinco in the distribution of questionnaire forms and also to conduct
interviews with the classes of peasants along those barangays.
STATISTICAL TREATMENT
The data gathered by the researchers were treated using different formulas and
tools in order to answer the statement of the problem raised by the researchers in this
study.
1. Mean (x) this formula will be used in order to identify and determine the extent
of political awareness and discontentment of peasants (respondents).
x = fs Where:
N X = mean S = number of scale
F = frequency N = total number of respondent
2. Standard Deviation this formula will be used to show the significant relationship
of the data on the control set of data. A low standard deviation indicates that the
data points tend to be very close to the mean.
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3. Percentage Analysis ( % ) this formula will be used to present the percentage
of the observation on the level of political awareness and discontentment of
peasants based on the given issues and factors.
% = f
N Where:
% = percentage
f = frequency
N = total number of respondents
4. T-test ( t ) this formula will be used by the researchers to determine if there is
significant difference in the level of awareness and discontentment of peasants in
terms of the issues on privatization, tenancy, subsidy, and monopoly.
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5. Pearson R this formula will be used to calculate the degree to which the two
variables (independent and dependent variables) are related inversely or directly.
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Chapter IV
This chapter shows the analysis, findings and interpretation of data that obtained
in the study. It provides a statistical presentation of data and figures to show the result of
the computed data. The purpose of this chapter is to show the value of each data with
regards to the level of awareness and discontent of peasants in the two selected
barangay.
Frequency Distribution and the Percentage of the Respondents Profile
Table 1.1. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Age of the Repondents
Table 1.1 shows the frequency distribution and percentage of the respondents in terms
of their age. Among the 100 respondents which are the peasants, the 40-50 years old got
the highest percentage wherein it has the 33% of the total respondents and the 60-70
years old peasants got the lowest percentage of 14% from the total respondents.
Age of respondent
Frequency Percent
30-40 22 22.0
40-50 33 33.0
50-60 31 31.0
60-70 14 14.0
Total 100 100.0
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Table 1.2 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Gender of the
Repondents
Table 1.2 shows frequency distribution and percentage of the respondents in terms of
their gender, whereas the number 0 represents the male and the number 1 represents
the female. The table shows that the male respondents got the highest population from
the total respondents for about 76% and the female got the lowest percentage of 24%.
Table 1.3 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Educational Attainment of
the Repondents
Table 1.3 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in
terms of their educational attainment. From the table 1.3, the respondents who attain the
Sex
Frequency Percent
Male 76 76.0
Female 24 24.0
Total 100 100.0
Educational Attainment
Frequency Percent
No formal education 1 1.0
Elementary 42 42.0
High school 33 33.0
College 23 23.0
Na 1 1.0
Total 100 100.0
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elementary level in education got the highest percentage of 42%, high school level got
33%.
Table 1.4 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Religion of the
Repondents
Table 1.4 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in
terms of their religion. The result shows that the dominant religion of the respondents is
Catholic which got the percentage of 95% and only 5% for Christians.
Religion
Frequency Percent
Catholic 95 95.0
Christian 5 5.0
Total 100 100.0
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Table 1.5 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Income Range of the
Repondents
Table 1.5 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in
terms of their income range.
Table 1.6 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Classification of the
Repondents
Income range
Frequency Percent
30k - 50k 51 51.0
51k - 70k 24 24.0
71k - 90k 12 12.0
91k - 110k 7 7.0
111k - 130k 2 2.0
131k - 150k 1 1.0
151k - 170k 1 1.0
191k - 210k 2 2.0
Total 100 100.0
Classification
Frequency Percent
Land owner 31 31.0
Non-Land owner 69 69.0
Total 100 100.0
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Table 1.6 shows the frequency distribution and percentage of the respondents in terms
of their classification as a peasant. The result shows that there are 31 peasants who own
farm land and 69 peasants who do not own any farm land.
Table 2. Mean, Standard Deviation and Interpretation for the Sub-questions on
Political Awareness.
Statement Mean Standard
Deviation
Interpretation
1. Are you aware that some farm lands were turned
into Mining operation? 2.34 .934 Moderately Aware
2. Subdivision, villages and buildings are increasing
in number and this is because of farm
lands that were converted
2.80 1.005 Aware
3. Government is proposing a project which is the
MRT 7 and many farm lands will be affected
because of this project.
1.96 1.014 Moderately Aware
1. In Marcos era, the Americans were able to hoard
seedlings that can grow healthy without chemical
sprays such as pesticides etc., with the hoarding;
corporations were able to monopolize biocide industry.
1.42 .699 Not Aware
2. The agribusiness and food TNCs is currently
controlling 90 percent of the market, thus effectively
dominating all aspects of food production
1.34 .670 Not Aware
3. World Trade Organization (WTO) came to Third
World countries and introduced the Agreement on
Agriculture that is wreaking havoc on farmers and
peasants increasing landlessness, intensifying
exploitation and spreading poverty
1.19 .486 Not Aware
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Table 2 shows the Mean and Standard Deviation of each sub question for level of political
awareness. It is evident in the results that on sub question 2 in the issue of privatization,
respondents were aware that many of farm lands were converted into buildings and
subdivisions. However, in all of the sub questions in the issue of monopoly, sub question
3 in the issue of tenancy, and sub question 3 in the issue of lack of subsidy, respondents
were not aware of such. In the remaining sub questions, respondent answered that they
were moderately aware.
1. Are you aware that being a tenant means that you
have full control and possession on the land for the
duration of Lawful occupancy?
1.90 .916 Moderately Aware
2. Some tenants were ranting about acquiring farm
lands since they were a long time occupants on the
said lands. Are you aware that peasants/farmers can
acquire lands that they have been occupying or
renting for the long period of time?
1.98 .985 Moderately Aware
3. Do you know Philippine Rice Share Tenancy Act?
Are you aware of the increasing inequality of the
tenants and the landlords bargaining power?
1.39 .695 Not Aware
1. Subsidy is a form of financial support of the
government to the economic sector. Are you aware
that there is a shortage of subsidy among peasants?
2.07 .967 Moderately Aware
2. Fertilizer fund scam has been an issue over time in
the Philippines .Are you aware that there is really a
scam when it comes to agricultural sector?
2.12 .998 Moderately Aware
3. There was a withdrawal of farm subsidies dictated
by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that resulted
to limited capacity of farmers to increase productivity.
Are you aware of this issue?
1.38 .708 Not Aware
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Table 3.1 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 1 on the
Issue of Privatization
Frequency Percent
Not aware 23 23.0
Moderately aware 29 29.0
Aware 39 39.0
Very aware 9 9.0
Total 100 100.0
Table 3.2 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 2 on the
Issue of Privatization
Frequency Percent
Not aware 13 13.0
Moderately aware 23 23.0
Aware 35 35.0
Very aware 29 29.0
Total 100 100.0
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Table 3.3 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 3 on the
Issue of Privatization
Frequency Percent
Not aware 46 46.0
Moderately aware 19 19.0
Aware 28 28.0
Very aware 7 7.0
Total 100 100.0
The tables show the frequency distribution and percentage of the responses of
peasants in the issue of privatization. On the first question of how they are aware that
lands were turned into mining operation, the highest number of peasants answered that
they are aware with a total of 39 percent. On the second question of how aware they are
that subdivision, villages and buildings are increasing in numbers and this is because of
farm lands that were converted, the highest number of peasants answered that they are
aware with a total of 35 percent. And lastly on the question of how aware they are that
the government is preparing a project which is the MRT 7 and many farm lands will be
affected because of this project, the highest number of peasants answered that they are
not aware with a total of 46 percent.
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Table 3.4. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 1 on the
Issue of Monopoly
Table 3.5. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 2 on the
Issue of Monopoly
Frequency Percent
Not aware 70 70.0
Moderately aware 18 18.0
Aware 12 12.0
Total 100 100.0
Frequency Percent
Not aware 77 77.0
Moderately aware 12 12.0
Aware 11 11.0
Total 100 100.0
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Table 3.6 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 3 on the
Issue of Monopoly.
The tables show the frequency distribution and percentage distribution and
percentage of the responses of peasants in the issue of monopoly. On the first question
of how aware they are that during the Marcos era, Americans were able to hand seedlings
and that corporation were able to monopolize biocide industry the highest number of
peasants answered that they are not aware with a total of 70 percent. On the second
question of how aware they are that agribusiness and food TNCs is currently controlling
90 percent of the market dominating all aspects of food production, highest number of
peasants answered they are not aware with a total of 77 percent. Lastly on the question
of how World Trade Organization (WTO) came to third world countries and introduced the
agreement on agriculture that is breaking on thousand peasants that increases
landlessness, intensifying exportation and spreading poverty many of them answered that
they are not aware with a total of 85 percent.
Frequency Percent
Not aware 85 85.0
Moderately aware 11 11.0
Aware 4 4.0
Total 100 100.0
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Table 3.7. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 1 on the
Issue of Tenancy
Frequency Percent
Not aware 44 44.0
Moderately aware 25 25.0
Aware 28 28.0
Very aware 3 3.0
Total 100 100.0
Table 3.8. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 2 on the
Issue of Tenancy
Frequency Percent
Not aware 41 41.0
Moderately aware 28 28.0
Aware 23 23.0
Very aware 8 8.0
Total 100 100.0
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Table 3.9 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 3 on the
Issue of Tenancy
Frequency Percent
Not aware 73 73.0
Moderately aware 15 15.0
Aware 12 12.0
Total 100 100.0
The tables show the frequency distribution and percentage of the responses of
peasants in the issue of tenancy. On the first question of how aware they are that being
a tenant means that you have full control and possession on the land for the duration of
lawful occupancy, the highest number of peasants answered that they are not aware with
total of 44 percent. On the second question on how aware they are that some
peasants/farmers can acquire lands that they have been occupying or renting for the long
period of time, the highest number of peasants answered that they are not aware with a
total of 41 percent. And lastly on the question of how aware they are of the increasing
inequality of the tenants and the landlords bargaining power, the highest number of
peasants answered that they are not aware with a total of 73 percent.
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Table 3.10. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 1 on the
Issue of Lack of Subsidy
Frequency Percent
Not aware 35 35.0
Moderately aware 31 31.0
Aware 26 26.0
Very aware 8 8.0
Total 100 100.0
Table 3.11. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 2 on the
Issue of Lack of Subsidy
Frequency Percent
Not aware 34 34.0
Moderately aware 30 30.0
Aware 26 26.0
Very aware 10 10.0
Total 100 100.0
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Table 3.12. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Political Awareness in the Sub-question Number 3 on the
Issue of Lack of Subsidy
Frequency Percent
Not aware 74 74.0
Moderately aware 15 15.0
Aware 10 10.0
Very aware 1 1.0
Total 100 100.0
The table shows the frequency distribution and percentage responses of peasants
in the issue of subsidy. On the first question on how aware they are that subsidy is a form
of financial support of the government to the economic sector and that there is a shortage
of this subsidy, the highest number of peasants answered that they are not aware with
the total of 35 percent. On the second question of how aware they are on the fertilizer
fund scam and that there is really a scam when it comes to agriculture sector, highest
number of peasants answered that they are not aware with a total of 34 percent. Lastly,
on how aware they are that there was a withdrawal of farm subsidies dictated by the IMF
that resulted to limited capacity of farmers to increase productivity, the highest number of
peasants answered that they are answered with a total of 74 percent.
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Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants with their
extent of Social Discontent in the Issues of Privatization, Monopoly, Tenancy and
Lack of Subsidy
Table 4.1. Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Social Discontent in the Issue of Privatization
Table 4.1 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in
terms of their level of discontent on the issues of privatization. The result shows that 52%
of the total respondents are discontented with regards to their knowledge on the issue of
privatization.
Frequency Percent
No Reaction 4 4.0
Fairly discontented 1 1.0
Slightly discontented 13 13.0
Discontented 52 52.0
Highly discontented 30 30.0
Total 100 100.0
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Table 4.2 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Social Discontent in the Issue of Monopoly
Table 4.2 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in
terms of their level of discontent on the issue of monopoly. The result shows that the
respondents are slightly discontented, discontented and highly discontented. About 23%
peasants have the same reaction towards the issue on monopoly.
Table 4.3 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Social Discontent in the Issue of Tenancy
Frequency Percent
No Reaction 10 10.0
Fairly discontented 21 21.0
Slightly discontented 23 23.0
Discontented 23 23.0
Highly discontented 23 23.0
Total 100 100.0
Frequency Percent
No Reaction 24 24.0
Fairly discontented 12 12.0
Slightly discontented 14 14.0
Discontented 22 22.0
Highly discontented 28 28.0
Total 100 100.0
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Table 4.3 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in
terms of their level of discontent on the issue of tenancy. The result shows that 28% of
the respondents are highly discontented on the issue of tenancy.
Table 4.4 Frequency Distribution and Percentage of the Responses of Peasants
with their extent of Social Discontent in the Sub-question Number 1 in the Issue
of Lack of Subsidy
Table 4.4 shows the frequency distribution and the percentage of the respondents in
terms of their level of discontent on the issue of lack of subsidy. The result shows that
33% of the respondents are highly discontented on the issue of lack of subsidy.
Frequency Percent
No Reaction 7 7.0
Fairly discontented 19 19.0
Slightly discontented 12 12.0
Discontented 29 29.0
Highly discontented 33 33.0
Total 100 100.0
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Descriptive Statistics of Political Awareness in terms of the Issues of
Privatization, Monopoly, Tenancy and Lack of Subsidy
Table 5. Mean, Standard Deviation and Interpretation of the Descriptive Statistics
of Political Awareness in the Issues of Privatization, Monopoly, Tenancy and Lack
of Subsidy
Table 5 shows the descriptive statistics of political awareness in terms of the issues. The
result shows that the respondents are moderately aware on the questions regarding on
the issues of privatization, monopoly, tenancy and lack of subsidy. The factors that the
researchers laid down in the study have affected their awareness. However, on the issue
of monopoly, the result shows that the respondents are not aware on the questions
regarding on the issue.
Descriptive Statistics
Mean Std. Deviation Interpretation
Political awareness on Privatization 2.37 .809 Moderately aware
Political awareness on Monopoly 1.32 .557 Not aware
Political awareness on Tenancy 1.76 .743 Moderately aware
Political awareness on Lack of Subsidy 1.86 .687 Moderately aware
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Descriptive Statistics of Social Discontent in terms of the Issues of
Privatization, Monopoly, Tenancy and Lack of Subsidy
Table 6. Mean, Standard Deviation and Interpretation of the Descriptive Statistics
of Social Discontent in the Issues of Privatization, Monopoly, Tenancy and Lack
of Subsidy
Table 6 shows the descriptive statistics of level of social discontent of the respondents in
terms of the issues. The result shows that the respondents are slightly discontented on
the issue of monopoly and tenancy while some respondents are discontented on the issue
of privatization and lack of subsidy. Based on the results, the peasants are discontented
on any issue that they are facing.
Descriptive Statistics
Mean Std. Deviation Interpretation
Level of discontent on Privatization issue 4.03 .915 Discontented
Level of discontent on Monopoly issue 3.28 1.303 Slightly discontented
Level of discontent on Tenancy issue 3.18 1.553 Slightly discontented
Level of discontent on Lack of subsidy issue 3.62 1.309 Discontented
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Descriptive Statistics of the Efficacy of the Factors of Political Socialization
Table 7. Mean, Standard Deviation and Rank of the Descriptive Statistics of the
Efficacy of the Factors of Political Socialization
Descriptive Statistics
Mean Rank Std. Deviation Rank
What factor affected you the most in understanding/knowing the issues with
regards to: Religion 4.88 .383
5
What factor affected you the most in understanding/knowing the issues with
regards to: Education 3.56 .857
4
What factor affected you the most in understanding/knowing the issues with
regards to: Media 2.02 .985
2
What factor affected you the most in understanding/knowing the issues with
regards to: Family 2.82 .989
3
What factor affected you the most in understanding/knowing the issues with
regards to: Peer groups or organization 1.72 .854
1
Table 7 shows the descriptive statistics of the order of efficacy of the factors affecting
political socialization. It is evident in the results that Peer groups or organization is in the
highest rank, followed by Media, Family, Education and lastly Religion. This is to show
that Peer groups and organization is the factor that affected peasants of Brgy. Talipapa
and Brgy. Cinco-cinco the most and can be concluded that their political awareness came
from this factor.
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Table 8. Relationship of Political Awareness and Social Discontent in the Issues
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
*. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).
Table 8 shows the Pearson correlation and relationship of political awareness and
social discontent in the issues. The result shows that the relationship of political
awareness and social discontent on privatization are not significant. Same with the
Political
Awareness
Social
Discontent
P-value
Pearson
Correlation
Relationship
Political
awareness on
Privatization
Social Discontent
on Privatization
.868
.017
Not significant
Political
awareness on
Monopoly
Social Discontent
on Monopoly
.373
.090
Not significant
Political
awareness on
Tenancy
Social Discontent
on Tenancy
.001
.327**
Significant
Political
awareness on
Lack of Subsidy
Social Discontent
on Lack of
Subsidy
.015
.242*
Significant
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relationship of political awareness and social discontent on monopoly, the result also
shows that their relationship is not significant. However, the political awareness and social
discontent on tenancy and lack of subsidy are both significant.
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Chapter V
The last chapter presents the summary of findings, the conclusion and
recommendations offered by the researchers on the study of political awareness as a
determinant of social discontent among peasants in Barangay Talipapa and Barangay
Cinco-cinco, Nueva Ecija.
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
On the basis of the significant facts collected and presented in Chapter IV, the
following findings were observed.
1. That the majority of the respondents were 40-50 years old with a percentage of
33%.
2. That the majority of the respondents were males with a percentage of 76%.
3. That the majority of the respondents attained the elementary level in education
with a percentage of 42%.
4. That the majority of the respondents were Catholic with a percentage of 95%.
5. That the majority of the respondents have the annual income range of 30,000
pesos to 50,000 pesos with a percentage of 51%.
6. That the majority of the respondents were non-land owner with a percentage of
69%.
7. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #1 on the issue
of privatization is moderately aware with 2.34 mean.
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8. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #2 on the issue
of privatization is aware with 2.80 mean.
9. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #3 on the issue
of privatization is moderately aware with 1.96 mean.
10. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #1 on the issue
of monopoly is not aware with 1.42 mean.
11. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #2 on the issue
of monopoly is not aware with 1.34 mean.
12. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #3 on the issue
of monopoly is not aware with 1.19 mean.
13. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #1 on the
issue of tenancy is moderately aware with 1.90 mean.
14. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #2 on the issue
of tenancy is moderately aware with 1.98 mean.
15. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #3 on the issue
of tenancy is not aware with 1.39 mean.
16. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #1 on the issue
of lack of subsidy is moderately aware with 2.07 mean.
17. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #2 on the issue
of lack of subsidy is moderately aware with 2.12 mean.
18. That the level of political awareness of respondents in sub question #3 on the issue
of lack of subsidy is not aware with 1.38 mean.
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19. That the majority of the respondents answered aware in sub question #1 on the
issue of privatization with a percentage of 39%.
20. That the majority of the respondents answered aware in sub question #2 on the
issue of privatization with a percentage of 35%.
21. That the majority of the respondents answered not aware in sub question #3 on
the issue of privatization with a percentage of 46%.
22. That the majority of the respondents answered not aware in sub question #1 on
the issue of monopoly with a percentage of 70%.
23. That the majority of the respondents answered not aware in sub question #2 on
the issue of monopoly with a percentage of 77%.
24. That the majority of the respondents answered not aware in sub question #3 on
the issue of monopoly with a percentage of 85%.
25. That the majority of the respondents answered not aware in sub question #1 on
the issue of tenancy with a percentage of 44%.
26. That the majority of the respondents an