The Worship of Mahdganapati According to the Nityotsava

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Gudrun Bfihnemann, P~jd. A Study in Smdrta Ritual. (Publications of the De Nobili Research Library, Vol. xv). Vienna: Institute for Indology, 1988. 253 pp., 66 ills. (mainly photographs).

Gudrun Biihnemann, The Worship of Mahdganapati According to the Nityotsava. Wichtrach: Institut fiir Indologie, 1988. xl, 156 pp., 40 photographs and drawings.

These two books by Mrs. Biihnemann happened to be published in the same year, although "P(tjd" was written earlier than "Worship". Both are useful and interesting additions to the existing literature on Hindu ritualism. They have been composed according to the same general pattern: an introduction describing general aspects of the relevant sections of the ritual (much bigger and more general in character in "P(tjd"), followed by edition and commented translation of parts of a ritual treatise. They also complement each other in so far as they describe respectively a Veda- oriented and a Tantric form of worship.

The study of ritual procedures and, to a somewhat lesser degree, of ritual literature should (it will be evident) preferably be carried out by investigators who have been present at ritual sessions (if still existing) and are personally acquainted with performers. Mrs. Biihnemann (henceforth: B.) answers these requirements. Besides, she has a good knowledge of Sanskrit language and literature. Research for "P(tjd" was conducted in Maharashtra (mainly Pune) in 1983--85, and the study is primarily -- and wisely -- focused on that region. The first part of this book is a general survey of literature and practice of the worship of Hindu gods (General Remarks, p. 29--100). After a short discussion of the term p(tjd, there is a good survey of the various kinds of textual sources (normative and descriptive), including a total survey of contents of the P(tjdprakdga section of the Viramitrodaya (p. 37--42), which goes far beyond the treatment by Kane (Hist. of Dharmagfistra, I, p. 943). After this section, the utensils of worship and the idols are discussed (p. 43--54), followed by such subjects as the fight time, preparations, services, mantras, atonements, aims, mental worship.

Indo-Iranian Journal 34: 287--316, 1991. �9 1991 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

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The second part of "POjd" (p. 101--182) is an edition and translation of the standard type of daily worship of the .Rgveda Sm~rta Brahmans of Maharashtra. Tne term Sm~rta here implies the performance of pa~cdya- tanap6j'd (p. 49f.), i.e. worship of the five deities Siva, Visnu, Devi, Sfirya and Ga.napati. It may be called remarkable, that the P~jdprakd~a mentioned above presupposes the worship of god Brahman instead of Ganapati (p. 37). But, as noted by Kane (I, p. 953), its author Mitrami~ra worked at the court of Orccha near Jhansi, and not in Maharashtra. -- As a textual base for this daily worship, the author makes use of the R. gvediyabrahmakarma- samuccaya (henceforth: RBKS), "a contemporarily used manual of wide circulation" ("P~jd", p. 10). Aspects of occasional pfijft are then treated in Part III (p. 183--228) from other prayoga texts. Within this last section, there is a useful survey of the most important ritual functions currently observed in Maharashtra (p. 185--190).

The author's familiarity with practical ritual matters results several times in interesting information, for instance about kuhkuma- (p. 156; 158n.): in current practice not exactly "saffron"; about rahgavalli (" Worship", p. 47, n. 27); or about the worship of Satyan~r~yana in Maharashtra ("P~]d", p. 207f.). B.'s descriptions are generally concise, but carried through with due attention to detail. She is a keen bibliographer and her references are appropriate in general. A few times, the reader might have wished for a succinct exposition instead of the case being closed by a mere reference to some authority; in other places, the note seems unnecessary. The problem of idol worship or idolatry discussed in "P~fd", note 133 on p. 53 belongs more to the field of missiology than to that of Indology; the whole problem seems to have been created by Christian missionaries and even Hacker's views on this matter should -- with due respect -- not be presented as decisive.

Recent developments of pfijfi ritual are not regularly treated in the main body of "P~tjd", but there is an exposition on "Modern trends" (p. 93--100). Besides, the Appendix contains a great number of most helpful photographs and designs (beautiful are 3A and 3B: symbols of the five deities, and 38: symbols of the .Rsis and ArundhatO. The bibliography (p. 13--26) lists many primary and secondary sources; a reference to H. Brunner's important study of Soma~ambhupaddhati is lacking (3 vols., Pondicherry 1963-- 1977). The same work should have been mentioned in n. 36 on p. 35, where for information on the literature of ~aiva Pfij~ the reader finds only a reference to Gonda's Medieval Religious Literature in Sanskrit. In the main text, there are a few references to "Dave" who is not mentioned on the expected place in the Bibliography, but only s.v. Paragurdmakalpas~tra

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(edition revised by Dave; see also p. 8). For Derret, read Derrett; for Diel, Diehl (p. 21); for Hooykas, Hooykaas (p. 7).

As has been said, the RBKS is the textual base for B.'s description of the daily pfijfi of sixteen services. The exact source is the pfij~ section of this voluminous compendium in a recent (Pune 1979) reedition by G. g. Sen.dye. B. has scrupulously reedited the relevant parts of this text, dividing them into small sections and proposing a small emendation here and there. In n. 3 on p. 101, she mentions an earlier (sixth) edition (Bombay 1936) referred to by P. V. Kane, which probably was not accessible to her. This must be the same edition which could be used by the present reviewer (although published by the Nirnayas~gar Press, not the Veflkate~var Press mentioned by Kane). According to its final colophon, this sixth edition was prepared by Pandit V. S. Pansikar, who also gives the dates of the earlier editions; the first was published in gaka 1818 = 1896--97 A.D. If this date is correct, the "Brahmakarma" studied by Bourquin can hardly have been an early edition of the RBKS in the present form, as surmised by B., p. 101, and we are left in the dark as to the origin of the RBKS. On Bourquin, see "Pftjd", p. 8; his translation of parts of the Dharmasindhu should have been added to the entry of that title in the Bibliography (p. 15).

Usually, the Sanskrit text of the RBKS is identical in the two editions used by B. and by myself. Differences are: kdmadam (6th ed., fol. 21b, 1.4) for kdmikam ("P~jd", p. 157, 1. 12); a small deviation in "P~jd", p. 167, 1. 8--10, resulting in a presumably better text; and the prescription of seven mantras in the cadre of the mantrapuspdfijali in B.'s version (p. 175), while the 1936 ed. (fol. 22b) requires only three mantras. On p. 199, 1.9, B.'s text does not note that the line is spoken by the invited and worshipped Brahmin; the 6th edition has the additional word brdhmanah.

The accompanying mantras given in the RBKS are of two kinds: .Rgvedic and "Paurfinic" (p. 169). The Paurfinic mantras rather resemble each other: they describe the offerings in a poetic diction and tend to theorize about the meaning of these ritual items. Although several of them also occur in other manuals, a great number may have been composed by one and the same ritual teacher (or by a compact school or tradition). The Rgvedic mantras are also edited by B., but without accentuation (for technical reasons). The translation of these mantras has been literally taken from Griffith's metrical rendering (as we are informed by B. on p. 102). It is perhaps understandable that a non-specialist have recourse to such a procedure; but the reader should at least have been warned that Griffith's translation is antiquated and very often gives wrong interpretations, for instance on p. 121 (I~.V 10, 63, 3: dyaur aditir etc.). Happily, B. does not

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slavishly reprint Griffith in all cases: on p. 141, n. 122, she rightly disagrees with his rendering of djya, idhma and havis.

The translations of Paur~nic verses sometimes give reason for some deliberation. On p. 127, there is a sequence of half-~lokas which serve to invoke the deities of the utensils of worship. B.'s division of the passage is controversial. In my view the first three half-~lokas belong together, denoting deities which reside in different parts of the kalada. The fourth and fifth fines then describe the presence of the Vedas in general terms (dandas as in B.'s edition):

Rgvedo 'tha Yajurvedah. S6mavedo hy Atharvanah # atigaid ca sahitdh sarve kala~am tu samddritah /

"The RV and the YV, the SV and the AV, together with their subdisciplines all have their seat in the vessel". The next two lines (6 and 7) then invoke a few goddesses:

atra Gdyatri Sdvitrf ~gmtipustikari tathd # dydntu devap(t]drtham, duritaksayakdrakgth /

"Here (in the vessel), the Gfiyatri, the Sftvitri (or: the Gayatri Savitri?) and She-Who-Creates-Security-and-Welfare (but see below) should arrive for the sake of divine worship, destroying evil". Then comes the famous stanza Gahge ca Yamune c a i v a . . . , invoking the Seven Rivers into the water of the vessel. In B.'s treatment of this cluster, the lines three to five are taken together, while six and seven appear more or less as independent units: "in it is the Gfiyatri ]verse] with Savit.r [as its deity] which gives peace and prosperity. May these who destroy evil come for the pfijh of the gods" (additions by B.). B. therefore in these two lines recognizes only one subject, the Gfiyatri, who obtains two epithets, "having Savitr as its deity" (but G. herself is a deity in this context), and "giving peace and prosperity". But then, how to account for the plural dygmtu? In fact, Gfiyatri and Sfivitri are not always identified, but sometimes juxtaposed, e.g. in the Vaikh~nasa fttmas(tkta, vs. 8 (ed. T. Goudriaan, Indo-Ir.Jn. 12, 1970, p. 8); and in Stuti & S tava . . . of Balinese brahman priests, ed. T. Goudriaan/C. Hooykaas, Amsterdam 1971, p. 424 (vs. 6). In both cases, "Savitri Gfiyatri" was interpreted by myself as referring to the same deity, but I am not so sure now. In the present stanza in any case, S. and G. can have been distinguished as two related "sisterly" powers, presiding over separate aspects of (or: connected with) the same powerful Vedic stanza, RV 3, 62, 10. A Sfiry~ Sfivitri is also known as the seer of RV 10, 85 (Sfirygt hymn) according to Brhaddevatd 2, 84 (ed. and trsl. Macdonell, p. 55). In Tantric

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literature, G. and S. appear as the presiding goddesses of resp. the letters o and au (e.g., Kubjikdmatatantra 17, 108 and 24, 21). Cf. also H. Brunner, Les Membres de ~iva, in: As. Studien/Et. Asiatiques, 40, 1986, p. 117, n. 100 (two additional Aflgas of a Tantric mantra). Returning to the stanza quoted above, we note that there should be more than two subjects because the verb is in the plural. This suggests that also gfintipustikari is a separate deity with specialized function.. We can even go a step further, and analyze the compound name into ~finti~] (-- ~fintikar~ and Pustikari (perhaps variant of Pusti). This is actually the reading of the RBKS in both editions (B.'s note 83 and my own observation), and B.'s emendation seems quite unnecessary�9 ~dnti and pust.i are distinguished in the Rgvidhdna as the two main objectives of ritual activity; while desires and deities are closely associated in the next two stanzas of that remarkable text. Cf. also the title of Mfiyfi Mfilaviyfi's study: Atharvavedfya ~dntipus.t.ikarmdni, Varanasi 1967 (Sarasvati Bhavana Studies, xvii), and p. 2 of that work. It would seem therefore that we can recognize four deities in the present stanza, who admittedly go by pairs: Gfiyatri, Sfivitri, gfinti and Pusti(kan-), who in concerted action should destroy all evil.

The meditation stanza on Sfirya given on p. 134 in a series of five devoted to the Paficfiyatana must originally have been directed to Visnu as the "Man in the Sun":

Sagahkhacakram ravimandale sthitam �9 .

kugedaydkrdntam anantam acyutam / etc.;

compare a stanza on Visnu in Rgvidhdna 3, 42, 1 and other collections:

Dhyeyah sadd savitr.man, d. alamadhyavartf Ndrdyan. ah. sarasijdsanasannivist.ah. / etc.

From the same verse it follows that ku~edaydkrdntam is not "encircled by a water-lily" but "standing upon a water-lily".

On p. 179, we find the line dgatd sukhasampattih, pun.ydc ca tava dar~andt; B. translates "plenty of happiness has come by merit and by your sight". I doubt whether this is meant because a reference to one's own merit during prayer would not befit the devotee. Rather: "and the fulfilment of happiness has come by your auspicious sight"; the word ca, although relegated to the fourth quarter, seems to connect and contrast the whole hemistich with the preceding one which expressed the disappearance of evil.

The stanza raktdmbhodhistha- (p. 195), describing the Prgu?.agakti, also occurs in Devibhdgavata-purdna (ed. R. T. Pandey, Kfigi Samvat 2016) as 11, 8, 19, with a few deviations. The six-armed goddess stands on a lotus

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which rests upon the "red ocean" (B.; or: "ocean of blood"?) and is characterized by six enchanting and fear-inspiring attributes, viz. noose and elephant-hook, Kfima's bow and arrows, rosary and skull-cup filled with blood. Her sixfold nature is suggestive of the six dhdtus or material components of the body, she herself being in that case the female companion of the Atman or J~va as seventh or basic Dhfitu (pradhdn. adhdtu, Kubfikdmatatantra 23, 140A). In the Kubfikdmata (23, 130f.), a ritual is described during which an adept draws a red man..dala and worships the six goddesses of the Dhfitus on the points of a hexagon, while a central goddess called Kusumini is adored as the Atman's partner. This scene seems to be rather far removed from the representation favored by the RBKS; but we might note in any case that a goddess with the same form and attributes as the Prfina~akti, but sitting on a lotus of the colour of the sun (which rests) on a boat in the red ocean etc., is described under the name Ambikfi in the Tantrasdra by Krsnfinanda (p. 96).

Among the occasional pfijfis described by B. in Part III figures the worship of Satyanfirfiyaga as noted above. From the stories which have been included, it does not come to my mind that this god is "very jealous" (B. on p. 201, n. 64; perhaps from Kane, H. Dh. V, p. 437). These kathds rather have a standard structure: neglect or ignorance of the god's worship; the god reveals himself and warns or instructs; the devotees do as has been told and obtain the results of the vrata or pfijfi. Although B. (p. 206) in the context of the story of the merchant rightly refers to the episode of Sunal)~epa in the Aitareyabrdhman. a, she does not stress the important role played by Varuna in this vrata (p. 208) and in the pfijfi text (p. 210: in the areca fruit; trsl. p. 212) as a central deity surrounded by the Lokapfilas including himself as the deity of the West! One is tempted to conclude that Satyanfirfiyag. a as the guardian of truth has consciously been introduced as the Vaisnava "real nature" of Varuna who was allowed to maintain his leading position in the very conservative ritual domain.

The Rsipaficalnivrata discussed by B. on p. 213f. has to do with the monthly "impurity" of women and is nowadays performed after menopause as a general prdya~citta. As a textual source for this ceremony, B. selected the Sfirthapfijfisaln. graha (on p. 218, 1. 14, read SPS for SDS), because the rite "is not included in the R(V)BKS". But it is, only not in the pfijfi section utilized by B., but in its third section called Vratodydpanddirnigraprakarana "Mixed section containing (the rituals of) concluding a Vrata etc.". The relevant text occurs in the 6th edition on fol. 248a, 1.4 up to the end of 248b. The first part (the Sam. kalpa) runs rather parallel to the text given by B. (a difference: rajah.samparkajanitadosa- instead of samparkajanitados.a-

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in B.'s text). The pfijfi stanzas for the seven sages and Anmdhati are then taken from the R. gvedasam, hitd as indicated by B. on p. 220, n. 117 as an alternative. The concluding stanza runs in the RBKS:

Ete saptarsayah, sarve bhaktyd samp~/itd mayd / mama pdpam, vyapohantu j~dnato 7fidnatah. krtam //

After a prayer for forgiveness, the devotee is exhorted to spend the night (waking) listening to kathds etc. On the next day, he should have a homa performed and offer daksin, ds to the brahmans in the manner as described by B. on p. 217.

The third vrata treated by B. ("Ptij'd", p. 221f.), the Anantacaturdagi, is also an interesting aspect of practical Hinduism. The ceremony has been succinctly described by P. V. Kane (V, p. 151--53, not referred to by B.). Kane, writing in any case before 1958, notes that the number of persons who perform this vrata "are rapidly diminishing". B., probably more than 30 years later, notes that the rite is performed "by many" (and presents the fine photograph no. 41 as proof). Has there been a revival, or was Kane too pessimistic? -- Ananta/gesa is the central deity of this vrata. As is well known, this figure has a close relationship to Balarfima who is so to say its human counterpart (situation described by B. on p. 224); the supposed identity is critically considered in a recent article by Yu. G. Kokova, Obraz Balaramy v epose i Puranach, in: G. A. Zograf, red., Literatura i kul'tura drevne/i srednevekovoj Indii, Moskva 1987, pp. 88--95, esp. p. 90. On the other hand, as B. remarks, Ananta "the Eternal One" is also a name of Visnu himself. One might also note the symbolic relation of Ananta and Kfila, the ever-recurring Time, who is the fear-inspiring aspect of Krsna himself in the eleventh chapter of the BhGitfi. Kane (p. 152) notes the identity Ananta-Kfila, referring to Hemfidri. The name Ananta might then secondarily refer to the conquering of time and decay by the devotee who, like gesa, identifies with the Lord; while gesa's fearful counterpart, the demonic Kfiliya who was subdued (not killed) by Krsna, might be explained as Time/Death who holds the untransformed serf in its grip. Both are said to have lived in or near the banks of the Yamunfi, who is worshipped with Ananta/gesa in this very ritual.

Also of this vrata, the text occurs in the RBKS (Section III, fol. 253f.); B. again takes it from the SPS. The Sam. kalpa in RBKS resembles the one from Varsakriydkaumudf noted by B. (p. 224, n. 135). On some points, the RBKS is more informative. Thus, it enumerates the fourteen deities of the knots of the string which play a central role in this ritual, besides several other gods. There is another characteristic difference. Above the image of

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Sesa made of darbha grass, the worshipper should according to the RBKS place Ananta in the form of a golden string of 14 knots and, above him, (the anthropomorphic) Anantadeva holding plough and club. This god can hardly be different from BalarSxna, but his female partner is Laksmi!

The stanza of the binding of the string given by B. on p. 228 can be interpreted differently: ananta sam. sdramahdsamudramagnam . . . . B.: "Ananta, lift [me] up who am sunk in the great ocean of samsfira. . ." This might be a current reinterpretation, but the original intention will have been that one should read (with Kane, o.c., p. 152) anantasamsdra-, cf. again the Rgvidhdna, 3, 33, 4ab samsdrasdgaram ghoram anantam kledabhdjanam. Instead of Kane's translation "save (people) sunk in the great and endless ocean of samsfira...", I propose: "save (me, with B.) who am submerged in the great ocean of unending samsfira...". The prayer in the next hemistich: anantarf~pe viniyojayasva "connect me with Ananta's form" lends support to the assumption that Anantadeva can represent the reoriented self which has escaped Time by becoming eternal in its own right.

The other book by B., "Worship", describes the worship of Mahfiganapati, a ten-armed form of Ganega popular in Maharashtra. Her basic source is one of the most important Tantric ritual monographs, the Nityotsava (Nity.) by Umfinanda, who flourished about the middle of the eighteenth century. As far as I know, this is the first time that the Nity. is the subject of an independent monograph. Umfinanda was a disciple of the famous Bhfiskararfiya who may be considered the most important Tantric theoretician of the last few centuries. The Introduction (p. xv--xxxv) deals with questions regarding Umfinanda, the deity, and the general characteristics of this type of worship, for which see also B.'s article Tantric Worship of Gane~a according to the Prapaficasdra, in: ZDMG 137, 1987, p. 357--382. On p. xxxvi--xxxviii, there is a concordance of translated passages from the Nity., compared to the Paraiurdmakalpas~tra (PKS) on which the Nity. relies heavily. References to the PKS abound therefore in the book, although a general evaluation of Umfinanda's treatment of this work is lacking.

After the Introduction, B. presents the relevant text of the second chapter of the Nity., which describes the worship of Mahfiganapati. A number code is added for easy reference. There are also several insertions from the third chapter devoted to gri (i.e. the Tantric goddess of the grividyf 0 whose worship is described in the Nity. with more elaboration. The reader thus obtains a better idea of the real course of the ritual. This extended text comprises 30 pages, including the repetitious litanies which

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are not abridged by B. in text or translation (the effect can be rather tiring). The Sanskrit text has been almost literally taken over from the Baroda edition by A. Mahadeva Sastri, revised by Swami Trivikrama (4th impr., 1977). Even the very frequent omission of sandhi, a characteristic of this edition, has been respected, for example trih arghyaddnam (p. 3); -mantroksite dsane (p. 9). But: nama iti (p. 9) is written even at the end of a mantra where the sandhi could better not have been applied. The result is a somewhat clumsy-looking text, although the edition is done carefully in other respects. On p. 27, 1.20, no mention is made of the (justified) emendation of gajdnand- to 'gajdnand- (perhaps already done in the 4th impression; I could consult only the third impression of 1948).

The translation (p. 37--98) can most profitably be read together with the Commentary (p. 101--129), which is rather a systematic paraphrase of the course of the ritual. There are a bibliography (p. 137--142), a verse index, a good general index (to the entry "principal mantra" on p. 151, add the page numbers 41 and 105), and forty very helpful photographs and drawings. The explanatory notes to the photographs are, however, at the other end of the book. The bibliography does not refer to the Gan. e~agitd, edited with N-flakantha's commentary by H. N. Apte, Poona 1906 (An. Skt. Ser., Vol. 52), trsl. Kiyoshi Yoroi, The Hague 1968 (Ph.D. Thesis Utrecht Univ.).

The book adequately serves the purpose of providing a better access to this particular form of worship which it describes accurately enough. As in "Pti]'d", there is much attention to details, especially to ritual gestures, each of which is carefully described; there are also photographs of them. On the other hand, the aim has not primarily been to reflect on the ritual's "essence" or "deep structure" which would be a difficult thing to do indeed. The uninitiated reader is thus sometimes confronted with bare descriptions or allusions the deeper meaning of which must escape him. Among these is the invocation of secondary deities the circumstances of whose incorpora- tion in rituals are still largely unknown. On p. 47, Bhadrakfili and Bhairava are invoked in the right and left (from the deity's view: left and right) parts of the door. For Bhadrakfili, B. gives a reference in n. 28 to T. A. Gopinath Rao's standard work Elements of Hindu Iconography, which appeared in 1914--16. We might want to understand why this goddess here appears as a deity of the door. Reference to her fearful nature which is apt to keep demons etc. outside would only partly answer the question. Perhaps there is a connection with the myth of the destruction of Daksa's sacrifice by Virabhadra (= Bhairava?) as whose female associate Bhadrakfil7 appears at VfiyuPur. 30, 140 in an admittedly rather confused description. Also

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according to Kulfirnava T. 10, 51, Bhadrakfili is Virabhadra's wife. In Bhaktapur (Nepal), during the Bisket Jatra, Bhadrakfili's festive cart ritually collides with that of (Akfiga)bhairava (E. Chalier Visuvalingam, Bhairava: Kotwal ofBenares, p. 10; in: V. P. Verma, ed., Varanasi Through the Ages, Benares Hindu Univ. 1986, referring to J. F. Vtzies, Les f~tes magiques du Nepal, Paris 1981). The appearance of this redoubtable pair as door-deities testifies to their "taming" by a higher god and their employment in his service. -- In the lintel of the same door, Lambodara resides who could better not outrightly be identified with Gan. apati 03., n. 29), but rather characterized as a partial manifestation which hypostatizes one of that god's characteristics.

On p. 49 of "Worship", a kind of obstacle called bheddvabhdsaka- is ritually removed. For these vighnas, B. (n. 40) refers to PKS 8, 8 where the variant bheddvabhdsinah occurs. This does not help us much, because there is no further explanation in the PKS or its commentary by Rfirnegvara. B. translates bheddvabhdsakdn vighndn utsdrayet (Nity. text, p. 9) with "he should expel the obstacles which distinctly appear . . . (to belong to the earth etc.)". This must be wrong. As the original meaning I suggest: " . . . the obstacles which cause (the wrong idea of) difference (between self and deity) to appear". Reference could be made to PKS 3, 14: apasarpantu. . . ye bhittd vighnakartdrah. . . . iti tdlatrayam dattvd devyahambhdvayuktah "saying: 'those Bhfitas who create obstacles should run away. . . ' , he should thrice clap his hands, being conscious of his identity with the Goddess". Here, Rfime~vara is not silent: aham updsya devyabhinna iti bhdvayitvd, making use of the root bhid- to express the negation of this identity. The term bheddvabhdsa, by the way, occurs in Abhinavagupta's Tantrdloka (9, 150) as the essence of God's Mfiyfi being a "differential reflection". -- On p. 56, n. 65, for the eight deities of speech, reference is made to the PKS and another text. They occur also in the Nity. itself on p. 75, 1--9 (3rd ed.).

For B.'s translations, alternatives might be suggested here and there, but these usually concern small details or a slight improvement of the English. A more poetical diction might have been chosen on p. 87 (from a statement of rewards in the last stanza of a Gan. apatistotra), where the passage

tasya ~rir atuld svasiddhisahitd ~ri~dradd sdradd sydtdm, tatparicdrike

has been rendered by: "he will indeed have as his attendants incomparable wealth (and) the sacred learning that gives strength.. .". A translation like "The incomparable Goddess of Wea l th . . . and the venerable Goddess of Learning Who offers strength, will be his attendants" would have been more

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respectful to these divine ladies and more delightful to the devotee; but one may think otherwise.

In translating mantras, one should be very careful with changes of sequence. On p. 56 of "Worship", "grim gim. svdhd to the index fingers and to the head" renders d.g. tarjanigirase svdhd. It would be preferable to maintain svdhd, which is supposed to accompany the actual offering, at the end of the utterance (cf. "Pftjd", p. 193). A second question here is whether we would not do better to translate: " . . . to the index fingers/the head" or " . . . to the head (embodied in) the index fingers", because of the singular -iirase; but the mantric grammar is often aberrant. -- p. 70, 1 .22 svdgrddiprddaksinyena "clockwise from his point", better "clockwise from (the point which lies) in front of himself". -- p. 96, 1.7f. In the stanza translated here, ~ivddyavaniparyantam refers to the 36 Tattvas, Brahmddi- stambasamyutam to living beings; and Kdldgnyddi~ivdntam to worlds, not "from the fire at the end of the wor ld . . . " (B.), but "from (the lowest sphere called) the Fire of Destruction. . ." . The same expression is often found in Agamic texts, see e.g. Soma~ambhupaddhati on initiation, 5, 2; ed. H. Brunner, Vol. iii, Pondicherri 1977, p. 453. In this connection the question might be raised whether it would not be desirable to try to translate some of the proper names of secondary divinities, in order to render their meaning accessible to non-Sanskritists who might be expected to consult the book (for instance, historians of religion or anthropologists). In "Worship", interesting names such as Tivrfi etc. (p. 70; nine gaktis of Mahfigar). apati) or Dharma etc. (p. 71) are left untranslated and without comment. -- In the expression brahmddistambasamyutam, -stamba- has surprisingly been translated as 'small insect', with ref. to a commentary. I could not find this meaning in the dictionaries. The usual meaning is 'tuft of grass', or related concepts, even in the expression stambagh(a)na-, cf. Amara 3, 2, 35 and the commentary quoted in gabdakalpadruma V, p. 432: trn. ddyunmgdana- kdrikhanitrddih. The synonym trna- is also found in givaPur, Bareli ed., p. 640, vs. 19a brahmdditrn, aparyantam.

An apt translation is "having veiled" for avagunt.hya (" Worship", p. 62), although B.'s reference to R~tme~vara's onesided comment on this term (comm. on PKS 2, 5, ed. A. Mahadeva Sastri, 1923 impression, p. 89) calls for a little precision. Essentially, avagu.nthana as a ritual act has a protective function generally associated with the Afiga called Kavaca "Armour". Cf. Mrgendrdgama, Kriydpdda, 6, 26 varmaraksitam, comm. kavacendvakun, thi- tam (variant kun. t.h- for gunth-), and other places in the same text, see H. Brunner's translation, Pondicherri 1985, Index, sub Varma. As the commentator Bhatta Nftr~yanakantha remarks on Mrg,~gKr 3, 10, all the

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six Aflgas were originally conceived as protective in nature (cf. the previously mentioned article by Brunner, Les Membres de ~qiva, p. 107). Protection by Kavaca suggests a purely defensive concealment of the body (in contradistinction to protection by Astra). This is why the function of the Armour is also often paraphrased by the term dvarana or other formations from d-vr- "to envelope, conceal", an activity which is generally ascribed to Mfiyfi(gakti), for instance in Paramdrthasdra 15, quoted by Rfirnegvara on PKS 1, 5. The same activity is sometimes called dcchddana "covering" (Rfime~vara, 1.c.; Netratantra 21, 16); i.e. the pure reality of the self is concealed from those who are without insight. Rfime~vara's explanation of kavacendvakun, t.hya (PKS 2, 5, as noted above) is therefore not wholly adequate: anyatragamanagaktirahitam, krtvd "having deprived (the deity) of its power to go somewhere else". Instead, B. could have referred to Trcabhdskara 3, 4, 14 quoted by herself in "Worship", p. 118, n. 47: avagunthanam ayogyadrs.tyavisayatvdpddanam "veiling is ensuring that (the deity) is not the object of improper looks" (trsl. B.); we are reminded of the seclusion of the Achaemenidian (also of Indian?) kings during their meals.

The author has done a good job by attacking these at first sight unattractive ritual manuals. On closer inspection they open up interesting vistas on important aspects of Hindu religiosity; and despite a few imperfections here and there, these two books, without giving the final picture, serve as reliable guides which can profitably be consulted by anyone who wishes to acquaint himself with the subject. It is to be hoped that Mrs Biihnemann will be enabled to continue her research in this field.

Utrecht T E U N G O U D R I A A N

Willem B. Bollre, Studien zum Sryagada. Teil II. Textteile, Nijjutti, lJber- setzung und Anmerkungen (Schriftenreihe des Sfidasien-Instituts der Universit~it Heidelberg, Band 31). Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag Wies- baden GmbH, 1988. IX, 302 pp. DM, 98,--.

Volume one of Bollre's Studien was published in 1977 (cf. IH 22, 1980, pp. 75--77). It dealt with two sections 1.1.1--4 and 2.1.13--34. The present volume studies the following sections: 1.2. 1--3, 1.3.1--4 and 1.4.1--2 and Nijjutti 36--61. These sections have been translated by Jacobi and Schubring} The fourth chapter of the second khandha was edited and translated by Alsdorf} Both Jacobi and Schubring added only a few notes to their translations, but Alsdorf tried to fully explain his readings and

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translations. Boll6e's translation improves greatly upon the previous ones and even upon Alsdorf's recent translation of 1.4.1--2. Volume one has been highly praised by leading specialists in Jain studies and without doubt the present volume will be received similarly?

As in the previous volume, a detailed bibliography (pp. 187--197) is included. However, it does not comprise all the publications quoted by Boll6e. It is followed by an index of words (pp. 198--224) and an index, and reverse index, of pfidas (pp. 225--233, 234--242). The Nijjutti glossary comprises both the part edited and translated in volume I (N 1--35) and that edited and translated in volume II (pp. 243--250). Also welcome are the indices locorum to volume II (pp. 259--266) and to volume I (pp. 287--293). An index lists the quotations from the Cfirni and the Tikfi (pp. 267--273). There is also a long list of corrigenda and addenda to volume one (pp. 274--286). In 1983 Boll6e published an article on traditional Indian ideas on feet in literature and artJ A subject index which was missing in the original publication is included, together with corrigenda (pp. 294--299). The book ends with addenda to volume two (pp. 300--301) and to the index locorum of volume two (p. 302).

It is very instructive to compare the translations by Jacobi, Schubring, Alsdorf and Boll~e because it shows how the same passage has often been interpreted differently. The last word will never be said and, as Boll6e rightly remarks, each attempt is capable of improvement. In most instances, Boll6e's rendering is more convincing than those of his predecessors but in some cases it is possible to suggest a different interpretation.

The first half of 1.2.2.12 reads: ege care thdna-m-dsane sayane ege samdhie siyd. Bollde translates: "Alleine soll der M6nch seine asketischen Ubungen abhalten und K6rperstellungen einnehmen; alleine soll er auf (oder: bei) seinem Lager sitzend meditieren." Boll6e considers thdna and dsana to be to some degree synonymous. In his review of volume one Norman pointed out that neuter forms in -e are not accusative but must be either nominative or locative. We have here certainly three locatives; t.hdna followed by a samdhi-consonant stands for thdne. It is not possible to separate t.hdna and dsana from sayane. It is also most unlikely that a monk should meditate on or near his couch. The Tikfi explains: sarvdsv apy avasthdsu caranasthdndsana~ayanar@dsu rdgadvesavirahdt samdhita eva sydd iti. Accordingly I would like to suggest the following translation: "Alone, he should be engaged in standing, sitting and lying; alone he should meditate."

1.2.2.14 says that a monk should bear pleasant and unpleasant things, i.e. caragd aduvd vi bheravd aduvd tattha sarisivd siyd. Boll6e translates: "ob es dann Wanderer(?) oder Schlangen sind, die ihm Schrecken einfl6ssen."

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Jacobi translated: "be there insects, or wild beasts, or snakes." Schubring agrees with Jacobi: "Insekten oder furchtbare [Tiere], oder Schlangen, [die] da etwa sind." Boll6e cites an interesting P~li parallel: Sam. yutta-Nik~ya 1.106.31: carakd bah(t bheravd bah~t / atho dams d sirimsapd bah(t. Whatever the interpretation of the P~li verse may be, the Jain text clearly mentions three items and one fails to see how it would be possible that bheravd would qualify both caragd and sarisivd. Boll6e remarks that caraka desig- nates a wanderer both in Ardham~gadhi and in P~li but this meaning does not seem appropriate in the context. There are two Chinese translations of the P~li text and neither of them mentions a wanderer (Taish6 Daiz6ky6, vol. II, pp. 285b and 382b). It is more likely that caraga is a kind of creeping animal and bherava a terrifying wild beast.

In 1.2.2.16 Boll6e translates no abhikankheffa fiviyam by "Er soil nicht um sein Leben f/irchten." Jacobi likewise has: "he should not fear for his life." However, Jacobi translates abhikankheffd in ,~y~ranga 1.7.8.4 by 'long for': "He should not long for life, nor wish for death." Likewise Schubring: "so soll er nicht zu leben begehren, aber auch zu sterben nicht verlangen."

1.4.2.2: aha tam tu bheyam dvannam mucchiyam, bhikkhd kdma,m- aivattam / palibhindiydnd to pacchd pdy'uddhattu muddhi pahananti. Boll6e translates: "Den t6richten M6nch freilich, wenn er nun einmal, von Liebe fiberw~iltigt, sein Gelfibde gebrochen hat, den (tam.) beschimpfen sie (sc. die Frauen) dann sp~iter, heben ihren Fuss und treten ihm an den Kopf." Boll6e does not comment upon kdma-m-aivattam. His translation is the same as those given by Jacobi ("absorbed by that passion") and Alsdorf ("over- whelmed by love"). Schubring gives a different translation: "fiber die [erste] Lust hinaus ist." The monk is certainly scolded by the women because he has overcome (ativrtta) his love and Schubring seems to me to have rightly interpreted the word aivatta. This verse reminds us of the famous lines of William Congreve: "Heav'n has no rage, like love to hatred turn'd, Nor Hell a fury, like a woman scorn'd."

In 1.4.2.4 the women say to the monk: "aldu-cheya pehehi, vaggu-phaldi dhardhi" tti. Boll6e rejects the translations of his predecessors and prefers to interpret cheda as "deprivation, want': "Siehe, dass wir keine Flaschen- gurken mehr haben, bring sch6ne (neue) Friichte." It seems more likely that cheda has here the meaning of a piece: "See (this) piece of bottle-gourd, bring nice fruits."

Let me conclude with a few minor points. P. 81, line 4, read yonisu for yaun~u. P. 88, note 6 says that accddanna is missing in PSM (i.e. P~da- sadda-mah .an.o. avo. PSM is not found in the list of abbreviations). However, PSM has ddan. na --- dkula, vydkula. P. 110, note 2: udaka-rahitd gartd "eine

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von Wasser verborgene H6hle." Rather "a hole destitute of water." P. 157: Bollre says that he does not understand Schubring's translation of patthuyd in missi-bhdva patthuyd ege "durch freundliche Aufnahme zu geselligem Verkehr bewogen." Schubring explains in a note his translation of patthuya (Skt. prastuta): Wrrtlich etwa: "in den Zustand der Gemeinschaft hineinge- lobt." The dictionaries do not give this meaning for pra-stu- and Schubring's translation is certainly unacceptable. On p. 164 one must correct in line 8 pr.sthdh to pr.stdh and in line 11 pr.sthdh, to spr.s.t.dh..

In his preface Bollre writes that this volume is probably the last of the five originally planned. It is very much to be hoped that this will not be the last volume and that Boll4e will continue his valuable research on the Sfiyagad.a. We will all await with impatience the publication of the next volume!

NOTES

H. Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, Part II. Oxford, 1895; W. Schubring, Worte Mahdviras. Grttingen- Leipzig, 1926. 2 L. Alsdorf, 'Itthiparinnfi: A chapter of Jain monastic poetry, edited as a contribution to Indian prosody', IIJ 2 (1958), pp. 249--270 = Kleine Schrifien (Wiesbaden, 1974), pp. 193--214. 3 Cf. Colette Caillat, Numen XXVI (1979), pp. 106--110; K. R. Norman, 'Sfiyagadamga Studies', WZKS XXV (1981), pp. 195--203. 4 Traditionell-indische Vorstellungen fiber die Ffisse in Literatur und Kunst', Beitriige zur allgemeinen und vergleichenden Archiiologie 5 (1983), pp. 227--281.

Australian National University J. W. DE JONG

Siegfried Lienhard, Nepalese Manuscripts. Part 1: Nevfiri and Sanskrit (Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriflen in Deutschland, Band XXXIII, 1). Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden, GmbH., 1988. XXXIII, 222 pp., 16 pl. DM 174.-

Nevfir/belongs to the Tibeto-Burman family of languages and was for many centuries the main language of Nepal until it was replaced by NepSli, an Indo-Aryan language, after the conquest of the valley of Kathmandu by gfih Prthvi Nfirfiyan in 1768. There is a rich literature in Nevfir/but it is still largely unknown. Siegfried Lienhard has made important contributions to the study of Nevfiri literature and we must be glad that he has undertaken the task to describe the Nevfiff manuscripts in the State Library of Berlin. In this work he has been assisted by Thakur Lala Manandhar.

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In a very instructive introduction Lienhard gives a brief history of Nevfiri literature, followed by an explanation of the work of the scribes, the writing materials and the alphabets, information on the arrangement of the catalogue and a bibliography.

According to Lienhard the Nev~ri collection described by him does not comprehend very old Nevar manuscripts but is nevertheless very represen- tative of significant parts of the literary production of the Nevars. The whole corpus of manuscripts has been arranged in fourteen sections. The largest number of manuscripts are to be found in the sections Ritual, Hymns and Songs as well as Narrative literature. Many manuscripts deal with mantras, dhdranis and similar topics or are legal documents. Areas represented scarcely or not at all are Dharmagdstra, Painting and Architec- ture, Drama, Kdma~dstra, Mathematics and Lexicography. This volume covers a period of almost four hundred years (N.E. 678 to N.E. 1064). According to Lienhard the earliest text in Nevfiri cure Sanskrit is a legal document of the Rudravarnamahfivihfira in Patan, which is dated Nepal Era 235 (1115 A.D.). A great number of bilingual manuscripts in both Sanskrit and Nevfiri were written during the latter part of the 14th century and the 15th century. Classical Nevfiri became a medium for a native literary tradition in the 16th century.

The beginning and end of each manuscript is quoted followed by the colophons. The texts of the legal documents have been transcribed in extenso. The catalogue describes 58 legal documents, 8 of which relate to donations and 40 to sales. The section on Narrative Literature comprises 19 Buddhist manuscripts (Avaddnas), 17 Hindu manuscripts (Vratakathds) and 11 non-religious texts ( ~ukasaptati, Tantrdkhydna and Vetdlapahcavimgati). The section on Ritual comprises 52 texts, divided into Buddhist (32 texts), Hindu (18 texts) and two rituals concerning house building. The total number of manuscripts described in this volume is 263.

In his preface Siegfried Lienhard expresses the hope that this volume will soon be followed by other volumes describing further manuscripts from the Kathmandu Valley. There is no doubt that on completion this catalogue and the catalogue of Nevfiri manuscripts in the National Archives in Kathmandu which is being prepared by J. L. Vaidya will lay the foundation of future studies of Nevgtri literature in its many aspects.

Australian National University J .w. DE JONG

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Franqois Bizot, Les traditions de la pabbajjd en Asie du Sud-Est. Recherches sur le bouddhisme khmer, IV (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in G6ttingen, PhiL-hist. KI., Dritte Folge Nr. 169). G6ttingen, Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1988. 149 pp., 9 photographies. DM 78,--

Trois joyaux. tion, d'abord nasalis6es en tion en -m.

Le travail de M. Frangois Bizot fait partie d'une 6tude sur le caract~re des communautds bouddhiques d'Asie sud-orientale. La deuxi~me et la troisi~me parties traiteront de l'ajustement monastique et des asc&es bouddhistes non-bhikkhu. Bien que le sous-titre sugg~re que ce travail ne s'occupe que du bouddhisme khmer, M. Bizot 6tudie les nikdya du Theravfida dans toute l'Asie du Sud-Est et son travail met en lumi~re beaucoup d'aspects mal connus de l'histoire des nikdya du XIIIe sibcle jusqu'5 nos jours.

M. Bizot commence par expliquer les trois traditions de la pabbajjd en Asie du Sud-Est, celle du Mahfinikfiya en usage chez les Khmers, les Tha'is (y compris ceux du Yunnan), les Laos, les Shans et les M6ns de Birmanie et de Thailande, celle du Dhammayutinikfiya fond~ en 1829 et celle du Sudhammanikfiya en Birmanie. M. Bizot publie les formules de ces trois traditions et signale les diff6rences dans la r6daction de la pabbaffd qui se manifestent dans le premier mot: okgtsa, esdham et sakalavat.t.a respective- ment et dans la prononciation des formules de la prise en refuge en les

Les 6glises traditionnelles ont conserv6 une double prononcia- avec des times nasalis6es en - m e t ensuite avec les times -m. Le Dhammayutinikfiya enseigne uniquement la prononcia-

Ces deux prononciations sont d6ja enseign~es par Buddhaghosa qui permettait le choix entre ces deux prononciations. Le principe d'une prononciation unique repr6sente l'orthodoxie du Mahfivihfira jusqu'~t la fondation du Syfimopfilivarn. gika Mahfinikfiya au XVIIIe sibcle. A partir de cette date le clerg~ singhalais enseignait une double prononciation du refuge conform6ment a la r6daction qui avait cours au Siam.

Dans les chapitres suivants M. Bizot 6tudie l'introduction graduelle de l'introduction des traditions du Mahfivihfira dans la p6ninsule indochinoise. Un tableau (p. 120) illustre l'histoire compliqu6e des traditions de la pabbajjd telle qu'elle a ~t~ trac6e par M. Bizot. Dans le chapitre final "Conclusions" M. Bizot s'occupe plus sp6cialement de l'histoire du bouddhisme dans l'empire angkorien et rectifie sur plusieurs points l'expos~ de Coed,s dans Les peuples de la pgninsule indochinoise. I1 6tudie l'expression mahdydnasthavira qui se rencontre dans l'inscription de Sal


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Sung, datte de 1022--1025, et la question de la coutume des feuilles de sired pour dtlimiter l'aire des ordinations.

L'ouvrage de M. Bizot est bas6 sur l'ttude d'un grand nombre de manuscrits et des observations de terrain non seulement au Cambodge mals aussi en Thailande, en Birmanie, au Laos et h Ceylan. I1 falt bien ressortir les complexitts de l'histoire du bouddhisme dans la ptninsule indochinoise. Ses recherches aident beaucoup hen 6claircir des points obscurs.

I1 n'y a que de rares fautes d'impression. P. 19 corriger indroduit en introduit. P. 113, note 3 corriger Waters en Watters. Dans la mtme note (ligne 19 d'en bas) il faut corriger prit en prise: Celle-ci correspondralt dts lors h celle des Sthavira prise comme dtsignation collective des diff&entes sectes du Theravfida sans distinction. La liste des ouvrages citts n'explique pas Boisselier 1965 et 1969 (cf. pp. 104 et 111). L'abrtviation EHS 10 (p. 60) ne se trouve pas dans la liste des abrtviations off il faut corriger EHS en EHS 10.

Australian National University J. W. DE J O N G

Ernst Waldschmidt, Ausgewiihlte kleine Schrifien. Herausgegeben von Heinz Bechert und Petra Kieffer-Piilz (Glasenapp-Stiftung, Band 29). Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH, 1989. XLI, 464 pp. DM 88,--

For his 70th birthday on July 15, 1967 a collection of Waldschmidt's articles was published (cf. bibliography no. 98). After his 70th birthday Waldschmidt continued his research with unabated vigour and published many books and articles (cf. bibliography, nos 99--137). On February 25, 1985 Waldschmidt passed away. The present volume contains articles published by Waldschmidt after 1967 and a number of contributions which date from before 1967. The first part is entitled 'Nachrufe und Wissen- schaftsgeschichte' (9 items) and comprises detailed obituaries of Emil Sieg and Sir John Marshall. The second part contains two contributions to the history of Indian art. The third part, entitled 'Buddhistlsche Literatur aus Zentralasien', contains no less than twenty articles, mostly editions of Sanskrit Turfan manuscripts. The volume ends with an article on 'The Influence of Buddhism on German Philosophy and Poetry' (pp. 432--444).

The editors have added a detailed bibliography which includes also reviews of Waldschmidt's publications. This has not been done before in the publications of the Glasenapp-Stiftung and one can only hope that this example will be followed in future volumes. For instance, nobody can


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neglect the important reviews of Waldschmidt's editions of the Mahaparinir- vfin. asfitra, the Catusparisatsfitra and the Mahavadgmasfitra by Franklin Edgerton, and the careful scrutiny of his publications on Rgtgamfil~ painting by Harold Powers in a review article: 'Illustrated Inventories of Indian Rgtgamfila Painting', JAOS 100 (1980), pp. 473--493. Omitted from the bibliography are the translations of Chinese Buddhist texts which Waldschmidt contributed to Liiders's Bruchstiicke der Kalpangtmand. itikd des Kumglralgtta (Leipzig, 1926), pp. 77--83, 93--98 and 109--115. In 1929 Waldschmidt published Die Legende vom Leben des Buddha. The bibliography lists a reprint without giving further details. I have not been able to see this reprint but it was announced as a 'Vermehrter und verbesserter Nachdruck' (the original edition has 248 pages, the reprint 266 pages). A detailed index (pp. 445--461) and a list of Addenda et Corrigenda (pp. 463--464) enhance the Usefulness of this volume which is a fitting tribute to the memory of a great scholar.


Gustav Roth, Indian Studies. Selected Papers. Edited by Heinz Bechert and Petra Kieffer-Pfilz. Delhi, Sri Satguru Publications, 1986. XXXV, 468 pp., 29 plates. Rs. 500

Indian Studies, published on the occasion of Gustav Roth's seventieth birthday (22.1.1986), contains a bibliography, twenty-seven articles and eight reviews. Roth's publications comprise two books, one an edition, translation and study of the Malli-Jfifita, the eighth chapter of the Nfiy~dhammakahfto, the sixth afiga of the gvetfimbara Jaina canon, with which Roth obtained his Ph.D. in Munich in 1952 (cf. IIJ 29, 1986, pp. 55--57), and the second, an annotated edition of the Bhiksu.~-vinaya of the Arya-Mahftsfilp. ghika-Lokottaravadins (Patna, 1970). 1 Several articles have a bearing on the texts studied in these two publications, cf. 'The Similes of the Entrusted Five Rice-grains and their Parallels' (no. 8) and articles on the language of the Arya-Mah~sftmghika-Lokottaravfidins (nos. 5, 7 and 24). In 1955 Roth visited Nepal for the first time and became interested in the study of the Buddhist stfipa on which he published several articles (nos. 22 and 23 and an article not reproduced in this volume, cf. Bibliography no. 12). During his stay in Canberra Gustav Roth gave a lecture (on the 27th October 1982) on the 'Structure and Meaning of the Buddhist Stfipa and Caitya According to Indian Traditions' which has not been published.


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In 1980 Roth published the text of the Patna Dharmapada (cf. pp. 304-- 350). The addenda et corrigenda list a number of corrections which should be noted by readers of the original publication. The script on the photo-stat copy is very small and difficult to decipher and one must admire Roth's patience in editing this text. It will require the efforts of several scholars to clarify all the problems posed by this text.

Roth is interested in many aspects of Indian culture as can be seen from his articles on 'The Woman and Tree Motif' (no. 2), 'The City of Iron in Ancient Indian Literature and in the Arabian Nights' (no. 3), 'The Birth of a Saviour related in Buddhist, Christian, Islamic and Jaina Traditions' (no. 25) and 'Legends of Craftsmen in Jaina-Literature' (no. 27). One of the attractions of this publication is the story of Roth's life and studies as told by himself (Biodata by the author, pp. IX--XXIV), in which he acknowl- edges generously the help and assistance he received from many sides. Gustav Roth has many friends in India and other parts of the world and I am sure that they will all join me in wishing him a long and fruitful retirement!

N O T E

l The Bhik.su.ni-Vinaya has been translated by Edith Nolot who has also prepared a list of corrections, cf. Oskar von Hiniiber, 'Origin and Varieties of Buddhist Sanskrit', Dialectes dans les littdratures indo-aryennes (Paris, 1989), p. 343, n. 5.

Australian National University J. W. DE J O N G

Paul Williams, Mahdydna Buddhism. The Doctrinal Foundations. London -- New York, Routledge, XII, 317 pp. s

In his preface Paul Williams points out the difficulties in attempting to write a single volume on Mahfiyfina Buddhism. Williams has read widely, as can be seen from the 15-page bibliography which includes many publications on Mahfiy~na in English, French and German. No mention is made of the enormous literature in Japanese on all aspects of Mah~yfina. 1 Williams has omitted Tantric Buddhism and Zen, but nevertheless his book is the most comprehensive work on Mahfiyfina in any Western language. Williams does not only treat Mah~tyfina in India but also in China and Japan. In view of the fact that he has published several excellent articles on Madhyamaka philosophy in Tibet, it is rather surprising to see that not very much is said about Tibetan Buddhism.


R E V I E W S 3 0 7

Williams's book comprises ten chapters, an introductory chapter, five chapters forming part I: Wisdom and four chapters forming part II: Compassion. One of the topics discussed by Williams in the introduction is that of the origins of Mahfiyfina and the role of the laity. He refers to the opinions of Lamotte and Hirakawa who hold the view that lay people were instrumental in the formation of the Mahfiygma. Williams points out that by far the majority of Indian inscriptions associated with making donations and

\

other religious activity towards stfipas were monks and nuns. However, does this not mean that these monks and nuns had adopted the views and practices of the lay people? In the MahfiparinibbS_nasuttanta the Buddha told Ananda that the monks and nuns should not occupy themselves with honouring the remains of the Tathfigata: avydvatd tumhe Ananda hotha Tathdgatassa sarfrapujaya. However, Williams does not exclude influence of the laity and writes: 'q~he Mah~y~na st~tras were clearly the products of monks, albeit monks whose vision of the Dharma embraced the aspirations of the laity, and who used lay figures in the sittras to embody a critique of other monks seen as elitist or perhaps ultra-conservative."

The five chapters of part one are entitled The Perfection of Wisdom (Prajfi~pfiramitfi) Sfitras, Madhyamaka, Cittam~tra (Mind only), The tathagatagarbha (Buddha-essence/Buddha-nature) and Hua-yen -- the Flower Garland tradition. The four chapters of part two deal with The Saddharmapund. ar~a (Lotus) Sfitra and its influences, The bodies of the Buddha, The path of the Bodhisattva, and Faith and devotion: the cults of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. Williams is a reliable guide in the jungle of Mahfiyfina doctrines and practices and his book will prove to be very useful both for the general reader and the scholar. The latter will perhaps not always agree with the comments made by Williams but he will find his remarks always worth considering.

N O T E

1 Many important contributions on Mahfiyfina Buddhism are found in the ten volumes of the K6za Daij6 bukky6 (TSkyS, 1981--1985), edited by Hirakawa Akira, Kajiyama Yfiichi and Takasaki JikidS.

Australian National University J . w . DE JONG

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Michael Aris, Hidden Treasures and Secret Lives. A Study of Pemalingpa (1450--1521) and the Sixth Dalai Lama (1683--1706). London and New York, Kegan Paul International, 1989, XIV, 278 pp. s

Tibetan literature is rich in biographies and autobiographies, but very few of them have been studied by Western scholars. In this book Michael Aris makes a detailed study of the lives of the Bhutanese saint Pemalingpa (Padma glifl-pa) and of the Sixth Dalai Lama. Pemalingpa is famous for his discoveries of texts. The present Royal Family of Bhutan descends from him and the Sixth Dalai Lama was a descendant of his younger brother. The main source of his life is his autobiography which was completed by Gyalwa D6ndrup (rGyal-ba Don-grub). Aris studies his previous embodiments, the most important of which are Padmasambhava (8th century) and Klofl-chen-po (1308--1363), and retells the main events of his life. In a concluding section Aris tries to explain the personality of Pemalingpa and his use of deception. Aris rightly points out that there is a peculiar reluctance on the part of many modern scholars to recognize the entirely fabricated nature of the Tibetan "treasure-texts". A comprehensive study of the dis- coverers of treasures would be an important contribution to the study of Tibetan Buddhism. According to Aris Pemalingpa suffered from a split personality. He does not hesitate to call him a fraud and a rogue. However this may be, he is undoubtedly one of the most interesting among the many colourful figures in which Tibetan Buddhism abounds.

Much more famous is of course the Sixth Dalai Lama, whose love-songs have been translated many times. The regent Sangye Gyamtso (Safis-rgyas rGya-mtsho) (1653--1705) 1 concealed the death of the Fifth Dalai Lama for fifteen years from 1682--1697. The Sixth Dalai Lama was enthroned in 1697, deposed in 1706, and conducted to China. On the way to China he fell ill and died near Lake Kunganor south of Lake Kokonor. Aris describes his ancestry and his life according to the Tibetan sources such as the regent's biography of the Sixth Dalai Lama. The story does not end there because, according to "The Secret Biography" of the Sixth Dalai Lama written in 1757 by a Mongolian lama, the Sixth Dalai Lama did not die in 1706 but, disguised as a pilgrim, journeyed to Tibet, China and India and experienced all kinds of miraculous adventures. From 1716 onwards he lived mainly in the area of Amdo, Mongolia and Alashan and died in 1746 in the monastery of Jakrung. Aris remarks that there has been a tendency among several scholars in recent years either to believe the whole story or to reserve judgment upon it. He refers to two works, one by a Russian and the other by a Mongolian, which gave full credence to the story. The


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Russian mentioned by Aris, i.e. Bira, is a Mongolian scholar. Aris quotes a passage from the history of the Amdo monasteries by K6nchok Tenpa Rabgye and shows that a lama called Ngawang Ch6drak Gyamtso sought to impersonate the dead Dalai Lama. Aris gives a summary of the "secret" life of the Dalai Lama and quotes several passages in translation. It is a fasci- nating story and a full translation of the entire text would certainly be interesting reading.

In a few instances the text of the passages translated by Aris can perhaps be interpreted differently. In his preface Aris writes that one of the main purposes of this study is to communicate the human qualities of these saints to a rather broader audience. It is therefore understandable that he has abstained from explaining and justifying the translations in his book. On p. 173 Aris translates: "He forbade them to relate these to others, and to common folk he would never say anything clear at all." The Tibetan text has: de'aft g~an-la ma bdad-ces nan-tan che-ba mdzad-pa las dkyus-su cher gsal-po ye mi gsufts-la (pp. 51--52). Aris renders dkyus-su by "to the common folk". According to Das's dictionary dkyus-ma means "common, vulgar, inferior" and mi dkyus-ma "an ordinary man". However, the expression dkyus-su is explained in Chos-grags's dictionary as meaning "in general" (spyir) or "ordinarily, usually" (thun-moft-du). The same meanings are given in the Kratkij Tibetsko-russkij slovar' (Moskva, 1963): "usually" (obygno) or "generally" (voobg(e). This meaning fits the context much better: "usually he would not say anything clear at all". On p. 197 Aris speaks of "external pilgrim sites" which makes no sense. The text says that "internally, he reached the high stage of the wisdom of insight, and, externally, he went to the great pilgrim sites in order to practice (meditation)" (naft-gi rtogs-pa'i ye-~es-kyi sa mthon-por g~egs-pa phyi-rol-tu gnas-chen rnams-su spyod-pa la ggegs-nas, p. 144).

On pages 210--211 Aris quotes a passage in which Kozlov tells about the embodiments of the Sixth Dalai Lama in Alashan which he visited in 1906. 2 The Buriat G. C. Cybikov (1873--1930) visited Alashan in 1899-- 1900. On the 15th of December 1899 he passed the night not far from the monastery Tukumun which was said to have been founded by the Sixth Dalai Lama. In this connection Cybikov tells the following popular story. The Sixth Dalai Lama broke his vows and married a woman. She soon became pregnant and was to bear a son who was destined to become ruler of the universe. Chinese astrologers found out and told the emperor about the danger which threatened his dynasty. Alarmed, the emperor summoned the Dalai Lama to Peking for questioning and gave orders to kill his wife at once. While on the way to Peking, in fact from Alashan, the disgraced Dalai

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Lama sent the corpse of a fellow-traveller who had died accidentally to the court, passing it off for himself. He disguised himself as a beggar-monk, hid himself and wandered incognito to different places in Mongolia, Tibet and India. Thereupon he began to produce many miracles in Alashan. This was noticed by Abao, the wife (sic) of the wang (ruler) of Alashan. She recog- nized him as the Dalai Lama and rendered homage to him. The considera- tion which the princely court showed him had a powerful effect on the common people who began to deify the newly discovered Dalai Lama. Making use of the honour and influence he had acquired, he founded several monasteries in Alashan including the monastery of Tukumun. 3

Aris deserves great credit for having critically examined the Tibetan sources which are often accepted at their face value by Western scholars. His work is an important contribution to the study of a less well-known aspect of Tibetan Buddhism.

NOTES

1 On p. 123 1653-1703 is a misprint for 1653-1705. 2 The English translation of this passage omits to mention that the elected "honorary priest" was a seven-year old boy-lama. 3 Buddhist Palomnik u svatyn' Tibeta (Petrograd, 1919), pp. 6--7; G. C. Cybikov, Izbrannye trudy, I (Novosibirsk, 1981), p. 36.


Klaus T. Schmidt, Der Schlussteil des Prdtimoksasittra der Sarvdstivddins. Text in Sanskrit and Tocharisch A verglichen mit den Parallelversionen anderer Schulen. Auf Grund von Turfan-Handschriften herausgegeben und bearbeitet (Sanskrittexte aus den Turfanfunden XIII). Abh. d.Ak.d.Wiss, in Grttingen, Phil.-hist. KI., Dritte Folge nr. 171. Grttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1989. 113 pp., 4 pl. DM 48,-

The final part of the Prfitimoksasfitra of the Sarvfistivfidins consists of a prose passage and a number of verses of which several are also found in the Udfinavarga. The Sanskrit text was edited by Louis Finot in 1913 together with a translation of the Chinese version of Kumfirajiva by I~douard Huber (JA 1913, 2, pp. 539--543). A translation in Tokharian A was published by E. Sieg and W. Siegling in 1921 (Tocharische Sprachreste Nr. 353--354). For his new edition of the Sanskrit text Schmidt has been able to use a great number of fragments of Tuffan manuscripts. Three fragments

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are separately edited (pp. 85--87). The other fragments are all described in volume I of the Sanskrithandschriften aus den Turfanfunden (Wiesbaden, 1965) and are not separately edited.

Schmidt's synoptic edition comprises the fragments of the Sarvfistivfida recension in Sanskrit and Tokharian, parallels from other texts (mainly Dhammapada, Udgma and Udfinavarga) and the texts of other recensions. Schmidt has corrected wrong readings in the Prfitimoksasfitra of the Mahfisfirp. ghikalokottarav~dins which was first edited by W. Pachow and R. Mishra (Allahabad, 1956) and thereafter by N. Tatia (Patna, 1975). Particu- larly welcome is his new edition of the final part of the Pr~timoksasfitra of the Mfilasarv~stiv~dins which was very badly edited by A. Ch. Banerjee (Calcutta, 1954 and 1977). Schmidt's edition of the leaf edited by Finot marks a great improvement. Schmidt notes that "sich der Umfang des lesbaren Textes gegenfiber dem von Finot edierten um mehr als 60 Prozent vermehren l~isst" (!). Edited for the first time by Schmidt are two other leaves from the collection Pelliot Sanskrit (PSPr 50 and 51) of which the first does not seem to belong to the Sarv~stivada recension of the Prgtti- moksasfitra. According to Schmidt the second probably belongs to the Pr~timoksasfitra of the Mfilasarv~stiv~dins.

The 'Textbearbeitung' consists of the reconstructed Sanskrit text, the text of the Tokharian translation, translation of the Sanskrit text and a commentary. In the notes to the translation and in the commentary Schmidt explains particularities of the Tokharian translation. The word karfie which has puzzled previous scholars is explained by him as a scribal error for kaksurfte which corresponds to Tokharian B kekesorfie 'nirvSna'. All words are listed in two indexes: I. Sanskrit-Tokharian; II. Tokharian-Sanskrit.

Schmidt's edition is done with great competence and leaves nothing to be desired. In stanza 14ab: yo hy asmim dharmavinaye apramatto bhavisyati Ms. 1800 and the Udfinavarga text have bhavisyati. However, carisyati is found in two other manuscripts (88 and 115), and in the Prfitimoksasfitra of the Mfilasarvfistivfidins. Schmidt remarks: "Hinf~llig ist damit der Erkl~ir- ungsversuch Schmithausens, WZKSO 14 (1970), p. 102. Da ihm nur die Hs. 88 mit der Lesart "carisyati" bekannt war, hatte er vermutet, dass die Strophen 13 und 14 erst nachtriiglich aus dem Prfitimoksasfitra der Mfi. /ibernommen worden seien." The fact that two Sanskrit manuscripts have caris.yati shows that Schrnithausen's supposition remains quite well possible. Moreover, as pointed out by Schmithausen, stanzas 13 and 14 are missing in Kumfirajiva's translation. Schmithausen did not say that they were taken from the Prfitimoksasfitra of the Mfilasarvfistivfidins but that "diese Erwei- terung vom Prfit. Mfi. angeregt worden sein k6nnte". Stanzas 13 and 14 are

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typical cases of 'floating' stanzas. They are quoted together eight times in the Divyfivadfma and once in the Avadfmagataka (cf. Bernhard's edition of the Ud~navarga, G6ttingen, 1965, p. 138). It is interesting to note that the readings bhavisyati and carisyati are both found in the Udfinavarga (cf. Schmithausen, op. cit., p. 91) and in the manuscripts of the Pr~timoksasfitra of the Sarvfistivfidins. It is probably only due to the fact that the edition of the Prfitimoksasfitra of the Mfilasarvfistivfidins is based upon a single manuscript that the reading bhavisyati is not recorded for this text.

In the prose passage Schmidt adds between parentheses the words idstuh idsanam dipayamdnaih, although they are absent from the two manuscripts 1490 and PSPr 1.22. However, they are found in the Tokharian translation and in the Prfitimoksasfitra of the Mahfisftrp. ghikalokottaravfidins. Schmidt points out that here the text of the Mfilasarvfistivfida recension I diverges from that of the other recensions. This is true for the Sanskrit text and the Tibetan translation but not for the Chinese translation which agrees with the Sarvfistivfida recension (cf. Taish6 Daiz6ky6, vol. 24, p. 507b25--26). In the Chinese translation of the Pr~timoksasfitra of the Mahfis~up. ghikas the whole passage from tatra to viharantehi is missing (ibid., vol. 22, p. 555b). This shows how complicated the relationship between the different recensions in Sanskrit and other languages is. The oldest testimonies are the Chinese translations but they have to be handled with care. For instance, Kumfirajiva'stranslation of verses 1--12 is identical with that of the same verses in the Prfitimoksasfitras of the Mahigfisakas (ibid., vol. 22, p. 206a--b and p. 555b--556a). A different translation is found only in the case of the Prfitimoksasfitra of the Dharmaguptakas which comprises stanzas 1--7 and 9 (ibid., vol. 22, p. 1030a--b).

N O T E S

t For a parallel passage see Safigitisfitra VI.17.1c (Valentina Stache Rosen, Dogmatische Begriffsreihen im h'lteren Buddhismus, Teil 1, Berlin, 1968, p. 167).


Geng Shimin und Hans-Joachim Klimkeit, Das Zusammentreffen mit Maitreya. Die ersten ffinf Kapitel der Hami-Version der Maitrisimit. In Zusammenar- beit mit Helmut Elmer und Jens Peter Laut herausgegeben, iibersetzt und kommentiert (Asiatische Forschungen, Band 103). Wiesbaden, Otto Harras-

Indo-lranian Journal 34:1991.

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sowitz, 1988. Teil I: Text, Ubersetzung und Kommentar. XII, 333 pp.; Tell II: Faksimiles und Indices. 120 pp. DM 198,-

In 1957 and 1961 Annemarie von Gabain published facsimiles of fragments of an Uigur work Maitrisimit nom bitig which had been found by German Turfan expeditions in Sgngim and Murtuq. In two Beihefte she gave an analysis of the contents, and a survey of parallel texts. In 1980 ~inasi Tekin published a transliteration and an annotated translation of all fragments (Maitrisimit nom bitig. 2 volumes). Another manuscript was discovered in 1959 in Hami. It consists of 293 folios of which 114 are complete or almost complete. The text has the form of a ndtaka and comprises 28 chapters, an introductory chapter and 27 chapters. The present work contains the introductory chapter and chapters 1--4. Other chapters have been published separately, namely chapters 16, 10 and 11.1

According to the colophons the text was translated from an Indian original into the Toxri language by a Vaibhfisika master Aryacandra and from the Toxr'i language into the Turkish language by Prajfifiraksita. A few fragments of the Toxr'i (Tokharian A, or East Tokharian, or Agnean) text have been published by E. Sieg and W. Siegling (Tocharische Sprachreste, I, 1921), but all Tokharian fragments have not yet been published. According to the Introduction an extensive manuscript of the Tokharian text was discovered in the nineteen-sixties in Sinkiang and is being studied by Chinese scholars. It is to be hoped that this text will be made available in facsimile. A Khotanese version, entitled Maitreya-samiti, has been edited by Ernst Leumann and Ronald Emmerick. Once the Turkish and Tokharian texts have been edited and translated, it will be possible to compare these three Central Asian versions with Indian and other sources on Maitreya. On p. 2 of the Introduction the editors write that the historicisation of the future Buddha in the Turkish recension is due to Iranian or gnostic, and especially Manichaean influence. On p. 225 a note to the translation states that "diese Ubiquifiit der leidenden Seele mutet stark manich/iisch an." However, the text does not mention a suffering soul, and the idea of a "Leidende Seele" is utterly foreign to Buddhism. Much has been written about Iranian influences on Buddhist conceptions of the paradise and the future Buddha but it is easier to speculate about influences than to prove them.

The text has been carefully transcribed and translated. All Buddhist terms are explained in the notes in so far as they have been identified. Many names and terms remain obscure. For instance, the text mentions a srwapa~antik sacrifice (pp. 79 and 83). In a note this is explained as repre-

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senting Sanskrit sarva-pdsand, ika. An "All-heretic" sacrifice seems rather strange and perhaps pagantik represents Sanskrit praidntika "pacifying".

Thanks to the Hami manuscript it has become possible to identify many formerly unidentified folios or fragments of the Turfan manuscript. The editors have used the Turfan manuscript in order to fill gaps but have refrained from establishing a text based upon both manuscripts. In several places Te!dn's translation has been revised by them.

The second volume contains facsimiles and two indexes. The first index lists the Turkish words but without indicating their meanings as had been done by Tekin in his index of the Maitrisimit nom bitig. The index does not comprise all occurrences of the most common words and does not contain the words which occur in the Erg~azungsblfitter (pp. 280--299), folios which were identified after completion of the manuscript. The second index lists Sanskrit names and words.

It is perhaps unavoidable that the other chapters are published separately in journals, although this makes it more difficult to study the text. It is to be hoped that the publication of all chapters of the Hami version will be followed by a critical edition based on all available manuscript materials and accompanied by a complete Turkish-German glossary.

The editors and translators have been able to profit from the advice of several scholars. They have done excellent work in making these chapters available to both Turcologists and to students of Buddhism.

N O T E S

1 Geng Shimin und H.-J. Klimkeit, 'Das 16. Kapitel der Hami-Version der Maitrisimit', Journal of Turkish Studies 9 (1985), pp. 71--132 [not seen]; Geng Shimin, H.-J. Klimkeit und J. P. Laut, '"Der Herabstieg des Bodhisattva Maitreya vom Tusita-Gttterland zur Erde". Das 10. Kapitel der Hami-Handschrift der Maitrisimit', Altorientalische Forschungen 14 (1987), pp. 350--367; Geng Shimin, H.-J. Klimkeit und J. P. Laut, '"Das Erscheinen des Bodhisattva". Das 11. Kapitel der Hami-Handschrift der Maitrisimit', ibid. 15 (1988), pp. 315--366.

Australian National University J. W. D E J O N G

Samten Gyaltsen Karmay, The Great Perfection. A Philosophical and Meditative Teaching of Tibetan Buddhism. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1988. X1V, 257 pp. 20 plates. 110 guilders.

rDzogs-chen, The Great Perfection, is the name of a Tibetan religious


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movement which has played an important role both in Tibetan Buddhism and in the Bon religious tradition. Its character has been often misunder- stood as having been greatly influenced by the Ch'an school of 'The Sudden Path' which was known in Tibet in the eighth century. This school was represented by the Chinese master Hva-shang Mahfiyfina who was defeated in a famous debate by the Indian master Kamalagila who propagated 'The Gradual Path'. The doctrines of The Great Perfection were adopted by the adherents of the school of the Ancients, the rlqifi-ma-pa, who were considered as 'unorthodox' by the other Buddhist schools. As Karmay remarks, rDzogs-chen is the only doctrine that has been adhered to not only by the rlqifl-ma-pa but also by non-Buddhists, the Bonpo.

Karmay's book is mainly concerned with the beginnings and the early period in the history of The Great Perfection. Part One deals with the legend of Vairocana, a translator living in the latter part of the eighth century, who is considered to have introduced rDzogs-chen into Tibet from India. The main source for the life of Vairocana is the Vairo 'dra-bag to which Tucci briefly referred in his Minor Buddhist Texts, Part II (Roma, 1958, pp. 114--115). From the study of this work and other sources Karmay concludes that Vairocana had a real existence and that his being associated with rDzogs-chen goes back to the tenth century.

In Part Two Karmay publishes the text and translation of three documents on rDzogs-chen from Tun-huang. The first two were discovered by him among the Tibetan Tun-huang documents in the India Office Library (IOL 647 and 594). An important source for the study of the rDzogs-chen is the bSam-gtan mig-sgron by gNubs Safls-rgyas ye-ges which according to Karmay was probably written in the late tenth century. It describes the doctrines of the Gradualists (Rim-gyis-pa), of the Simulta- neists (Cig-car-ba), of the Mahfiyoga tantras and of the rDzogs-chen. Karmay shows that the Blon-pa bka'-tha/t, the fifth section of the bKa'-thah sde-hia, which contains an account of the Cig-car-ba tradition depends on the bSam-gtan mig-sgron and that for the understanding of the Blon-po'i bka'-thati it is necessary to compare it with the bSam-gtan mig-sgron. In chapters three and four Karmay studies the Cig-car-ba tradition and the rDzogs-chen doctrine as described in the bSam-gtan mig-sgron. The last chapter of Part Two is devoted to the study of the Theg-pa chen-po'i tshul- la yug-pa written by Rofi-zom Pan.d.ita Chos-kyi bzafl-po in the latter half of the eleventh century with the aim of defending rDzogs-chen against attacks by opponents. Karmay remarks that this work is the most important treatise on rDzogs-chen written in the eleventh century that has come to light.

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The rlqifl-ma-pa school distinguishes two different traditions of rDzogs- chen, one introduced by Vairocana and the other by Padmasambhava. The only extant work attributed to Padmasambhava is the Man-hag lta-ba'i 'phreh-ba which is edited and translated by Karmay in chapter six. The principal source of this work is the gSah-ba shih-po, translated into Tibetan in the eighth century. It teaches the practices of sexual union (sbyor) and of deliverance (sgrol) which were proscribed in the beginning of the eleventh century by 1Ha Bla-ma Ye-ges-'od, king of mNa'-ris. The following chapter analyses the main doctrines of the rDzogs-chen such as 'The Primordial Basis (gdod-ma'i ggi), the Dharmakfiya (chos-sku), the conception of Kung~i, and the theory of the 'Rainbow Body' ('ja'-lus). In chapter eight Karmay deals briefly with some Bonpo works relating to rDzogs-chen and discusses the conception of light as the source of the phenomenal world. The following chapter studies the three trends of the rDzogs-chen of the rlC, lifl-ma-pas, the Sems-sde, the Klofl-sde and the Man-flag@ sde or slqifl- thig 'Heart Drop'. The last one became widely practised, especially after the fourteenth century, among the rlqifl-ma-pas. This doctrine was systemat- ically developed by one of the greatest Tibetan scholars, Klofi-chen rab- 'byams (1308--1363), in his Theg-mchog mdzod and other works. The last chapter deals with the 'rediscovery' of rDzogs-chen texts by ri'7,1ifl-ma-pa and Bonpo masters and with transformations of Bonpo texts into Buddhist ones and vice-versa.

It is the great merit of this book that Karmay clearly explains the importance of the rDzogs-chen tradition in Tibet. His work is the result of the many years study of little known or unknown texts. The translations are all accompanied by the original texts in transliteration and by detailed notes and introductions. For many years to come Karmay's book will be the prime source for the study of the rDzogs-chen. It is to be hoped that he will continue to make more texts known. Particularly welcome would be a translation of the gSah-ba sfiih-po and a study of its sources in view of the important role this text has played in debates concerning the rDzogs-chen.


The Worship of Mahdganapati According to the Nityotsava

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Transcript of The Worship of Mahdganapati According to the Nityotsava