The value orientation approach to understanding culture

Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 38, No. 4, pp. 1274–1299, 20110160-7383/$ - see front matter

Crown Copyright � 2011 Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved
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doi:10.1016/j.annals.2011.03.003www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures

THE VALUE ORIENTATION APPROACH TOUNDERSTANDING CULTURE

Leah WatkinsJuergen Gnoth

University of Otago, New Zealand

Abstract: Researchers in business and tourism still rely heavily on empirically derived eticdimensions, such as the work of Hofstede, as the basis for examining cross-culturaldifferences, and there have been calls for new theories and measures of cultures influence(Huff & Smith, 2008; Kang & Moscardo, 2006). This paper identifies an alternative theoryand measure of culture’s influence in tourism by providing an example of the usefulnessof Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s (1961) value orientation framework. The applicationillustrates the insight to be gained from a more theoretical, emic and holistic approach to cul-ture through its application to the study of Japanese tourism behaviour. The paper concludesby outlining potential areas of the framework’s application in marketing research generally.Keywords: culture, values, value orientations, cross-culture. Crown Copyright � 2011 Publishedby Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved

INTRODUCTION

The apparent dearth of alternatives in cross-cultural research meth-odologies that meet the immediate and long-term challenges for bothvisitor and destination management calls for the constructive develop-ment and discussion of different ways by which we may truly under-stand tourist behaviour. While cultural distinctiveness persists invalues and culture (Reisinger & Turner, 2002) doubts have been caston positivistic beliefs that it can be ‘boxed’ and treated as a more orless static phenomenon (Swidler, 2001; Taylor, 2001). The applicationof quantitative, cross-cultural techniques and empirically derived mod-els of cultural dimensions may not capture cultures meaningfully orsufficiently (Watkins, 2010). The present study therefore illustrateshow a return to a more anthropological and contextual approach tounderstanding deep-seated cultural value orientations can directly in-form research of behaviour across cultures.

Leah Watkins is a lecturer at the University of Otago (P.O. Box 56, Dunedin, New Zealand.Email <[email protected]>). Her research focus is consumer behaviour and valuesresearch, with specific interests in Japanese tourism behaviour and cross cultural method-ology. Juergen Gnoth, works at the University of Otago in New Zealand teaching andresearching tourists’ and general consumer behaviour but also place branding andnetworking. In recent years he has also developed an interest in social marketing and isinvolved in values research and the consumption of common or public goods.

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This paper applies Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s (1961) etic model ofvariations in value-orientation as an alternative approach to cultureand values in order to evaluate its usefulness in cross-cultural research.Japan provides an interesting case study for this application as it is acountry considered ‘problematic’ to both Hofstede (2001) andSchwartz (2006) in their conceptualisations of cultural orientations.These authors’ frameworks have dominated cross cultural research intourism (Kang & Moscardo, 2006) yet despite their unquestionablemerits, critique has also been forthcoming (see e.g., Manrai & Manrai,2009), and it has been suggested that our understanding of culturewould be enriched by striving to identify new theories and measuresof culture’s influence (Huff & Smith, 2008).

The emic perspective, commonly used in anthropology, regardsculture as unique and best understood from within that context.In contrast, the etic perspective, common in psychology, seeks toidentify universal or ‘culture free’ theories and concepts, and devel-op generalizations across cultures (see Pike, 1967). Contrary to Hof-stede and Schwartz, Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s approach framessets of behaviour. Rather than providing a restricted set of valueswithin which respondents are forced to express their central values;the present approach uses primary data from Means-end interviewswith Japanese tourists. It allows tourists’ to explain their values andpreferences themselves, and applies Kluckhohn and Strodtbecksframework to the interpretation of these values in cultural context.Thus, while Schwartz and Hofstede provide an etic framework basedon empirically derived value orientations, here we offer an eticframework that helps us organise an emically derived understandingof behavioural preferences.

The intended outcome is not to establish generalisations regardingJapanese tourist behaviour, but to offer a deep understanding of themeanings and values of Japanese people in their role as tourists inNew Zealand (NZ); and thereby to enhance readers understandingof the benefits sought and behaviour of Japanese tourists to NZ withrespect to Japanese culture. In addition, this paper demonstrates theimportance of understanding value orientations and world view inthe interpretation of values and behavior.

CULTURE AND TOURISM

Despite the importance of culture to tourism, not much attentionhas been paid to its influence on travel preferences (Reisinger,2009). Concerns have been raised regarding both the quantity and rig-or of research in this area (Dimanche, 1994; Kim & Lee, 2000;Reisinger, 2005; You, O’Leary, Morrison, & Hong, 2000). Jennings(2009) discusses the need in tourism research for alternatives to Wes-tern-centric research pedagogy and praxis, and readjusting the privileg-ing of Western world viewpoints and epistemologies to (re)-interprettourism experiences outside Western contexts. Several authors (Dann,Nash, & Pearce, 1988; Urry, 2002) have called for a focus on emic

1276 L. Watkins, J. Gnoth / Annals of Tourism Research 38 (2011) 1274–1299

rather than etic viewpoints, recognizing that Western ontologies andepistemologies are only one way of knowing and (re)interpreting theworld.

Kluckhohn’s theory, called a theory of variation in value orienta-tions, had the aim of providing a basis for the systematic analysis ofcross-cultural differences and intra-cultural variations in basic values.It was developed to analyze the effects of basic systems of meaning(basic values) on human behavior (Kluckhohn & Strodtbeck, 1961).The framework itself had become neglected shortly after the evalua-tion of the project it was originally designed for as ‘‘interest in valuesin anthropology had waned’’ (Lamphere, 2002, p. 118) which maybe a reason why it never resurfaced in tourism research. However, itis still a frequently used model in standard anthropology textbooks(e.g., Gannon, 2004; Jandt, 2004) and there has been a recent resur-gence of interest in the framework in various disciplines (see Russo,2000).

Fundamentally, the framework rests on a phenomenologically con-ceived concern with the intentional acts of consciousness that deal withbeing-in-the-world (Heidegger, 1962), transcending the traditional do-mains of anthropology, sociology and psychology. These intentionalacts are grouped based on three basic assumptions. Firstly, that thereare a limited number of common human problems for which all peo-ples must at all times find some solution. Secondly, that while there isvariability in solutions of to all the problems, it is neither limitless norrandom but is variable within a range of possible solutions. And thirdly,that all alternatives of all solutions are present in all societies at alltimes but are differentially preferred (Kluckhohn & Strodtbeck, 1961).

Values are thus suggested to form around five basic types of prob-lems to be solved by every society, and three alternative solutions toeach: One, what is the relationship between humanity and its naturalenvironment—‘mastery’, ‘submission’ or ‘harmony’ (The nature ofreality and nature). Two, on what aspect of time should people primar-ily focus—‘past’, ‘present’ or ‘future’? (The nature of time and space).Three, what is the nature of human nature—‘good’, ‘bad’ or a‘mixture’? (The nature of human nature). Four, what is the primemotivation for behavior—to express one’s self (‘Being’), to grow(‘Being-in-becoming’), or to achieve (‘Doing’)? (The nature of humanactivity). Five, how should individuals relate with others—hierarchically(‘Lineal’), as equals (‘Collateral’), or according to their individualmerit (‘Individualism’)? (The nature of human relationships)(Kluckhohn & Strodtbeck, 1961).

Although ‘‘a value-free social science is a fiction’’ (Ayoub, 1968, p.270), this juxtaposition of bounded existential universals forms an eticframework that is practice-oriented, capturing the scope of fundamen-tal options for behavioural preferences. Attention is thereby diverted‘‘from conscious ideas and values to the physical and the habitual’’.At that level, behavior is object ‘‘to the impersonal arena of ‘discourse’.A focus on ‘discourses’, or on ‘semiotic codes’ permits attention tomeaning without having to focus on whether particular actors believe,think, or act on any specific ideas’’ (Swidler, 2001, p. 75). As such this


research is not interested in the narratives of individuals per se but inplacing these narratives into the historical perspective of their per-sonal, contextual and cultural framework (Hendry & Wong, 2006).Tourists’ discourse on their own behavior is here organized accordingto Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s framework and then compared to thegeneral discourse on Japanese culture in the literature to arrive at a cri-tique of the framework.

Context—Japan

Cultural patterns give meaning to social and psychological reality(Oedewald, 2009, p. 106), and Japanese tourists have their perceptionof travel still deeply rooted in the culture of travel and culturally spe-cific values (Graburn, 2009; Guichard-Anguis & Moon, 2009). Japan’stabi no bunka (culture of movement/travel) for ordinary Japaneseemerged in the Edo period as commoners began to travel in largenumbers seeking novelty, pleasure and excitement, however this travelhad to be cloaked in the legitimising guise of religious pilgrimage(Creighton, 2009). This unique history of travel and pilgrimage, pro-longed isolation and the country’s sudden and recent emergence intothe world tourism arena have lead to some distinctive travel behavioursand preferences (Watkins, 2008).

From the extensive literature published on Japanese tourists (seeMok & Lam, 2000 for a thorough review), emerges a relatively consis-tent picture in terms of popular destinations, preferred activities, travelstyle, demographics, expectations etc. However, the nature of the re-search to date is mainly descriptive and empirical in nature neglectingthe more fundamental relationship between Japanese cultural valuesand tourist behavior (Chon, Inagaki, & Ohashi, 2000). Four studieshave specifically considered cultural aspects of Japanese travel behavior(Ahmed & Krohn, 1992; March, 2000; Pizam & Sussmann, 1995;Reisinger & Turner, 1998; Reisinger & Turner, 2002), but none explic-itly considers the role of cultural values, or provide a holistic overviewof culture’s influence on travel behavior. The ‘‘systematic theoreticallinkage between Japanese travel behavior and Japanese cultural values’’was identified for further research by Chon et al. (2000, p. 182).

Recently, much has been written on the contemporary nostalgic ap-peal of furusato (home village or home place), and the Japanese peo-ple’s nostalgia for a vanished and idealised Japan, compared to theJapan of today, both domestically (Creighton, 2009; Moon, 2009)and overseas (Surman, 2009; Yamashita, 2009). White (2009, p. 195)uses the term ‘‘offshore Furusato’’ to refer to this phenomenon over-seas and he raises the idea that Japanese identify with places that por-tray wholesome, natural and traditional aspects of Japan; Japanesetravellers are searching for the ‘real thing’, ‘authenticity’ and ‘nostal-gia’ (Surman, 2009). Travel to these furusato destinations is suggestiveof a return to a Japanese spirit and identity allowing an ‘‘inward move-ment of reunion with a lost Japanese self while conversely allowing anoutward movement towards a more internationalised self’’ (Creighton,2009, p. 42). If the West and Westernisation—forces to which Japan has


been open since the end of the Edo era—have resulted in the estrange-ment of Japanese from their own Japanese cultural heritage and iden-tity, travel is seen as the mechanism allowing them to reunite with theirpast Japanese selves, by returning to a Japanese kokoro (heart/mind)(Creighton, 2009).

Among the fifty-three countries and regions included in Hofstede’sstudy, Japan was distinctive; it was the only country that did not groupwith another country (Hofstede, 2001). Schwartz also recognizes Japanas a ‘‘striking exception’’ to his theoretical structure (Schwartz, 2006,p. 155). The frameworks of Hofstede and Schwartz are certainly usefulin their own right, however they do not offer a coherent insight intoJapanese culture allowed by a more qualitative approach to under-standing beliefs around which Japanese society is structured. In this pa-per, the application of Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s framework toprimary values data raised in Means-end interviews illustrates how a re-turn to a more qualitative, theoretical and emic approach to under-standing cultural value assumptions can directly inform ourunderstanding of personal values and behavior in a way not offeredby the application/simple comparison of empirically derived eticdimensions.

The Nature of Reality and Nature in Japan

Beliefs about the nature of reality and the natural environment aregrounded in metaphysical conceptions of the divine, nature and man-kind. There are two basic conceptions of the divine: that of a super-ordinate entity who dispenses nurturance, care and love (the dualist,Western perspective); and the ground of being or the inner essenceof reality (the monist, Eastern perspective) (Bellah, 1957). In Japanthere is no ontological difference between men and gods (Pelzel,1974); in contrast to the anthropomorphic omnipotent God of Wes-tern religion, the Japanese speak only of an impersonal spirit, or thelaws of nature.

In order to understand these beliefs and a culture’s relationship tonature in tourism settings it is necessary to consider the religiousunderpinnings of that culture. In Japan religion pervades manyspheres which we might call secular (Kurita, 1987), and there has beena tendency to fuse religious values and secular goal-attainment values(Bellah, 1957). Many Japanese have no strict allegiance to a particularreligious organisation nor identify themselves as adherents of any par-ticular religion; however, they practise a variety of religious activities ina syncretic fashion through the course of their lives (Kurita, 1987). Thekey religions in Japan are Shintoism and Buddhism (a complete discus-sion of the key religions in Japan is beyond the scope of this paper andthe discussion below limited to those particularly relevant to under-standing relationships to nature in Japan). Shinto is commonlyregarded as the indigenous Japanese religion and has the characteris-tics of a primitive animistic religion, including nature worship(Kuroda, 1993). Kami is the word for spirits, natural forces, or essence


in the Shinto faith. Kami is often translated as ‘gods’, but it is also ap-plied to natural objects which are regarded as sacred, such as trees,mountains, and rivers. Sensitivity to the aesthetic and the environmen-tal value of mountains and forests are also defining features of Shinto-ism. Shugendo is another important religion to consider in thediscussion of Japanese beliefs about nature. Spiritual powers attainedthrough the cultivation of ascetic practices in the mountains are per-haps the best-known aspect of Shugendo in present-day Japan. Moun-tains are seen as a sacred space, or as an actual part of the spiritualworld, and are symbolic of the universe (Miyake, 1993).

Within the Japanese religious context, then, nature possesses a pre-cious ‘something’ that is both at one with, and transcends, humanity.In every natural landscape, in mountains, rivers, and trees, there is aliving god. All objects of nature, animate and inanimate, are regardedas manifestations of a great universal truth. The Japanese do not viewnature in opposition to mankind or as an object which man must con-quer. Instead they believe that man must live harmoniously within nat-ure and strive for natural order and harmony (Kurita, 1987). Theetymological meaning of the Japanese word shizen (nature), is thepower of spontaneous self-development and what results from thatpower. The Chinese characters for shizen literally mean ‘from itself thusit is’, expressing a mode of being rather than the existence of a naturalorder (Campbell & Noble, 1993, p. 1069). God as a creator is absent inJapanese culture and it has been suggested that human beings there-fore seek comfort by attempting to immerse themselves completelyin nature. Nature can be trusted completely and thus has a relaxing,healing function (De Mooij, 1998). It has also been postulated that nat-ure offers many Japanese a sort of refuge from a restrictive society anda sense of personal fulfillment through identification with its beautiesand processes (Reischauer, 1977). It must be acknowledged howeverthat Japanese attitudes towards nature are not simple. Alongside thedeeply felt oneness with nature discussed, the Japanese have alwaystried to control and even dominate nature in various ways; they areguilty of environmental degradation and are drawn to an appreciationfor an idealised, or cultured version of nature rather than untamed orwild nature. A thorough discussion of the Japanese ambiguity to naturecan be found in Asquith and Kalland (1997).

The Nature of Time and Space in Japan

Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961), in their original conceptualiza-tion of this dimension, relate attitudes towards time to issues of destiny,conformity and change. The major religious traditions of Japan, andthe Confucian cultural sphere, are oriented towards the past (Bellah,1957). Buddhist and Confucian theories of historical change are alsocyclical. Japanese beliefs regarding the nature of truth and reality,and their orientation towards a cyclical past, mean a relatively externallocus of control. At the social level this may explain the Japanese ten-dency towards dependence on institutions and authorities (de Mooij,


2004) and has clear implications for the role of such in the arena oftourism.

Another important aspect of the Japanese concept of time and spaceis the importance of the immediate situation or context. Nakane(1970) characterized Japan as a society which stresses a situationalposition in a particular frame, rather than universal attributes acrossframes. While this may be overly simplistic, it remains true that in Japanhow people act toward each other is a function of their relative status;the emphasis is on adherence to a code of behavior that depends onthe context one is in. Japan’s concrete, situation-bound modes of per-ception mean that Japanese are less concerned with asserting them-selves as autonomous agents whose actions and feelings exist apartfrom everyday social settings and engagement with others (Cousins,1989).

The Nature of Human Nature in Japan

In Western religion there is an individual soul, conceived of as exter-nally separate from others. However, in Japanese religion there is nosuch individual self or soul. In Buddhism the self is an illusion; in Shin-to, kami is plural as well as singular; and nor does Confucianism have aplace for individualistic concepts of the person (Reynolds, 1980). InJapanese religious belief, man’s original state is that of union withthe universe which, however, becomes lost through the assertion ofthe individual ego.

The lack of belief in a metaphysical separation between the self andthe universe is reflected in the Japanese word jibun (self), which means‘one’s share of the shared life space’ (Hamaguchi, 1985). The Japanesehave a phrase to express the shallow and fragile concepts of themselvesas individual entities: jibun ga nai (I have no self), and sociologists be-lieve the concept is probably unique to the Japanese (Anderson &Wadkins, 1991). The word mu also expresses this idea and means‘emptiness’, ‘selflessness’ or ‘the non-existence of self’ (Suzuki,1974). In Japan, the individual will is considered part of selfish imma-turity; the true individual finds his maturation in willing to be at onewith the purposes of the social group (Reynolds, 1980). Thus ‘self’has a negative connotation in Japan; doing something according toone’s own style is called jikory�u, a term that carries negative connota-tions (Ford & Honeycutt, 1992). Likewise, the word kojin-shugi (individ-ualism) has a negative connotation in Japan (Henshall, 1999),suggesting to the Japanese selfishness rather than personalresponsibility.

The absence of a strong ego, or an interdependent self concept, hasbeen considered in the West to imply a lack of individualism inJapanese society and has often lead to stereotypical simplifications ofJapanese tourists’ behavior. This view, however, confuses individualitywith individualism. Individualism represents one possible concept ofpersonhood particular to certain Western societies; it is not a prerequi-site of individuality, which is a human universal (Cousins, 1989).


Hofstede’s concept of individualism/collectivism is based on theassumption of a dichotomy between the individual and the groupand ignores an equally valid definition of human nature and self con-cept which makes no such distinction. According to Lebra and Lebra(1974, p. 158), in Japan the autonomy of the individual is protectedand assured not in society, but away from it, where one may legitimatelyindulge in self-reflection and introspection. It is the latter route thatleads into one’s kokoro (true heart) and puts one again in contact withone’s true nature—one’s hara (belly) and jibun (self). It is in theseinner realms that truth and integrity are thought to lie.

What the individualism/collectivism dichotomy causes us to miss isthat the Japanese assign a high priority to the growth of human beingsas individuals as well as social persons. Confucianism is distinctly con-cerned with the concept of self cultivation, advocating the search forunderstanding, satisfaction and development in discipline as a resultof solitary practices of self-expression. However, in the long runself-development can only occur in a communal setting and therecan be no fulfillment for the individual in isolation from his fellowman (Munro, 1985). Individual values are prized as long as they donot lead to self-centeredness or selfishness, and do not contraveneprinciples of harmony and effective group performance (Smith,1983). Self-reflection, development and cultivation are values highlyemphasized in Japan, not just as a means of improving one’s ownpersonality, but also as ways of making oneself a more valuable socialbeing (Reader, 1991). The Japanese person learns to cultivate hisown individuality in ways that are socially acceptable.

The Nature of Human Activity in Japan

According to Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s (1961) original model,there are three orientations toward human activity: the doing, being,and being-in-becoming orientations. Japan is best characterized bythe ‘being’ and/or ‘being-in-becoming’ orientation. The Japaneseare primarily interested in experiencing, in living, in doing, and inenjoying life (Moore, 1967). ‘‘Harmony and happiness are seen as a‘natural’ or original, state of affairs—the Japanese term genki (healthy),literally means the original spirit—but this bliss can be easily destroyedif the balanced reciprocity between man and spirit is lost’’ (Kalland,1995, p. 249). They do not condemn self-gratification and considerphysical pleasures good and worthy of cultivation. However, pleasuremust be kept in its place and must not intrude upon the ‘seriousaffairs’ of life (Benedict, 1946). In accordance with Confucian philos-ophy, man’s duty lies in conformity to the requirements of cosmicand social harmony, the pursuit of happiness is a relaxation in whichone indulges when one can (Weber, 1964). Thus, the Japanese workhard and take their familial roles seriously, but outside these contextsthe Japanese person is free to ‘play’ and engage in activities purely forpleasure or happiness and these beliefs are fundamental to an under-standing of the role of tourism in Japanese culture. It has been noted


that whereas historically in Japan travel had to be cloaked as religiouspilgrimage, the contemporary equivalent—the secular sacred—is thevalue placed on education and self-development through travel. Thereare specific indications that travel is associated with human develop-ment in Japan (Creighton, 2009). Tobin (1992) points to a Japanesebelief that, to become a mature human being, a person needed to ‘em-bark on a journey’. The character for road, michi, in Japanese is usedmetaphorically for the concept of human development. Traditionalforms of self development by which individuals could enhance them-selves through a form of discipline often include the character formichi, such as the martial arts, and traditional arts, such as the tea cer-emony (Creighton, 2009).

Japanese achievement motivation, a feature of the culture noted par-ticularly in its education system, is based not on striving for indepen-dence and self-reliance as in the West, but rather on affiliative anddependency needs: i.e., achievement motivation has a collective socialorigin (Yang, 1995). High achievement needs are related to the unre-payable debt one owes parents for their suffering and sacrifice (Smith,1983). Pressing needs for personal accomplishment, which by defini-tion will never be great enough, cause the adult individual to invest ahigh degree of identification with, and involvement in, whatever rolehe or she is playing. For the Japanese the acquisition of a skill is viewedas the outcome of the development of the inner self. Thus the Japanesetake seriously any ‘hobby’ they engage in (Smith, 1983) and the pursuitof special interest tourism for the Japanese is well noted.

The Nature of Human Relationships in Japan

The nature of human relationships in a culture define issues such aspower, influence, hierarchy and individual or group orientation(Kluckhohn & Strodtbeck, 1961). According to the influentialConfucian thought, man exists through, and is defined by, his relation-ships with others; these relationships are structured hierarchically andsocial order and harmony are ensured through each party’s honoringthe requirements of the role relationship (Bond, 1986).

The key elements of Japanese human relations are the hierarchy ofrelationships, and the importance of ‘proper’ conduct (Anderson &Wadkins, 1991). How people act toward each other is a function oftheir relative status and the emphasis is on adherence to a code ofbehavior that depends on the context one is in (Moore, 1967). It hasbeen suggested Japanese people prefer to act within the frameworkof a group and assume that such a group will be hierarchically orga-nized and run by a paternalistic leader (Moeran, 1983).

The literature on socialization in Japanese society reflects the impor-tance placed on relationships with others, rather than self-autonomy,early in life (Reynolds, 1980). Amae is the noun form of amaeru, a verbthat means ‘to depend and presume upon another’s benevolence’(Doi, 1974). Amae is translated as ‘indulgent love’, ‘dependency needs’,‘passive love’ or ‘primary love’, and is best explained as the love a child


feels for a kind and loving mother. Doi (1974), a Japanese psychologist,wrote extensively about amae, claiming it was the key to Japanese hu-man relationships. While amae is not unique to Japan (De Mente,1995), and Doi’s work has been criticized, amae remains a useful con-cept in considering human relationships in Japan. Doi believes thereis social sanction in Japanese society for expressing the wish to amaeru,dependency is fostered and the behavior has been institutionalizedinto social structure. The cultivation of amae encourages feelings ofcomplete trust and confidence. Japanese people assume not only thatthe other party will not take advantage of them, but also that they—inbusiness or in private life—can presume upon the indulgence of others(De Mente, 1995). An individual’s behavior is predicated on an expec-tation that others will act toward him with kindness and good will.Clearly expectations of tourism services and personnel are influencedby these beliefs which may also explain the Japanese preference fororganized group travel (Nakane, 1970).

METHODOLOGY

The purpose of this study is to consider the influence of culture ontourism behavior from a qualitative emic perspective. The culturalframework of Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck is applied to primary valuesdata gathered from Japanese tourists in order to interpret those valuesin a wider cultural context and understand their influence on tourismbehaviors. The primary values data for this study was gathered throughMeans-end interviews. Means-end theory and the laddering techniqueare increasingly being adopted in tourism research to examine tourismbehavior and values. The theory provides a framework for relating theattributes of tourism products and services to the important factorsthat motivate and influence tourist decision making and travel behav-ior from an emic perspective. Following Swidler (2001) the techniqueis therefore eminently contextual and praxis-bound which favours dis-course analysis in order to extract general themes that can be com-pared to the general discourse in Japanese cultural literature.Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s etic framework is thus filled by emicdiscourse.

According to Means-end theory, consumers make choices becausethey believe that the specific attributes of a choice can help themachieve desired values through the consequences or benefits of thatchoice. The goal is to determine the linkages between attributes, con-sequences and values (A-C-V hierarchy). Investigation using Means-endin tourism has focused on: destination choice (Klenosky, 2002;Klenosky, Gengler, & Mulvey, 1993); museum and heritage visiting(Crotts & Van Rekom, 1998; Jewell & Crotts, 2001; McIntosh &Prentice, 1999; Thyne, 2001); nature-based experiences (Frauman &Cunningham, 2001; Frauman, Norman, & Klenosky, 1998); andaccommodation choice (Mattila, 1999; Thyne & Lawson, 2000).

The epistemological approach taken here is one of interpretative real-ism to understand the meanings that tourists bring to their experiences


in their natural settings (Denzin & Lincoln, 2003). The methodologyemployed Means-end interviews, literature reviews, and native knowl-edge for discovering, addressing and analyzing the meanings touristsevoked (Hackley, 2001). Though one author is fluent in Japanese itwas considered to be of great value to include a Japanese national inthe interview team in order to give a different value perspective (the abil-ity to appreciate if not share the values of the sample); to gain the benefitof multiple skills and background disciplines; to allow for internalchecks in the course of the research; to make the context as natural aspossible; and to allow the informants to express themselves from theirown cultural perspective. This was considered particularly importantin Japan where the social phenomenon of honne (a person’s true feelingsand desires) and tateme (literally facade, or the behavior and opinionsone displays in public) is a recognized social phenomenon. Researchhas shown that people better reflect their cultural values and assump-tions when they respond in their native language (Schaffer & Riordan,2003); and interviews between ethnically similar interviewers andrespondents produce higher quality responses than interviews betweenthose of dissimilar ethnicity (Webster, 1996). Triangulation was ad-dressed through the use of multiple investigators; peer debriefing andchecks with the Japanese interviewer as a member of the stakeholdergroup were also ways of establishing credibility and consistency/depend-ability. Interpretation was enhanced through the combination of havingboth a native interviewer and an observer/notetaker.

Data Collection

Interviews were conducted in a well known NZ tourism resort(Queenstown), in two locations; the airport, to capture tour groupsawaiting departure, and local backpacker accommodation. Sampleselection was based on maximum variation, in order to gain both depthand breadth of understanding. Backpackers and package tour seg-ments were chosen to represent travellers at the ‘opposite’ ends of clas-sifications and continua (for example allocentrism vs psychocentrism)that describe the level of, experiential, experimental and existentialtourism travellers engage in (Cohen, 1974; Plog, 1974).

Laddering, being a qualitative data collection technique is usuallyemployed with small to medium sample sizes (Grunert, Beckmann &Sorensen, 2001). In relation to qualitative interview techniques, Lin-coln and Guba (1985, p. 235) state ‘‘it is usual to find that a dozenor so interviews, if properly selected, will exhaust most available infor-mation’’. The focus of the research was on understanding the key cul-tural values rather than understanding all the potential valuesinfluencing tourism behaviour for the Japanese. Sample size was notdetermined in advance as redundancy was regarded as the most suit-able criterion for sample size; however a minimum of twelve interviewswere planned. The sample sizes employed in studies using the Means-end methodology in tourism were reviewed, other studies focused onidentified values using soft laddering techniques had samples of twelve


to sixteen (Frauman et al., 1998; Thyne, 2001; Thyne & Lawson, 2000).Table 1 provides an overview of the samples gender, age, education,occupation, income and travel style.

The interviews began with some general questions regarding pur-pose of travel, time in NZ and past travel experience. Once participantswere at ease, discussion was loosely guided around four topic areas: rea-son for NZ as a destination choice, activity choices, accommodationchoices, and transportation choices. The direct elicitation techniquewas used to initiate the laddering technique. The researcher beganwith a behavior/decision, i.e. ‘‘why did you choose NZ as your destina-tion?’’ then selected/ picked up on the key attribute mentioned forthe destination and using the laddering procedure asked the respon-dent ‘‘why is that attribute important or desirable to you?’’ The re-sponse given was then used for the next ‘‘why is that important toyou’’ question. And so on. This process of eliciting attributes, and lad-dering from those attributes, was then repeated using the remainingtopics. Fourteen in-depth laddering interviews were carried out duringthe course of the interviews. The researchers found repetition in thevalues identified, confirming that a degree of saturation had beenreached. All the interviews were conducted in Japanese, taped and latertranscribed and translated into English.

Results

The key values identified in the Means-end interviews are presentedin Table 2 and will be discussed following the analysis section. The ta-ble presents a summary demonstrating the links between attribute (i.e.behavior/choice), consequence and value (A-C-V hierarchy) found in

Table 1. Sample Profile

Case No. Age Gender Education Occupation Income

Backpackers1 35–40 Female University graduate Teacher —2 25–30 Male High school graduate Department store worker —3 28 Female High school graduate Computer related work 4,000,000 yen4 29 Female College graduate Special needs teacher 3,000,000 yen5 25 Female College graduate Office worker 2,500,000 yen6 20 Male High school graduate Unemployed7 22 Female University graduate Student —

Package Tourists8 39 Female University graduate Office worker —9 29 Female University graduate Student 0 yen10 31 Male Masters degree Office worker 6,000,000 yen11 — Male University graduate Office worker 4,000,000 yen12 58 Female High school Housewife —13 70 Female — Housewife —14 55 Female — Office worker —

Table 2. Attributes, Consequences and Values

Consequence Value

Destination � Natural scenery, mountains

� Safe from war/conflict

� Not dangerous

� New Experience

� Kokoro ga arawareru (Inner

harmony)

� Anzen (safety)

� Chian ga ii (safety)

� Kouufun, wakuwaku (excitement)

� Fulfilment of fantasy

� Nature/world heritage

� Change and experience

� Jyujitsukan (fulfilment)

� Change pace of life � Refreshu (be refreshed)

� Stress/escape

� Activity (feel good)

� Jiyu (freedom)

� Nature � Mokiteki tasei (accomplishment)

� Contact with New Zealanders � Fureai

� Activity -Various experience

� Activity—Hiking

� Jibun no manzoku (satisfaction)

� Learning language and culture

� People

� Chishiki (knowledge)

� Learn English travel make friends � Sekai ga hirogeru (expand horizons)

Activity � Nature � Kokoro ga yasuragu

� Kouufun, wakuwaku (Excitement)

� Water � Refreshu (be refreshed)

� Jet boat � Keiken (experience)

� Paragliding/scenery

� Different experiences to Japan

� Atarashii-taiken (New experience)

� Medachitai � Jibun no manzoku (satisfaction)

� Unique person/different to others � Jisonshin (self respect)

� Being with nature � Shiawase ni naru (happiness)

Travel Style (hotel) � Safe accommodation/food � Anzen (safety)

Travel Style (bus) � Driving safety

Travel Style (plane) � Safety and speed

Travel Style (homestay) � Not worrying � Chiian ga ii (safety)

Travel Style (package tour) � Language ability/familiarity � Anshin (security)

Travel Style (package tour) � Desire to do nothing/English ability

� Avoidance of problems/security

� First time to NZ� Raku (ease)

Travel Style (backpacker)

Travel style (rental car)

� Do what you want

� Freedom from restrictions

� Jiyu (freedom)

Travel style (backpackers) � People/relaxation

� Communicating with people

� Exchanging information

� Fureai (Human relationships)

Travel Style (backpackers) � English ability � Chishiki (Knowledge)

Travel Style (bus)

Travel Style (backpackers)

� Cheap and easy

� Cheap and practical

� Benri (Convenience)

Travel Style (motel) � Not showing self/belongings to others � Puraibashi (Privacy)



the Means-end interviews. Table 3 provides a more detailed translationof the value items.

Analysis

Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s framework was applied to the valuesdata in order to interpret the values elicited in the interviews in lightof the cultural beliefs and assumptions underpinning them. The elic-ited (personal) values were categorized according to which of the five(cultural) dimensions best would provide the context for their inter-pretation. For example the personal value kokoro ga yasuragu/arawareru(inner harmony) is only understood with reference to Japanese beliefsabout nature, the spirit world, Shugendo, and Shinto and Buddhist be-liefs in the oneness of man and nature. Values such as physical security,convenience, privacy, and freedom, relate to the importance of imme-diate situation and context in Japanese culture. In interpreting per-sonal values such as fulfillment, satisfaction, self respect andfreedom, it is necessary to consider the concept of self and the natureof human beings in Japanese culture. Outer-directed values such asachievement, excitement, and new experiences are related to the nat-ure of activity. The final group of values, those related to people: hu-man contact, anshin (psychological security), and raku (being lookedafter/ease) are influenced by Japanese concepts such as amae, ideasof collectivity vs. individuality, and the hierarchical, linear nature ofJapanese society.

Interestingly these groups of values based on Kluckhohn and Strodt-beck also closely grouped together in relation to their influence onspecific areas of travel behavior. For example nature-based activitieswere motivated by the values kokoro ga yasuragu and kokoro ga arawareru(cultural assumptions about Truth and Reality). Other activity choiceswere related to the values of excitement, happiness, satisfaction, beingrefreshed and new experiences (Human Activity). The choice to cometo NZ was motivated by security, fulfillment, freedom, accomplishment,human relations, satisfaction, knowledge, and expanding horizons(Human Nature). Finally, travel style choices were related to securityand ease, human relations (Human Relationships), and freedom, secu-rity, knowledge, and convenience (Time and Space). This is summa-rized in Figure 1.

Discussion

The model presented suggests that in order to interpret values andtheir influence on travel behavior choices it is necessary to first under-stand the underlying cultural assumptions that shape and define themeaning of these values. The following section discusses each of Kluc-khohn and Strodtbeck’s dimensions as discussed in the literature re-view and their relationship to the identified values and behavior.

Table 3. Value Translations

Value Meaning (Nihon Kokugo Daijiten, 2000)

Kokoro ga yasuragu No tension, emotionally stable, relaxed, mental relaxationYasuraka—(1) purity, peaceful, quiet, nothing to worry about (2)

relaxed, not pressed (3) not rushing, taking time (4) nodifficulties, can do what you want

Buddha’s face is yasurakaOften related to water

Kokoro ga arawareru To clear away dirt from the heart, to refresh oneselfRelated to nature (especially water and mountains) in history and

poetry from the Heian Period (12–13 Century)Kokoro Human spirit, mind, heart. Organ which controls intellectual,

emotional and spiritual functions of human beings. Oppositeto physical and material things. Spirit, soul. Subtlepsychological feeling which reacts to external conditions(people or nature). Ability to understand poetry, literature, artand beauty. The Japanese self (Sugiyama Lebra, 1992)

Anzen Physical safety, securityChian ga ii Physical safetyAnshin Not worried, relieved, psychological safety/security

Dates from 1500’s, similar meaning to kokoro ga yasuraguRaku Easy. To mentally and physically relax and enjoyK�ofun, (wakuwaku) Excitement, (wakuwaku , onomatopoeia—heart beating in

anticipation)Jyujitsukan Fulfillment, sense of fullness, full of content, richRefureshu English loan word ‘refresh’. To clear/clean one’s heart/self.

Refresh one’s feeling/mood. To give spirit, make one feelvitality, energy, spirit

Jiy�u Freedom. Not restricted.Kaih�okan Free, not bound, not constrained, liberated,Mokuteki Tassei To reach, achieve a goalKeiken New experienceFureai Physical touch, intimate relationships, communication between

heartsJibun no manzoku Personal sense of completion, satisfiedChishiki KnowledgeBenri Convenient, usefulPuraibashii English loan word ‘privacy’. Freedom in private life of individuals

that doesn’t allow interference by othersSekai ga hirogaru Expand horizons. Open up world (literally)Jisonshin Self respect, consciousness of self authority, doesn’t allow others

to interfere. PrideShiawase ni naru To feel happy, fortunate


The Nature of Reality and Nature—Implications

As the literature suggests, essentially, the spiritual world is a reality inJapanese culture and these spirits reside primarily in nature. Man’soneness with nature is a deeply held cultural assumption and natureis highly valued in and of itself. The relevance and importance ofnature in determining destination and activity choice can only be


understood in reference to these beliefs about nature, spirit and body.Nature tourism must consequently be linked to the deeper structuresof Japanese beliefs about nature and reality.

Kokoro ga yasuragu and kokoro ga arawareru (inner harmony) were themost frequently mentioned values for tourists. They were elicited in di-rect response to nature-based activities, particularly sightseeing, butalso have implications for destination choice (nature being NZ’s pri-mary attraction). In order to interpret the values of kokoro ga yasurag-u/arawareru, it is necessary to explicitly understand their meaning inthe wider spiritual and religious context of Japanese culture. Kokoromeans the heart, sentiment, spirit, will, or mind; according to Sugiy-ama Lebra (1992) kokoro is the center of the inner self. Japanese warnthemselves against losing kokoro in the midst of material abundance(Sugiyama Lebra, 1992), and nature offers an environment in whichto reconnect this inner self with nature/God/spirit. Natural scenery,particularly mountains, are appreciated as a means of reconnectingto something greater, a way to refresh and relax one’s body and mind.

Cultural Assumptions / Values (descriptive / existential beliefs)

Personal Values (prescriptive / proscriptive

beliefs)

Tourism Behaviour

The Nature of Reality and Truth Spirit World – Shinto/Shugendo Buddhism Harmony with Nature

→→ Kokoro ga yasuragu Kokoro ga arawareru →

Nature (destination /

activity)

The Nature of Time and Space Past time orientation Cyclical nature of time Situational context

→Security (anzen) Convenience Privacy Freedom (from restrictions)

→ Travel style

The Nature of Human Nature Concept of man Concept of self - jibun →

Warm relationships Fulfilment Freedom Satisfaction Self respect Knowledge / expand horizons

→

Destination (and

destination specific

activities)

The Nature of Human ActivityMiddle way Being in becoming Work / Play distinctions

→

Accomplishment Happiness Excitement Refresh New experience / knowledge

→ Activity

The Nature of Human Relationships Human relationships - interdependent / collective - linear / hierarchical Amae. Giri/On

→Security (anshin) Human relationships Raku

→ Travel Style

Figure 1. Model of Linkages Between Value Orientations, Personal Values andTourism Behaviour


For tourists the short-term respite and opportunity to reconnect mind,body and soul were obviously highly important motivations for travel toNZ, before a return to the reality of everyday life in Japan. NZ’s naturalscenery offers the opportunity to temporarily escape, refresh and ridoneself of daily life stresses by reconnecting to a more spiritual whole-ness. This is not to suggest that viewing nature is a spiritual or religiousactivity for the modern Japanese tourist. However, its enjoyment andsignificance is firmly grounded in deeply held cultural beliefs regard-ing nature’s spirituality.

The Nature of Time and Space—Implications

Given the Japanese peoples’ relatively external locus of control andhigh dependence on external institutions and authorities, security isparticularly important to Japanese people, especially when travellingoverseas. While NZ is seen as a safe destination, security was also soughtin the form of predictable and reliable services, particularly public/tourist transport services, which assure the tourist of not getting lostand being taken to the right ‘tourist spots’.

The importance of situational context, along with a fear of theunpredictable, is useful in interpreting the values of raku (ease/conve-nience) and security, as mentioned frequently by package tourists asthe values motivating the decision to travel in this way. The acceptanceof a passive role in the travel context, and the absence of a strong de-sire for autonomy, mean package tours offer a sense of ease and safetywhile not being perceived as restrictive. A planned itinerary and anexperienced tour guide mean little risk of unforeseen problems; thedangers associated with independently chosen accommodation andfood is removed, and nuisances can be dealt with by the guide. Thereis no desire to be individual/unique, and the Japanese tourist is happyfor the relative security and convenience of packaged and managedexperiences.

For backpackers and semi-independent tourists lesser degrees ofsecurity and convenience were sought through accommodation andtransportation choices, for example pre-booked home stay accommo-dation and public/tourist transport services. In contrast to the desirefor security and ease, characteristic of package tourists, many back-packer’s accommodation and transportation choices were motivatedby the value ‘freedom’. This freedom was not freedom in a wider exis-tential sense, but simply freedom from restrictions. Commonly thechoices of backpacker accommodation and private car as transporta-tion were made because they allowed the respondent to ‘do what theyliked, when they liked’.

The Nature of Human Nature—Implications

What the literature review in relation to this dimension highlights isthe inappropriateness of Western concepts of the self in understanding


Japanese values and consumer behavior motivations. While values suchas self-respect, self-fulfillment, and self-actualization can be semanti-cally translated into Japanese, their conceptual meaning cannot. Thusvalue scales that include these self-related values are potentially mis-leading if compared in importance rating scales with responses inother cultures. It is interesting that these ‘self’ prefaced values didnot arise in the interviews. However, this is not to imply that each Jap-anese individual is not motivated by internally oriented, individualisticvalues, and these types of values did arise frequently in the interviews.The values of freedom, happiness, satisfaction and fulfillment motivat-ing destination and activity decisions are clearly individual values; how-ever, their meaning must be understood with reference to thepreceding discussion of the Japanese concepts of human nature andself.

For the Japanese, travel, and activities engaged in during travel, canbe seen as one of the culturally acceptable ways of cultivating one’sindividuality. Travel offers an escape from daily life and its roles andinstitutions and was described by many respondents in those terms.It offers an opportunity for self-expression through individual pursuitsand is not burdened with restrictions on the self that exist in other con-texts. For several young backpackers who openly expressed a dislike ofa restrictive Japan, travel was not necessarily an act of rebellion, but alegitimate way of pursuing identity, fulfillment, satisfaction and free-dom. The Western-style idea of freedom serves as a basis for assertingthe precedence of the individual over the group, which is not seen asdesirable in Japanese society; to the Japanese freedom is experiencedas ‘having individual ideas’ (de Mooij, 1998). We find the Japaneseemphasis on achieving freedom through various pursuits, rather thanthe Western focus on the universal presence of freedom (Gould,1993) and this freedom was offered through travel. Travels, and partic-ularly activities in nature, offer ‘this-worldly’ satisfaction, a temporarilydifferent context and a legitimate space to pursue individual interestsand values.

The Nature of Human Activity—Implications

The group of values identified in the interviews related to activitychoice were outer-directed personal values such as achievement,accomplishment, fun, excitement, and the gaining of knowledge andexperience. For backpackers in particular, achievement values wereclearly related to activity choices which were guided by a passion fortheir interest or hobby—be it snowboarding, diving, learning English,or the Lord of the Rings movie series. Tourism activities were seen as anescape from the ‘serious affairs’ of life and the English loan word refure-shu (to refresh) was elicited as the motivating value for several people.Fun, excitement and new experiences were also key values appropri-ately pursued within the context of travel activities. A lack of strongemotion was evident in the interviews relating to activity choice;though excitement was mentioned as a value in a few interviews, it


was not reflected in the respondent’s manner. In general, the questionof activity choice was responded to with hesitation, many respondentsinitially saying they had not done much/anything since arriving in NZ.Activity choices outside of those pursuing personal hobbies were gen-erally passive in nature.

The Nature of Human Relationships—Implications

Early socialization, the importance placed on group relationships,and the expectation of leadership/subordinate role relations explainthe preference for group travel amongst Japanese people. Another re-sult of the emphasis on detailed codes of conduct and relationships dis-cussed in the literature review is a tendency toward self-consciousnesson the part of the Japanese—a worry that they may not be doing theright things and thus are opening themselves to criticism or ridiculeby others. When confronted by the unfamiliar, a Japanese person ismore likely to feel unsure of himself and this is particularly true in atravel context (Reischauer, 1977).

The values raku and anshin (psychological security) were elicited reg-ularly as the values motivating the decision to travel in a tour group.Raku can best be translated as ease or comfort, and was linked to thedesire to be ‘looked after’ and the avoidance of fear/insecurity arisingfrom language problems and other unforeseen problems. It was clearlythought travel was more relaxing and psychologically ‘easier’ in agroup situation with clearly defined roles. Dependency on the guideas the expert/superior extended to ordering of meals, and airportcheck-in’s. Implicit in this relationship was the acceptance of deci-sions/rules made by the tour guide. In contrast to the package tourists,the backpackers interviewed did not express the values security or rakuand, in fact, decisions to stay at backpacker accommodation, while stillrelated to human relationships, were made deliberately to enhance fur-eai (relationships) with other non- Japanese tourists. While it was notinvestigated in this research, the nature of human relationships clearlyhas implications for service expectations (dependency and the desirefor needs to be anticipated and catered for) and the likelihood of tour-ist complaint behavior (highly unlikely within the assigned ‘role’ asgroup member/tourist).

CONCLUSION

This study provides support for the link between Japan’s historicalculture of travel (tabi no bunka), culturally specific values and modernJapanese travel suggested by Guichard-Anguis and Moon (2009), andGraburn (2009). The idea of tourism as a refuge from modernity, asa search for wholeness and meaning in nature and spiritually refresh-ing experiences was suggested by MacCannell (1976). It has long beenrecognised that certain tourism places may provide tourists with spiri-tual experiences, and that gazing on sublime views or landscapes


may provide some form of spiritual refreshment or meaning (Sharply,2009). This research supports this link and outline its form within thecontext of Japanese tourism. The long history of pilgrimage and travelin Japan offers insight into the spiritual aspect of present day travel forthe Japanese. Like other tourists the Japanese are seeking pleasurableexperiences encompassing the unusual and alternative while remain-ing predominantly within their comfort zone (White, 2009) and a cul-tural understanding of human relationships and values such as amaeand raku gives depth to this understanding. NZ emerges clearly fromthis analysis as offering an ‘offshore furusato’ destination, its primaryappeals of nature and authenticity allowing a reunion with a Japaneseself or kokoro. There is also evidence that travel is a form of self devel-opment for the Japanese and this understanding is enhanced throughthe lens of the human activity dimension of Kluckhohn and Strodt-becks framework.

The paper deals with the data gathered at an aggregate level andgeneralisations are made about the sample rather than individuals.The focus is not on the narratives of the individuals but on placingthese narratives into the historical perspective of their personal, con-textual and cultural framework. For this reason the discussion of meth-odology and the presentation of the data itself is limited to allowgreater discussion at the cultural and theoretical level. Interested read-er are referred to (Watkins and Gnoth, forthcoming). The paper is notexhaustive of Japanese culture but details what is most relevant to anunderstanding of the data in this context of NZ and does not precludewider developments in Japanese society not dealt with in this paper. AsKluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961) suggest the model is etic in thesense that all cultures face the same questions, however there are a(limited) number of solutions which differ. Context may indeedchange the way a particular dimension is addressed; it is in this way thatthis analysis is limited to NZ.

Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s five cultural assumptions togetherconstitute a framework for understanding world-views. A world-view isa culture’s orientation towards humanity, nature, the universe, life,death, and other philosophical issues that influence how we see theworld. The content of a world-view influences the deep structures ofsociety, our perceptions and, consequently, strongly affects our beliefsand value systems. An understanding of world-view is necessary to graspa culture’s most significant values, and thus how and why members of aculture behave as they do. The implications of these fundamental dif-ferences in world view (for example between the West and Japan) aretwofold: firstly, they have a direct influence on attitudes, beliefs, values,preferences and behavior; secondly, these differences suggest that theassumptions underpinning Western consumer behavior constructs andtheories are not shared by other cultures in which they are used, there-by threatening their validity and reliability. For example, this paperhighlights that the Western idea of individualism must be reconsideredwhen understanding behavior in Japanese culture.

The individualism/collectivism construct, so commonly applied inbusiness research, is built on the intellectual assumption of the


separate individual in contrast to the group. However the observed dif-ferences in orientation reflect the diffuse and interdependent natureof the Japanese self rather than a dichotomous focus on the collectiveover the individual, a world-view in which the interdependent nature ofthe self is preferred over the individually based rational view of self.The Japanese social unit is not the opposite of the individual but an-other way entirely of conceiving of the individual. Thus individual-ism/collectivism theory is insufficient in explaining cross culturaldifferences as the dichotomy is a Western construction that overlooksthe important antecedents leading to this observed difference in socialorganization.

Figure 2. Model of Linkages and Potential Future Research


The paper suggests emic analysis of meaning is important and evenperhaps necessary before etic constructs or measures such as Hofst-ede’s dimensions can be meaningfully applied and interpreted. Mean-ingful cultural comparison can only proceed from a recognition of thedeeply held cultural assumptions that shape a culture’s values andbehavior. The model presented in this paper offers a framework toinvestigate how these assumptions impact on consumer values andbehavior and may be useful in other contexts and cultures to structureconsideration of culture, values and behavior. Kluckhohn andStrodtbeck (1961, p. 1) stated that ‘‘A knowledge of the basic assump-tions of a people is indispensable to the interpretation of concretebehavior’’. This paper advocates a re-examination of value-orientationsin consumer behavior, both in the interpretation of values andbehavior, but also to structure consideration of cultural assumptionsunderpinning research questions and measures when conductingcross-cultural research.

By being able to ascertain the relations among cultural beliefs, valuesand behavior, how they cohere in a logical framework, they becomemeaningful and understandable to us. The model presented givesresearchers a framework to access indigenous meanings necessary forunderstanding fundamental differences across cultures, allowing closerexamination of the local origins of value orientations and the mechan-ics of their influence on behavior. The theoretical contribution of thispaper is to propose a model for conceptualizing the relationship be-tween culture, values and consumer behavior. In the context of Japa-nese tourism the model identifies the antecedents and determinantsof tourism-relevant values and their impact on tourism behavior. In awider theoretical context, this model offers a framework for integratingand interpreting values within a cultural context and examining theirlink to behavior (see Figure 2). The framework provides a way of look-ing at the relationship between culture, values and behavior that ex-tends beyond tourism behavior and is useful in addressing broaderquestions regarding cultures’ influence on consumption behavior gen-erally. Some suggested areas of influence and future research in con-sumer behavior are presented in Figure 2.

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Submitted 24 June 2010. Final version 30 November 2010. Accepted 4 March 2011.Refereed anonymously. Coordinating Editor: Ning Wang

The value orientation approach to understanding culture

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