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THE USUAL SUSPECTS: MULTIPLE GRAMMATICALIZATION OF 'DO'/ 'MAKE', 'BE', 'HAVE' AND 'GO' IN UTE

T. Givón Linguistics Department University of Oregon and White Cloud Ranch Ignacio, Colorado

1. Introduction

In the early 1970's a young lady I had never met, Marianne Williams, sent me her MAthesis on Tuscarora word-order. It was a masterly synchronic description, but it also reinforced mygrowing suspicion that diachrony lurked at the very heart of all synchronic "typological"descriptions. We became life-long friends; and ever since, every synchronic description I got fromMarianne Mithun has been laced with rich diachronic insights. It is thus only fitting that I try tofollow in her wake.

In the grammaticalization of verbs, a small group of lexical verbs is particularly prominent,invariably found on the short-list of "light verbs" (Wilson 1999) that display peculiar grammaticalproperties in whatever language one may finds them. Such verbs are most commonly multiplypolysemous; they develop more abstract senses; they become both semantically bleached orclassificatory and phonologically bleached and shorter. And either grammaticalized or co-lexicalized, they tend to form multiple complex-stem combinations with more lexically-specificverbs ("complex predicates"). In one way or another, they thus follow a characteristicdevelopmental--diachronic--trajectory.

In this paper I will illustrate the behavior of a small group of such verbs in Ute. In additionto the properties noted above, these verbs in Ute display one conspicuous morphotactic irregularity:Unlike most lexical verbs that appear as the first element on the verbal word, these "usual suspects"must appear as the second (or last) element in complex lexical stems. That is, in the characteristicposition of Ute verbal suffixes.

Our "usual suspects" can be plotted, rather coherently, along a diachronic developmentalcline, in terms of: (a) degree of semantic bleaching (b) degree of phonological reduction/bleaching (c) degree of loss of morphotactic verbal properties; and (d) degree and range of grammaticalization.I will begin with the verbs at the mid-range of the cline, since they afford a clearer view of theentire continuum. I will then discuss two cases found at the tail end of the continuum.

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2. The usual suspects

2.1. 'Do' -ni-2.1.1. Still residually lexical

The verbal root -ni- 'do-/'make' appears as four distinct verbs 'do'/'make' in Ute, allobligatorily incorporating one of the four deictic prefixes: -'i- 'proximate', ma- 'remote-visible', 'u-'remote-invisible' or 'a- 'non-specific'. The deictic use of these prefixes may be seen in:[FN 1]

(1) a. Proximate: 'i-vee 'here' here-at b. Remote-vis.: ma-vaa 'there-visible' there-at c. Remote-invis.: 'u-vwaa 'there-invisible' there-at

Incorporated as prefixes into the verb -ni- 'do'/'make', all four deictic particles areattested:[FN 2]

(2) a. 'ipu- 'i-ni-kh? 'What are you doing?' WH/O here-do-IMM

b. tu-kapi 'i-ni-kya '(s/he) made food' food/O here-do-ANT

c. kani-naagha 'u-ni-'ni '(s/he) is inside the house' house/O-in there-do-INT/IMM

d. ...kachi-n 'ásti-wa máa-y 'u-ni-'a-vaa-ku... NEG-1s want-NEG 3s-O there-do-??-IRR-SUB '...I don't want that one to come/go with us...'

e. ...'umu-s-'uru 'u-ni-kya-pu-ga, púupa máy-pu--na-'u... 3p/S-that/O there-do-PL-REM manner say-NOM-REL-3s '...(and) they did it, the way he told them...'

f. 'uru ma-ni-pu-ga '(s/he) did it like this' (with gestures) that/O there-do-REM

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g. ...'iya-na mú-ni-'ura 'agha-paa po-ro--khwa-gha 'a-ni-kh?... here-at 2p/S-be WH-dir go/PL-go-PAR nsp-do-IMM '...Where are y'all going here?...'

h. ...'i-vee-nu-mu- 'a-ni-kh po-ro--kwa-y nagukwi-ta-miya-gha... here-at-1p/ex nsp-do-IMM go/PL-go-IMM fight-PASS-go/PL-PAR '...here we are passing through going to fight...'

Of the four possible deictic-incorporating forms, the one incorporating the proximate 'i-(2a,b) is semantically the most vigorous and predictable, also allowing the more concrete--presumably older-- transitive sense 'make' (2b). The form incorporating the remote-invisible 'u-(2c,d,e) has become, augmented with the intensive suffix, the verb 'be in location' for animate nouns(3c),[FN 3], perhaps also 'come'/'go' (3d); but can still function as plain 'do' (2e). The formincorporated remote-visible ma- (2f) is highly restricted to the sense 'do like this' with gesturaldemonstration.[FN 4] Lastly, the form incorporating the non-specific 'a- is the most marginal andleast lexical. As can be seen from its use as main verb in examples (2g.h), 'a-ni- is semanticallyvacuous, with a semantically "heavy" verb carrying the subordinator participial suffix -ga in both(2g,h), and with yet another superfluous finite verb in (2h).

2.1.2. Grammaticalized

In addition to the lexical uses of -ni- in (2) it has grammaticalized in a wide range of less-than-predictable capacities. The first is as a derivational suffix roughly meaning "intensive" or"active", as in:

(3) simple derived =============== ==================== pu-ni-kya- 'see' pu-ni-'ni- 'look' nu-ka- 'hear' nu-ka-'ni- 'listen' sumay- 'think' sumay-'ni- 'think hard' paghay-'wa- 'walk' pagha-'ni- 'walk all over'

This derivation is neither fully productive nor fully predictable. The identification of -'ni with -ni-is suggested by alternations found in the plural form, as well as by alignment with other Utephonological alternations:[FN 5]

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(4) singular plural ========= ============ nu-ka-'ni nu-ka-qha-ni-'i hear-INT/IMM hear-PL-INT-IMM '(s/he) is listening' '(they) are listening

pu-ni-'ni pu-ni-kya-ni-'i see-INT/IMM see-PL-INT-IMM '(s/he) is looking' '(they) are looking'

sumay-'ni- sumay-kya-ni-'i think-INT/IMM think-PL-INT-IMM

Next, -ni has become a co-marker of the future tense, supplementing the irrealis -vaa/-paa,as in:

(5) a. Irrealis (subordinate, SS): tu-ka-vaa-chi 'ásti-'i eat-IRR-SUB want-IMM '(s/he) wants to eat' b. Irrealis (subordinate, DS): tu-ka-vaa-ku máy-kya-n eat-IRR-SUB tell-ANT-1s '(s/he) told me to eat' c. Irrealis (free subjunctive): tu-ka-vaa-chi-rami eat-IRR-SUB-2d/inc 'Let's you and I eat' d. Future: tu-ka-vaa-ni eat-IRR-FUT '(s/he) will eat'

Next, -ni can be used, rather unpredictably, to render an emphatic sense, as in:

(6) simple emphatic ======== ========== 'i-vee 'here' 'i-vee-ni 'right here' here-at here-at-EMPH

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Next, -ni may assume the post-positional meaning 'like', often in combination with thedirectional-locative post-position -pa. Thus:

(7) a. tuachi 'child' > tuachi-ni 'like a child' tuachi-pa-ni 'like a child' child/S child/O-do child/o-DIR-do

b. 'úu-pa 'that-a-way' (invis.) > 'úu-pa-ni 'like that' (invis.) there-DIR there-DIR-do

Some pronoun-like words, including numerals, display the use if -ni that overlap withmarking the subject grammatical role, but such usage is complex and less than systematic. Thus:

(8) 'other': súuva-tu- 'other' (inan., obj.) súuva-tu--ni 'other' (inan., subj.) súuva-tu--mu- 'other' (an., sg., subj.) súuva-tu--mu--ni 'other' (an., pl. subj.) súu-va-tu--mu--aa-ni 'others' (an., pl. obj.)

(9) Numerals: subject object object (alt.) ========== ========== ============ 'one': sú-ii-ni súu-ku-s súu-ku-na-ni 'two' wáy-ni wáy-ku wáy-ku-na-ni 'three' péy-ni péy-ku péy-ku-na-ni

In the next two text-derived examples, -ni is added to the topical/emphatic suffix -ga in a lessthan predictable manner both semantically and morphotactically. In one case, -ni is also suffixed tothe verb (10a), following the old, near-defunct conjunction suffix -su-:[FN 6]

(10) a. ...'umu--su--gaa-ni so-niaa-u pa-pa'a-yugwi-'a-pu-ga-su--ni... 3p-C-TOP-do Pleiades-PL RED-complete-sit/PL-??-REM-C-do '...and the Seven Sisters were sitting up there like that too...'

b. '...mu-ni-gya-su--ni so-niaa-u-vwaa-tu-... 2p-TOP-C-do Pleiades-PL-INC-IRR-NOM '... and you will be(come) the Pleiades...'

The next case involves the grammaticalization of the entire verb 'uni- 'do' as a marker ofpossession in the inalienable possession construction (see sec. 2.4 below):[FN 7]

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(11) a. inalienable possession: alienable possession: =================== =========================== kani-gya-tu- kani 'u-ni-aa-gha-tu- house/O-have-NOM house/O there-do-POSS-have-NOM 'home-owner' 'landlord'

b. piwa-gha-tu- ---------------------- spouse-have-NOM 'married person'

c. ------------------- 'ava'natu- panaqharu- 'u-ni-aagha-tu- much/O money/O there-do-POSS-have-NOM '(s/he) has lots of money'

Probably the most intriguing grammaticalization of -ni is its incorporation into some WH-question words, where in some instances it carries tense-aspect suffixes that underscore its verbalorigin. First, in manner ('how') WH-questions without a tense-aspect, but then in reason ('why')WH-questions with tense-aspect marking:

(12) a. Manner: 'agha-ni tu-ka-'ini-kya? WH-do eat-make-ANT 'How did (s/he) make food?' b. Reason (anterior): 'agha-ni-kya págha-kwa-qha? WH-do-ANT go-go-ANT 'Why did (s/he) take off?' c. Reason (future): 'agha-ni-vee-ni 'ini-vee-ni-aqh? WH-do-IRR-FUT do-IRR-FUT-it 'Why will (s/he) do it?' d. Reason (irrealis): 'agha-ni-vee-chi? WH-do-IRR-SUB 'Why (would you want to do this)? e. Reason (imperfective): 'agha-ni-gya? WH-do-PAR 'Why (do you do it)?' 'Why (are you doing it)?'

2.2. 'Make', 'become' -ti-/-ri-

The causative verb -ti- in Ute is used systematically in the causative construction. Like otherimplicative complement-taking verbs, and like the bulk of "the usual suspects", it must incorporateits complement verb at the a prefixal position. Thus:

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(13) a. Simple: 'áapcachi po-'o-kwatu- pu-nikya-qha boy/S book/O see-ANT 'the boy saw the book' b. Causative: mamachi 'áapachi po-'o-kwatu- pu-ni-ti-kya woman/S boy/O book/O see-CAUS-ANT 'the woman showed the boy the book' 'the woman made the boy see the book

The voiced variant of -ti, -ri-, may be used in either causative or inchoative derivations thatmay be considered lexical rather than syntactic. Further, it and may take both nouns and adjectivesas its complements. Thus, as causative:

(14) basic derived ================ =================== kuvu'a 'sharp point' kuvu'a-ri 'sharpen' páa 'water páa-ri- 'irrigate' wiya-vu- 'mud' wiya-ri- 'muddy up' saghwa-gha-ru- 'grue' saghwa-ri- 'make grue'

As an incoative derivation, -ri- most often imparts the sense of 'become', again applyingmostly to nouns and adjectives, as in:

(14) basic derived ================= ============================== tugwa-na 'at night' tugwa-ri- 'become night' (anochecer) tama-na-tu- 'spring' tama-ri- 'become spring' túu-kwa-ru- 'black' túú-ri- 'become black' 'aka-gha-ru- 'red' 'aka-ri- 'become red' piwa-n 'my spouse' piwa-ri- 'get married', 'become married'

The original lexical etymology of -ti- 'cause' is plausibly tii- 'push'. What one sees in thevariant -ri- is phonological bleaching, widening of the scope of grammaticalized contexts, andfurther semantic bleaching--all predicted from general considerations.

2.3. 'Be' -ra-/-ta-

2.3.1. Still marginally lexical

As noted earlier, the more concrete, locative senses of 'be in place' are handled in Ute bythe semantically and phonologically more vigorous verbs 'be put' (for inanimates) and 'be doing' (foranimates), as in:

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(15) a. Inanimate: po-'o-kwatu- tu-ka'napu--vwa-na wachu- -ka book/S table/O-at-LOC put-PASS/IMM 'the book is on the table' b. Animate: mamachi kani-náagha 'uni-'ni woman/S house/O-in do-INT/IMM 'the woman is in the house'

The more abstract verb 'be' used with nominal and adjectival predicates is a derivative of theold root -ra-/-ta-, most commonly with the remote-invisible deictic 'u-, as in:

(15) a. Nominal predicate: 'áapachi 'u-ra-'ay boy there-be-IMM '(he/it's) is a boy' b. Adjectival predicate: 'aka-gha-ru- 'u-ra-'ay red-have-nom there-be-IMM '(It) is red'

Two other incorporated deictic (or pronoun) forms are also used with -ra-, albeit morerarely. First, the incorporated remote-visible deictic ma- yields the sense 'be like this', contrastingwith 'u- 'be like that' (invis.):

(16) 'u-ra-tu--ni 'just like that one' (invis.; subj.) there-be-NOM-like ma-ra-tu--ni 'like that/this one' (vis.; subj., often with gesture) there-be-NOM-like 'uwa-ra-tu--ni 'like him/her' 3s-be-NOM-like 'uru-ra-tu--ni 'like that' (inan. invis.) it-be-NOM-like

And second, the non-specified deictic 'a- appears in a variety of less-predictable contexts,sometimes even as the predicate 'be' alternating with the more common 'u-ra-:

(17) a. 'ícha-'ara po-'o-kwatu- 'ara-'ay this/S-be book/S be-IMM 'this is a book'

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b. 'ícha-'ara 'ípu- 'ara-'ay? this/S-be WH/S be-IMM 'This one, what is it?'

2.3.2. Recent grammaticalization

A more recent high-frequency grammaticalization of 'ura- tags it as a topicalizing suffixon both subject and object nouns in topic-switching (DS) contexts, Thus consider:[FN 8]

(18) 'uwas-'ura-pu-ga Sinawavi... 'umu- chakuraa-y-u 'u-mu--kway... 3s/S-be-REM Sinawav 3p/O cranes-O-PL 3p/O-TOP 'There was once Sinawav... (with) those Cranes...

'umu--aa pú--paa-amu- ya-yagha-kway-pu-... 3p-GEN REL-DIR-3p RED-cry-go-REM wherever it was they were going about crying...

'uwas-'ura 'avi-pu-ni-gya... 3s/S-be lie-see-PAR and he was lying (on his back) watching...

Just as frequently, -'ura is used to introduce the topical participant for bhe first time:[FN 9]

(19) 'uwas-'ura 'ura-pu-ga-vachi, núu-maroghoma-pu-ga-tu- 'u... 3s-be be-REM-BG people-create-NOM/S the/S 'There was him, he who created the people...'

Much like with topical nominals, the suffixal -'ura is used prolifically in many inter-clausal('adverbial') connectives, yielding a continuum of thematic continuity, from the shortest (mostcontinuous) to the longest (least continuous), as in:[FN 10]

(20) a. khwa-'ura 'then' go-be b. pina-khwa-'ura 'then later' follow-go-be c. pina-khwa-'ura-'uru 'so then later' follow-go-be-that/O d. 'ú-vway-aqh-'ura 'so right then/there' there-at-it-be e. 'ú-vway-aqh-'ura-'uru well so right then/there' there-at-it-be-that/O

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f. 'u-vway-aqh-'u-nuv-'ura-'uru 'well so right then and there' there-at-it-there-??-be-that/O g. togho-sapa-'ura 'because of that', 'for that reason' right-MOD-be

Lastly, a high-frequency, relatively early-stage grammaticalization use of 'ura- 'be' can beseen in its use, as main verb, for emphasis, with the main semantic predicate given in a subordinatenominalized form. Consider the following examples, all from one expository speech:[FN 11]

(21) a. ...ka-nana-mani-wa-tu- -mu- 'ura-'ay... NEG-RECIP-do.like-NEG-NOM-PL be-IMM '...we don't do things like this together...'

b. ...'áa-gha-qa-tu--mu- kach-umu--'ura 'ini-a su-ti'i-wa-tu- -mu- 'ura-'ay... young-have-PL-NOM-PL NEG-3s-be WH-O think-NEG-NOM-PL be-IMM '...the young ones don't think well of them (the old folks)...'

c. ...kách 'úu-pani-aqh 'ura-wa-tu- 'ura-'ay... NEG there-like-it be-NEG-NOM be-IMM '...it would not be like that...'

d. ...puchughugwa-qha-paa-tu- -mu- 'ura-'ay... know-PL-IRR-NOM-PL be-IMM '...(we) should know (it)...'

e. ...ka-'ini-'a-tu- 'ura-'ay.. NEG-WH-have/NEG-NOM be-IMM '... (some) have nothing...'

f. ...núuchi-u ka-'ava'na-chi-wa-tu- -mu- 'ura-'ay... Ute-PL NEG-many-NOM-NEG-NOM-PL be-IMM '...the Utes are very few...'

g. ...'áavu--nugway 'úu-pani 'u-ra-tu- 'ura-'ay... now-TOP there-like be-NOM be-IMM '...but nowadays it is like that,,,'

The use of 'ura- 'be' in clefting may be related to this emphatic use.

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2.3.3. Old grammaticalization as the nominalizer & passive suffix -ta

The -ta variant of -ra- 'be' has long ago grammaticalized as a subjectless nominalizationmarker, both lexical and verb-phrasal, though this use is somewhat rare in texts. Thus consider:[FN11]

(22) a. Lexical: tu-ka-ta tú-u--'a-tu- eat-NOM good-good-NOM 'Eating is good' b. Verb-phrasal (generic): tugwa-na tu-kua-tu-ka-ta ka-'ay-wa-tu- night-LOC meat-eat-NOM NEG-good-NEG-NOM 'Eating meat at night is not good' c. Verb-phrasal (specific): kú-aw-'uru siveetuchi 'uway paqha-ta ka-'ay-na yesterday-that goat/O the/O kill-NOM NEG-good-ANT/NEG (i) 'The killing of the goat yesterday was not good' (ii) 'That someone (sg.) killed the goat yesterday was not good' (iii) 'The goat being killed yesterday was not good'

It is the subjectless VP nominalization in (22c) that most likely gave rise to the Uteimpersonal passive. A few text-derived examples of its use are:[FN 12]

(23) a. ...kách-kway tu-ka-qha-ta-mi-wa 'uwa-vaa-chu-... NEG-MOD eat-PL-PASS-HAB-NEG 3s/O-LOC-DIR '...people usually don't eat (things coming) from him...'

b. ...'umu--'ura pa-vaa-vukuchi-u kwichapu- magha-pu-ga, máy-kya-ta-sapa... 3o/O-be RED-water-domestic-PL shit/O feed-REM say-PL-PASS-MOD '...he fed the shit to the water-bugs, so they say/so it is said...'

c. ...'u-vwaa-tu-khwa tu-kwa-qha-pu-ga, there-at-to descend-PL-REM '... so they all went down there, 'u-vwaa-tukhwa qhaqharu--ta-na-paa-tugwa-av... there-at-to run-PASS-REL-DIR-tgo-OWN to the place where the race was to take place...'

d. ...kwa'a-ta-ti-paa-sapa-rawi-'u... beat-PASS-CAUS-IRR-MOD-1p/incl-3s '...let's cause him to be beaten (in the race)...'

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e. ...ma-mani-ta-sapa-'ara maru-.. RED-do.like-PASS-MOD-be that/O '...it (vis.) is always done like this...' '...one always does it (vis.) like this...'

2.4. 'Have'/'be' -ga-

2.4.1. Still marginally lexical

The main verb of possession in Ute, -ga- 'have', is used in three still-viable syntacticconstructions: inalienable possession, alienable possession, and the existential construction.Respectively:[FN 13]

(24) a. Inalienable possession: (i) Singular: piwa-gha-tu- '(s/he) have a spouse', '(s/he) is married' spouse-have-NOM (ii) Plural: piwa-gha-qa-tu--mu- '(they) have spouses', 'they are married' spouse-have-PL-REM (iii) Alt. plural: pi-viwa-gha-tu--mu- '(they) have spouses', '(they) are married RED-spouse-have-NOM-PL b. Alienable possesison: (i) Singular: panaqharu- 'uni-aa-gha-tu- '(s/he) has money' money/O POSS-GEN-have-REM (ii) Plural: panaqharu- 'uni-aa-gha-qa-tu--mu- '(they) have money' money/o POSS-GEN-have-PL-NOM-PL (iii) Alt. plural: panaqharu- 'u-'uni-aa-gha-tu--mu- '(they) have money' money/O RED-POSS-GEN-have-NOM-PL c. Existential: (i) singular object: kani-naagha tuachi-aa-gha-tu- house/O-in child-GEN-have-NOM 'In the house there is a child' (ii) Plural object: kani-naagha tuachi-u-aa-gha-tu- house/O-in child-PL-GEN-have-NOM

While requiring object incorporation, the verb -ga- 'have' still behave like a transitive verbin (24a) and (24b). In (24c), the grammatical subject ('possessor') is the inanimate location, and nopluralization is involved.[FN 14]

The verb -ga- 'have' has a suppletive negative form, -'a- or -'wa- 'lack', 'not have', as in:

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(25) a. Affirmative: kani-gya-tu- '(s/he) has a home', '(s/he) dwells' house/O-have-NOM b. Negative: ka-kani-'a-tu- '(s/he) is homeless', '(s/he) has no home' NEG-house-have/NEG-NOM

In very limited contexts, lastly -ga- 'have' can also be used as the predicative 'be'. Here is afairly typical one:[FN 15]

(26) Wíitu-s 'ura-pu-ga, tu-vu-chi wíitu-s; mámu--'uru wu--wu-sia-gha-tu--mu-, past be-REM very past 3p/S-that RED-feather-have-NOM-PL 'It was long ago, very long ago; those feathered ones,

mámu--'uru núuchi-u-gwa-y-amu--'uru... 3p/S-that person-PL-be-IMM-3s-that they were human...'

2.4.2. Multiple grammaticalization

(a) AdjectivesThe verb -ga- 'have' has grammaticalized in multiple capacities. To begin with, it occupies

the core of prototype adjectives, many denoting color, suggesting a nominal origin. What is more,in the adjective paradigm -ga- alternates with its phonological twin -ka-. And the verb pluralizationpattern used here reinforces the etymology of -ga-/-ka- as 'have'. Thus:

(27) a. 'White': Inan.: sá-gha-ru- 'white' white-have-NOM An. SG: sá-gha-ru--mu- 'white' white-have-NOM-AN AN. PL: sá-gha-qa-tu--mu- 'white' white-have-PL-NOM-AN b. 'Shining': Inan.: pana-qa-ru- (also 'bright', 'metal', 'glass', 'money') shining-have-NOM An. SG: pana-qha-ru--mu- shining-have-NOM-AN An. PL: pana-qha-qa-tu--mu- shining-have-PL-NOM-AN c. 'Black': Inan.: túu-kwa-ru- black-have-NOM An. SG: túu-kwa-ru--mu- black-have-NOM-AN An. PL: túu-kwa-qha-tu--mu- black-have-PL-NOM-AN

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d. 'Grey': Inan.: sí-gya-ru- grey-have-NOM An. SG: sí-gya-ru--mu- grey-have-NOM-AN An. PL: sí-gya-qha-tu--mu- grey-have-PL-NOM-AN

This paradigm is near identical to that of inalienable possession (24a). And the adjectival roots canbe incorporated into the modified noun, much like in noun compounds (28e). Thus compare:

(28) a. sá-gava 'white horse' (kava 'horse') b. túu-ru-pu-ychi 'black rock' (tu-pu-ychi 'rock') c. sí-gwanachi 'hawk' (lit. 'grey eagle'; kwanachi 'eagle') d. pana-ghani 'glass house' (káni 'house') e. núu-ghani 'tipi' (núu-chi 'Indian', káni 'house')

(b) The anterior/perfect tense-aspect:Given the -ga-/-ka- variation seen above, the interpretation of the anterior/perfect -ka- as a

grammaticalized derivative of -ga- 'have' is even more plausible, given its obvious semanticplausibility. Thus:

(29) wu-nu--ka '(s/he) stood' káa-qha '(s/he) sang tu-su-kwa '(s/he) ground' 'ini-kya '(s/he) did/made'

(c) The remote tense/aspect:The remote tense-aspect is composed of the inanimate noun suffix -pu- followed by -ga, as

in:

(30) a. Affirmative: káa-pu- -ga sing-NOM-have b. Negative: ka-qháa-pu- -a NEG-sing-NOM-have/NEG

The suppletive negative form in (30b) is a dead giveaway to the etymology of -ga-, given thesuppletive negative -'a- 'not have' seen in (25b).[FN 16] What is more, the noun suffix -pu- is widelyuse in nominalizations, as in:

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(31) verb derived nominal ============= ==================== tu-ka- 'eat' tu-ka-pu- 'food' 'ú-a- 'cultivate' 'ú-a-pu- 'garden' kwi'a- 'fence' kwi'a-pu- 'fence', 'corral' whcha- 'wrap' whcha-pu- 'strap' 'ivi- 'drink' 'ivi-pu- 'drink' kwicha- 'defecate' kwicha-pu- 'feces' 'uu- 'fart' 'uu-pu- 'fart' nhka- 'dance' nhka-pu- 'dance'

(d) The participial suffix:

The participial suffix -ga- is a natural derivative of either the -have' or 'be' meaning of -ga-.As an example consider:[FN 17]

(32) a. Subject participle: ..."tu-vu--sigi-pu-" máy-pagha-pu-ga 'uwas pichu--'wa-gha... earth-crumble-NOM say-gop-REM 3s/S approach-??-PAR '...He kept calling "Crumbling-Shale" as he was approaching...' b. Object participle: ...kh-'ura-'uru 'uru 'ivichi 'avi-gya máy-pu-ga... then-be-that that/O stick/O lie-PAR say-REM '...then he told that stick (that was) lying there...'

(e) Topic/emphatic suffix:Given the more receent grammaticalization of -'ura 'be' as a topic marker (see (18), (19)

above), the older recruitment of -ga- 'have'/'be' as a contrastive topic marker is not surprising. Thusconsider a rare classic below, where this suffix is used profusely on independent pronouns in a thinlydisguised attempt to hide their lexical identity:[FN 18]

(33) ...'urusu--ga 'úu-pa 'ura-navichi-pu-ga, that/S-TOP theree-DIR be-MASS-REM '...and that thing (his penis) then became (shorter) like that,

na-nana-pu-ga 'urusu--ga,RED-grow-REM that/S-TOP

and those things (trees) kept growing,

míipu-chi tu-gay-kwa-pu-ga 'urusu--ga; small become-go-REM that/S-TOP and that thing (his penis) grew smaller,

16

'u-vwaa-su- karu--pu-ga 'uwasu--ga 'ú-vway-aqh, there-at-C sit-REM 3s/S-TOP there-at-it so he (Sinawav) was sitting there like that,

'ú-'uni-aqh-'ura níaa-ri-pu-ga-aqh-'uru; RED-do-it-be name-do-REM-it-that repeatedly naming them (the trees and bushes); 'ú-'uway-'uru wa'a-qa-pu- 'ura-pu-ga-vachi maru-su--ga. RED-3s/G-that penis-have-NOM be-REM-BG that/S-TOP it was that way that his penis became (all) those (things).

(f) The negative suffix:

Ute practices double negation, whereby the pre-verbal prefix ka- or its full-word equivalentkách must be augmented by an older, shorter suffix whose most common form is either -wa or-'wa, a suffix that is replete with arcane morpho-phonemic variAtions. A few examples willillustrate the pattern:

(34) a. With the pre-verbal negative word: kachu-'u tu-ka-vaa-chi 'ásti-wa NEG-3s eat-IRR-NOM want-NEG\ 's/he doesn't want to eat' b. With the short verbal negative prefix: tu-ka-vaa-chi ka-'asti-wa eat-IRR-NOM NEG-want-NEG '(s/he) doesn't want to eat' c. Suppletive negative of the anterior -ka: tu-ka-vaa-chi ka-'ásti-na eat-IRR-NOM NEG-want-ANT/NEG '(s/he) didn't want to eat' d. Suppletive negative of the remote past -pu-ga: tu-ka-vaa-chi ka-'ásti-pu-a eat-IRR-NOM NEG-want-REM/NEG '(s/he) didn't want to eat'

On purely phonological grounds, one can reconstruct -'wa as either -wa'a or -'a, thus raisingthe semantically plausible suggestion that the negative suffix -wa/-'wa is a diachronic derivative ofthe negative possession verb -'a 'not have'.

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2.5. 'Go' -kwa-

2.5.1. Still marginally lexical

Like the rest of the usual suspects, above, -kwa- 'go' is monosyllabic, unstressed, and canonly appear as the second (or last) element in complex multi-stem verbs, imparting the precedingverb with various, oft-unpredictable, added meanings. A semantically and phonologically morevigorous verb kwáa- 'run', 'win in a race' is plausibly related to it. Most commonly, -kwa- is foundin various motion-verb compounds, as in:[FN 19]

(35) a. ... 'i-vaa-nu-mu- 'ani-kh po-ro--kwa-y nagukwi-ta-miya-gha" here-at-1p do-IMM go/PL-go-IMM fight-PASS-HAB-PAR '...Here we are going through because there is going to be fighting...'

b. ...máa-pa kwáa pú-aa-u-vaa-chugwa-av payu-khwa!... there-DIR run/IMP kin-PL-at-go-OWN return-go/IMP... '...Run and go back to your own kin!...'

c. ...kh-'ura-'uru kani-vaa-tugwa-khwa-pu-ga... then-be-that house-at-go-go-REM '...then they went home...'

d. ...'áa-gha nukwi-kwa-pu-ga kani-vaa-tugwa-av... quiet-PAR run-go-REM house-at-go-OWN '...stealthily he ran towards his house...'

e. ... "miya-khwa-u-paa-s-'ura"... go.far-go-INC-IRR-C-be '...let's go far away...'

f. ...pichu- -khwa-pu-ga... arrive-go-REM '...and indeed arrived there...'

g. ...pó-o--pa paghay-kwa-pu-ga... road-DIR walk-go-REM '...he was walking along the road...'

h. ...po-'nay-kwa-vachi... canter-go-BG '...it cantered...'

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The semantic contribution of -kwa- 'go' to the compound verbs in (35) is far from clear. Butin some instances the lexical sense of 'go' is a bit more discernible. Thus, the go-V-ing constructionwith -kwa- is reminiscent of its English equivalent. Thus consider

(36) simple go-V-ing =============== ================ a. tu-i-yu- tu-na-pu-ga tu-i-tu-na-kwa-pu-ga deer-O hunt-REM deer-hunt-go-REM 'he hunted the deer' '(s/he) he went deer-hunting...'

b. nhka-pu-ga nhka-khwa-pu-ga dance-REM dance-go-REM '(they) danced' '(they) went dancing'

A somewhat similar serial-verb use, 'go-and-do' is still attested in texts. Thus:

(37) a. ...'ichay-'uru 'umu- pa-vaa-puku-u-n magha-kwa-nu-... this/O-that 3p/O RED-water-domestic-PL-1s feed-go-IMP '...go feed this to my pet water-bugs...'

b. ...'uwa-ru-kwa-tukhwa kwicha-kwa-pu-ay-agha... 3s/O-under-go defecate-go-REM-CL '...and then he went and defecated under him...'

At the extreme end of co-lexicalization, one finds -kwa- fully co-lexicalized with thepreceding verb, with the combination to all intent and purpose a distinct lexical item on its own.Thus, verbs such as paqha- 'kill', ya'ay- 'die', qopoqhi- 'break' (intr.), tugwa- 'go toward' and othersare seldom found in text by themselves. Rather, they are most often augmented with -kwa-, whichis then fully de-semanticized. Some examples are:

(38) a. ...'umu-s-'ura 'i-vaa-chu- nó-o-ghwa-tu- pa-paqha-khwa-pu-ga... 3p/S-be here-at-DIR pregnant-NOM/O RED-kill-go-REM '...And indeed they killed a pregnant woman there...'

b. ...yu'u-'u qopoqhi-kwa-pu-ga... leg-3s break-go-REM '...his leg broke...'

c. ...kh-'ura-'uru pina-khwa ya'ay-kwa-pu-ga... then-be-that follow-go die-go-REM '...and later he died...'

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d. ...'umu-s-nukwa-'ura-'uru suwa-kwáa-khwa-pu-ay-aghay-'u 'uwayas Sinawavi... 3p/SU-TOP-be-that almost-win.over-go-REM-CL-3s 3s/O Sinawav/O '...And to start with, they almost beat Sinawav (in the race)...

e. ...kani-vee-av tugwa-kwa-pu-ga... houses/O-at-OWN go-go-REM '...he went to his (own) house...'

2.5.2. Grammaticalized

(a) InchoativeThe verbs karu-- 'be sitting', wu-nu-- 'be standing', 'avi- 'be lying', or naghami- 'be sick' are

stative verbs in Ute. The suffix -kwa- 'go' is used to convert them into change-of-state active verbs,as in karu--kwa- 'sit down', wu-nu--kwa- 'stand up', 'avi-kwa- 'lie down', or naghami-kwa- 'becomesick', respectively. Thus consider:

(39) stative active ==================== ====================== 'avi-pu-ga 'avi-kwa-pu-ga lie-REM lie-go-REM '(s/he) was lying down' '(s/he) lay down'

karu--pu-ga karu--kwa-pu-ga sit-REM sit-go-REM '(s/he) was sitting' '(s/he) sat down'

wu-nu--pu-ga wu-nu--kwa-pu-ga stand-REM stand-go-REM '(s/he) was standing' '(s/he) stood up'

naghami-pu-ga naghami-kwa-pu-ga sick-REM sick-go-REM '(s/he) was sick' '(s/he) got sick' (b) Imperfective

Like several other motion verbs with the general meaning of 'go', such as pagha-, po-ro-- ormiya-, -kwa- may be used as an imperfective--durative or repetitive--aspectual markers. Thus,compare the text-derived examples:

(40) a. ...chaquura-y-u 'umu- yagha-kway-miya-ku-amu-... crane-G-PL 3p/G cry-go-go/PL-SUB-3p '...as the cranes kept going on crying...'

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b. ...'uwas pa'a-'uwa-vo-ro--khu-'uru... 3s/S complete-jump-go-SUB-that '...so while he kept/was jumping vigorously up and down...'

c. ...kh-'ura 'ú 'áapachi 'u pini-vu-ni-paghay-kya... the-be that/S boy/S the/S back-look-go-ANT... '...Now his boy kept looking back...'

d. ..'uwas-'uru pu-nikya-vo-ro--na-pu-ga-vachi 'áapachi 'u... 3s/S-that see-go-HAB-REM-BG boy/S the/S '...In the mean time the boy kept looking around...'

e. ...'íi-pa kh-'ura 'uwas wachu--vo-ro--na-pu-ga-vachi 'avatu- -kway 'ina-pa'agha... here-DIR then-be 3s/S put-go-HAB-REM-BG big/O-MOD here-over '...he used to put that big thing (gesture) over (his shoulder)...

f. ...tu-pu-y-gwa-tukhwa kukwi-miya-kway rock-go-go shoot-go/PL-MOD '...they kept on shooting at the rock-cliff...'

g. ..."tu-vu--sigipu-" 'áy-pagha- pu-ga 'uwas; earth-crumble say-go-REM 3s/S '..."Crumbling-Shale" he kept saying...'

h. ...pu-saghay-kwa-pu-ga... search-go-REM '...(he) kept searching...'

i. ...magha-kwa-pu-gay-'u... feed-go-REM-3s '...(he) kept feeding him...'

(c) Locative post-positionMost Ute locative post-positions are transparently derived from verbs of motion or

position. And most commonly those post-positions are complex, displaying generations of addedverbs that contributed further meaning nuances.[FN 20] The verb -kwa- 'go' partakes in many ofthose combinations, as in:

(41) a. kani-vina-kway tugwa-kwa-pu-ga house-follow-go go-go-REM '(s/he) went behind the house'

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b. kani-vee-tu--mana-kway paghay-'way house-at-DIR-leave-go walk-IMM '(s/he) is walking (away) from the house'

c. ...'inay-kwa-paa-chu-... this/O-go-DIR-DIR '...so (he) went toward this one...'

d. ...pú-aa-'u-vwa-chugwa-kwa 'uni-'wa-vachi... kin-3s-at-meet-go do-??-BG '...(and he) went to (visit) his kin...'

e. ...'uway yu-u-pu-chi 'i-na-kwa-paagha 'uway-kya-pu-ga... 3s/O porcupine/O here-at-go-side hang-ANT-REM '...he had hung that porcupine on the side there...'

3. Near-terminal stage

3.1. 'Go' -pa-/-va-

The two phonologically-related suffixes -pa(a) and -va(a) have been grammaticalized aspost-positions for a long time, a fact attested by their multiple uses and rather elusive meaning. Byitself, -pa impart a sense of direction, as in:

(42) 'íi-pa 'in this direction' máa-pa 'in that direction' (vis.) 'úu-pa 'in that direction' (invis.)

The suffix -va by itself most commonly imparts the semantically-bleached sense of 'at', at in:

(43) páa-guaa-va 'at the edge of the water' kani-vee 'at the house' 'u-vwaa 'there-at' (invis.) 'i-vee 'here-at' ma-vaa 'there-at)' (vis.)

In complex post-positions, -va is used as the first, semantically opaque member of thecombination, as in:

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(44) a. kani-vee-tu--mana-kway 'from the house' house/O-at-DIRE-leave-go

b. kani-vee-thukhwa '(moving) toward the house' house/O-at-go

c. mamachi-vee-chukhwa '(moving) toward the woman' woman-at-meet

d. kani-vee-tu- 'in the direction of the house (not moving)' house-at-DIR

e. mamachi-vee-chu- 'in the directiion of the woman (not moving)' woman-at-DIR

Traces of the verbal origin of both -pa and -va are still discernible in expressions such as(45) below, where -pa may carry either finite tense (45a,b) or nominalization markers (45c,d) , and-va nominalization markers (45c):

(45) a. 'úu-pa-pu-ga '(s/he) went that-a-way (invis.)' there-go-REM

b. máa-pa-pu-ga '(s/he) went that-a-way (vis.)' there-go-vis

c. ...'i-vee-chi-mu- tava-mawisi-paa-tu--mu-... here-at-NOM-PL sun-rise-DIR-NOM-PL... '...those around here toward the east...'

d. ...'ú-u--núuchi-u-'ura 'íi-pa-tu--mu-.. real-Ute-PL-be here-DIR-NOM-PL '...the real Utes (from) around here...'

The phonetically and semantically less-bleached -pa has retained more verbal properties.Lastly, both -paa and -vaa are used as the grammaticalized irrealis markers, a cross-

linguistically widespread derivation of 'go' (see Heine and Kuteva 2002). Most commonly, -vaafollows the singular form of the verb and -paa the plural:

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(46) a. tu-ka-vaa-chi-rami 'let's you-and-I eat' eat-IRR-NOM-1d/inc.

b. tu-ka-qha-paa-chi-rawi 'let's (we-all) eat' eat-PL-IRR-NOM-1p/inc.

c. tu-ka-vaa-ni-'u 's/he will eat' eat-IRR-FUT-3s

d. tu-ka-qha-paa-ni-amu- 'they will eat' eat-PL-IRR-FUT-3p

e. ...mana-kwa-paa-chi!... leave-go-IRR-NOM '...get away (from here)!...' 3.2. 'Be' -na-

There are several current usages suggesting that the locative post-position -na was once averb, perhaps with the meaning, at some point, of 'be at'. Thus consider the negation pattern in(47b,c) of the non-verbal post-positional use of -na (47a):

(47) a. Post-positional: 'iya-na 'here (it) is! here-be/at

b. Negative: ka-'iya-na-wa-tu- 'it is not here' NEG-here-be-NEG-NOM

c. Negative: ka-'iya-na-pu-a 'it wasn't there' NEG-here-REM/NEG

In both (47b,c) the standard verbal negation pattern is used. In (47c) the pattern is used with a finitetense (remote).

Otherwise, -na is used as a locative post-position with a rather ill-defined semanticcontribution--if any, most often in combinations with other post-positions, sometimes in contextsof 'on' or 'up'. Typical examples are:

(48) a. 'ichay tu-vu-pu--vwa-na 'upon this earth' this/O earth/O-at-LOC

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b. ...'i-na-kwa-pa'agha tarugwa-pu-ga... here-LOC-go-ascend ascend-REM '...(s/he) climbed up here (invis.)...'

c. ...'i-vee-na-'uru tu-vu-pu--vwa-na-amu--'uru... here-at-LOC-that earth-at-LOC-3p-that... '...they were up there above the earth...'

d. ...'agha-pa-'ura ma-na-tarukhwa... WH-DIR-be there-LOC-ascend '...through where can one climb up there (vis.)...'

Lastly, there is a plausible if not hermetically closed case to be made that the object relative-clause marker -na, a truly nominalized construction, may have been derived from the locative -na,or its precursor locative 'be at'. The argument is analogical, observing the many languages where therelative subordinator is an ex-locative locative:

(49) Krio: we ('where?') South German: wo ('where?') Greek: pou ('where?') 18th Century English: where-as, where-by, where-of, where-in Hebrew: 'asher (< 'athar 'place')

The nominalized object REL-clause pattern in Ute is:[FN 21]

(50) a. Direct object: po-'o-kwatu- mamachi 'uway po-'o--pvu-ni-kya-na tú-u-'a-tu- book/S woman/G the/G write-see-ANT-REL good-NOM 'the book that the woman read is good' b. Indirect object: kani 'uru pu--naagha-tukhwa mamachi yu-ga-qha-na-y pu-nikya-qha house/O that/O REL-in-go woman/G enter-ANT-REL-O see-ANT '(s/he) saw the house into which the woman entered'

5. Discussion

Ute also has a plethora of verbs at earlier stage of the grammaticalization cline, verbs thatstill display vigorous concrete lexical senses, multi-syllabic stems bearing lexical stress, and manyverbal grammatical properties. But in addition, such verbs display their recently-grammaticalizedusages, mostly in a single capacity;[FN 22] as well as more advanc4ed stages of multiplegrammatical uses. Two such verbs may illustrate how gradual semantic bleaching is coupled withgradual phonological bleaching. Both are, at the onset, concrete motion verbs, tugwa- 'move toward(inan.)'

25

and chugwa- 'move toward (an.)', 'meet''. And both span at least three stages of the diachroniccontinuum of grammaticalization:

(51) lexical verb motion post-position direction post-position ================ ====================== ====================== tugwa- 'go to' (inan.) -tukh 'moving toward' (inan.) -tu- 'in the direction of' (inan.) chugwa- 'go to' (an.) -chukh 'moving toward' (an.) -chu- 'in the direction of' (an.)

The most concrete lexical use of these verbs, as well the first stage of their grammaticalization, maybe seen:

(52) a. kani-vee-tukh tugwa-kwa-pu-ga house/O-at-to go-go-REM '(s/he) went toward the house'

b. mamachi-vee-chukh chugwa-kwa-pu-ga woman/O-at-to go-go-REM '(s/he) went toward the woman'

The more abstract directional sense of the use of these verbs at the more bleached grammaticalizedthird stage may be seen in (53) below, where--as expected--the original selectional restrictions ofconcrete motion verbs are relaxed:

(53) a. kani-vee-tu- pu-ni'ni house-at-DIR look/IMM '(s/he) is looking at/toward the house'

b. mamachi-vee-chu- pu-ni'ni woman/O-at-DIR look/IMM '(s/he) is looking at/toward the woman'

c. kani-vee-tu- 'apgha-y house-at-DIR talk-IMM '(s/he) is talking about the house'

d. mamachi-vee-chu- 'apagha-y woman/O-at-DIR talk-IMM '(s/he) is talking about the woman'

What is most interesting about the short mono-syllabic "usual suspects" in Ute is how welltheir phonological, semantic and grammatical properties cluster, conforming to a general accountof grammaticalization (e.g. Heine et al. 1991, Traugott and Heine eds 1991, Heine and Kuteva 2002).

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In sum:

(54) Clustered properties in the grammaticalization of Ute verbs Semantic/functional properties: (a) shift of functional load from lexical to grammatical (b) semantically-bleached or classificatory meaning (c) increased and less-constrained polysemy (d) multiple grammaticalization directions Morpho-syntactic properties: (e) cliticization (f) non-initial position in the verbal word Phonological properties: (g) loss of lexical stress (h) monosyllabic and/or phonologically bleached stems (i) increased morpho-phonemic irregularity

This clustering of properties could not be accidental, but explaining it would require a complextheoretical discussion that is, alas, beyond the scope of this paper.

Phonological reduction, de-stressing and bleaching (54g,h,i) and the subsequent leveling andloss of morphology (Givón 1971, 1979) is a partially independent process, but it is not fullyinsensitive to the reduced, bleached semantic load of grammatical morphology (Zipf 1935).

While the early stage of grammaticalization of the Ute 'go' in (52) involves only a single, still-concrete usage, the last stage in (53) allowed the extension from spatial to more abstract,increasingly vague directional senses. In the same vein, the multiple, less predictablegrammaticalization of our monosyllabic "usual suspects" illustrate the more advanced stage alongthe grammaticalization continuum.

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Footnotes1 For more detail see Givón (2011).2 The text-derived examples (2d,e,g,h) are taken from "Sinawav and the seven sisters" (text #5,Givón, ed. 2013).3 Presumably on the inference that animates are not just there, but are doing something. Theequivalent "be in location" for inanimates is the passive of 'put', wachu--ka-. The common verb 'bethus occupies the more abstract meaning with nominal or adjectival predicates, as well as multiplegrammaticalization venues; see section 2.3. below.4 The meaning of the incorporated ma- might be contaminated by the fact that it is also theincorporated instrumental body-part *PUA root for 'hand', thus 'do with the hand'. Whether this is a"deep" etymological connection remains open.5 Fairly common alternations are ni'i > 'ni, na'a- > 'na, -wa'a- > 'wa, ma'a > 'ma.6 Text-derived examples again from "Sinawav and the seven sisters" (text #5, Givón, ed. 2013)7 For the gory detail see Givón (2011, ch. 15).8 See FN 6.9 From Givón (ed. 2013), text #2.10 For the gory details see Givón (2011, ch. 18).11 For the gory detail see Givón (2011, chs 10, 11). The etymology of the -ta nominalizer > passivemarker in Ute as a derivative of -ra- 'be' is not 100% secure. An alternative hypothesis could linkit to the Guarijio/Tarahumara -tu- nominalizer, followed by the old object suffix -a. However, the -tu-nominalizer in Ute is a subject/agent nominalizer, not a subjectless action nominalizer, so it wouldnot fit the syntactic profile leading to the Ute -ta-marked passive.12 For further detail of the use and history of the Ute passive, see Givón (2011, chs 10, 11).13 While -ga- 'have' can take most tense-aspects, it is most commonly used in a nominal construction.In the nominal construction used here, one obtain double pluralization for plural subject, first withthe plural-subject suffix -ka- (phon. var. -qa-, -kya-, -kwa-), then with the nominal plural suffix -mu-.An alternative pattern employs first-syllable reduplication while dispensing with the verbal plural-subject suffix.

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14 Ute inanimates display no pluralization, neither on the noun nor on the verb. They may thus beconsidered grammatically singular.15 Givón (ed. 2013), text #4.16 The inter-vocalic loss of the glottal stop /'/ is widespread in Ute, both historically andsynchronically.17 Givón (ed. 2013), text #5.18 Givón (ed. 2013), text #6.19 All the examples below are text-derived. For details see Givón (2012).20 For much detail, see Givón (2011, ch. 5).21 For details, see Givón (2011, ch. 12).22 For details see Givón (2011, ch. 5).

References

Givón, T. (1971) "Historical syntax and synchronic morphology: And archaeologist's field trip", CLS#7, University of Chicago: Chicago Linguistics Society

Givón, T. (1979) On Understanding Grammar, NY: Academic PressGivón, T. (2011) Ute Reference Grammar, Amsterdam: J. BenjaminsGivón, T. (2012) "Valence of complex verbs in Ute: In search of generality", paper presented at the

Seminario de Complejidad Syntáctica, Universidad de Sonora, Hermosillo, November 2012(ms)

Givón, T. (ed. 2013) Ute Texts, Amsterdam: J. BenjaminsHeine, B., F. Hunnemeyer and U. Claudi (1991) Grammaticalization: A Conceptual Framework,

Chicago: University of Chicago PressHeine, B. and T. Kuteva (2002) World Lexicon of Grammaticalization, Cambridge: Cambridge

University PressTraugott, E.C. and B. Heine (eds 1991) Approaches to Grammaticalization, TSL #19.1-2,

Amsterdam: J. BenjaminsWilson, S. (1999) Co-Verbs and Complex Predicates in Wagiman, Stanford University: C.S.L.I.

PublicationsZipf, G. (1935) The Psycho-Biology of Language, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press