The Stina and the Katun

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The Stina and the Katun: Foundations of a Research Design in European Highland Zone Ethnoarchaeology Author(s): J. G. Nandris Source: World Archaeology, Vol. 17, No. 2, Ethnoarchaeology (Oct., 1985), pp. 256-268 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/124514 Accessed: 29/11/2008 01:01 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=taylorfrancis. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to World Archaeology. http://www.jstor.org

Transcript of The Stina and the Katun

Page 1: The Stina and the Katun

The Stina and the Katun: Foundations of a Research Design in European Highland ZoneEthnoarchaeologyAuthor(s): J. G. NandrisSource: World Archaeology, Vol. 17, No. 2, Ethnoarchaeology (Oct., 1985), pp. 256-268Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/124514Accessed: 29/11/2008 01:01

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unlessyou have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and youmay use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=taylorfrancis.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with thescholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform thatpromotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to WorldArchaeology.

http://www.jstor.org

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lhe St ina and the Katun: foundations of a research desi gn in European Higghland Zone ethnoarchaeology

J G. NIandris

Introdu ction.

This paper aim to outline som of the assumptions and research design underlying work in progress on the Highland Zone Ethnoarchaeology Project, which is supported by the British

Academy and the. Society of Antiquaries, and by the Central Research Fund and the Hayter Funds of London University. It also describes very briefly a spectrum of traditional settlement types in south-east Europe which should be of some interest, since they lie outside what usually seem. to be the accepted norms among archaeologists for prehistoric village or homestead settlement.

The Project itself deals with the landscape archaeology, recording and ethnoarchaeology of small sites and the history of exploitation of the highland zone of south-east Europe. It aims to promote the excavation of upland sites of many periods; and the expernmental excavation of recently abandoned sites setting their interpretation against oral testimony and ethnographic data.

The objective in this paper is to clarify some of the aims and methods, and to draw attention to the potential of the subject in the limited space available; it is not primarily to describe results, which would take up a great deal more space.

One important distinction which has arisen in the course of the work will however be mentioned; namely that between the settlement types of the Katun and the Stina. For the ethcnoarchaeologist this is not an ethnic but a generalised working distinction between pattemns of highland zone settlement, albeit characteristically well represented among certain 'human grotups.

It is necessary first to outline the research design; then to define the Stina and Katun, a.d to say something about human groups in the area of south-east Europe. It can be assumed that some aspects of behaviour are described in the historic present. Ethnoarchaeology is not simply the projection into the past of minute ethnographic particulars (Nandris 1984; Nandris forthcoming (a)). To do ethnoarchaeology is not to renounce the methods available to scntific archaeology, but rather to use them to capture an abundant body of anthro- pological data which has notably failed to evolve for itself an adequate explanatory framework. It also provides a reciprocal critique of archaeological methodology. The exploration of the highland zone in the course of the Project reveals new sites and neglected aspects of its pre- historic exploitation.

World Archaeology Volume 1 7No. 2 Ethnoarchaeology ?R.K.P. 1985 0043-8243/85/1702-256 $1.50/1

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Research design

The aim of the Highland Zone Ethnoarchaeology Project is to plan and record in detail small- scale sites of various periods with special attention to the material outcome of behaviour, and to compare these regionally so as to offer explanations at a level which may compensate for the

imperfections of the individual records. Small ethnoarchaeological sites can be studied and even excavated economically and flexibly; what they show is that even the simplest of these sites is extremely complex. A higher level of interpretation can often be achieved by treating regions and sites comparatively.

As a sampling procedure this is or should be analogous with archaeological research; but without the great investment of time, money and effort in individual excavations, in order to

justify which the archaeologist is too often anxious to offer explanations at a far higher level than the actual data from his particular site will warrant. The aim is always to relate to archae-

ological problems, and to increase knowledge of highland zone exploitation by detecting new sites. Their environmental and economic histories must be studied according to the resources available, and the Project brings together unusual combinations of techniiques and

problems. The study of highland zone sites has its own difficulties, and these are not merely logistical.

One of the characteristics of highland zone exploitation is the ephemeral, often seasonal, nature of the site, with a technology based on organics, such as bone, wood, bark, furs and hides, cheese and milk products. Wooden vessels are traditionally preferred at the Romanian Stina, being far better suited to the rough conditions of life and travel to and fro than is pottery. Mountain sites tend to be in areas susceptible to hill wash and rapid geomorphological destabil- isation; sheepfolds are located on slopes for preference, to give the animals better drainage and protection from foot infections. An appreciation of the many factors which condition this form of settlement is one of the immediate results of the project, together with an idea of the impor- tance of the relationship to the lowland economic and social context. The complementarity of highland and lowland exploitation is a constant feature throughout the Neothermal in Europe.

In this sort of work, where it would be rash to rely solely on one research objective, a highly flexible series of aims has been evolved, centring on:

1 Katun and Stina sites in occupation; behavioural and material studies. 2 Experimental excavation of recently abandoned sites; using oral testimony. 3 Location of Mediaeval and Prehistoric highland sites; their conformity to or departure from

criteria established by ethnoarchaeological work. 4 Environmental and interdisciplinary studies.

Some of the associated methods are self-evident:

1 Recording of the site location and total situation in the context of landscape archaeology, in-site plan, in-structure plan, on-site and regional (inter-site) activities, seasonal behaviour, place in seasonal cycle, material objects, location and uses of materials. Measured ergo- nomics of the site and its structures, e.g., assessments of numbers of occupants against dimensions and features. Loss exercises on organic materials (proportions of surviving evidence). What happens when the sites decay? How do material remains correlate with behaviour? How do artefacts get deposited? (Examples of such plans, recording every feature and artefact, are given in Figs. 3, 4 and 5.)

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2 Selection for experimental excavation and recording of decaying or abandoned sites (ideally with informants, but there may be other objectives). Archaeological interpretation (prefer- ably blind) and checking against oral testimony.

3 and 4 Highland zone exploitation goes back through Mediaeval into Epi-palaeolithic times, and these sites demand the same range of techniques as appropriate for lowland sites for their understanding; e.g., flotation, palynology, dating.

The Stina and the Katun

The Stina (pl. Stine) is the entire complex of enclosures and huts forming the upland shepherd- ing sites of the Carpathians. These include the living hut, and milking pens, with the milking gate (the Strunga) and the control pens for clumping the animals before milking, as well as other functional divisions. The control of animals is reminiscent of the drive tactics of hunting peoples, in which one may perhaps see some sort of pre-adaptation for pastoralism. The dog was another essential prerequisite (Nandris 1984); the territorial behaviour of dogs is essential in the protection of the flock from predators such as the bear. The behavioural relation between dogs, sheep and men is many-sided. The only other animals likely to be present are mules or horses.

The Stina is sometimes almost Mesolithic in its provisionality, and its structures can be readily dismantled. A fire burns all the time, and the sleeping places beside this use bark and sheepskin for insulation. The Stina is characterised as much by its human and animal relations as by its morphology, which is quite variable. Women are not allowed on these sites; yet there are also types of Stine to be found which are composed only of women.

By contrast at the Katun, as defined here, complete families are present as an integral part of the site. Where a Stina is a functional unit of perhaps half a dozen men, under the leadership of a 'Baciu', the Katun may comprise 50 families (or more or less) again usually under the leadership of a 'Chelnik' (in Greek 'Tselingas'), who is not hereditary but chosen for alpha- male qualities and wealth.

Much of this is reflected - but not literally - in the morphology of the sites. A Katun is a substantial assemblage of huts together with animals such as pigs, and geese; and structures such as ovens, and hen or pig houses. Several kinds of beehive huts, probably of great antiquity, are a basic feature; it may be that tombs such as the 'Treasury of Atreus9 are skeuomorphs of such huts or of their stone variants, still found in some areas. They came to be supplemented by rectangular huts as the Katun evolved towards greater sedentism.

Many of the same activities as at the Stina, such as milking and cheese-making, with their correlates, were also carried out at the Katun. But the mobile Katun is in general found south of the Danube, not in Romania. Many of the sites known as 'Stani' in Greece share features of the Stina from which they derive their name. The 'Mandra' in Greece is more properly a sheep pen, but may also have a hut and features which relate it to the Stani. At Katun sites the animal pens and the huts are complementary parts of the same unit, but may not be found at the same location, which is again not easy to detect and integrate archaeologically. Both Stina and Katun are defined not by morphology or altitude but by behaviour; in other words either may be found in mountains or lowlands, but they take their meaning from their behavioural context.

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These traditional settlement types may now appear rather like analogues to some temperate flora surviving during glacial times in a highland refuge; but Katun sites were not distributed

only in remote highlands. They were formerly more widespread than now, not merely in Greece but in Yugoslavia, Albania and elsewhere. Examples have been observed by the author on the Kula Pass (1,700 metres; Albanians), Metsovo pastures (1,400 metres; Sarakatsani), on Vermion in Macedonia (1,300 metres; Sarakatsani at Xerolivadi), at Aleagitsa on Kitka Mountain south of Skopje (Aromani); etc., Beuermann (1967) records a Katun of 47 families still extant in 1955 at Tsukalades near Levadia in Boeotia, near the Lake Kopais basin, at about 300 metres (Plate 1).

Plate 1 The Katun of Tsukalades near Levadia in Boeotia, with 47 Sarakatsan families, illus- trated by Beuermann 1967 (Abb. 28), was still occupied as a winter site in 1955. At this time rectangular huts were beginning to accompany the beehive huts. The substantial nature of the settlement is not however reflected for the archaeologist by the structures.

The outwardly highly provisional Katun settlements lie at the fringes of archaeological detectability, yet were actually of a considerable level of complexity. One of the most impor- tant distinguishing features of the Katun is the presence of women and children as an integral part of the settlement organisation. It is this which makes them of great interest as analogues for prehistoric village settlement; unfortunately very few Katuni now survive.

By contrast the Stina can be seen as an analogue for occupational specialisations such as hunting sites; and as in the prehistoric situation there are overlaps between the two. Certain features of the social organisation and behaviour at the Katun and the Stina are reflected in the material remains, and are therefore archaeologically detectable. But whatever the Katun and Stina have in common morphologically, the main distinction between them is social, and

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this is a fuither indictment of archaeological literalism.

Ethnoarchaeology in south-east Europe

The remoter highlaid areas of south-east Europe preserve some rapidly vanishing social and

occupational forms, among which are some specialised in seasonal pastoralism. There are also agricultural and other groups which are not discussed here. The indications are that com-

parable forms of behaviour and material culture formerly extended much more widely both in space and time over the European scene. In the geographical dimension indications of this can be detected even in the hearvily industrialised countries of western Europe; while as a

chronological example, artefacts still used at the Romanian Stina can be found in the Cortaillod sites of Switzerland.

By 'south-east Europe' is meant the countries grouped south and north of the lower Danube and adjacent Black Sea and Mediterranean. To the south of the Danube these comprise modern Greece, Bulgaria, Albania, and eastern Yugoslavia particularly Macedonia and Serbia. North of the Danube are included Romania and the adjacent parts of the Hungarian basin together with the Yugoslav Voivodina.

The main highlands in the north are the Carpathian chain, rising to over 2,500 metres, curving through Romania as a pastoral continuum through Czechoslovakia and into southern Poland. South of the Danube are the Balkan and Rhodope ranges of Bulgaria (2,900 metres), the fragmented highlands and basins of Serbia and Macedonia, and the high peaks of the Pindus and Albania, rising to over 2,600 and 2,700 metres.

The individuality and variety of human culture in this region is proverbial. For political or religious reasons it is often complicated by mimesis and disguise, with many a pitfall of nomen- clature, definition and history for the unwary Balkanologist. It is necessary to distinguish not only between but within such groups as Gypsies, Yuruks, Pomaks, Gagauzi, Sarakatsani, Turks, Arvanites, Morlahi, Cici, Motii, Mijaci, Farsherotes, Karaguni, Gramosteni, Bunjevci, Cincari, Karakachani, Arornani, and a number of others.

The distinctions between these groups and the complex relationships observable in them between behaviour, identity, and material culture, should ideally give momentary pause to archaeologists eager to press ahead with explanations of prehistoric social structure. Failure to comprehend the complex ethnoarchaeology of these groups, or the relationships of their behaviour to their material culture, constitutes the rejection of a living laboratory of vanishing material.

It is neither possible nor necessary to describe all these groups here. Only three of them wiil be summarised: the Aromani, the Sarakatsani, and the Romanian Pastoralists, because these are of fundamental importance in the basic categorisation of the Stina and the Katun, to which we are drawing attention.

The Aomani

South of the Danube the most important group are the Aromani. Their name, with its character- istic 'a' prefix, simply means 'Ronans', and they speak a form of provincial Latin. The Aromani

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descend from native Thracian peoples who became Latinised linguistically two millennia ago at the time of the Roman occupation (Nandris 1980), and on these grounds alone warrant more intensive study and preservation. The culture is in danger of extinction under pressure from both racialism and modernisation.

To outsiders they are known as 'Vlahs', a word derived ultimately from a Germanic root

meaning 'stranger', and related throughout Europe to many names such as Welsh, Wallachian, Valais, etc. The term 'Vlah' is also used, especially in Greece as a pejorative or highly generalised term, in an attempt to belittle and confuse the issue, for the uninitiated, of the existence within Greece of an important ethnic minority whose native language is Latin and not Greek.

While the Aromani are now especially associated with the highland zone this is partly for historical reasons. They are found throughout the area south of the Danube, including the Dalmatian littoral as far as Istria, and in Albania and Bulgaria, and in the Dobrogea. In Greece the Aromani centre on the Pindus where they have their home villages in the mountains, of which the 'capital' is Aminciu (Metsovo), on the important Metsovo pass between Thessaly and the Epirus.

Aminciu was certainly in existence in the 14th century, and was destroyed, twice in one

year (1854) by both Greeks and Turks. By the 18th century the Aromani of the Epirus and Albania had created a nucleus of substantial urbanisation at Moschopolje to the south of Lake Ohrid, but this was destroyed twice by Ali Pasha, in 1769 and 1788, and never recovered. The highland base sites of the Aromani are highly organised, stone-built and architecturally among the most accomplished settlements in Greece. It is important to be aware of them as elements in a highly mobile cultural system which also includes Katuni and Mandras or Stine.

The Aromani move seasonally down into less substantial sites in the lowlands for the winter; especially into Thessaly, a region known in the Middle Ages as Megali Vlahia. Sesklo, the epony- mous site of the fifth millennium B.C. Sesklo culture, is such a Vlah village. Not only were the Aromani seasonally mobile pastoralists, but also muleteers and merchants, who travelled widely to Odessa or Budapest and Vienna, and their intemational connections and feeling for Greek culture made them among the most effective activists in the Greek War of Independence.

As a result of their mobility both as pastoralists and mercantile muleteers the high settle- ments such as Aminciu (Metsovo), are located with a view to connectivity, and protection, on the cols and passes of the Pindus and other mountain systems (Fig. 1). This distribution is an example of strategic considerations in highland zone settlement. Other regularities such as the location of Stine on the tree line between forest and pasture, are the result of tactical considerations. It is not easy for the literalist archaeologist to plot such a dynamic system on distribution maps.

The Sarakatsani

An important group although less numerous than the Aromani are the Sarakatsani. They speak Greek, and may owe their origins to the dispersal of villages in the Epirus at the time of the destruction of Moschopolje by Ali Pasha (see e.g. Beuermann 1967; 140 sqq.). Their assump- tion of a totally new life and identity in this way is fully consistent with other examples of such changes, of which ethnoarchaeologists in particular need to be aware. A comparable example is provided by the assumption for historical reasons, by south-east European 'Vlahs',

261

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of a wholly Bedouin culture and technocomplex, in the Sinai peninsula (Nandris 1982). There is at any rate certainly no early historical mention of the Sarakatsani, as there is for the

Aromani; while linguistic studies such as that of Hoeg (1925 and 1926) though scholarly have little value for dating.

Figure 1 Strategic location of sites in the Pindus, on cols and passes. Aminciu (Metsovo), a central place of the Aromani system, is at 1,156 metres in the Pindus, at the junction of all the major river systems of Greece.

Sarakatsani were almost truly 'nomadic', which is a much misused term, and something rather rare. They ranged over much of the northern Greek mainland, Albania, Macedonia and Bulgaria, and like the Aromani used beehive huts of thatch on a sapling framework, organised in Katun sites. Both cultures formed in their time an extension into Europe of the near eastem

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POLYVALENT SEASONALITY Metres

ALPINE PASTURAGE

I HAY- I I MAKING _ |~~~ i VILLAGES

500 LOWLAND

MAIZE

J 'F 'M'A'M' J I J 'A S'O'N'D -- - LOCATION OF LIVESTOCK AND SHEPHERDS

- LOCATION OF MAJORITY OF VILLAGE

SEASONAL ALTITUDE/LOCATION IN THE VRANCEA REGION OF ROUMANIA

ALPINE PASTURES

IE" ~-1 1 , - -| HAY-

HAY MEADOWS J I 1 MAKING

I i ; II II mI I i i (Stubble)

_I I _ AGRICULTURAL ZONE j j 1 I _ I I

S George S. Maria Mare

J 'F'M'A'M' J I J'A'S O - --- LOCATION OF PROFESSIONAL PASTORALISTS SUCH AS I - LOCATION OF VILLAGERS

SEASONAL ZONE/ LOCATION OF POPULATION IN REGION OF ROUMANIA

Christmas

N D THE MAiRGINENI

THE HATEG

Figure 2 Polyvalent seasonality at two Romanian villages, after Simionescu 1940.

technocomplex of pastoralism (not to be confused with the Yumk expansion under the Otto- man Empire).

Romanian pastoralists

A third important group found north of the Danube is that of the Romanian shepherds based

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264 J. G. Nandris

on Stina sites (see e.g., Butura 1978, Vuia 1980) who exploit the pastures of the Carpathian chain. These mountains are favoured with peneplanation surfaces at high altitude (Boresco surfaces), ideal for pasture. Even where these features are absent in the north the characteristic features perfected in Romanian pastoralism can be traced through Czechoslovakia and into southern Poland, where they are reflected in the culture of the Gorale mountaineers of the Tatra. High-altitude settlement (e.g., 1,400 metres) exploiting these capabilities is known

archaeologically in Romania from at least the Iron Age (Nandris 1981). There is a whole range of adaptations within Romanian pastoralism, too complex to trace

here. They range from the isolated wholly male society of professional shepherds in the high Stine, engaged in long-distance transhumance; to cooperative arrangements involving both hired shepherds and the families of the villages on the lower slopes; to womens' Stine with sheep, pigs and perhaps cattle or hens; or to the purely local grazing practised from quite low-lying villages. The functions of the village are often complemented by the existence of the Stina, as the Mandra complements the Katun.

10 20m Figure 3 Plan of KK 4.

Seasonality

That there are pitfalls in the interpretation of seasonality is clear from the ethnoarchaeology; for example the Strunga (milking gate) will usually, but by no means universally, indicate summer occupation, and the wooden feeding trough winter foddering. However the troughs may be used to give salt in the summer; and sites with Strungi may be occupied in the winter.

0

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-* '.~:-, F:":'? Figure 4 Plan of KK 7. KK 7 and KK 4 are

\'"'fs':, VI~ ~sites in the Kurucay-Kompsatos valley of the

...._____..._...w_ ..___ Rhodope mountains, showing the features 0 10 2?m of the Mandras of the region.

Ethnoarchaeological fieldwork on a variety of forms of seasonality and settlement in the course of the project is showing how very polyvalent are the mechanisms around which both Stina and Katun sites revolve (Nandris forthcoming (a)). Polyvalence implies both the sort of

range of variation, or ambiguity, of form and function just described; and also the combination of this with the phenomenon of occupational sub-groups exploiting different niches simul-

taneously (Fig. 2). One can distinguish between tactical and strategic, or between Empirical and Imperial season-

ality. There is something in this, but neither of these aphorisms adequately explains what is taking place within a context of r- or K- behavioural strategies (Nandris forthcoming (b)) which are themselves relativistic. Nor is the concept of tactics and strategy explanatorily self-sufficient; it has to be related more widely to surrounding economic and social conditions. In archaeology moreover synchroneity is not given, so that in the light of all this it is difficult to see how the

archaeologist can possibly have the knowledge to offer some of the explanations which he does. Nevertheless, local mobility around settlements to exploit seasonally available resources

has been an empirical strategy since the Palaeolithic. There is a whole spectrum of such arrange-

1..

t 19 2

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266 J. G. Nandris

ments attested by the ethnoarchaeology of the Stina in Romania, where the exploitation of the mountains is graded from the immediate vicinity of the villages, through Stine further away served on a weekly rota basis from the village, up to highland Stine which have little or no relation with villages. There are important social distinctions, especially between male and female roles.

0 to 20 30 .

Figure 5 Petrota is a goat 'Mandra' from coastal hills of Greek Thrace near Maronia: the internal area within the penannular roofing is an acre, and the sub-divisions are highly functional, for milking, young kids etc. It is worth comparing the size of most archaeological excavations with this site.

By contrast, under empires such as that of Rome, or under the Ottoman occupation of eastern Europe, conditions were favourable in several ways for transhumanance on a larger scale: profitable markets were made available and the problem of frontiers as obstacles to pastoral movement was minimised, though like taxation it was not abolished. Under the Soviet empire in eastern Europe and in general under Marxist regimes the obstacle presented to seasonal movement by closed frontiers has been intensified. The profitabity of pastoralsm as

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a method of exploiting highland zone resources has been discounted by Marxist states despite a

desperate need for effective production, perhaps precisely because it involves an independence which they would not effectively control.

Conclusion

This paper is predicated on a number of simple propositions, even if the south-eastern European material to which it refers is unfamiliar. It recognises that ethnoarchaeology, with the aims of

clarifying the material outcome of behaviour, and of enlarging the range of archaeological inter-

pretations, is a legitimate but not a novel concept. It seeks to show that the ethnoarchaeology and archaeology of the highland zone urgently demand the special attention being given them

by the Highland Zone Ethnoarchaeology Project. Just as archaeology itself is not entirely about the past, so ethnoarchaeology is primarily

archaeology and not anthropology or ethnography. The practice of ethnoarchaeology does not entail the abandonment of scientific archaeological methods, but on the contrary the capture of more data, primarily from ethnography, on which to test such methods.

It ought to be more widely recognised that Europe itself has an ethnography, the ethno-

archaeological potential of which, particularly in application to its own prehistory, has been sadly neglected. The current project tries to draw attention to what is a fast vanishing source of evidence. One of its results is the recognition both of the complexity of quite simple sites, and of the fact that the mechanisms of seasonality and of social and regional variation are more complex and polyvalent (in the sense defined above) than is usually allowed for in archae- ological interpretations. Traditional and prehistoric European societies evolved their special features without the benefit of doctrinal help from social theorists, and this paper has tried to do the same.

References

Beuermann, A. 1967. Ferneweidewirtschaft in Sudosteuropa. Braunschweig: Westermann Verlag.

Butura, V. 1978. Etnografia PoporuluiRoman. Cluj-Napoca: Editura Dacia.

Hoeg, C. 1925 and 1926. Les Sarakatsans. Vol. I. (1925); Etude linguistique precede d'une notice ethnographique. Vol. II. (1926); Textes (Contes et chansons), Vocabulaire technique, Index verborum. Paris and Copenhagen.

Nandris, J. G. 1980. The Thracian inheritance. Illustrated London News. Archaeology Section 2960. June 1980: 99-101.

Nandris, J. G. 1981. Aspects of Dacian economy and highland zone exploitation. Dacia XXV: 231-54.

Nandris, J. G. 1982. Tribal identity in Sinai. Illustrated London News. Archaeology Section 2978. February 1982: 56-7.

Nandris, J. G. 1984. Man-animal relationships and the validation of ethnoarchaeology in Highland South-east Europe. In Animals in Archaeology 4: Husbandry in Europe (Grigson, C. and Clutton-Brock, J. eds.). B.A.R. Int. Ser. 227.

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ment of Cucuteni in the European context. (Sent to press in: Proceedings of Cucuteni Ceentenary Symposium. Petrescu-Dimbovita, M. edo, Iasi, Moldavia, Sept 1984.)

Nandris, J. G. (forthcoming (b)). The r- and K- strategy societies of Lepenski Vir in Early Neothermal perspective. (Sent to press in: J. Mediterranean Anth. & Arch. Proc. Int. Confer- ence on Lepenski Vir. Kl6n, February 1981).

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Abstract

Nandris, John G.

The Stina and the Katun: foundations of a research design in European ethnoarchaeology

The article says something about the methods and assumptions involved in the Highland Zone Ethnoarchaeology Project in south-east Europe, and about the implications of the fact that Europe still has an ethnography. It goes on to distinguish two important types of primarily pastoral site, whose definition is effectively social rather than narrowly morphological. Stina sites are specialised pastoral complexes, often of small all-male occupational sub-groups, and potentially analogous with hunting sites. Katun sites include perhaps 50 family units with women and children; and both have a range of structures and behaviour which are of interest to archaeologists.