H E P research report : (33

THE ROLE OF W O M E N IN TANZANIA: THEIR ACCESS TO HIGHER EDUCATION A N D PARTICI­PATION IN THE LABOUR FORCE

Desta Asayehgn

INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR EDUCATIONAL PLANNING

(established by Unesco) 7-9, rue Eugène-Delacroix, 75016 Paris

0 Unesco 1979

The authors are responsible for the choice and the presentation of the facts contained in these papers and for the opinions expressed therein, which are not necessarily those of the Institute and do not engage the responsibility of Unesco.

_ 1 _

INTRODUCTION

Human equality and dignity is fundamental to socialism* as the Arusha Declaration makes very clear (Nyerere* 1977:10)

Whatever may be the vagaries in practice* equality is one of the

stated social objectives in the creed of most socialist countries in Africa.

In line with this pronounced political philosophy many of the socialist

African states have taken various radical measures in order to achieve

equality of conditions (see for example«, Desta* 1978)* A case in point

is.«, as a first step towards meeting socialism* the Tanzanian Government

has almost acquired control over a large sector of the economy» Immediately

after the Arusha Declaration of 19^7* plantations* banks* insurance companies

and other leading firms were nationalized "changing 90 per cent foreign-

owned in 1967 to 80 per cent public majority-owned in 1972" (Maliyarnkono* 1978:11)

To abolish the inherited disparity of wealth among the citizens and to make

the political leaders responsive to the needs of the masses* party members

and government officials were given one year's grace to declare their assets

and to divest themselves of interests they had acquired. Soon after the

Arusha Declaration* a progressive tax system specifically designed to affect

the higher income brackets within the civil service, was adopted«. Consequently*

the real income of the top civil servants has dramatically fallen from an

estimated 1:80 in i960 to l:l6 in 1971 to 1:11 in 1974 and 1:9 in 1976*

while real earnings of low level workers have risen by 27»6 per cent and

49.I per cent in 1972-73 and 1974 respectively (Pratt* 1976: 247-48;

Nyerere* 1977:l6* and Ministry of Finance* 1977:20).

It is also the ultimate goal of the Tanzanian Government to put the

major means of production under the control of the peasants and workers.

As stated by Nyerere.

To build and maintain socialism* it is essential that all the major means of production and exchange in the nation are controlled and owned by the peasants through the machinery of their government and their co-operatives ( 1968:16)

To organize the farmers in a collective manner and to decentralize

the decision-making process* a number of production units called "Ujamaa"

villages where people live and work together have been set up» In these

villages community affairs are collectively decided at general meetings.

Executive officers for each village are chosen bj democratic principles.

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It is'envisaged that this approach will enhance Tanzanian citizen's efforts

to increase their degree of control over their own lives by sharing more

fully in decision-making processes. In factories* workers' participation

is highly encouraged not only to facilitate a smooth flow of communication

between workers and management but also to enhance workers' commitment and

sense of satisfaction.

Furthermore* the Declaration insisted upon the full equality between

women and men and challenged the network of traditional values which

relegated women to inferior status. In Nyerere's words -

Although we try to hide the fact* and despite the exaggeration which our critics have frequently indulged in* it is true that women in traditional society were regarded as having a -place in the community which was not only different* but was also to some extent inferior. It is impossible to deny that women did* and still do* more than their fair share of the work in the fields and in the homes. By virtue of their sex they suffered from inequalities which had nothing to do with their contribution to the family welfare (1968:109).

Since this conflicts with the country's policy of socialism* he says it must

be corrected.

In the field of education* schooling is not only regarded as one

of the roads to development but also as one of the basic necessities of

life which all Tanzanians should equally enjoy in order to become well-

rounded and fully developed human beings. To make the learners integrate

mental and manual labour* learning is geared to emphasize co-operative

endeavour rather than individual advancement and the school curriculum

is tailored to meet community needs and activities. For instance* primary

school children in rural areas are oriented to rural agriculture and

Secondary school children are prepared for services in the rural areas.

As stated by Nyerere in the academic year 197^/75 alone* economic activities

in the schools produced

... goods to the value of over Shs. 7-7 million. These activities include the growing of different crops - mostly food which was consumed by the schools - and the raising of chickens and livestock* all of which were used to provide food in one way or another. In addition* many schools made bricks* furniture* or clothes* either for their own use or for sale (1977 : 13)»

Moreover* to redress the imbalance of equality in the distribution

of schools that existed prior to the Declaration of the Education for

Self-relianceof 1967, it has been the aspiration of the Government first

to provide primary education for all school-age children and depending

on the labour force needs of the economy progressively extend the

same opportunity at all levels of the educational ladder. It

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could be stated at this juncture that existing evidence seems to confirm

that 'the first objective of providing basic education for the total school

age population is almost achieved. In the beginning of the 1977/78

academic year alone5 90 per cent of the eligible school age children were

enrolled in schools. Table 1 also demonstrate s j, except in Mtwara, Mbeya and

Shinyanga, enrolment in primary schools is very close to the percentage of

school age children in each region (see also Court & Kinyanjui ,,1978:46).

Table 1. Percentage of school-age population and enrolment in primary schools

Region °¡o of population (1969) $ of enrolment (1977/78) Enrolment/ oopulation

Arusha

Coast

Dar es Salaam

Dodoraa

Iringa

Kigoma

Kilimanjaro

Lindi

Mara

Mbeya

Morogoro

Mtwara

Mwanza

Pwani

Rukwa

Ruvuma

Shinyanga

Singida

Tabora

Tanga

West Lake

Ziwa Magharidi

5.2

5*3

6.1

6.7

3.9

6,2

4,7

8,8

5.5

80O

8.9

3.3

7.8

3.6

4,3

6.4

5.3

4.8

3.2

6,1

6,4

3.8

7.4

3.1

5.4

6,5

5.З 4,6 8.7 3.2 2,9 3.5 5.9 3.4 3.9 6.4

5*5

.92

1.0 .96

1.0 1.2

.74

.96 ,60 .98

loi .76 .94 ,91

1.0

Source: Compiled from Tanzania's Second Five-Year Plan and Ministry of National Education as cited by Kitonka, 1978.

- 4 -

Similarly, in line with the country's policy for controlling the expansion of second-level education for the purpose of satisfying the demand for middle-level labour force needs of the economy, at least in quantitative terms, the regional quota set by the government seems to have been implemented effectively and has more or less resulted in equity between regions in respect to enrolment in secondary schools. In 1975* for example, out of the twenty regions only Dar-es-Salaam (17 per cent) and the Coast Regions (11 per cent) (due to the mushrooming of private schools and migration) surpassed the national average which stood at 7 per cent in admitting more primary school graduates to Form I (i.e. the first year of secondary school) places in Government Secondary-schools. (Manpower Planning Division, 19Тб:-18; see also Court and Kinyanjui, 1978). Female/male ratio analysis in both public and private secondary schools also reveals that though not dramatic, sex differences have decreased from 1:9 in 19^5 to 1:2 in 1976 (See Table 2).

Table 2. Enrolment in public and private secondary schools by-вазе- rat i n Ç1965-1976) — " -

Year Enrolment Sex ratio (l)

1965 19 158

1969 15 241

1971 18 319

1974 22 634

1975 23 516

1976 25 8l6

Source: Ministry of Education as cited in Kitonka, 1978

(l) Sex ratio is assessed in terms of number <Sf male students divided by the

number of female students.

At the tertiary level, however, it is obvious that equality between

the sexes in order to. fulfill the labour resource needs of the country is nob always

pursued as vigorously as stated in official declarations. Despite the fact

that the total expenditure for higher education has increased from 13 per cent

in 1971/72 to 15.2 per cent in 1974/75 and female entrants were projected

to rise, the available statistics show that women's access to higher education

institutions has not improved in recent years. In fact, quite contrary to

the official proclamation of producing a balanced labour force to enhance the

9» 19

2.34

2.21

2.03

2.13

1.86

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economic development of the country, the proportion of women admitted into the University of Dar=es=Salaam has substiantally decreased from 17 per cent in 1970/71 to 13 per cent in 1974/75« Moreover, when the number of Tanzanian women students enrolled in overseas universities is taken into consideration, the overall female participation rate seems to have declined from 13 per cent in 1970/71 to 8 per cent in 1974/75 (see Table 3). Table 3» Percentage of female participation in the university of Dar-es-Salaarn

and in overseas universities.

Year Dar-es-Salaam (percentage) Overall participation rate (percentage)

1970/71 17.1 1971/72 17 » 0 1972/73 14.1 1973/74 13 о 5 1974/75 13 » 2

Source: Compiled from Sanyal and Kinunda, 1977»107

Even though there has been a decrease in the rate of female participation, the background characteristics of the few women enrolled in post-secondary institutions, and the employment conditions and earnings of those women graduates currently employed deserves the attention of policy-makers and those affiliated with institutions of higher education in regard to .planning a balance of human resources for the future; to date systematic analysis of this nature is practically non-existent. The primary concern of this study is therefore to examine from the supply side, the background characteristics of Tanzanian women university students and graduates; and from the demand side, to investigate areas of studies versus types of jobs held and earnings of women graduates.

Specifically, this study will address the following questions: (i) Is female participation in Tanzanian higher education positively

associated with social class, and region of origin? (ii) Is the nature of the curriculum to which women are exposed in

the university significantly different from that of their male counterparts?

13*2 10.1 9-9 9c2 8.3

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(iii) Do the areas of speciality of women correspond to the types

of jobs held after graduation?

(iv) Is there a significant difference between men and women college

graduates in the waiting period prior to their first job in

initial and current earnings?

Answers to the above questions will be sought through a secondary

analysis of the HEP data collected by Sanyal and Kinunda on Tanzanian

university students and graduates in 1975» (see Sanyal and Kinunda, 1977).

Before proceeding, a description of the organization of the paper and the

methological approach is in order.

Flan followed in the study

The paper is divided into four sections. Section 1, describes the

major hypotheses and the source of data. 'The socio-economic background

characteristics, region of origin, area of residence and speciality of

Tanzanian women enrolled in the tertiary level in 1975 and those who

graduated from the university from 1908-197^ is examined in Section 2.

In section 3s the role of women university graduates in the labour force

in terms of the.waiting period prior to"their first job,initial and current

earnings is investigated. The last section considers some tentative policy

implications based on the findings of the study.

Statement of hypotheses

In order to investigate the status of women's participation in

Tanzanian higher education and the labour force, the following hypotheses

will be tested on the above mentioned data*

1. The few Tanzanian women who are enrolled in post-secondary

institutions are more likely than their male counterparts to be

drawn from higher socio-economic backgrounds,

2. The Tanzanian women enrolled in tertiary level education are

more likely than their male counterparts to be recruited from

relatively developed regions,,

3o The nature of the curricula to which women are exposed is likely

to be different from those of their male counterparts.

4. There will be a significant difference between men and women

Tanzanian university graduates in the length of the waiting period

prior to the first job.

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5. There will be a significant difference in the mean initial earnings between men and women of Tanzanian university graduates who are employed, 6„ There will be a significant difference in the mean current earnings between men and women of Tanzanian university graduates who are employed*, The data base As mentioned above5 the source of data of this study is based on the

HEP research project on "Higher Education and Employment" conducted by Sanyal and Kinunda. The main concern of the present study is to investigate the status of Tanzanian women's participation in post-secondary institutions and in the labour force., however., a sample of male students and graduates will be included in order to examine sex differences.

To reduce the unit cost of sampling and ensure adequate representation and precision on estimating the parameters under investigations a total sample of 556 students was selected on a stratified sampling approach framed within a probability proportional to the size of student enrolment in all Tanzanian post-secondary institutions. This yielded a standard error of «,02.

Similarly., in consultation with the Tanzanian Ministry of Manpower Development2 424 graduates (also with a standard error of eQ2) who had obtained their degrees/diplomas since 1968 and at the time of the research were working in various government departments., parastatal organizations^, institutions of education and private firms were sampled using a stratified sampling approachо However5 in order to have enough women in the study5 women in the university and graduates in the labour force were over sampledo

The instrument used for data collection was a self-administered questionnaire. As stated by Sanyal and Kinundaj, (1977) in the construction of the questionnaire items., great care was taken to make the questionnaire items reflect the constructs under study and the Tanzanian situation,, For instance^ after the questionnaires were developed at the IIEPj, they were presented to the concerned Tanzanian authorities and some employers^ employees and heads of organizations for comment„ Based on the suggestions received«, items considered unsuitable were either improved or eliminated. The basic limitation of the study5 however., is that questionnaire items were not pilot tested due to financial and time constraints«, But to compensate for this weakness the national investigators had meetings with the heads of institutions and employers to explain the methods of distribution and of filling out the questionnairess and to give clarification on the items .

- 8 -

In the section that follows the hypotheses generated above will be tested

using" Tanzanian university students and graduates working at the time the

research was conducted.

Socio-economic characheristics

Studies on equal educational opportunity have generally concerned

themselves with the association between school opportunities and parental

socio-economic status,, (See for example, Carrón 1974; Husen, 1972; Levin, 1976;

Carnoy, 1979 and Standing 1978) with regard to women's schooling,, no matter

how parental socio-economic status is defined that is, whether using a

combination of SES variables as a measure of social status (i.e. parental

income and occupational attainment, and level of schooling) or one's relation

to the means of production, many studies seem to show that most of the women

enrolled in higher education institutions tend to come from families with

higher socio-economic status when compared with their male counterparts

at the same educational level. For instance, Smock reports that a dis­

proportionate number of women enrolled in the Ghanian university system

and those who have obtained university degrees are products of elite families,

some with several generations of education behind them» Based on this

observation she stated that in the Ghanian education system social and

economic background "is becoming an increasingly important factor in

determining advancement through the system, 'The fluidity inherent in earlier

years when most students at all levels were the first generation to be

educated is giving way to a new situation. Now the selites' of that first

generation are seeking to pass their status to their children" (1977=26).

An investigation of the social origins of Kenyan university students

also shows that a large portion of the students came from advantaged homes

and that women5s prospects for university education were better if their mothers

had formal schooling and spoke English whereas parents'level of education

did not matter for men (Hartad as quoted in Smock, 1977»l6:17; see also

Field, 1975^247; Standing 1978=l40)„ Glignet also reports that Camerounian

and Ivorian women were predominantly drawn from a more modernized family

environment more often than their male counterparts at the same stage of

education (1977°. 249)« Similarly, Miranda argues that higher levels of

parents' schooling, higher family income, and higher occupational attainment

all favour the schooling attainment of Brazilian girls and women (1977:270).

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An analysis of the Tanzanian data using parental educational attainment, occupation and monthly income as a measure of social status indicates, as elsewhere, when compared with their male counterparts, the female cohort enrolled in post-secondary institutions and the women graduates employed at the time of the research were the daughters of the relatively well-to-do. For instance, as shown in Table 4 eighteen per cent of the female graduates' mothers compared to eleven per cent of the male graduates' mothers had more than the primary level of schooling. Similarly, 51 per cent of the female graduates' fathers as compared to 30 per cent of the male graduates' fathers had above primary education. Furthermore, when we compare the student.cohort against the graduate cohort, we notice that none of the fathers of those women who graduated before 1974 had post­graduate education, whereas among the women who were enrolled in the Tanzanian post-secondary institution, about 4 per cent of their fathers had post-graduate education. Table 4« Parental level of schooling of graduate employees and university

students

Parents level of educational attainment

None Std. IV or less StdoVII or less Some secondary Post-secondary Post-graduate

Total io '.Total number

Graduates (1968-74) Mother Male Female

53. 35.7 10.4 0.6 0.3

-

100 (319)

39.6 42.7 16.7 1.0 0 -

100' (96)

Fathi Male

25.8 43.9 25.4 0.6 3.5 0.6

100' (310)

ЭГ Female

№) 14.1 29.З /52.1" 2.2 2.2 0

100 (92)

Students (1975) Mother

Male Female (#) (*)

56.З 30.9 11.9 0.7 0.2 0

100 (446)

42o9 31.0 23.8 1,2 0

1.2

100 (84)

Father Male Female (Я №). 35-0 31.2 21.2 9.8 2.4 0.5

100 (420)

21.5 22.8 26.6 22.8 2.5 3.8

100 (79)

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Similarlyj, as indicated in Table 5¿> thirty-five per cent of the female

employed graduates' fathers as compared with twenty-two per cent of the male

employed graduates8 fathers earned more than Shs. 500 a months forty three

per cent of the female students' fathers ; compared to twenty per cent of the

male students1 fathers earned more than Shs. 500 a month» Given the fact

that about 77 per cent of the regular employed adult citizens earned less than

Shs. 500 per month in 1974 (see Table 6),ш can reasonably argue that most of the female university students and graduates of Tanzanian post-secondary institutions at the time of the research were drawn from higher parental income brackets» Moreover,, Table s reveals that whereas the male enrolment from higher parental income has remained almost constant and on the other hand., the proportion of females from higher income groups has increased from 35 pe^ cent to 43 per cento Table 5° Father8s income of employed graduates and university students

Employed graduates ; Students Father's income Male Female Male Female (Shs. per month) (percentage) (percentage) (percentage) (percentage)

Below Shs«, 250 49 33.3 50.7 26.5 Shs. 25О-5ОО 19.1 I9.O 19o2 16.2 Shs. 500-750 10.7 1З.1 9°6 14.7 Shs. 750-1000 7-7 8.3 9°9 19.I Shs. 1000 and above 13«4 26.2 10.7 23.5

Total 100 (298) 100 (84) 100 (365) 100 (68)

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Table 6. Wage-groups by regular adult citizens in Tanzania (1974 )

Wage/month Percentage

Under Shs. 100

Shs. 100-124

Shs. 125-149

Shs. I5O-I99

Shs. 200-299

Shs. 300-399

Shs. 400-499

Shs. 500-749

Shs. 750-999

Shs. 1000-2000

Above Shs. 2000

Total

0.2

0.2

0.6

2.4

21.8

32.0

17.4

13.1

5.0

5.4

1.9

100 (361

Source: Survey of Employment and Earnings,, 1973/1974.

The occupation of the respondents' parents also reveals that when

compared with their male counterparts, a great proportion of both the female

students' and employed graduates' guardians worked in high status occupations.

For instance, as presented in Table 7$ twenty-two per cent of the male graduates

fathers«, compared to 34 per cent of the female graduates5 fathers^ worked in

professional and managerial related occupational categories. Similarly,

17 per cent of the male students' fathers, as compared with 31 per cent of

the female students' fathers, worked in professional and managerial occupations.

On the other hand, a large portion of the male students and the male employed

graduates reported their origins from disadvantaged homes. Twenty-nine per cent

of the male graduates', as against 17 per cent of the female graduates';

45 per cent of the male students' as against 23 per cent of the female students'

fathers worked in agriculture related occupations. Table 7 reveals, when we

compare the two cohorts, that although the Tanzanian post-secondary institutions

are admitting increasingly more students from lower socio-economic status

backgrounds, our findings thus far indicate it is the daughters of the

relatively well-to-do who are currently benefiting from the existing higher

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education system. Thus,, the first hypotheses of the study that "the few Tanzanian women who are enrolled in post-secondary institutions are more likely than their male counterparts to be drawn from higher socio-economic background" is borne out. Our task in the following section is to investigator the region of origin of the respondents. Table-7« Occupational distribution of respondents fathers

Graduates Students Occupational category Male Female Male Female of father (percentage) (percentage) (percentage) (percentage)

Professional, technical and related 18,8 38.1 . 11.3 22.6 Administrative and managerial

Clerical and related Sales work Service work Agricultural, animal husbandry, fishery Production related Unemployed Not classifiable

3.6 3.2 3.2 2.9

29.2 2.9 -

36=1

6.0 2.4 3 . 6 •

0

16.7 1.2 -

32.I

_ 5.4 2.0 2.5

" 1.6 " • '

44.6 2.7 16.3 13.6

8.3 3.6 0 0

22.6 2.4 25.О 15.5

Total 100 (277) 100 (84) 100 (442) 100 (84)

T3 '-- Region of origin It is generally assumed that a significant positive correlation

exists between the overall socio-economic development and the educational development of a country. With regard to female enrolment, for example, -Smock found that of the provinces in Kenya, Central Province and- Nairobi had the highest percentage of female enrolment whereas the least developed areas such as North-eastern and the Coast province had the lowest female enrolment (1977:29). Miranda also argues in the case of Brazil that female participation in education and the labour force is contingent on regional economic conditions. For instance, she found in Brazil that female labour participation rates and level of educational attainment varied considerably according to the stage of development of regions. That is, the highly economically developed regions had high rates of female enrolment in schools (1977:205). On the other hand, Clignet argues that although educational development stands as a necessary condition for an increase in female enrolments, the overall high student enrolments in the Cameroun did not result in an increase of female students in the university (1977:247 ).

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In Tanzania, although the government has made an effort to reduce

the uneven patterns of growth between regions which were inherited from the

colonial system, evidence indicates that the regions which were relatively

well developed before independence (due to differences in natural resources,

strategic locations, proximity to the coast, or climatic conditions conducive

to missionary settlement) still have an edge in their level of development

as measured in terms of overall gross product per capita, population per

doctor ratio, and enrolment in both public and private secondary schools.

Por instance, as presented in Table 8, in terms of per capita gross

product, Dar-es-Salaam, Tanga, Kilimanjaro and Arusha are at the top,

whereas Kigoma, Mbeya and Singida are at. the bottom. More or ,less the

same pattern is observed in terms of population per doctor in each region*

Student enrolment in secondary schools also seems to correspond to the

already observed economic development of the regions. Regions such as

Dar-es-Salaam and Kilimanjaro which were favoured by the colonialists are

at the top whereas Lindi, Kigoma and Rukwa are at the bottom in terms of

student enrolment in secondary schools. Moreover, the children from

Dar-es-Salaam, Kilimanjaro and Mwanza, historically have had access to

schools and continue to be disproportionately represented at the university.

For instance, Court and Kinyanjui show that of the randomly sampled students

at the university of Dar-es-Salaam, 20 per cent were from Kilimanjaro and

14 per cent were from the West Lake (1978:38). Similarly, in our sample

we found that 2 5 per cent of the respondents were from Kilimanjaro, 9

per cent viere from Mbeya, and 6.8 per cent each from Ruvuma and Tanga.

As shown in Table 9s a break-down by sex of university students and

employed graduates indicates that uneven regional development in Tanzania

has resulted in unequal female participation in post-secondary institutions.

Of the graduate cohort 31 per cent of the females compared with 20 per cent

of the males were from Kilimanjaro region« Similarly, among the students,

37 per cent as compared with 23 per cent were from Kilimanjaro (though it

had 5»7 per cent of the total population). This clearly confirms, as

hypothesised, that the Tanzanian women enrolled in the higher education

system are more likely than their male counterparts to be recruited from

relatively developed regions„

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Table 8» Rank of regions in gross regional product, population per doctor and student enrolments in secondary schools

Region

Arusha Coast Dar-es-Salaam Dodoma Iringa Kigoma Kilimanjaro Linki Mara Mbeya Morogoro Mtwara Mwanza Rukwa Ruvuma Sbinyanga Singida Tabora Tanga West Lake

Estimated gross regional product per capita, 1967

(1)

(615) (330)

(5 020) (345) (375) (300 (650)

-(375) (305) (485) (360) (375)

-(340) (475) (255) (450) (695) (360)

Rank

4 15 1 13 8 16 3 -9 17 5 11 10 -14 6 18 7 2 12

Population per doctor 1972 (2)

(20 391) ( 5 109) ( 2 788 Г (35 932) (32 008) (29 647) (12 276) (27 728) (52 692) (39 338) (35 746) (36 075) (34 554)

-(17 235) (92 364) (37 562) (34 450) (1б 441) (27 070)

Rank

6 2 1 14 10 9 3 8 18 17 13 15 12 -5 19 16 11 4 7

Student enrol ment in sec. school 1976 (3)

(2 823) (1 810) (8 910) (3 228) (4 044) (572)

(7 956) (893)

(1 766) (2 284) (3 095) (1 961) (3 884) (535)

(1 889) (1 092) (969)

(2 727) (3 636) (3 115)

Rank

9 14 1 6 3 19 2 18 15 11 8 12 4 20 13 16 17 10 5 7

Average (515) (20 651) (2 860)

Sources 1(l) Second Five-Year Plan, Vol.Ill, 1970 page Ц .

(2) Statistical Abstract, 1973 page 201

(3) Court à Kinyanjui, 1978 page 38

Note: x applies to I969.

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Table 9° - Home regions of students and graduates

Graduates Students

Regions Population (l) Male Female Male Female (percentage) (percentage)(percentage) (percentage)

Arusha

Coast

Dar-es-Salaam

Dodoma

Iringa

Kigoma

Kilimanjaro

Lindi

Mara

Mbeya

Morogoro

Mtwara

Mwanza

Rukwa

Ruvuma

Shinyanga

Singida

Tabora

Tanga

West Lake

Zanzibar-Pemba

Total

5.4

3.9

3.5

5.7

5-9

3.6

5.7

3.2

4.8

6 = 3

5.4

5.9

8.8

2.4

3.3

7.3

3.4

4.0

6.3

5.2

-

(100)14 946 500

5 = 0

0e7

3.3

1.7

7.3

3.6

19.8

3.3

4.0

6.3

6,3

2.3

8.9

1.0

3.3

4.3

1.7

5.3

3.6

-

1.3

loo (303)

5.8

-

3 = 5

1.2

•5.8

4.7

31.4

1.2

1.2

5.8

8.1

3.5

3.5

2.3

1.2

4.7

1.2

1.2

4.7

-

1.3

100 (86)

5.4

1.9

1.6

2.3

5.1

2.3^

23.1

.9

7.5

9.1

3.3

2.8

6.3

1.2

6.8

1.4

2.6

1.9

7.2

_

0.2

100 (429)

2.4

1.2

1.2

3.7

4.9

3.7

36.6

0

2.4

8.5

2.4

2.4

1.2

0

7.3

6.1

1.2

4.9

4.9 _

0

loo (8

Source; (l) Court and Kinyanjui, 1978:39»

-16 -

Area of speciality - Many investigators argue that the areas of speciality of women in

higher education institutions reflect the existing sexual division of labour in society. Empirical evidence also seems to confirm this assumption in view of the fact that in many of the developing countries women in higher education are predominantly enrolled in the social sciences, nursing, secretarial and education courses, while men are heavily represented in the scientific disciplines. For instance. Smock observed in the three Ghanian universities that women were mostly enrolled in the faculty of Arts. As she puts it: "Ghanian higher education, both by restricting the access of women and then by channeling them into traditional feminine disciplines, reinforces the overall tendency of the Ghanian educational system" (1977:37-40").'

Similarly, in the Ivory Coast it was found that two-thirds of the women were enrolled in law, humanities and social science and only less than one-tenth were pursuing their degrees in subjects related to natural sciences, engineering and medicine (ILO and UNESCO, 1975»6l). In Argentina, the ILO and Unesco report unambigiously demonstrated that a large portion of the women were registered in education of the arts type than in the sciences, while courses leading to occupations in the agricultural and industrial sectors were by and large male dominated (1975:136-37)» A Unesco study on the enrolment of women in the Brazilian higher education system demonstrates that women are predominantly being prepared in courses that reflect the stereotype ideas that have been perceived as typically feminine characteristics of women (1977.19)»

As hypothesised, the Tanzanian data seems to confirm what has been found in the above mentioned countries. Among the employed graduate cohort, 58 per cent of the women compared with 43 per cent of the men specialized in social sciences and humanities. On the other hand, 4-3 per cent of the males, compared to 33 per cent of the females^ were enrolled in the sciences, agriculture and medicine (see Table 1Ю). Of the student cohort, 6l per cent of the females compared with 13 per cent of the males were enrolled in the Colleges of National Education. Only 1 per cent of the females compared with l6 per cent of the males were enrolled in higher technical-related colleges (see Table il) and of those, 70 per cent of the males and 37 per cent of the females were enrolled at the university of Dar-es-Salaam,.«

- 17 -

It is notable from the total student population in 1974/75 that none of

the females were enrolled in either forestry, hydrology, engineering or geology.

(see Table 12).

lable 10. Area of speciality of employed graduates

Courses Male Female (percentage) (percentage)

Natural sciences

Engineering

Social sciences

Humanities

Health (medicine)

Business and Commerce

Agriculture

Law

Administration

27.6

6.7

33.0

9.5

1.9 8.6

6.3 4.4

1.9

32.6

-

49.4

9.0

2.2

-

-

-

6.9

100 (315) loo (89)

A number of explanations why the few women who are enrolled in

higher education institutions, by and large, specialize in the social sciences

and teaching have been offered. Among the explanations, the most important

are (i) sex differences in taste; (ii) the practice of streaming in higher

educational establishments based on pre-conceived notions that the female

students are eventually going to be wives or mothers; and (iii) sex

differences in the level of motivation due to the absence of adult role

models of successful women in high status occupations (Unesco, U.S. Report,

1976:48, Sexton, 1976:75; ILO, 1974:25 and Standing, 1978).

Though proponents of the first assumption implicitly realize that the

various socializing agencies might consciously or unconsciously serve in

legitimising the subordinate positions of women in society, they primarily

attribute sex differences in speciality to individual taste and preference.

At the outset it can be shown that this assumption is defective for three

reasons. Firstly, the argument is not based on a sound theory, and it

fails to explain whether individuals differ in their taste because of

personality differences or why a large portion of women manifest the same

- 18 -

Table IL Institutions attended by sex (students)

Male Female Institution (percentage) (percentage)

University of Dar-es-Salaam 69.9 37-3

Dar-es-Salaam College of National Education 11.8 56,6

Iringa College of National Education 1.1 4.8

Technical College Dar-es-Salaam 7.2 1.2

Fisheries Institute Dar-es-Salaam 2.2 0

Institute of Finance Management 0.9 0

Olmotonyi Institute of Forestry 3«1 0

Institute of Land Survey . 3«9 " 0 .

2;Totäl 100 (468) 100 (83)

Table 12. Total student population at Dar-es-Salaam University by speciality and sex (197^-75)

Speciality Male Female (percentage) (percentage)

B.A. (General)

B.A. (Edu. )

B.Sc. (Gen.)

B.Sc (Edu.)

В.S с. (Agri culture) B.Sc. (Forestry) L.L.B. (Law) M.B. Ch.B. Medicine B.Sc. Hydrology B.Sc. Engineering B.Sc. Geology Pharmacy

Total 100 (2 080) 100 (246)

Source: Kitanka, 1978:46 syndrome (or set of preferences) as demonstrated in their heavy concentration in certain subjects.«, Secondly* the argument fails to demonstrate empirically at least how women acquire the so-called "taste" or "preference", or why only women should have preferences for social science-related courses. Finally, the argument fails to realize that the so-called "inherent attraction of women" to certain fields is probably much less inherent than the result of a lensthy process of socialization" (Strober & Regan* 1976:304; and

28.3 12.1

6.9 I5.O

9.8 2.1

5*3 9.5 2.0 7.2

0.9 0.8

34.9 13.8

8.1 17.1 16.7

- -

4.1 4.9

-

-

-

0.4

-19-

Concerning the argument that women end up in feminine courses because

of the overt and covert tracking by guidance officers based on pre-conceived

notion that the female students are going to be wives or mothers is a very

difficult hypothesis to test. However the Tanzanian data seems to

reveal that in choosing their areas of studies«, proportionally more female

students than their male counterparts obtain career information from educational

institutions (see Sanyal and Kinunda, 1977:201). Moreover, the fact that

51 per cent of the female students sampled as against 38 per cent of the

males - expressed dislike for or reservations about the courses they are

taking is a clear indication that, by design or default, school counselors

might be reinforcing sex stereotype attitudes in advising their female

clientele or could be failing to encourage young women to venture into a

variety of educational and occupational opportunities,, As stated by

Dessaur and VIeuten "it is a tough job to convince any educator that his/her

way of teaching and the educational system itself are not neutral; that the

discriminatory treatment of women in outer society seeps down into education

and educators. This may give the hope that once the educational system is

problem-conscious adequate measures will be taken" (1979«25 ). Hence, a

systematic study which tries to scrutinize the effects of counseling in the

streaming of women into "feminine" types of courses awaits further research«

We have no supporting data for the supposition that women end up in

"typically feminine" courses because of the absence of role models of

successful women in responsible positions, however, Table 15 clearly indicates

that female university students do not differ in their level of motivation

from their male counterparts concerning the reasons for undertaking post-secondary

training and later making themselves available for worko Thirty-seven per cent

of the men as compared with 38 per cent of the women pursued higher education

because they "wanted specific professional qualifications". Forty-one per cent

of the males as compared with k9 per cent of the females pursued higher

education to make themselves available to meet the labour resource needs of

the country (Please note that we followed Feldman's approach in 1974 using this

indicator for assessing level of motivation). Smock has also demonstrated

in her six country comparative study that educated women were as motivated

as their male counterparts, (l978:30).

- 20 -

Tatole 13« Reasons for undertaking post-secondary training

Male Female Reason (percentage) (percentage)

V/anted specific professional qualification Зб°5 38..4 Bursary incentives 0,7 0 Desire for more study for its own sake 4„3 2,7 Better employment opportunities 17°3 9»о To make myself available for manpower needs 41,3 49°3 of the country _ю^т_^^_-=^___^___^ш^,^-ш-^=

100 (446) 100 (73)

To summarize the aforementioned discussions, when compared with their male counterparts the few Tanzanian women who are enrolled in post-secondary institutions mostly reside in urban areas; have their origins in relatively developed regions; and have parents who are likely to be in professional and administrative related occupations., relatively highly educated«, and who earn more than ShSc 500 Per month«, Like women university students in other countries, Tanzanian women in the tertiary level are predominantly enrolled in "feminine" types of courses о In the following section, a brief analysis of what happened to the few Tanzanian women who have graduated from the various institutions of higher education will be presented. In short, the section that follows will address itself to these questions; (i) How long do women graduates - when compared with their male counterparts - wait to get their first job? (ii) Is there a significant difference between male and female college graduates in their initial and current earnings?

Waiting period prior to the first job and the placement of graduates by area of specialization Due to the full-employment policy which the Tanzanian Government is

pursuing and in view of the fact that admission to post-secondary institutions is based on the future labour resource needs of the economy, practically all college graduates are absorbed by the government machinery or by

parastatal or private firms. For example, 72 per cent of the 1968=74 male graduates and 88 per cent of the female graduates in our sample were working in various governmental departments. These remaining (i.e. 28 per cent of the male and 12 per cent of the female graduates ) were employed by parastatal or private firms. (see Table 14).

- 21 -

Table lj¿. Sector of employment by sex

Sex -

Male -

Female

Government (percentage)

72.4 (199)

88.0 (74)

Parastatal (percentage)

23.6 (65)

7.1 (6)

Private (percentage)

4.0 (11)

4.8 (4)

Nevertheless, a careful examination of the data reveals that placing

graduates in various sectors of the economy according to their speciality

does not seem to be an easy task for the concerned authorities. Though not

statistically significant,, on the average, women had to wait six months

longer than their male counterparts for their first job. Probable explanations

why women had to wait six months more (in a country which advocates full

employment for graduates as noted elsewhere,)': might be that since most women

specialize in the social sciences the employers might find it difficult to

use their services immediately,or since 50 per cent of the women in this

sample were married they might not feel free to take up jobs far from where

their husbands work. Moreover, the waiting period of women prior to their

first job might vary depending on their social class background and the

attitude which employers might have towards employing women (see for example,

Miranda, 1977:272; Hallak & Versluis 1978), but because of the small number

of respondents to this particular questionnaire item, it was not possible-

to do further analysis controlling for parents' socio-economic status. Hence,

a rigorous enquiry into why it takes such a long time for female graduates to

get their first job, partialling out for background characteristics and what

employers actually value in their employees, awaits further research.

However, a cross classification of types of occupations held by academic

speciality seems to indicate that once the graduates join the labour force

regardless of their sex, they are usually placed in the branches of activity

for which they were trained.. ( See Table 15 and l6)

- 22

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- 23 »

Table l6 о A cross classification of occupations by speciality for women (in percentages)

Training

No Natural Science Social Science Humanities Business Administration

Science 92.3 2.9 0 50 0

Soc Sei 3.8 77.1 0 0 0

Working

Hum, 0 8,6 85.7 0 0

Bas. 0 2.9

14.3 50 0

Adrn, 3.8 8.6 0 0

100

Total

74 26 35 7 2 4

Given the fact that the waiting period for women graduates prior to their first job is longer than for their male counterparts, and if we assume that the level of remuneration corresponds to speciality, we expect to find significant differences between female and male graduates and in their initial and current earnings. In the section that follows, ал analysis of the initial and current earnings of both female and male graduates is presented.

Initial and current earnings of female and male graduates Studies that have approached male/female pay differentials from

human capital perspectives have generally assumed that women of the same level of schooling should earn salaries equal to their male counterparts once they are in the same type of jobs,, Should there be discrepancies in pay between male and female employees similarly distributed across levels of schooling , students of human capital. argue that it is because women might have accumulated less human capital stock, (see for example, Blau & Jusenuis, 1976:187* Blaxall and Reagan, 1976:1).

A major limitation of the above mentioned studies is that they only deal with the supply side and fail to consider factors within the labour market which might affect female/male pay differentials. For example, in these studies it Is implicitly assumed that in order to maximize their interest and economic welfare for present and future rewards, and with a fair knowledge of the market, individuals choose "rationally" to invest in their schooling, when it is also quite possible that employers might use different hiring, promotion and salary policies for women than for men. For instance., segmentation of the labour market may reflect the stereotypes attached to job seekers rather than those attached to the jobs themselves (Clignet, 1977:254; also Carnoy, 1978 and Rumberger, 1978; Standing, 1978),

- 24 -

Empirical evidence available from Brazil and Ghana does reveal that even --^

though women might have educational qualification and training similar to

men,"-due to sex stereotyped hiring and promotion policies they could be

relegated to the bottom rung of the employment ladder at lower salary levels

(see for example, Miranda, 1977:3; Smock, 1977:69).

Hence, in order to investigate the initial and current pay differentials

between male and female Tanzanian university graduates, a break-down analysis

was performed. As presented in Table 1?,. a T-test analysis for the male

and female sample indicates that the sample variance was sufficiently similar

(that is, the associated probability has a significance level of .06).

Moreover, even though as demonstrated above, Tanzanian women graduates heavily

specialize in the social sciences and according to the Tanzanian salary

structure one year of university education (while specializing in a three-year

course in the arts-) on the average contributes Shs. 20 less per-month than

specializing in the sciences (see for example Sanyal and Kinunda, 1977:70-73).

The mean difference between the initial earnings of the male and female

graduates sample (Shs. 1,134 versus 1,083 per month respectively) was not

found to be statistically significant. Hence, women' delayed access to

the labour force does not seem to indicate that men's initial earnings are

higher because of earlier access«

Table 17. Initial monthly earnings (in Shs«, ) of male and female graduates

Sex N. of cases Mean S.D. P. Value 2-tailed T.Value 2-tailed Prob. Prob.

Male 299 1133.8 22.9 ̂ > Q 6 ^ •_ . ^

Female 86 1 082.7 41.5

On the other hand, as hypothesized, with the increase of experience

on the job, the earning gap between male and female employed graduates seem

to have increased (i.e., Shs. 1,641 per month for men versus Shs. 1,450

for female graduate employees, or the average salary of women is about 88

per cent of men's salary). The mean difference between the two groups was

found to be significant at the .01 level (see Table 18 ).

- 25 -

Table IS. Current monthly earnings (in Shs.) of male and female graduates -

Sex

Male

Female

N . of cases

309

91

Mean S.D. F. Value

1 640.9 647.1 l e 4 0

1 450.0 547.2

2-tailed prob.

,06

T. Value

2.56

2-tailed Prob.

.01

The conclusion to be drawn from the above discussions is that

because the Tanzanian Government has adopted more or less a uniform base

salary for its graduates (Sanyal & Kinunda, 1977:70), sex does seem to

have a limited impact on graduates' initial earnings. However, with the

increase of experience on the job pay differential between the sexes

seems to increase.

Conclusions and implication for planning

It is quite obvious that in any society the participation of women

in education and in the world of work is to a great extent conditioned by

societal and institutional factors (see for example, Wheeler, 1978 and

Youssef, 1974). Hence, despite the Tanzanian Government's genuine efforts

to enrol women on equal footing with men in higher education in order to

develop the highly-skilled labour needed in the economy, undoubtedly,

such factors as: (i) parental non-supportive attitudes towards the education

of their daughters, (ii) early marriage and (iii) women's domestic responsibil­

ities, including child rearing, might serve as barriers in inhibiting the-

implementation of the declared policies. For instance, the fact that in

1967 alone of those Tanzanian citizens within the age category 15=34,

37 per cent of females compared to 20 per cent of the males were either

married or divorced or widowed (see Statistical Abstract 1937:49) might

partly explain why the Tanzanian Government is finding it very difficult

to implement its plans. Indeed, in his evaluation of the implementation

of the Musoma Resolutions, Mmari partly attributes the relatively low

number of married women applying for admission to the university of

Dar-es-Salaam to family responsibilities (1976:44). Hence, if included,

there is no doubt that these variables would have helped us to have a

deeper insight into some of the socio-cultural factors that might have

deterred women from participating in post-secondary institutions and

consequently in the labour force. But since the IIEP data on "Higher

education and graduate employment" was not collected for this purpose the

above mentioned assumptions could not be tested empirically.

- 26 -

However, keeping in mind the egalitarian principle of Tanzanian

socialism., it emerges from the findings of this study that while females

constitute slightly more than fifty per cent of the population, (see

Statistical Abstract, 1973:49 b they are under-represented in higher

education and in positions of authority in the labour force. In contradiction

to the proclaimed desire for equality between the sexes, female participation

in post-secondary institutions has decreased from 17 per cent in 1970/71

to 13 per cent in 1974. As compared with their male counterparts, however,

the few Tanzanians who had access to higher education are predominantly

from advantaged homes and have their origins in the relatively developed

regions of the country. As pointed out earlier, given the fact that a

large proportion of the university students are on government'scholarships,

and since few daughters of workers and peasants get admitted to the university,

we can persuasively argue that as it stands now Tanzanian higher education,

in subsidizing the education of the daughters of the professionals and of

those in the administrative machinery of the State, (see Mmari, 1976:48),

is reproducing the existing class structure»

As with women elsewhere, Tanzanian university women seem to be

concentrated in typically "feminine" types of courses. As a consequence,

those who graduated from I9&8 "to 1974 tended to be relegated to "female"

occupations with limited power, prestige and access to advancement for

promotions. For instance, in our sample 86 per cent of the women versus

62 per cent of the men indicated that they were teachers. If the present

trend in academic specialities continues in the long run it will create a

division of the employment market, to use Sexton's words, into "women's work"

and "men's work".

Sven though on the average, women are delayed by six months in getting

their first job, their initial salary was not found to be significantly

different from that of their male counterparts. Indeed, the Tanzanian

Government needs to be commended for more or less standardizing initial

earnings among college graduates. However, increases in on-the-job experience

indicate different returns to investments on college education between male

and female graduates. On the average, men's monthly gross salaries exceeded

women's monthly salaries by Shs. 191. To reiterate what we stated above,

researchers interested in investigating why pay differentials exist between men

and women graduates should resort to a longitudinal study based on a large

sample framed within a single sector of the economy.

- 27 -

The conclusion which could be drawn from the above discussion is that if the Tanzanian higher education system (due to poorly planned admission policies) continues to admit fewer women* the social consequence could be one of the greatest liabilities deterring the improvement of the conditions of Tanzanian women in generalо It could also have the deleterious effect of undermining the balance of work force needed to staff the high level decision-making positions which require degree-level education. (See also Sanyal and Kinunda, 1977:106).

Thus if equality between the sexes as stated in the Arusha Declaration and in the Musoma Resolutions, is a major concern of the Tanzanian Government in meeting the projected need for highly/skilled work force within the economy, the concerned authorities need to pay particular attention to:

Firstly, admitting more women from lower socio-economic status background^* particularly the daughters of the peasantry and the workers situated in the relatively less developed regions. However* this necessitates

that the policy be strictly applied in secondary schools not only in balancing the participation rate between females and males but also in building more secondary schools, allocating additional budget resources, improving the teaching facilities in the currently under-served regions at least to a level comparable to the relatively developed regions (see also Ishumi, 1976:101).

Secondly, counselling women to specialize in the natural sciences. This could be accomplished by encouraging more females to specialize in the science after Form IV or giving intensive orientation in mathematics and the sciences prior to admission to post-secondary institutions or arranging for the women entrants to have access to classes in the sciences at the National Service Camps (see also Mmari, 1976:46). It is worth underlininghere that if curriculum experts think that the present form in which mathematics and sciences are taught at school is less suited to women as a group, this suggestion might require restructing the learning-teaching process (see for example, Dessaur and Vleuten, 1979'. 11)»

Finally, it is essential to bear in mind that the above suggested solutions - such as the admission of more women from disadvantaged homes, allocation of additional budget resources, in order to have additional secondary schools in the currently under-served areas, encouraging the female entrants to specialize in the sciences, may bring about a balanced enrolment in Tanzanian post-secondary institutions; however, if a permanent solution to the existing inequalities is desired, manipulating the supply

/alone side/ can not effect permanent change to the existing sex disparities.

- 28 -

Рог instance, the Musoma Resolutions (which required secondary school graduates to successfully pass the National Examination and work for two years after one year of National Service and get recommendations from party organisors) exempted Tanzanian women students from the two-year work requirement so that they could enter the university directly after completing their year of National Service. However, a formative evaluation of the programme shows that the participation rate of women in the university of Dar-es-Salaam has not changed much (see Mmari, 1976). This might be because objective factors outside the university system have not improved much either. Hence, in order for the above suggestions to be feasible, hand in-hand with the changes in the educational system, factors within the demand side - such as hiring practices, salary structures, and promotion policies also have to change. Moreover, since the women who will be graduating from post-secondary institutions under the suggested plan will obviously be late entrants into the labour force already monopolized by men, the Government has to pay particular attention to placing women in leadership positions.

In addition, if family responsibilities are barriers to women's participation in Tanzanian tertiary level education as argued by Mmari (1976:44), as a partial solution, the Government needs to consider establishing child care services for student and working mothers. Stated differently, if Tanzanian budgetary resources could allow,* then what is now private duty could be made public responsibility and child rearing could be supplemented outside the home within a single social sphere as it is currently practised in the Peoples Republic of China, the Soviet Union, and Cuba,

- 29 -

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